<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Yemen</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 18:30:50 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Displacement, trauma in northern Yemen</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103041437270875t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.

On the roads in Sa’dah Governorate on the border with Saudi Arabia, travel is slowed by repeated checkpoints manned by the military, local militia or fighters from the opposition Houthi movement, a Shia (Zaydi) group in a country with a Sunni majority.

Less visible wounds come to light in the crowded camps and homes for the at least 300,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs). Many complain of nightmares, panic attacks, despondency and other debilitating psychological afflictions from the fighting, says Basel Mousa, who works for the UN Refugee Agency in Haradh, close to the border.

“I’ve seen a particularly worrisome trend in child IDPs expressing their untreated trauma through aggression.”

Arab Spring protests in 2011 shifted north Yemen’s political-military landscape, but conditions for IDPs have largely stagnated. The destruction of so much of the region’s physical and social infrastructure, and the continuing sectarian and tribal violence mean most have not yet returned.

Displaced in the capital

In the capital Sana’a, the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) is assisting about 15,000 IDPs, many of them with special needs, who live in low-income suburbs around the capital.

Forty-three-year-old Mohammad*, and his wife and five children, fled Harf Sufyan District in Amran Governorate, north of Sana’a, when an aerial bombardment destroyed their home and killed several family members during the sixth Sa’dah war in 2010.

ADRA referred Mohammad to al-Amel Psychiatric Hospital in Sana’a, where he was diagnosed with depression and obsessive compulsive behaviour related to his traumatic experiences in the conflict.

“When he arrived [in Sana’a], he was convinced that everyone was spying on him,” said Mohammad’s psycho-social counsellor at ADRA, who wished to remain anonymous.

“He’s better now because Sana’a is getting more stable, but he still feels like an outsider. It’s difficult enough to find a job in Sana’a if you are Sana’ani. Because he’s from Sa’dah, no one will consider hiring him,” he said.

To generate income, Mohammad sells part of the food rations he and his family receive from a joint WFP-Islamic Relief assistance programme. Lately he has not earned enough to cover hospital costs associated with shrapnel lodged in the back of his head from an explosion in Harf Sufyan, nor those of his 10-year-old daughter who suffers from severe physical and mental handicaps, including epilepsy.

“He doesn’t have 50 rials [25 US cents] for a bus ride to the hospital, so he’s stopped going,” said his psycho-social counsellor. “As head of the household with no way to support his family, the pressures of life are building.”

Asked what his plans are for the future, Mohammad said: “If things get better, we’re definitely going back to Harf Sufyan. But the Houthis brought preconditions to the National Dialogue. I’m not optimistic.”

Many Yemenis hope the National Dialogue conference, which got under way in mid-March, will be able to resolve many of the country’s most divisive issues including southern separatism and bringing peace and stability to the north.

For six years starting in 2004, ex-Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s autocratic regime in Sana’a fought Houthi rebels in and around the fertile Sa’dah Governorate.

But instead of conquering or even weakening Houthi power, the six consecutive wars ended with the tumultuous 2011 Arab Spring uprisings that led to the overthrow of the ruling regime.

The Houthi opposition movement consolidated control of its isolated northern enclave and established footholds in urban Sana’a and Taiz to the south.

“Before the revolution, it was unheard of to openly identify with Houthis. Now, Houthi influence is everywhere,” said a local humanitarian worker in Sana’a.

Amel’s family

Forty-year-old widow Amel* and her five children abandoned their home in Sa’dah’s central al-Safra District during the sixth Sa’dah war when her husband was killed by gunfire while farming their plot of land.

With no vocational skills, Amel has taken to collecting plastic bottles for resale, something which pays about 200 rial (US$1) for each full gunny sack.

For almost four years the six of them have lived in a one-room cinderblock structure with no windows. Rainstorms flood its dirt floors and soak their belongings.

Amel’s teenage daughter Haloud suffered severe trauma as a result of the conflict. “There were constant air raids. Haloud saw a lot of death,” Amel told IRIN. “She rarely eats or sleeps, and without notice will run into the street crying and screaming.”

ADRA referred Haloud’s case to a psychiatrist at al-Amel Hospital, where she was diagnosed with “mental retardation” and “epilepsy”. Amel can’t always afford the medication prescribed for Haloud’s conditions.

“I’m fighting every day for my daughters so they can study and stay in school,” said Amel, thrusting her hands in the air.

Amel’s son, the eldest of four siblings, refuses to attend school. “He chooses to go out in the street with his friends because of the war and the social situation here. He says he will kill himself one day.”

Of late, Amel says their situation has improved because she has been able to purchase Haloud’s medications more regularly.

Regarding the option of returning to Sa’dah, Amel said: “That’s not an option. What is there to go back to? The only solution is to stay here and survive. I’ll fight to the death for them,” she said pointing to her daughters.

Limited resources

While Yemen’s overall IDP figures have declined by more than 100,000 since 2011 when roughly 463,000 sought temporary refuge around the country, progress has been lopsided and resource flows disproportionate.

The military expulsion of al-Qaeda groups last summer in Abyan and neighbouring governorates in the south paved the way for the return of 143,187 returnees, but in the north only 36,845 IDPs returned to Sa’dah [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/yemen-humanitarian-snapshot-31-march-2013 ].

Of the quarter of a million people displaced by the conflict in the north, most are in Sa’dah and Hajjah governorates.

But despite the humanitarian needs in Yemen, donor money has fallen short of requirements, in part, because of needs elsewhere in the region with the crisis in Syria. This year’s Consolidated Appeal for $716 million, has so far only received $196 million (27.3 percent) [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=emerg-emergencyDetails&appealID=993 ].

Some of the mental health complaints have lessened with time. Abdullah Salem from the World Health Organization, co-chair of the health cluster working group in Haradh (Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen), reports that since starting a mental health programme there in 2010 after the sixth Sa’dah war ended with a ceasefire, the overall caseload of patients has decreased from around 450 per month to 120-200.

“The situation is better than before,” Salem said, “because of the coordination of organizations now providing psycho-social and mental support.”

“A lot of people come to the clinic just to talk to someone, and this is healing,” adds Moussa.

Even so, health officials say there remain thousands of IDPs who need mental health care.

The lack of funding and a clear strategy for a sustainable solution are the main reasons the northern IDP crisis is “protracted”, according to Moussa.

“Generally, economic opportunities are absent. What we need is capacity and support-building projects, reintegration activities, assistance in the rebuilding of properties, and grassroots initiatives like helping farmers get seeds and tools they lost during the wars,” he said.

Additional funding and a comprehensive, integrated humanitarian strategy will almost certainly require broader political stability in order to produce sustainable solutions.

Until National Dialogue negations are concluded, the government’s current policy is to focus on seeing the displaced returned to the north, though many are far from ready to go back.

*not a real name

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98106/Displacement-trauma-in-northern-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103041437270875t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ].

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ], compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ], the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation ], gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ], which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ].

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ].

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ], meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ].

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ], some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf ], some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime” [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ]. Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ].

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ]. New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ].

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM) [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ], a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ].

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ], and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ].

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/Analysis-The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Raids free enslaved migrants/refugees in Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.

In the last four weeks, 1,620 migrants, including women and children, have been freed in army raids around the northern town of Haradh close to the border with Saudi Arabia, according to information from the International medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://www.msf.org/article/yemen-msf-assists-migrants-freed-clutches-human-traffickers ]. It says most of the released migrants it treated at the MSF-run Al-Mazraq hospital had been victims of human trafficking, forced labour and slavery.

“There are clear signs of extreme violence. Fingernails have been pulled out and many are badly beaten. We welcome this clampdown, but there are almost certainly thousands more migrants in captivity, and for those released, welcome centres and humanitarian NGOs are seriously overstretched,” Tarek Daher, MSF’s head of mission in Yemen, told IRIN.

Migrants recently told IRIN horrific stories [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ] of the kidnapping and torture they had experienced after landing in Yemen. Around a 107,000 crossed from the Horn of Africa into Yemen in 2012, most originally from Ethiopia, according to UNHCR [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2010-2013-31-january-2013 ], and at least 30,000 have made the journey so far this year [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/over-30000-refugees-and-migrants-arrive-yemen-so-far-year ].

See previous IRIN reporting on migration in Yemen here:

Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ]

DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ]

ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen"
[ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ]

YEMEN: Tortured for ransom
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97961/In-Brief-Raids-free-enslaved-migrants-refugees-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

jj/cb


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ] to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.

Recent years have seen Ethiopians make up the majority of these migrants: Of the 107,000 recorded migrants crossing the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden into Yemen in 2012, around 80,000 were from Ethiopia.

Four irregular migrants with diverse backgrounds, all from Ethiopia, told IRIN about their journeys to Yemen.* While their stories differ in details, they all share a similar set of experiences: brutality, broken promises and extortion.

Marta, mid-30s, from Dire Dawa, eastern Ethiopia:

Marta says she fled Ethiopia in 2010 when she and her family were accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a state-designated terrorist group. “The government said, ‘You are with the party of OLF,’ and chased us out of country. I don’t know where my family ended up.”

“I spent a year and a half in Djibouti, where I gave birth to my daughter. After her father disappeared, we left for Yemen. I paid a broker 10,000 Djiboutian francs [about US$55] to ride in a boat with 15 others from Djibouti to Yemen.

“Our night-time crossing of the Red Sea was calm until the end. As we neared the Yemeni coast, the owner of the boat, who was part of the smuggling operation, threw us into the sea. No one knew how to swim because in Ethiopia, we don’t have a sea, just lakes. The brokers and their thugs were waiting for us as we came ashore. They raped me and the other women. I’m 9 months pregnant with a child from that night.

“When I arrived to Sana’a, I was tired and decided to stay. For seven months, I was a house maid, but now I can’t work because of the pregnancy, so I have no income. [Ethiopian] migrants from the community in Sana’a are supporting me.

“I’m interested in tackling my problems, but at the moment I am pregnant and I am tired. All my money goes to my daughter, so this makes me tired. One day I will win.”

Alima, 18, from Miesso, eastern Ethiopia:

Alima fled to Dijoubti after being accused of being a member of the OLF. “I worked for one year in Djibouti City, where life was not good but not bad, until gangs started robbing us near where we collected our salaries. That’s when I decided to go to Yemen, where I’ve been for five months.

“I paid a broker 20,000 Djiboutian francs [about $110] to take me to the island of Haiyoo, where we would take a boat to Yemen. Thugs captured us and demanded more money when we arrived to Haiyoo. Because I had no money, they raped me. Men who did not have money were beaten, and the women were raped. Eventually, I contacted family and convinced them to send $200.

“We arrived to Yemen, north of Bab al-Mandab [the Mandab Strait], in a 120-person boat, and were transferred to the Yemeni smugglers who control that part of the country. The gangsters raped most of the women and tortured and beat the men to extort more money.

“They sell women who can’t find more money to other brokers, who send them to work as maids in Yemeni households. A broker bought me and sent me to Radaa, where I worked for three months cleaning houses.

“One man who loved me paid for my release and married me. He was also in Radaa, working on a qat farm and raising livestock. We moved to Sana’a two months ago. He cleans in a restaurant and I’m a maid.

“If an opportunity arises, or if I make money, or if the situation in Yemen gets worse, I’m interested in going to a better country.”

Mesfin, 38, from Dese, north-central Ethiopia:

“I was born an orphan in Ethiopia, and grew up there. I had no family, and no one was helping me. Life was boring, so I decided to explore.

“I travelled five days on buses, trains and hiding out on heavy trucks before arriving at the border with Djibouti. I could have cut straight across the Welo desert to the Red Sea, but it was too dangerous. Most people spend their lives there.

“I paid brokers 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50]. That was supposed to cover the entire trip from Ethiopia to Yemen, but I was forced to pay 400 Ethiopian birr [$20] extra at Haiyoo.

“We crossed the Red Sea in a small fishing boat loaded with about 80 people. While we were boarding, I heard the brokers contact Abd al-Qawi’s* people, who said they were prepared to receive them near Mokha. About five hours later, we hit land, and Abd al-Qawi’s gangsters started beating the men trying to escape and raping most of the women right there on the beach.

“They took me and some of the men and women to a detention centre, where they tortured them until money was transferred. The building was like a jail; people are not helped until someone sends them money. The women were raped there. I was detained and tortured for five days. On the fifth night, they untied me because I was in charge of feeding the others, and I managed to escape.

“I ended up in the main street of Mokha and caught a ride to Taiz in a day. An Ethiopian migrant paid for me to come to Sana’a, where I’ve been for five days. I want to work here, make some money, then return to Ethiopia to search for relatives.”

Yassin, 23, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia:

“I had no political issues - not many - in Ethiopia, but I had economic problems. I am from a poor family in Addis Ababa: no father, only my mother, and I have many sisters and brothers. I went to Yemen imagining living a better life because my mother couldn’t provide for us.

“I stowed away on a train from Addis to the Djibouti border, and from there to Haiyoo we travelled in a Land Cruiser. I paid a broker 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50] for the whole trip.

“After a week of waiting in Djibouti, we took a fishing boat filled with 45 people to Yemen. Before pushing off on our four-and-a-half-hour journey, another boat left ahead of us, which was built to hold 25 people but 50 piled in. The boat split in half and sunk not long after its departure. We could hear their screams as they drowned in the night. When the bodies washed ashore, we buried them before leaving. During the pitch-black crossing, we encountered a ship which seemed like an island it was so big. The waves filled our boat with water, and we almost capsized. We arrived near Bab al-Mandab.

“The landing wasn’t very scary because we were dropped so close to shore. But as we waded to the beach, Abd al-Qawi’s thugs started shooting guns into the air to scare those who tried running away. They loaded us into trucks and took us to detention centres to extract money. Because I know different dialects, I acted as translator and was released with those who paid. I saw them rape women, hang men by their hands and beat them with metal rods and red-hot poles; they shot off fingers and toes, poked hot shards of metal into their eyes and poured boiling plastic on their bodies.

“I travelled one day by Hilux to Haradh along the Saudi border. I saw the same beatings and rapes for extortion in Haradh throughout my six months there. As you see in Yemen, there is no work, so I have plans to leave to anywhere by any means.”

*Full names withheld
*Most migrants referred to Abd al-Qawi as the name of the Yemeni gangs who carried out the abuses, though the origin of this name is not clear.

cc/jj/rz

For more information see:
Desperate Choices - conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen
http://www.regionalmms.org/fileadmin/content/featured%20articles/RMMSbooklet.pdf

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Challenges in using micro-credit to help Yemen’s poor</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201004201204290843t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - Yemen has been a regional pioneer in micro-credit but are these loans lifting people about of poverty?</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - Afrah Ahmed, 23, an entrepreneur based in Yemen’s capital Sana’a, is no stranger to micro-credit: she is preparing to take out her third loan.

But when asked if previous borrowing had helped improve her life, she gave a lukewarm reply.

“Only to a certain extent, honestly, because life is very hard, there's no money in the house, no-one works. I am looking for a solution to improve life,” she told IRIN.

Whether micro-credit “works” for lifting people about of poverty is a question that has been debated not just in Yemen but around the world.

“I wouldn’t describe it as a great way to tackle poverty; it does modest good at a modest cost,” David Roodman, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development in Washington, and the author of a recent book on micro-finance, Due Diligence.

“I think it’s something that enriches the economic fabric of a society and contributes to the process of economic transformation in a modest but useful way, which in a sense is what development is.”

Micro-finance includes financial services such as micro-credit (small loans) and micro-savings (making it easy to put small amounts of money aside).

Five randomized control studies carried out in Morocco, the Philippines, Mongolia, India and Bosnia-Herzegovina seem to show that micro-loans can improve business profitability, but do not seem to improve poverty indicators like household spending and the numbers of children in school.

With 15 years of experience and a legal framework in place, Yemen, the Middle East’s poorest nation, has been something of a regional pioneer in terms of micro-credit, and the broader micro-finance sector (which, as well as small loans, also includes products such as savings accounts for those usually excluded from mainstream banking).

Despite widespread unrest across the country over the last two years, the sector has expanded considerably, though it is still far from achieving its potential.

Adel Mansour, the author of a 2011 Social Fund for Development (SFD) report [ http://sfd.sfd-yemen.org/uploads/issues/SMED%20Book%202011-20120716-142650.pdf ], says micro-finance institutions managed to reach 439,000 people between 1998 and the end of 2011 in a country of 25 million with a poverty rate exceeding 40 percent.

“We estimate [we need] a million client[s] for the micro-finance industry just for it to be what we aim it to be for helping the poor. With the current numbers we aren't really satisfied with where the industry is,” said Najah al-Mugahed, the executive director of the Yemen Micro-finance Network.

Roots

In Yemen, the roots of micro-finance date back to 1997 when the donor-supported and government run SFD was set-up. In 2009, Al-Amal bank was opened, the first dedicated micro-finance bank in the Middle East and North Africa.

Since its founding, Al-Amal bank has dispersed 60,000 loans, with an average size of around $200, and is now the single largest source of micro-financing in Yemen.

Mohammed al-Lai, the founder and head of the bank, said: “We consider ourselves as a bank for the majority of Yemenis.”

Loans, he says, are used in a variety of ways, most notably as a way to secure funding for small and medium enterprises, though he added that Al-Amal does give some consumer loans to qualified borrowers as well.

Although such consumer lending does not exceed more than a quarter of the value of loans at Al-Amal, there is concern globally that micro-loans are sometimes being diverted to short-term needs like health bills and food, rather than providing capital for small businesses.

To adapt to the Yemeni market, the majority of micro-credit borrowers opt for those schemes applying the principles of Islamic finance.

Repayments becoming more of a concern

Regardless of the model employed, micro-credit repayment rates in Yemen have been extremely high, often exceeding 99 percent.

In 2010, according to the SFD report, the percentage of loans at risk (defined as the sum of accounts where a payment is more than 30 days overdue) was 1.6 percent, with ultimate default rates even lower.

“Our loans are highly correlated with the health of our clients. If, for example, the client's son gets sick, the loan might not [be paid back],” said Lai.

Over the last two years, repayment has become more of a concern. The micro-credit industry was not immune from the nationwide instability caused by Yemen’s “Arab Spring” uprising.

In 2011, the percentage of loans at risk more than quintupled, loan dispersal slowed drastically, and at least one office, in the restive southern province of Abyan, was looted and forced to close.

Financial literacy

As the industry attempts to recover from the turmoil, many challenges lie ahead in lending to the poor, including whether those without a formal education can grasp how the services function.

Understanding how loans work can be problematical for those with limited knowledge of financial affairs, said Mugahed.

Donors and institutions have been trying to combat this problem through institutions such as the Small and Medium Enterprise Promotion Service (SMEPS), which provides subsidized management training to entrepreneurs.

But small-scale entrepreneurs using micro-credit are in a minority on such courses.

A broader question that both Mugahed asks about the micro-finance industry in Yemen - as others have done elsewhere - is whether it is really serving the poor.

“There hasn't been a real impact assessment for the micro-finance industry ever since it started in 1997,” said Mugahed.

The SFD report, which itself uses very few measures of economic impact, concludes that the ultra-poor - frequently in rural areas - have been under-served by financial services in Yemen despite several efforts to reach out to them.

Experiences lending to the extremely poor in Yemen were relatively unsuccessful, says the report, because “the basic needs for survival were more important than managing a micro activity requiring constant effort and dedication.”

Interest rates - or the Islamic equivalent - that start at 18 percent also make borrowing difficult for the ultra-poor and those wishing to start new businesses.

Rates are high in part because inflation rates in Yemen tend to be well above 10 percent and the currency is relatively volatile.

Mobile banking, door-to-door campaigns, and a push to increase the number of savings accounts and ultra-poor borrowers through SFD partnerships with the Yemeni postal authority and the Social Welfare Fund could all help increase the utilization of financial institutions.

But Ali al-Waafi, an economist and former Member of Parliament, believes much of the responsibility for growing the financial sector rests with the government.

Though the Yemeni government adopted a micro-credit strategy in 2005 and instituted a micro-credit law in 2009, Waafi does not believe it has taken an active enough role.

“Maybe the government is busy with other topics, but it must give attention to the financial sector because it is very vital for the economic situation in Yemen.”

Mugahed believes Yemen needs “more advocacy [and] more attention to the micro-credit industry. This is a tool for [fighting] poverty, not just charity.”

pr/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97692/Challenges-in-using-micro-credit-to-help-Yemen-s-poor</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201004201204290843t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - Yemen has been a regional pioneer in micro-credit but are these loans lifting people about of poverty?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Middle East food security tracking tool launched</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Researchers and civil society activists in the Arab world have always complained that a lack of information has contributed to poor policies on development and resource management.

“Arab countries do not have enough data and when they have it they are reluctant to share it among them,” says Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates.

Now, aid workers and policymakers working on food security and looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen, or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria, can turn to a handy web-based tool.

“High quality and freely accessible knowledge is power, especially for evidenced-based research for effective and efficient policy design and implementation throughout the Arab world,” said Perrihan Al-Riffai, a senior research analyst with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), which created the tool.

Launched in February, the so-called Arab Spatial [ http://www.arabspatial.org/ ], developed with the support of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), aims to be a one-stop shop for food security data from the region.

Food security has long been a challenge in the Arab world, as many countries depend on food imports for basics such as wheat flour. But uprisings in much of the region have amplified the problem [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/Egypt-s-poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ] and driven more families into poverty.

“It has been extremely difficult for the millions of people who were already struggling to feed their families before the unfolding events of the Arab Spring [and] more families now face the challenges of collapsing economies and lost jobs as a result of the instability,” said Abeer Etafa, a spokesperson of the World Food Programme.

But the precise impact has been hard to track. According to IFPRI, only half of the countries in the Middle East publish poverty figures publicly and even so, with varying frequency and accuracy.

The Arab Spatial software is designed to measure food security at national, subnational and local levels. Users can generate maps and metadata using more than 150 food security and development-related indicators related to poverty, malnutrition, disease, production and prices, public finances, exports and imports.

“Economic development is a main driver of food security, and simultaneously, food security is an important driver for economic development,” Al-Riffai told IRIN. “That is why addressing food [in]security at both the macro, as well as, the micro levels [the most vulnerable individual] will lead to a more comprehensive approach in determining and addressing a country's development challenges.”

The tool aims to empower decision-makers, civil society representatives, researchers, journalists and others. IFPRI says several government officials have already showed interest in using it and hopes governments, regional organizations and others will help fill information gaps on the portal.

In recent years, increased recognition of the similar problem of lack of data on water in the region has led to several initiatives aimed at better collection and sharing, including the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center’s Land Data Assimilation System [ http://nsidc.org/data/nsidc-0181.html ], the “Ask a Scientist” [ http://www.biosaline.org/askScientist.aspx ] initiative at the International Center for Biosaline Agriculture, data collected by the World Bank, and a new database on natural water resources in the Arab world by the German government’s Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR).

dh/af/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97613/Middle-East-food-security-tracking-tool-launched</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

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Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid agencies launch Yemen appeal</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203021143370408t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Yemen needs a major boost in humanitarian support if the transition to political stability is to stand a good chance of succeeding, said aid workers at today’s launch of the 2013 Humanitarian Response Plan.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Yemen needs a major boost in humanitarian support if the transition to political stability is to stand a good chance of succeeding, said aid workers at today’s launch of the 2013 Humanitarian Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2013_Yemen_HRP.pdf ].

This year’s appeal in the region’s least developed country is for US$716 million, up 22 percent on the 2012 appeal ($585 million), only 58 percent of which was financed.

“Last year we were talking about Yemen collapsing, Yemeni being a failed state. Now we are talking about progress,” said UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in Yemen Naveed Huseein. “Yemen is now trying very hard to turn a page and they need support.”

The country is currently going through a transition process brokered by the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) under former Vice-President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, with presidential elections scheduled for 2014.

“The signs are very encouraging and we have to build on this to help tip the balance from relief work to early recovery,” Rosemary Willey-Al'Sanah, conflict prevention and early recovery adviser for the UN Development Programme in Yemen, told IRIN.

Around half of the appeal is to alleviate food insecurity - 10.5 million Yemenis (out of a population of 23 million) do not have enough to eat, and this year’s appeal aims to reach seven million with some form of aid - often food vouchers and cash transfers.

“This is a transitional period and the government recognizes that for the transitional programme to succeed the humanitarian appeal is crucial. The political process has gone far better than anyone forecast. That’s why moving on to early recovery now can really contribute to change,” said Willey-Al'Sanah.

Humanitarian funding has increased over the past few years, up from $121 million in 2010.

Yemen is one of the world’s major humanitarian crises, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), with water and food shortages, and conflicts such as with Houthi rebels in the north, and the 2011-12 conflict in Abyan Governorate [ http://www.irinnews.org/Middle-East ] where Islamic militants drove out government forces.

Around 13 million Yemenis do not have access to safe water and sanitation, and 431,000 are internally displaced.

A further stress on the country is the arrival of migrants and refugees from the Horn of Africa - more than 100,000 arrived in 2012, according to UNHCR. Some 230,000 refugees (mainly from Somalia) are based in Yemen, though Omar Abdulaziz, deputy minister of planning and international cooperation, says the unofficial number of migrants and refugees from the Horn of Africa is around one million.

190 aid projects planned

The 2013 appeal includes 190 projects - an increase of 80 percent - and brings together 89 organizations, including UN agencies and international and local NGOs, to try and ensure a sustainable transition following the end of President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 32-year rule, which ended with Arab Spring-related protests in 2011-12.

“There have been positive political developments but the situation remains fragile. The opened space has allowed us to carry out assessments and directly increase the number of projects we can carry out in this year’s appeal,” Trond Jensen, head of OCHA in Yemen, told IRIN.

“But the political situation for people is still very, very fragile and efforts need to be ramped up to get to a stage where people on the ground really benefit from a peace dividend,” he said.

Part of the focus will be on Abyan, where an estimated 80,000 people have returned to their homes after last year’s conflict.

While aid workers hope they can soon shift attention to recovery projects and development, the core focus of the appeal is on life-saving services to cover basic humanitarian needs.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97310/Aid-agencies-launch-Yemen-appeal</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203021143370408t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Yemen needs a major boost in humanitarian support if the transition to political stability is to stand a good chance of succeeding, said aid workers at today’s launch of the 2013 Humanitarian Response Plan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Challenges abound as aid reaches Yemen’s south</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181232450900t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 21 January 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance is increasing to Yemen’s southern governorate of Abyan, as it emerges from war and tens of thousands of people return home. But the aid scale-up comes in the context of a complex and still fragile environment, which has left aid workers wary of being too optimistic. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 21 January 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance is increasing to Yemen’s southern governorate of Abyan, as it emerges from war and tens of thousands of people return home. But the aid scale-up comes in the context of a complex and still fragile environment, which has left aid workers wary of being too optimistic.

More than one year of conflict between militants and government forces in Abyan, beginning around May 2011, forced some 200,000 people from their homes. In June 2012, government forces claimed to have ousted the al-Qaeda-linked militants who had controlled much of the area in the previous year, and around half of the displaced have since gone home, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

But Abyan - one of 21 governorates in Yemen and home to some 542,640 people, according to Social Fund for Development figures in 2012 - is plagued by massive destruction of infrastructure [ https://gomal.ird-more.org/more/resources/ ] and loss of livelihoods, non-functioning basic services and persistent insecurity. Children are learning in schools without roofs; there is an absence of law and order; there are no police on the streets. Militants may have trimmed their beards and changed their clothes, aid workers say, but are still very much present. Legacies of the conflict could lead to renewed tensions.

“Abyan needs an immediate reaction,” the humanitarian coordinator in Yemen, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, told IRIN.

The aid community in Yemen sees in this period of relative calm a window of opportunity to start rebuilding Abyan’s society, and has begun ramping up assistance in an area that was off limits to many aid workers since 2011.

In November and December, through their partners, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) distributed 150,000 school kits to returnees; UNHCR provided shelter and kits with household items to more than 20,000 families; the World Food Programme (WFP) started its first cycle of food distributions in Abyan, targeting 20,000 families; and Ould Cheikh Ahmed made his first visit to the area.

Several international NGOs now have programmes in the area, complementing the work of local NGOs who were among the only ones present in the area when it was overrun by al-Qaeda affiliate Ansar al-Sharia. Aid workers have set up operational hubs in two of the most affected districts of Abyan - Zinjibar and Khanfar - and have established a working group focused on re-integrating the returnees, who receive a package of food and other items for hygiene and shelter upon their return.

“Currently Abyan is a top priority for us,” Naveed Hussain, UNHCR representative in Yemen, said after a recent visit to Zinjibar, the governorate’s capital. “People have shown a lot of courage to return, and it is our responsibility not to fail them.”

But there are several challenges facing the returnees and those trying to help them.

Was it premature?

Beginning in August, aid workers say, the government began pressuring aid agencies to stop giving assistance in Aden, the south’s more stable port city where most of the displaced had sought refuge.

“There was a big push by the government to rapidly shift assistance from Aden to Abyan with a view to support returns,” said Joy Singhal, the deputy country director and humanitarian programme manager in Yemen for the international NGO Oxfam. “To my mind, we should be enabling people to have more choices by ensuring basic needs, including safety, are met.”

Aid workers say they were surprised at the speed of the returns - only 3,000-5,000 families are estimated to remain in Aden now - though they suspect not all of those picking up assistance in Abyan have permanently returned.

“We are concerned with the speed and timing of people going back to Abyan, as we know there is very little availability and access to basic services, lack of infrastructure, and very limited rule of law,” Singhal added. “At this juncture the humanitarian community needs to provide services to returnees at full-force in order for the returnees to live in safety and security.”

Who is in control?

Since June 2012, the Yemeni government has cleared more than 25sqkm of land in urban areas of landmines, which were a daily cause of casualties immediately following the conflict. But an area the size of Lebanon remains contaminated, the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in its most recent bulletin [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/yemen-humanitarian-bulletin-issue-10-24-november-27-december-2012 ], and aid workers say the process has been slow.

“There is still a lot of support for Ansar al-Sharia and this is creating more and more difficulty for their operations,” Marco Valentini, who managed operations in southern Yemen for the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) last autumn, said during the early days of mine clearance. “They clean one area; then they find other booby traps the day after.”

While fighting has subsided, and security has vastly improved over the last few months, suicide bombings still take place, often a result of revenge attacks by elements of Ansar al Sharia against members of the so-called popular committees that fought against them in the absence of government forces. (Observers point to a string of attacks last year as proof that Ansar al-Sharia still has logistical and organizational capacity).

While the army is stationed at the entrances to towns and cities, the manning of checkpoints and management of traffic inside neighbourhoods is often left to popular committees - armed men or boys as young as 13, who are often unable to maintain law and order and have no understanding of humanitarian principles.

“One of the major challenges is that it is very hard to determine the affiliations of these popular committees,” said one aid worker who visits Abyan frequently.

Many popular committee members are former Ansar al-Sharia supporters who switched sides when the government re-gained control, further clouding an already blurry picture for aid workers.

“There are also tribal issues,” added Gerald Maier, director of the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) in Yemen. “You really don’t know who you’re dealing with and that makes things challenging."

“We can see that Ansar al-Sharia is not defeated. They simply dispersed,” said another aid worker who requested anonymity. “The army has no capacity to implement control over the territory. This is creating humanitarian problems, in terms of access.”

So far, popular committees have not posed obstacles to the delivery of humanitarian aid, according to Singhal, but the lack of clear security has been a deterrent to larger aid operations. During his visit, Ould Cheikh Ahmed called for a stronger police presence in Abyan.

The aid operation is still mainly dependent on national staff, with international staff limited to day trips into Abyan when security conditions allow. Many agencies still do not have offices inside the most affected parts of Abyan, commuting back and forth from Aden or safer parts of Abyan - though some agencies are looking to change that in the near future.

The government now has more of an army presence in the area, but has not invested sufficiently in creating law-and-order structures, like prisons, courts, and police, observers say.

As such, while aid workers have so far not been a direct target, the lack of law and order has had an impact on their work. Maier said he has witnessed acts of intimidation, in which people with guns try to get what they want forcibly at distribution points.

“We can speak of a failed state, with a government that is not able to provide basic services to the civilian population on the ground, not only in very remote rural areas, but also in urban and semi-urban areas,” the second aid worker said.

But aid workers do describe the government - weak as it may be - as a partner: it has set up an Executive Unit to deal with internally displaced persons (IDPs), has put aside funds to rebuild Abyan, and is in constant coordination with the humanitarian community.

Services and livelihoods

Basic services have improved significantly in the last couple months, with water and electricity returning to some areas and some markets reopening. Several aid agencies are working to rehabilitate infrastructure. But aid workers say services remain nowhere near full capacity, with some schools and hospitals still lying in rubble or covered in bullet holes, some areas without telephone coverage, and people dying as a result of inaccessible health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ].

“It is critical at this stage for people to see some improvement in services,” said Ali Eltayeb, head of the NGO Mercy Corps’s office in Aden. “This is a priority now - to get that level of normality back.”

Without that, aid workers warn, the current two-way traffic between Aden and Abyan may increase.

“The people of Abyan have chosen to return home,” said Mona Duale, a humanitarian affairs officer with OCHA, stationed in Aden. “If we do not seize this moment, this opportunity to assist them in rebuilding their lives and strengthening the availability of basic services, then there is the likelihood that people will start leaving Abyan once again in search of better livelihood and services.”

Even where basic services exist, livelihoods do not.

Many of those who left Abyan were subsistence farmers or pastoralists.

“It’s difficult for them to really pick up their lives from where they left off,” said Miriam Watt, the director of ADRA’s programmes in Yemen.

Many of them returned too late for the planting season - and in any case - much of their farmland, livestock, equipment and wells had been killed, destroyed, looted or contaminated by mines. The lack of water and electricity also makes farming difficult. Others are dependent on working for richer landowners who have not yet returned to Abyan.

Those few who were able to plant, cannot harvest until the spring. In the meantime, many of them spent their savings while displaced and are coming back to what the DRC calls a “hunger gap and possible humanitarian crisis”.

In addition, many families may not have registered as IDPs and thus “could fall through the cracks” of the assistance being offered, Watt said.

“There are people coming to us every time we go out saying: ‘We know of others,” Maier said. “The need is greater than most of the donors really anticipated.”

Flashpoints

With limited government presence to pay salaries, there are few other sources of income for the returnees.

“There will be nothing - no money, no work,” said Valentini, formerly with DRC. “This can create a situation of conflict.”

There are other potential flashpoints.

During its control of the area, Ansar al-Sharia redistributed land and water resources in what it claimed to be a more equitable manner and to those who supported the militants, Valentini said.

In other cases, people whose homes were damaged simply occupied abandoned buildings that did not belong to them. During an assessment last autumn, DRC identified at least 20 homes not occupied by their legitimate owners.

“We are afraid that with the return of the owners, there will be conflicts over land and house properties,” he said.

Funding

Aid workers say these conditions are all reasons for increased assistance in the area, and while access has improved, there is one other major constraint: “The humanitarian community in Yemen is [now] able to do more, but for that we need additional funding,” Ould Cheikh Ahmed, the humanitarian coordinator, said.

In 2012, an appeal for US$92 million to provide food, health, sanitation and shelter to those returning to Abyan was one-quarter funded by year-end.

As part of its national funding appeal for 2013 [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/humanitarian-response-plan-yemen-2013 ], the humanitarian community has requested nearly $70 million for programmes in southern Yemen. (OCHA and its partners are now revising the 2012 Abyan Response Plan). Donors have not yet made any contributions to the appeal.

“Donors in general see this situation as improving,” said Maier, whose food voucher programme is funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID). “What we’re seeing on the ground will require a sustained commitment by the donor community and a move from emergency assistance to development activities. A lot of the community members have lost farms, plantations, and water sources. It takes them a while to build back up.”

Part of the challenge for donors is that the Abyan crisis is just one of several in Yemen, which is also facing Houthi rebels in the north, secessionists in the south, and is in the midst of a political transition after Arab Spring-inspired protests pushed 32-year President Ali Abdullah Saleh out of power.

In one of the most forgotten crises in the world, one million children are malnourished; nearly half the population does not know where their next meal is coming from; and 13 million people do not have access to safe drinking water. More than 320,000 are displaced in the north because of the conflict there; and Yemen is home to hundreds of thousands of vulnerable refugees and migrants.

Still, aid workers say investment in the south will contribute to the country’s fragile stability.

“We do not know how things will turn [out] if significant investment is not made in Abyan in the next four to six months,” Singhal said. “People are being quite patient at the moment, but the patience may not last for a very long time.”

ha/cb


For more on the challenges of returning to Abyan, see past IRIN reports on:

The lack of access to basic goods and services
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ]

The provision of services by militants in Ja’ar
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95554/Analysis-Battle-for-hearts-and-minds-as-Yemen-crisis-deepens ]

Continued insecurity hampering access to health care
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ]

Landmines stalling returns in the south
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ]

The destruction of homes
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94716/YEMEN-Little-hope-of-swift-return-for-Abyan-IDPs ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97292/Challenges-abound-as-aid-reaches-Yemen-s-south</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181232450900t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 21 January 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance is increasing to Yemen’s southern governorate of Abyan, as it emerges from war and tens of thousands of people return home. But the aid scale-up comes in the context of a complex and still fragile environment, which has left aid workers wary of being too optimistic. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Aid money unspent as Yemen’s transition process drags on</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112151306550027t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - The transitional peace process in Yemen is struggling to move forward and billions of dollars of aid assistance is going untapped, according to UK Minister of State for International Development Alan Duncan.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - The transitional peace process in Yemen is struggling to move forward and billions of dollars of aid assistance is going untapped, according to UK Minister of State for International Development Alan Duncan.

“The National Dialogue does remain off-schedule,” he said, “which is seriously undermining confidence in the transition process… The delivery of a successful dialogue, on schedule, would be a major signal to the Yemeni people that their leaders are serious about addressing the divisive issues which drive conflict in the country.”

Duncan was speaking at an international conference on Yemen at London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) on 12-13 January, which brought together academics, Yemeni government ministers, diplomats and international humanitarian organizations.

One senior international observer told IRIN he believed the whole process was at least two months behind where it should be by now.

“The transition is threatened by those who have still not understood that change must now occur,” said the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Benomar, when he briefed the UN Security Council last month. [ http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/PV.6878 ]

The political transitional process in Yemen - the Middle East’s least developed country - was agreed with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the UN Security Council after Yemen’s own version of the Arab Spring, which formally ousted President Ali Abdullah Saleh from power in 2012.

It allows for six months of national dialogue, and three months to draft a new constitution, followed by a referendum and fresh elections - all before February 2014.

More peaceful than expected

Yemen’s foreign minister, Abubakr al-Qirbi, acknowledged that international partners were worried by possible delays to the National Dialogue, but pointed out that the transition process so far had gone much more smoothly, and more peacefully, than the pessimists had anticipated.

“Yemenis, as you know, are a well-armed community,” he said. “And therefore people can anticipate that if war flares up, what is going to be the cost of that war. And that, I think, was an important factor.”

Applications opened this week for the National Dialogue Conference, which was supposed to take place in November, but which has been delayed by the refusal of southern separatists wanting an independent South Yemen.

Al-Qirbi said it was essential that, in order to get full participation, people felt the Dialogue was responsive to their needs and that any issue could be raised.

But, he said, “the regional and international powers realize that the unity of Yemen is of utmost importance for the stability of the region and the world. I think that the message which has been carried by many ambassadors to all parties in Yemen is that the unity of Yemen is one important objective of the GCC initiative. No one has spoken about the possibility of separation.”

“The Forum will address all grievances and how we can reverse the mismanagement which has taken place since unification.”

Duncan referred to nearly US$8 billion, pledged by Yemen’s international partners in support of the transition, but still waiting on concrete project proposals– though humanitarian aid projects are clearly outlined in the yet unfunded 2013 Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2013_Yemen_HRP.pdf ]

“This money is ready, and waiting to be spent. We can’t afford to have these promised billions sitting around unused. Unlocking donor funds so that they can start making a difference on the ground is vital to the confidence of ordinary Yemenis in the transition which is so vital for its success.”

Separatist pressure

The reluctance of southern separatist politicians to take part in the transition process has been one of the major stumbling blocks, and there were major demonstrations in Aden on 13 January in favour of self-rule for the south, a separate state prior to 1990.

Anthropologist Susanne Dahlgren, of the University of Helsinki, has been working with young people in Aden, and she found the desire for separation strong, even in a generation too young to remember South Yemen’s existence as a separate state.

“What they have learned about South Yemen is from their parents, basically. And their parents have told them that in the PDRY [People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen] everyone had a job and a good salary in order to be able to marry, and now these young people who are struggling with unemployment and the effects of the economic crisis are having all kinds of problems in getting married.”

Unemployment is a huge issue among the educated young people Dahlgren was talking to. “If Aden had still been the capital,” she said, “they would have been the kind of young people one would expect to run the country, businesses and the media, but seeing as they came from the wrong part of the country - that’s what they said - they could not expect ever to be able to make use of their education. For them, having a job means having a government job, and so they feel unjustly deprived.”

These young people had been deeply involved in the Arab Spring protests of 2011, but the upheaval has made it even less likely that they will find jobs.

Poverty, malnutrition

Normal economic activity ground almost to a halt with the revolution; a million jobs were lost, GDP fell by 10 percent, according to Peter Rice, coordinator of International NGO Forum in Yemen. For the poor and the many thousands of displaced, things have been very hard.

Almost half the population of Yemen do not know where their next meal is coming from, and more than half the children are chronically malnourished - one of the highest rates in the world.

Rice says families have been forced into what he calls “negative coping strategies”.

“We are seeing an increase in child labour, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97263/In-Brief-More-than-1-3-million-child-labourers-in-Yemen ] an increase in early marriage, and a lot of households going into debt to pay for basic food expenditure, which really affects the ability of the family to recover from the crisis, and means that this humanitarian situation is being written into the long-term development of the country.”

And, he says, there has still been no bounce-back in GDP or government investment, despite the transition agreement and greater stability.

Rice fears that a protracted National Dialogue could also prove to be another massive distraction from necessary action.

He told IRIN: “Everyone wants this process to work, undoubtedly, but there’s a lot of time and effort being put into the National Dialogue, and it’s important that it gets done so that people can devote those resources to development.”

Infrastructure versus humanitarian needs

After the transition plan was put together, Yemen received financial pledges of nearly $8 billion from international donors, to support a recovery plan, much of it from members of the GCC, including Saudi Arabia.

But Richard Stanforth, Oxfam’s regional policy adviser, told IRIN that it was not going where there was most need. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ] “Many of the donors put money into infrastructure, into roads and buildings and yet the humanitarian appeal remained underfunded.”

“The Gulf often does put money into infrastructure projects, but we have seen across all donors that they like to fund infrastructure, and they are not addressing the humanitarian needs. You won’t be able to bring development if you don’t address the humanitarian crisis.”

And while stability and security would help aid delivery, improving the humanitarian and economic situation would also help the peace process, according to the Yemen humanitarian coordinator, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed.

“If we don’t address and tackle the humanitarian and economic crisis today, there will be no political stability.”

lb/jj/cb
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97270/Analysis-Aid-money-unspent-as-Yemen-s-transition-process-drags-on</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112151306550027t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - The transitional peace process in Yemen is struggling to move forward and billions of dollars of aid assistance is going untapped, according to UK Minister of State for International Development Alan Duncan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: More than 1.3 million child labourers in Yemen</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111323530980t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - The results of the first ever national child labour survey in Yemen suggest the country has more than 1.3 million child labourers, about 17 percent of all children.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - The results of the first ever national child labour survey [ http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/newsroom/news/WCMS_201431/lang--en/index.htm ] in Yemen suggest the country has more than 1.3 million child labourers, about 17 percent of all children.

An estimated 469,000 children aged 5-11, especially girls, are working as child labourers, with the survey authors saying "a sharp drop in the school attendance rate occurs when a child is employed."

The study defines as child labourers anyone under the age of 14 who is employed, and those in the 14-17 age group who work more than 30 hours a week, or are involved in any designated hazardous economic activities and occupations.

"Working at such a young age can deprive children of their potential, their dignity and their childhood. It can also be harmful to their physical and mental development," Frank Hagemann, deputy regional director for the Arab states from the International Labour Organization (ILO), told IRIN. ILO, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and the Social Development Fund provided support to the government's Central Statistical Organization (CSO), which conducted the survey in 2010. ILO and CSO released a report this week based on the findings.

Poverty was identified as the key driver of child labour, as well as the lack of employment opportunities for school graduates and the large and growing numbers of young people; 42.5 percent of the population are under 15 [ https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ym.html ].

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97263/In-Brief-More-than-1-3-million-child-labourers-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111323530980t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - The results of the first ever national child labour survey in Yemen suggest the country has more than 1.3 million child labourers, about 17 percent of all children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: 2012 - a year of continuing turmoil</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - The Middle East continued to boil in Year 2 of what was once an Arab “Spring” with the ever-worsening conflict in Syria, toxic spillover into Lebanon, deadly clashes in Egypt, proliferation of weapons in Libya, assassinations and bomb blasts in Yemen, emboldened insurgents in Iraq and continued protests in Jordan. 

While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the region, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface - and sometimes in plain - but neglected - view. 

Here are 10 of the main issues IRIN highlighted this year: 

Syria’s refugee crisis: The number of Syrians registered as refugees in neighbourhing countries skyrocketed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96136/Briefing-The-mounting-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] from 10,000 at the beginning of the year, to half a million today, despite some borders being less than open [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees ]. The UN has launched appeal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] after appeal to help the refugees living in basic conditions in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, even Iraq, and increasingly Egypt, but funding has consistently been insufficient to meet the rising needs - largely due to politics and donor fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ]. In the meantime, refugees have been vulnerable to harsh winters, labour exploitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ]; child work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97062/JORDAN-Syrian-child-refugees-who-work-culture-or-coping-mechanism ]; early marriage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ] and political tensions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96232/LEBANON-SYRIA-The-refugee-minefield ].

The humanitarian toll in Syria: Syria has made the headlines daily in the past year, but most news reports have focused on rebel advances or diplomatic efforts to end the nearly two-year conflict. Meanwhile, the quality of daily life inside the country has spiralled downwards - and fast. In early 2012, alarm bells [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94914/Analysis-Worrying-signs-for-food-security-in-Syria ] rang over food security; by year end, even in the capital Damascus people were having a hard time finding bread [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ]. Farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94888/SYRIA-Insecurity-makes-drought-hit-farmers-even-more-vulnerable ] have been especially hard-hit. At least two million people are now internally displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97126/SYRIA-Nowhere-to-run ], and the problem was exacerbated in July when fighting hit Damascus [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95914/SYRIA-Fighting-in-capital-adds-to-growing-displacement-challenge ]. Winter [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] has brought a whole new series of challenges for the displaced. Healthcare is hard to access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. Many people forget that Syria was home to more than 1.5 million refugees - mostly Palestinians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] and Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] - who have become more vulnerable because of the crisis. With millions of people affected, the aid operation has struggled to keep up with the quick increase in needs because of insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96952/SYRIA-UN-shrinks-staff-and-movement-amid-insecurity ], a lack of funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ], drawn-out initial negotiations with the government over access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95606/Analysis-Principles-or-pragmatism-Negotiating-access-in-Syria ], and questions around the capacity and impartiality of the major player in the response, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]. The result is a new kind of humanitarianism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] - through local activists and illegal cross-border aid, which has raised some eyebrows in the aid community.

Regional spillover: The Syrian crisis took on regional implications this year, as Lebanese sects with Syrian alliances shot at each other [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95724/Analysis-Bound-by-conflict-the-Syrian-Lebanon-crisis ]; Kurds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96007/IRAQ-SYRIA-As-Kurds-enter-the-fray-risk-of-conflict-grows ] in Turkey, Iraq and Syria sought a piece of the pie; and Syrian shells hit southern Turkey. The US military even sent troops to Jordan to prepare for a possible widening of the conflict. The Iraqi government says the conflict in Syria has emboldened insurgents at home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ]; increased the flow of weapons across the border; and heightened sectarian tensions. Some analysts have predicted a Sunni-Shia war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94633/Analysis-2012-The-Year-of-Crisis-in-the-Middle-East ] that would draw in Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, armed groups in the occupied Palestinian territory and engulf the entire region. 

A forgotten crisis in Yemen: Meanwhile, the poorest country in the Arab world slid further into crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95429/YEMEN-Alarm-bells-over-worsening-humanitarian-crisis ] this year. A crumbling economy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95499/YEMEN-Struggling-to-get-by ] has driven more and more people to the point of desperation [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen ]. If they were not already, the numbers are now staggering: The UN estimates that more than 13 million people - over half the population of 24 million - need humanitarian assistance. More than 10 million people do not have secure access to food; 13 million do not have access to safe water [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96093/YEMEN-Time-running-out-for-solution-to-water-crisis ] and sanitation; and nearly one million children are acutely malnourished. After Arab Spring protests in 2011, a new government was born in 2012, ending the 22-year-rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, but many complain of little change in Yemen. The new government has faced innumerable challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94956/YEMEN-Challenges-aplenty-for-new-president ] in its first year, including the demands of minority groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95324/YEMEN-Akhdam-community-angered-by-government-neglect ], lingering corruption [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ], and political divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ], as remnants of the old regime try to cling to power [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ].

These more recent challenges add to Yemen’s long-standing threats: Houthi rebels in the north, al-Qaeda-linked militants in the south [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95176/YEMEN-Behind-militia-lines-in-Jaar ] and a southern secessionist movement. Despite these deterrents, 2012 saw record numbers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ] of refugees and migrants head to Yemen, where - rather than refuge - they often found more trouble [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ].

Sectarian clashes in the north [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94763/YEMEN-Fighting-in-north-leads-to-fresh-displacements ] and military operations in the south brought the number of internally displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] to nearly half a million. The government declared in June that it had rooted out militants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ] who had taken control of parts of the south, but people have struggled to return to their homes due to landmines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ], limited basic services, including health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ], and continued insecurity. Access for aid workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security ] to former conflict areas has increased, but funding is not yet fully secured [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ]. Yemen is in desperate need of immediate assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/2013_Yemen_Humanitarian_Response_Plan.pdf ] to avoid becoming the next Somalia.

Continued violence in Iraq: Iraq slipped out of the headlines as the US pulled out its troops at the end of 2011, ending a nearly nine-year occupation. But 2012 was no less violent [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/database/ ] for civilians. A surge of violence in January, in the weeks after the withdrawal, had many Iraqis reconsidering their options [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ]. Insurgent dynamics have changed post-withdrawal; Shia groups have become less active, while Sunni groups appear to have resurged, with several high-profile coordinated bombings across the country throughout the year. But the main driver of violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] continues to be dysfunctional and polarized politics. The situation is likely to get worse in the lead-up to elections in 2013 and 2014, and as the situation in neighbouring Syria deteriorates further. Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96240/IRAQ-Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ] by the war, and tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees returning from Syria could further destabilize [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95964/IRAQ-Returnees-from-Syria-a-humanitarian-crisis-in-the-making ] the country. 

The stalling of Libya’s transition: Libya held its first democratic elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections ] since the ousting of former leader Muammar Gaddafi, but a power struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94981/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying ] between Libya’s budding new government and a web of revolution-era militias continued to plague Libya’s transition to stability after the toppling of Gaddafi in late 2011. Tens of thousands of Libyans remained displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home ] months after the fighting ended, afraid to return home because of lingering ethnic tensions. Clashes in southern tribal areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes ] rocked the country in the early months of the year; and many minorities were unsure if the revolution would finally bring them more rights [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads ]. Libya’s policy towards migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo ], who were violently targeted in the months following the revolution, remained harsh. Many of them, along with Libyan refugees and failed asylum seekers, are still stranded on the Egyptian border [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees ].

The price of Egypt’s revolution: It has been another gripping year in Egyptian politics, as debate and controversy surrounded the withdrawal from power of the ruling military council; the election of a new president [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95729/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-undone ], the disbanding of parliament, and the drafting of a new constitution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96045/Briefing-What-is-at-stake-in-Egypt-s-upcoming-constitution ]. Increased polarization within Egyptian society led once more to a series of fatal clashes on the streets throughout the year. The political turmoil has prevented the much-hoped-for economic revival, with foreign currency reserves dropping by more than half, unemployment rising, poverty increasing, and the budget deficit at US$27.5 billion and growing. The poor have been the hardest hit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/EGYPT-Poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ]. In the short term, the revolution has yet to bring tangible gains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94836/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-one-year-on ]; on the contrary, it has led to fears of rising malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ]; fuel shortages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95222/EGYPT-Fuel-shortage-threatens-bread-supplies ]; child abductions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95271/EGYPT-Rising-tide-of-child-abductions ]; and a rise in religious extremism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97033/EGYPT-Fresh-worries-for-religious-minorities ]. The new constitution was passed in a referendum at the end of the year, but opposition remains high. Next year is likely to be as unpredictable as the past two. 

Never-ending challenges for Palestinians: Changes in Egyptian politics raised hopes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza ] in the Gaza Strip that a five-year blockade by Egypt and Israel would be eased. (New Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood movement is close to the Islamist rulers of Gaza, Hamas). But significant changes have yet to take effect, with Gazans continuing to depend on underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96734/OPT-Tunnel-closures-exacerbate-Gaza-housing-crisis ] to smuggle in supplies. This has left Palestinians continuing to face food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94740/OPT-Boosting-protection-and-tackling-food-insecurity ], an aid-dependent economy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94606/Analysis-Visions-for-a-healthier-West-Bank-economy ], and Israeli settlement expansions in the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95445/Analysis-Israeli-government-challenges-the-law-to-embrace-illegal-settler-outposts ]. This year, Gaza had the added misery of a severe fuel shortage and related energy crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ], with the UN predicting in August that Gaza could be uninhabitable by 2016 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96209/OPT-Gaza-s-water-could-be-undrinkable-by-2016 ]. It was in this context that in November, Israel launched (with the stated aim of halting rocket-fire from Gaza into Israel) large-scale air attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96814/OPT-In-the-line-of-fire ] which killed dozens of civilians, displaced thousands [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains ] of others, and left communities on both sides of the border reeling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst ]. The legacy of the eight-day military operation is still not clear [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea ]; at the end of December, Israeli officials said they would start allowing construction materials to enter Gaza daily via the Kerem Shalom crossing. Despite the high needs, aid agencies have traditionally struggled to provide aid amid tight Israeli restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94750/AID-POLICY-Islamic-agencies-battle-the-odds-in-Gaza ]; but this year, aid agencies in oPt began resisting the status quo [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95954/OPT-EU-pressure-for-aid-change-in-Area-C ].

Migrants in Israel: Throughout 2012, Israel hardened its stance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard ] towards migrants. In January, it introduced a new law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ] designed to stop what it calls “infiltrators” and by spring, public opinion had significantly shifted against migrants, leading to attacks involving Molotov cocktails [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ], mob beatings [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go ] and police crackdowns [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ]. In April, Israel began deporting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ] South Sudanese asylum seekers who previously had protected status in Israel. 

The coordination of humanitarian aid: When Valerie Amos became UN under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs in 2010, one of her priorities was to increase partnerships between the UN and other players in the field. After years of mistrust between the mainstream humanitarian system and aid agencies in the Arab and Muslim worlds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ], the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in 2012 signed memorandums of understanding with Qatar and Kuwait. OCHA’s liaison office in the Gulf has set up a new web portal [ http://www.arabhum.net/ ] as a link between Gulf donors and the UN, and Gulf countries are moving towards increased coordination [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96352/Analysis-Towards-more-coordination-of-aid-in-the-Gulf ] in aid and emergency preparedness among themselves. Aid agencies in the Muslim world are also trying to make better use [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] of the billions of dollars [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] given in alms and charity every year. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97155/MIDDLE-EAST-2012-a-year-of-continuing-turmoil</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen&quot;</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012010922320842t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work. 

He shared his experience with IRIN:

“I dreamed of going Saudi Arabia since the moment my neighbours, in my home town, told me of the possibility of getting out of poverty after someone went there and worked for a year. 

“I was broke within days of arriving in Yemen, as I paid most of [my money] to the people who took me from Ethiopia to Yemen and [spent] the remainder of my money on those who briefly hosted me in Yemen. They threatened to report me to the police if I didn’t.”

But he was still handed over to the police. 

“Instead of taking me to Saudi Arabia, he [the broker in Yemen] took me straight to the police. At first I didn’t know what they were talking about since I don’t know their language. But the moment I entered a place where a lot of police were swarming around, I recognized that I was being detained.”

Ahmed and his friends had travelled for 15 days by road and ship, at a cost of about 9,000 birr each (about US$500), to get to Yemen. The money was paid to brokers who take irregular migrants out of Ethiopia to Saudi Arabia via Djibouti and Yemen. 

“Al Amdulilahi [by God’s grace], I survived a deadly trip to Yemen by a small boat that took more than a hundred migrants on board, and then [afterward] an uprising that set the prison cell I was in on fire.” 

Ahmed’s three friends were not as lucky. “The voyage took a toll on them. The first one died on the same day we arrived there [in Yemen] due to diarrhoea. I feel disheartened whenever I think of that day. There was nothing I could do about it other than watch him die. 

“Later on, I was also told the two others passed away for reasons I still don’t know.” 

bt/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012010922320842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula. 

“A growing number of Ethiopians opt to undergo a perilous journey through the Gulf of Aden, hoping to get to the Middle East via Yemen,” Demissew Bizuwerk, a communication officer for the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Ethiopia, told IRIN.

“A significant proportion of these migrants travel with little or no information about what they would be encountering, and they are, in one way or the other, misled, mistreated and often abused,” he said.

Between 1 January and 30 November 2012, a total of 99, 620 migrants arrived in Yemen, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2009-2012-30-november-2012 ]. By comparison, 103,154 people arrived in 2011, 53,382 in 2010, and 77,802 in 2009. Of the 2012 arrivals, 78 percent were Ethiopian and just under 22 percent were Somali.  

Transiting through Djibouti

“Most Ethiopians enter Yemen illegally as irregular maritime migrants, on boats from Djibouti and Puntland, Somalia,” said an October report by the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) and the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS) [ http://www.drc.dk/fileadmin/uploads/pdf/IA_PDF/Horn_of_Africa_and_Yemen/RMMSbooklet.pdf ] titled ‘Desperate Choices: conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen’.

The Obock area in northern Djibouti is a popular transit point for irregular migrants heading to Yemen, who travel there from points on the Ethiopian and Somali borders.

“Earlier, there were less security controls, and people would cross through Tadjourah [north central Djibouti] to Obock, but now migrants tend to avoid the towns. It is becoming very difficult to determine their number now with police raids and arrests,” Bakary Doumbia, the IOM chief of mission in Djibouti, told IRIN. “Some arrive in the afternoon and cross at night; a good part of the journey is done far from towns at night.” 

When possible, IOM tries to sensitize irregular migrants about the risks they face. “Initially, when some people travel, they don’t know what to expect; when they face desert conditions here [in Djibouti], they realize it can be hard,” said Doumbia. 

“We explain to them possible human rights abuses they may encounter. We explain the existence of the sea. Some people don’t know that there is a sea between Djibouti and Yemen, that it is deep, that the boats they may travel on are not the best and that they are overcrowded. We also inform them of the regular migration channels and networks.”

Regular migration may include official permission and documentation and take the form of a streamlined visa application process.

Economic migration

The scarcity of economic opportunities is a major factor fuelling migration from Ethiopia, according to the DRC/RMMS report. Economic migrants from Ethiopia often head to Saudi Arabia and beyond, some regularly, some irregularly. 

“Distinguishing between regular and irregular migrants is not very informative as the lines between the two are blurred. A better distinction is between migrants with the resources and connections to exploit the opportunities offered by corruption, as well as the possibility of moving between regularity and irregularity, and those migrants who, due to their social and economic vulnerability, are simply exploited by these same forces,” the report says.

The largest and most vulnerable group of Ethiopian migrants are those with no resources, who travel to Yemen by sea and enter the country illegally.

Conditions in Yemen

Arrival in Yemen, which is facing a humanitarian crisis [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/humanitarian-response-plan-yemen-2013 ], presents a slew of problems.

The migrants are often smuggled, trafficked or subjected to mental and physical torture throughout their hazardous journey, which increases their vulnerability, says Erich Ogoso, public information and advocacy officer at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Sana'a, Yemen.

“By the time they reach Yemen, they are in need of humanitarian assistance. Most are economic migrants who end up placing a huge burden upon their host communities,” Ogoso said. 

The majority of the migrants live in cities, especially Aden and the capital Sana'a, stretching the limited facilities and services available. Others try to continue to Saudi Arabia in search of better opportunities, but many end up stranded and destitute, he said. 

In a briefing note on 11 December [ http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/news-and-views/press-briefing-notes/pbn-2012/pbn-listing/stranded-ethiopian-migrants-airl.html ], Nicoletta Giordano, IOM’s chief of mission in Yemen, highlighted the plight of vulnerable migrants in and around the northwestern town of Haradh. “They include increasing numbers of single women, unaccompanied minors and elderly and sick migrants who are desperate for a way out of what has become a horrendous situation on the Yemeni side of the Saudi Arabian border,” the note says.

IOM medical staff in Haradh reported widespread health problems among migrants due to insufficient food, poor sanitation and lack of shelter. Casualties from gunshots and landmines are also rising, they indicated. Haradh‘s morgue had exceeded its capacity with bodies of migrants.

The DRC/RMMS report noted that “many Ethiopian migrants [in Yemen] face severe human right abuses that have not been systematically investigated,” adding that “kidnap, torture, sexual violence, abduction and extortion are becoming widespread and frequent hazards, sometimes lethal, for migrants in transit to the Gulf States”.

Other risks include criminal gangs who capture, torture and extort migrants; sexual abuse; trafficking; forced labour; destitution; and discrimination.

Assistance

Back in Djibouti, IOM’s Doumbia called for sensitizing migrants on the risks of irregular migration in their places of origin “because migrants do not come from here [Djibouti], 90 percent are from Ethiopia.”

In Ethiopia, IOM is working with the government at the federal, regional and local levels to create awareness and support livelihoods for those prone to irregular migration. IOM is also supporting capacity building for relevant government bodies.

In close collaboration with regional authorities, rapid market assessments are carried out to determine locally viable income-generating activities, such as raising goats, sheep or poultry or farming vegetables.

IOM is also facilitating training workshops for police officers, public prosecutors, judges and officials in the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, and is supporting local-level migration task forces to prevent irregular migration, human trafficking and smuggling.

Since 2010, IOM has helped at least 9,500 destitute Ethiopian migrants leave Yemen. Hundreds of people have lost their lives crossing the Gulf of Aden; on 18 December, up to 55 people died when a boat carrying migrants capsized off the coast of Somalia.

aw/kt-bt/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>BANGLADESH-KENYA: Our Lives - A survivors&apos; guide to hard times</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212061756470519t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Price Watch (Our lives)</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Our Lives - A survivors' guide to hard times

In-Depth Global Reports

Our Lives is a new IRIN series following 20 people in 10 countries as they try to get by in these testing times. The men and women featured - from teachers to truck drivers - describe how they cope with the rising cost of living, and explain their hopes for the future. This series will be regularly updated.

Survivors

Bangladesh
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96869/98/ ] Samir Uddin – Street hawker
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96870/98/ ] Wliar Rahman – School teacher

Kenya
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96886/98/ ] Jane Njeri – Displaced person
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96908/98/ ] Millicent Wanyama – Breadcrumb seller

Lesotho
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96896/98/ ] ‘Mammuso Lebakeng – Crafts trader
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96692/98/ ] Moloantoa Mokhomphatha – Builder

Liberia
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96863/98/ ] John Tamba – Teacher
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96862/98/ ] Lorpu Kah – Single mum

Madagascar
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96857/98/ ] Liliana Lova Rahoaritsalamanirinarisoa – Trainee teacher
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96859/98/ ] Thierry Mafisy Miharivonjy Razafindranaivo – Cook

Mali
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96864/98/ ] Chaka Dagnoko – Mechanic
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96865/98/ ] Tembely Coulibaly – Restaurateur

Nepal
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96868/98/ ] Kumari Magar – Maid
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96871/98/ ] Manbahadur Tamang – Farmer

Pakistan
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96861/98/ ] Aslam Rehmat – Dental assistant
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96860/98/ ] Rashid Minhas – Driver

South Sudan
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96961/98/ ] Grace Taban Genova – Home-brewer
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96866/98/ ] Kenyi Chaplain Paul – Security guard

Yemen
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96855/98/ ] Adel Aklin – Teacher
[ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96856/98/ ] Ali Abdullah al-Moudai – Community liaison officer


IRIN Films – Food for thought

Cassava in Cote di”ivoire [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4773/FOO/Food-Security/Cassava-in-C%C3%B4te-d-Ivoire ]
Wheat in India [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4700/Wheat-in-India ]
Lentils in Nepal [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4701/Lentils-in-Nepal ]
Rice in Madagascar [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4769/Rice-in-Madagascar ]
Kenya’s Unga revolution [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4882/Kenya-s-Unga-Revolution ]
A question of dignity [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4757/A-Question-of-Dignity ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96695/BANGLADESH-KENYA-Our-Lives-A-survivors-apos-guide-to-hard-times</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212061756470519t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Price Watch (Our lives)</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Adel Aklin – Teacher, Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221544520145t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Adel Aklin, 48, an Arabic teacher in the Yemeni capital Sana’a, has seen his income fall because of the dearth of foreigners who have been scared away by ongoing insecurity in the strife-torn country.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Adel Aklin, 48, an Arabic teacher in the Yemeni capital Sana’a, has seen his income fall because of the dearth of foreigners who have been scared away by ongoing insecurity in the strife-torn country.

"Two years ago, here at the Language Center, we used to work 8-12 hours per day and earn a lot of money. A lot of students from Europe and America came to Yemen [because] it was easy to get a visa. But now, if you're lucky, you teach two hours per day. And now inflation is going up. It’s not stable, so you have to reduce your spending on food and transportation.

"Two years ago, my children and I used to have fish, chicken, meat - good food - every day for lunch. Now we eat meat only on Fridays - and only half the amount because of inflation - and there is less work.

"Two years ago, I was using the car every day, as petrol only cost about $3 per 20 litres. Now 20 litres costs about $12, so I only use the car once a week. The other days, I walk half way to work and take a minibus the other half to save money.

“It’s very difficult now. You have to struggle to reduce your consumption of things. I try to find the cheapest cooking oil, for example, or oil that has just expired. And I buy more Chinese products because they are cheaper than other products.

My water bill has increased to 3,000 riyals [$14] per month. 

“The best news I've heard lately is that the government is going to increase our salaries 5 percent next year. But that doesn’t help with inflation: 10kg of rice, for example, cost about $6 a year and a half ago. The same amount costs about $15 today.

“Economists say inflation may get worse if the national dialogue [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ] fails. I think stability will improve, but the economy will take more time to stabilize.”

cc/cb


Name: Adel Aklin

Age: 48

Location: Sana’a

Does your spouse/partner live with you? Yes 

What is your primary job? English and Arabic language teacher 

What is your monthly salary? US$400 

What is your household’s total income - including your partner's salary, and any additional sources? $700 

How many people are living in your household - what is their relationship to you? Five people: wife, three children 

How many are dependent on you/your partner's income - what is their relationship to you? Three children 

How much do you spend each month on food? $450 - most of our salaries.

What is your main staple - how much does it cost each month? 50kg of wheat = $30

How much do you spend on rent? I own the house.

How much on transport? $50 per month on public transport.

How much do you spend on educating your children each month? $700 per year [$58.33 per month] 

After you have paid all your bills each month, how much is left? I save nothing.

Have you or any member of the household been forced to skip meals or reduce portion sizes in the last three months? No, but we eat smaller portions and cheaper food. For example, before we would eat meat, chicken, fish each day. Now we eat it once per week.

Have you been forced to borrow money, or food, in the last three months to cover basic household needs? Yes.

-----------------------------
For more Survivor stories, please visit our In-Depth Our Lives [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96695/98/ ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96855/Adel-Aklin-Teacher-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221544520145t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Adel Aklin, 48, an Arabic teacher in the Yemeni capital Sana’a, has seen his income fall because of the dearth of foreigners who have been scared away by ongoing insecurity in the strife-torn country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Ali Abdullah al-Moudai – Community liaison officer, Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221549110418t.jpg" />]]>THULA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ali Abdullah al-Moudai, 28, from the village of Thula, about an hour’s drive from Yemen’s capital Sana’a, is lucky enough to have a reasonably well-paid job. The downside is that as the sole breadwinner in his 14-member household he has nothing left at the end of the month.</description><body><![CDATA[THULA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ali Abdullah al-Moudai, 28, from the village of Thula, about an hour’s drive from Yemen’s capital Sana’a, is lucky enough to have a reasonably well-paid job. The downside is that as the sole breadwinner in his 14-member household he has nothing left at the end of the month.

“I have a job that’s good for me and my [wife and one boy], but it’s not just us. I’m responsible for my whole family because there’s no one to work but me. If I didn’t provide for them, they'd be on the streets.

“Even with my salary from the company, plus extra income from working with tourists when possible, I have to borrow a lot of money at the end of each month to make ends meet. Making enough money to feed, clothe and provide for 14 people is difficult. And someone is always getting sick.

“My father, for instance, had to have a cancerous tumour removed this year. The government hospital where he had the surgery says it gives you care for free, but it’s not free: the room and the operation were free, but medication and transport back and forth from Thula to Sana’a were not.

“And after he spent more than three months in the hospital and had the operation, it was not enough. When we moved him home he became sicker and sicker, until he died a few months later.

We spend 15-16,000 riyals [$70-75] every two weeks on water from water trucks, which is more expensive than government water, which we have had only two times in last year and half.

“I’ve tried to save extra money more than 40 times, but it’s never possible. Without any savings, what if there’s an accident and I die, or I get sick and can’t move?

“Will things be better in a year? No, not at all, at all, at all. You have too many things in Yemen: the Southern Movement trying to secede, Houthis fighting the government, al-Qaeda, the old government versus the new government. How can you arrange everything in one year? Maybe five years and we will see changes.

“Now we can say we have a new government and that the country has changed, but what has really changed? Most of the people from the old government are in the new government. And there is still no good news for Yemenis. Still no one has jobs.

“I know it is shameful to talk about the country and the government like this, but it is the real situation. We have to talk about the truth.

“We hope that the [upcoming] National Dialogue will lead to changes. But we don’t want to just hear promises on the TV or in the news. We want to see the changes happen. So far the new government is saying the same things as old government.

“Yemen is like the sea, where the big fish are eating the small fish.”

cc/cb


Name: Ali Abdullah al-Moudai

Age: 28

Location: Thula

Does your spouse/partner live with you? Yes.

What is your primary job? Community liaison officer for an energy exploration company.

What is your monthly salary? $1,366, plus $500-600 when I work as a tourist guide.

What is your household's total income - including your partner's salary, and any additional sources? The same.

How many people are living in your household - what is their relationship to you? 14 - wife, son, mother, sisters, brothers, their children

How many are dependent on you/your partner's income - what is their relationship to you? All of them.

How much do you spend each month on food? $840-930.

What is your main staple - how much does it cost each month? Wheat - $186 for 300kg.

How much do you spend on rent? I own my house.

How much on transport? More than $233.

How much do you spend on educating your children each month? $117-140.

After you have paid all your bills each month, how much is left? Nothing.

Have you or any member of the household been forced to skip meals or reduce portion sizes in the last three months? Of course, a lot of times we have to live like Spartans. What do you do, you know, because you have no help from the government. About two years ago prices started becoming very high. Tomatoes, for example, which we have to buy every day - we had to reduce this expense.

Have you been forced to borrow money, or food, in the last three months to cover basic household needs? Yes, every month.

-----------------------------
For more Survivor stories, please visit our In-Depth Our Lives [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96695/98/ ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221549110418t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">THULA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ali Abdullah al-Moudai, 28, from the village of Thula, about an hour’s drive from Yemen’s capital Sana’a, is lucky enough to have a reasonably well-paid job. The downside is that as the sole breadwinner in his 14-member household he has nothing left at the end of the month.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Wind and solar energy fall short of potential</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212060744080252t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Thirteen years ago electronics retailer Abdulmajeed al-Wahbani was one of the first people in Yemen to venture into the solar power business. So far the gamble has paid off.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Thirteen years ago electronics retailer Abdulmajeed al-Wahbani was one of the first people in Yemen to venture into the solar power business. So far the gamble has paid off.

His solar panel supply business found a niche and has seen impressive growth, while also helping to fight rural poverty.

"People need to work, and to secure their business and their life, they will go to solar power," he told IRIN.

He said his rapid business growth is tied to a negative trend in Yemen - increasingly frequent and lengthy power outages over the past decade, especially during the political instability last year. Power cuts can sometimes last for weeks, acting as a brake on the economy, outside major cities.

In 2013 he is planning a nationwide advertising campaign to promote renewable energy - something he hopes will spread to the "entire country". While that goal may seem ambitious, both the need and potential for renewable energy in Yemen are high.

Yemen's western coast, from Bab al-Mandab to Al-Mokha, rates among the windiest corridors in the world, while the country's frequently clear skies make it a prime candidate for solar power. More modest geothermal potential also exists.

The wider Arab region has a strong and under-exploited potential for solar energy for electricity production and desalination, according to a new report by the World Bank [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

"We [in Yemen] have a good source of wind on the Red Sea, we have the sun, we feel we're on a learning curve and going through a transition," said Abdulaziz Daer, general manager of Dome Trading, which provides a range of services to the energy sector - at this point, mainly oil and gas companies.

By the Ministry of Electricity and Energy's own estimates, renewable energy could potentially supply over 50,000 megawatts (MW) of power, or 50 times current production levels.

Some 70 percent of Yemen's 25 million citizens live in rural areas - many far from the national grid. Even those lucky enough to have a connection get an intermittent service. Although no official study has been done, experts believe that Yemen produces only about a third of the total electricity needed - 1,000 MW out of an estimated demand of 3,000 MW

Government role

While renewable energy offers an attractive alternative to widely-used diesel generators, Daer says major changes in the Yemeni energy sector will only come about when the government does more to support commercial renewable projects.

He said small-scale renewable energy production, however admirable, is but "a drop in the ocean compared to the population of Yemen."

Professor Hussain Al-Towaie teaches energy technology at the University of Aden and places the blame for the slow growth of the commercial renewable energy sector squarely on the shoulders of the Yemeni government and its subsidies on the oil used in most power stations.

"In my opinion, people that see there is a potential and do not do anything [are] actually against renewable energy," he argues.

He says that by "pay[ing] for the conventional energy and not the renewable energy" the government is turning its back on the latter.

Dome Trading's Daer said the government should "be the model" to show people the benefits of renewable energy, but both men are doubtful it has the necessary will or capacity to do so.

That view is not shared by Adel Abdulghani, general director of planning and information at the Ministry of Electricity and Energy, who cites existing policies as evidence of progress.

In 2010, the cabinet approved renewable energy, energy efficiency and rural electrification strategies that called for, among other things, renewable energy to contribute 10-15 percent of Yemen's electricity by 2020, and 20,000 solar power units to be installed in rural Yemeni homes.

"We cannot say that the government doesn't care, but there is no real governmental action toward pushing those strategies," he told IRIN, citing Yemen's political crisis as a major stumbling block.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, the Yemeni government and the international community have focused their attention on avoiding economic and political collapse.

One victim of these shifting priorities is a 60MW wind farm in Al-Mokha that has been in the works since 2009.

The project ground to a halt when unrest broke out, and the World Bank was forced to reallocate millions of dollars' worth of funding that it had originally designated for the wind farm to more urgent needs.

Lately though, there have been signs that renewable energy is regaining at least some momentum.

Hassan Taleb, a procurement specialist at the Electricity and Energy Ministry, told IRIN: "By next month we should announce the tenders for consultancy and also for implementation" of the Mokha wind project.

The government is also nearing completion of a deal to supply 7,000 individual solar units to rural areas.

However, until those installations become tangible examples, or small scale solar becomes widespread, many Yemenis will remain either skeptical or unaware of the potential for renewable energy to improve their daily lives.

USAID project

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) recently started a programme which aims to address rural poverty by integrating renewable energy into the agriculture sector.

Earlier this year the agency began building demonstration greenhouses that use solar energy to power electric fans that help farmers avoid disease, and also provide water-saving irrigation techniques.

Experts at USAID say these systems are nine times more productive than farming on open land, and can operate independently of Yemen's inconsistent power and fuel supply.

The benefits though come at a cost - the upfront costs (US$9,000) are prohibitive for most Yemeni farmers, many of whom lack access to formal credit.

"If the government has the ability to establish banks [and] credit facilities in the long term for the farmers, that could overcome the problem of heavy diesel consumption," said Dome Trading's Daer.

pr/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96976/YEMEN-Wind-and-solar-energy-fall-short-of-potential</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212060744080252t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Thirteen years ago electronics retailer Abdulmajeed al-Wahbani was one of the first people in Yemen to venture into the solar power business. So far the gamble has paid off.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: In the Arab world, building fridges to live in an oven</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

The disasters of the last three decades have cost at least US$12 billion, according to the report. “This number does not really account for other enormous losses which unfold over a period of time,” said Junaid Kamal Ahmad, the World Bank’s sustainable development head.

And even this could be a gross underestimate. “The costs of damages are reported for only 17 percent of disasters and rarely capture the suffering that follows the loss of lives and livelihoods,” Ahmad said. 

Drought and flood victims account for 98 percent of all people affected by climate-related disasters in the region, according to the report. 

Dire predictions

The long-term climate-change trends are foreboding, according to the report. Temperatures are projected to rise by three to four degrees Celsius in the Arab world - which includes countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa - by the end of the century. Such an increase would be 1.5 times faster than the global average, meaning people in the region would be regularly living with temperatures around of 54 to 55 degrees Celsius.

2010 was already the warmest year since records began in the late 1800s, with 19 countries setting new highs. Five of these were Arab countries, including Kuwait, which set a new record at 52.6 degrees Celsius that year; it was topped by 2011’s high of 53.5 degrees Celsius. 

The region is home to the world's biggest per capita emitters of greenhouse gas: Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

“Someone mentioned we will have to build fridges to live in the oven,” quipped Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice president for sustainable development, during the Doha press conference announcing the report’s release. 

Authors of the report - a scientific study with input from academics in the region - hope it informs the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment of climate change science, which is expected to be released in 2013-14. 

Kyte said they hope the report also informs discussions on losses and damages caused by climate change. Such discussions have stalled at the current UN climate change talks taking place in Doha; the issue being left for political leaders, who arrived on 4 December, to resolve [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96867/CLIMATE-CHANGE-When-the-damage-is-done ].

Agriculture and water

Rising temperatures are bad news for agriculture, and the nearly 40 percent of employed people with agriculture-related jobs. 

The region is already extremely water stressed, but with higher temperatures, the amount of water available for irrigation will to drop dramatically. By 2050, water runoff from rains, which feed rivers, is expected to decrease by 10 percent. The gains in agricultural productivity made over the past two decades may slow, or even decline, after about 2050. 

Regional agricultural production comes largely from the 10 percent of the land with a Mediterranean climate. Irrigation is the only option for growing crops in some countries; this irrigated land covers only 2 percent of the region’s land but provides 17 percent of the production. 

Urbanization

Currently, 56 percent of Arab people live in urban centres. But by 2050, this proportion is expected to increase to 75 percent, due in part to droughts, which have been shown to increase rural-to-urban migration in the region.

A recent multi-year drought in Syria is estimated to have led to the migration of about one million people to informal settlements around the major cities.

Flash floods

Not only will the region’s people have to contend with high temperatures, they will also have to brace themselves against the increasing threat of flash floods. Contributing to this risk are more intense rainfall events; ubiquitous concrete surfaces, which that do not absorb water; inadequate and blocked drainage systems; and increased construction in low-lying areas and wadis.

The impact of flash floods is already increasing. In the decade starting from 2000, the number of people in the region affected by flash floods rose to half a million, compared to only 100,000 in the previous decade.

If no measures to build resilience are taken in the next 30 to 40 years, climate change could lead to a cumulative reduction in household incomes of about 7 percent in Syria and Tunisia, the report indicates. Yemen - because of the expected the declines in agriculture - could suffer an income reduction of 24 percent. 

“While not addressed directly in this report, the impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria would likely add greater welfare losses and make the adaptation process even more difficult,” said the report.

Building resilience

World Bank’s Ahmad told IRIN that governments in the region have begun to ask the right questions about identifying vulnerable populations and regions and have begun talking about resilience. He also said that improving people’s adaptive capacity does not always involve money; governments need to educate people about the problems ahead. They also needed to invest in more social protection measures.

The necessity of such measures was already on display. At an earlier press briefing by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Mohammed Mukhier, head of community preparedness and disaster response, said the group would be unable to raise adequate funding to keep up with the number of frequent and intense natural disasters unfolding.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96974/CLIMATE-CHANGE-In-the-Arab-world-building-fridges-to-live-in-an-oven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: New challenges for aid worker security</title><pubDate>Wed, 14 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205010829140593t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen has long been renowned as a place where foreigners, including aid workers, are at risk of kidnapping. On the brink of civil war last year, and with a still fluid social and political transition under way, new challenges for aid worker security are emerging, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen has long been renowned as a place where foreigners, including aid workers, are at risk of kidnapping. On the brink of civil war last year, and with a still fluid social and political transition under way, new challenges for aid worker security are emerging, say experts.

"It's more risky than before, not just for foreigners, but they are the number one target," said Nasser Arrabyee, a local analyst and journalist.

"Since the election in February, the security situation has deteriorated gradually," Siris Hartkorn, head of risk analysis at Safer Yemen, a security consultancy specializing in advice to humanitarian organizations, told IRIN. "It is more insecure than it has ever been before."

The transition process [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ] - set in motion by the Gulf Cooperation Council last year when it brokered a deal allowing President Ali Saleh to step down, scheduling fresh presidential elections and instituting a period of national dialogue - is bedevilled by continuing rifts within the military and society generally.

Things which were previously certain are no longer so.

Established communication channels between the tribes - who control most of rural Yemen and are often behind the kidnappings - and the central government, are not necessarily in place any more. Loyalties are in flux, and the security services are part of the political divide, say observers, such as the influential International Crisis Group [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Iran%20Gulf/Yemen/125-yemen-enduring-conflicts-threatened-transition.pdf ].

"The divisions in the armed forces [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ] still persist. The loyalties are divided between the tribes, between the current and the previous president, and new appointments in the army add to this incoherence," said Arrabyee.

The previous unwritten agreement between the government and the tribes - that kidnappings of foreigners would be solved through negotiations - does not necessary apply any more.

"A foreigner was kidnapped and it was normally clear, what tribe was behind it and what motivation they had. Most of the time it happened for social demands and was directed at the government, not at the person's organization. Now, in the recent kidnappings, the actors are much more overlapping; it's a mix between tribal groups, criminal groups and political actors, which makes it much more complicated. So it is not always clear who is behind these things," said Hartkorn.

An official from an international NGO, who requested anonymity, told IRIN about a recent kidnapping that is said to have involved a criminal group, al-Qaeda, and a local tribe - an example of a situation so blurred that hardly anyone seems to know who is really behind it.

Up until recently, even foreigners kidnapped by al-Qaeda, which is deeply embedded in local tribes, have been treated fairly well. In the past, foreigners were rarely targeted just for the sake of targeting a foreign organization. But with government and US forces stepping up pressure on al-Qaeda, the latter's attacks have already spread from the countryside to the capital. Over 60 members of government security forces have been assassinated by al-Qaeda in 2012 alone. It does not seem unlikely that foreigners could also be targeted.

"The Yemeni Qaeda was in many ways well integrated in the local tribal structures, and therefore the rules [of hospitality] were and are still to some extent upheld in kidnapping cases. That might not necessarily be the case with foreign fighters that have joined al-Qaeda over the course of the past year - especially when they are coming from more brutal environments like Somalia, Iraq or Afghanistan," said Hartkorn.

Changing perceptions of neutrality

With the UN deeply involved in the transition process, its political work could be potentially seen as compromising its humanitarian mandate. Supporters of ex-President Saleh see the current transition process as a coup, and the southern independence movement is violently opposed to it.

"The UN now plays different roles; it has to balance the impartial delivery of aid, with a more political role where it has to oversee the implementation of the political agreement and resolutions of the Security Council," said Hartkorn.

With political alliances shifting, so are the options for tribes to generate income through government payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ].

Due to the conflicts still raging in the north and in the south, many people have lost their income. Young people, in particular, may look for alternative ways of earning a living. Already reports have surfaced that young people are joining Ansar al-Shari'a - a local al-Qaeda offshoot - mainly to earn some money [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Iran%20Gulf/Yemen/125-yemen-enduring-conflicts-threatened-transition.pdf ].

The danger is that the kidnappings could turn into a way of securing a living.

"At the moment kidnappings are not about building a school, or a new road - that is not on the priority list of the government or the tribes right now. The priority list for the government right now is to survive the transitional period and for the tribes to position themselves in a new state patronage network," said Hartkorn. "The biggest emerging threats for aid workers are direct targeted attacks against humanitarians, which could occur at some point due to their now dual and also political role."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205010829140593t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen has long been renowned as a place where foreigners, including aid workers, are at risk of kidnapping. On the brink of civil war last year, and with a still fluid social and political transition under way, new challenges for aid worker security are emerging, say experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Dialogue and divisions in Yemen</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210160457370967t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 06 November 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly a year after a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal set Yemen on a theoretical path towards political transition, the country remains deeply divided amid increasing poverty.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 06 November 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly a year after a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal set Yemen on a theoretical path towards political transition, the country remains deeply divided amid increasing poverty.

A Technical Committee, formed in July and charged with organizing the transition, includes all major groups, except Hirak (the Southern Movement), and is seen by many as neutral and legitimate. It has released a 20-point action plan, but so far not a single recommendation has been implemented.The GCC deal stipulated national dialogue [ http://www.yemenpeaceproject.org/wordpress/?p=458 ] as the main way of moving forward. Delayed by two months, it is due to begin on 15 November.

Many are frustrated with the slow pace of reform. “The new Yemen is the same as the old Yemen. The same leaders who were in [Ali Abdullah] Saleh’s regime are still there, the only one who is gone is Saleh,” said journalist Nasser Arrabyee.

Nevertheless, the GCC agreement has helped to avoid civil war, Tim Petschulat, country director of German NGO the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Yemen, told IRIN - a fact that is often overlooked by many Yemenis who feel the revolution has been hijacked by elites.

Others feel the dialogue process is too opaque for ordinary Yeminis.

“It is perceived as being elitist,” Colette Fearon, country director of Oxfam Yemen, told IRIN. “The challenge is: How do you enable dialogue on all levels of society?”

Young people also feel marginalized. The transitional government only includes members of the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) and the General People’s Congress (GPC). Young people who started the revolution and who occupied squares with their protest camps, have been largely sidelined, which has led to resentment.

According to a September 2011 report by local think tank Domains Centre for Research and Studies, some 2,195 people were killed between February and August 2011 (the peak of the protests). Of these, 238 were young revolutionaries/protesters, 600 soldiers of pro- and anti-revolution units, and the remainder civilians/tribesmen supporting the youth uprising or opposing it.

Elections in February 2014?

A second stage of the transition process covering the next six months envisages agreements on nine topics such as public service reforms and protection of minorities; and a new constitution is supposed to be created ahead of presidential and parliamentary elections in February 2014 - a time-frame that might be unrealistic.

“I can’t see how this could be implemented till February 2014. The dialogue needs to deal with many fundamental topics,” said Petschulat. “If we want to see a genuine process led by Yemenis themselves, this timeframe will not work.”

Another obstacle to dialogue is that many ordinary Yemenis are preoccupied with survival. With the economic situation worsening, many have exhausted their coping mechanisms.

According to the World Bank, poverty levels rose from 42 percent of the population in 2009 to 54.4 percent in 2012, with those in rural areas, women and 507,970 internally displaced persons, worst affected [ http://www.oxfam.org/en/policy/still-waiting-change-yemen ].

“People are struggling to survive and do not see the government responding to their basic needs. If they do not see the reforms trickling through, they are not going to feel that they are affected positively,” Fearon said.

Hadi’s fight with the army

Meanwhile, President Hadi is struggling to restructure the army [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95362/YEMEN-Timeline-of-key-events-under-new-president ] and trust in his ability to implement the GCC agreement is waning.

He lacks a power base and is caught between two rival commanders - Ahmad Ali Saleh, son of the ex-president, and Gen Ali Mohsen. The former controls the Republican Guards and the latter the First Armoured Division.

Both commanders had hoped the GCC agreement would help reduce their rival’s military power. So far only the influence of the ex-president’s family has been reduced, something their supporters say proves that the revolution was nothing more than a plot led by Mohsen, writes the influential International Crisis Group [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/iraq-iran-gulf/yemen/125-yemen-enduring-conflicts-threatened-transition.aspx ].

“Either commander may trigger chaos if the dialogue doesn’t help him retain his post and influence,” said Rajeh al-Hasani, a military analyst from Abyan Governorate.

The relatively balanced composition of the 25-member Technical Committee shifted when Hadi appointed to it six more men (widely seen as supporters of al-Ahmar and Mohsen).

Furthermore, a recent government reshuffle saw Hadi appoint to leading positions people from his home district of Abyan, an ominous sign, say some.

Ex-president still pulling the strings?

Many analysts believe the ex-president is still very active in Yemeni politics, not least through his son.

JMP member parties are calling for the exclusion of the ex-president from politics (he is still president of the GPC), and the removal of his followers from key posts in the army. “Saleh was given immunity from prosecution to quit politics,” Sadiq al-Ahmar told IRIN.

One goal of the GCC agreement - the demilitarization of major cities - has only partly been achieved. Houses of influential leaders are still guarded by well-armed militias.

“Members of HTC [the pro-JMC Hashid Tribal Confederation] claim they are seeking a civil state, but their actions don’t imply this. Their houses in Sana’a are filled with weapons,” senior GPC member Ali Senan al-Gholi told IRIN.

Houthis

While the Shia Houthi rebels in the north might criticize what they see as US and Saudi meddling, they say they are willing to take part in the national dialogue.

The Houthi insurgency, which began in earnest in 2004, rumbles on in the north of the country. While some see the Houthis as part of a proxy war for regional influence between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the Houthis themselves say they are merely fighting for a greater say in running their own affairs.

Sporadic clashes with Salafis (who view the Houthis as infidels) have taken place in the northern Amran, Hajjah and al-Jawf governorates.

The fighting has also led to huge displacement. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), as of September 2012 the conflict in the north has led to 323,992 people being displaced [ http://www.unhcr.org/4c907a4a9.html ].

Houthi leaders criticize Hadi for allowing the US to interfere in Yemen’s domestic affairs. “How can we engage in a dialogue with the US ambassador present at the table? We will not participate in a dialogue supervised by America that kills Yemenis with their drones,” Dhaifullah al-Shami, a senior Houthi leader, told IRIN.

One analyst believes all groups in Yemen are primarily concerned about their own personal interests. “Their personal interests are the be-all and end-all,” said Abdurrahman al-Marwani chairman of local NGO Dar al-Salam Organization.

The Southern question

The Southern Movement (Hirak) is not taking part in the national dialogue.

With more than 70 percent of the country’s oil and gas resources in the south, many southerners feel the decision to merge the southern People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and the northern Yemen Arab Republic in 1991 was a mistake. There was a two-month civil war in 1994.

Activists and analysts in the south say increasing tensions in the south are due to intransigence on the part of leaders from the north. “How can we have dialogue with those who are still illegally grabbing our property?” Najla Abdulwasea, an activist in Aden, asked.

“Not everybody wants separation in the south. But people want an open dialogue without red lines. Hirak rejects the GCC agreement because of the preservation of `a united Yemen’ as the goal of national dialogue,” the Friedrich Ebert Foundation’s Petschulat told IRIN. “There is no trust that any government in Sana’a will ever do anything for the south.”

“These [northern] sheikhs haven’t changed their ways yet and are dragging the country into further division and fragmentation,” said Tareq al-Harwi, another activist in Aden.

Mohammed Bel-Ghaith, a professor of Law at Aden University, feels Hirak does not have a choice: “How can the southerners accept dialogue given this unfair treatment? People of the south have to boycott the dialogue and escalate their struggle until their rights are restored.”

Petschulat thinks that it would be rational, if Houthis, Hirak, Socialists and others built an alliance to push for a federal state with a strong parliament, to counter those who want to maintain central control: the GPC, which sees its most important political achievement - unity - in jeopardy; the Salafis who fear that it would be harder to lobby for a more powerful role of religion; and the Al-Ahmars whose influence would be restricted to their resource-poor homeland Amran.

“But so far, the leading narrative within Hirak is for separation,” Petschulat said. “Between insistence on a central state and the call for separation - a federal option seems to be the natural compromise, since the north is not likely to let the resource-rich south go, and since the international community has no love at all for southern independence. It boils down to two possibilities: a real federal state or civil war.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210160457370967t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 06 November 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly a year after a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal set Yemen on a theoretical path towards political transition, the country remains deeply divided amid increasing poverty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Sheikhs and shekels - the real cost of patronage</title><pubDate>Fri, 12 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201161241520330t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 12 October 2012 (IRIN) - Sheikh Nasser Shareef grimaced as he described the state of public services in his tribal area in Marib Governorate, about 100km east of Yemen’s capital Sana’a. “Very bad. We don’t even have a police station. And hospitals and schools are empty. There’s no one and nothing inside them, no services,” he told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 12 October 2012 (IRIN) - Sheikh Nasser Shareef grimaced as he described the state of public services in his tribal area in Marib Governorate, about 100km east of Yemen’s capital Sana’a. “Very bad. We don’t even have a police station. And hospitals and schools are empty. There’s no one and nothing inside them, no services,” he told IRIN.

For three decades former president Ali Abduallah Saleh used development projects in tribal areas as a way of securing loyalty, but with a new government in place, alliances are shifting, and many hope corrupt practices may be replaced by sound development planning.

“Now there are not a lot of [public service] projects. The new government is taking responsibility,” tribal leader Hasan Ali Bin Abkr, a sheikh in the northern al-Jawf Governorate, told IRIN.

The situation there is even worse than in Marib. A 2009 report by the state-run Yemen News Agency (SABA), known for its conservative estimates of the country’s poverty and development [ http://www.sabanews.net/en/news191906.htm ], said only about 4 percent of its more than 500,000 residents have access to electricity, while 49 percent of school-aged children do not go to school and the remainder face shortages of books, teachers and classrooms.

Ali Al Munifi, a sheikh from Marib and head of Dar Al Salam, a tribal conflict resolution organization, told IRIN the Arab Spring-inspired revolts last year may have brought in a new president, but the rampant corruption of the Saleh era remains.

He explained how a typical Sana’a development project used to work: “The government awards a contract to a particular tribal sheikh. Contractors receive the money to carry out the project, but because the contractors have a relationship with the tribal leaders, the money disappears.”

Despite such examples, “it is possible for the government to come into Marib and implement projects, if the government is serious. But as long as engineers, for example, continue to take bribes to say a project is fine, there’s no chance for development,” said Munifi.

Saudi role

Patronage also extends beyond Yemen’s borders. Saudi Arabia has long doled out gifts to Yemeni sheikhs in an attempt to buy security [ http://pulitzercenter.org/articles/riyadh-saudi-arabia-yemen-abdullah-saleh-king-abdul-aziz ], and stem the spread northwards of instability in the poorest country in the Arab world.

The effect of Saudi largesse has been to enrich a small cadre of tribal leaders and promote tribal conflict in areas where there is no rule of law. It is not surprising, therefore, that many observers do not share Bin Abkr’s hope that newly-appointed President Abd Rabu Mansur Hadi can or will institute responsible governance in tribal areas.

Fernando Carvajal, an expert on Saudi-Yemeni relations at the University of Exeter in the UK, told IRIN he believes the handouts to sheikhs will continue. “Saudi Arabia cuts and raises stipends as it pleases. Under the princes Sultan and Nayef [former Saudi crown princes who died in October 2011 and June 2012], some sheikhs disappeared from the payroll while others were added. This is politics.”

Indeed, recent reductions in Yemeni government payouts to tribal chiefs have “more to do with a huge budget deficit that the Joint Meeting Parties [JMP, Yemen’s tribal and Islamist-based opposition party] have used as an excuse to pick and choose which sheikhs they will support through the Tribal Affairs Committee,” said Carvajal.

One consequence of the Yemeni government’s tribal influence strategy is the growing number of sabotage incidents. Younger generations of tribesmen, alienated by their leaders’ corruption, have been attacking oil and electricity infrastructure “to create problems for their sheikh because they think he’s corrupt, that he’s receiving money from the government in their names,” said Sheikh Munifi.

Tribal structures under strain

Nadwa Al Dawsari, a former head of Partners Yemen, a think-tank in Sana’a, told IRIN that tribal structure is coming under increasing strain as a consequence of corruption.

“When you talk to people in tribal areas they say it’s been weakening in recent years because of increasing poverty, lack of opportunities, increasing unemployment and dwindling resources. All of these things have put a lot of pressure on the social security system in tribal areas,” she said.

Part of the reason is that “the tribal leadership is not able to fulfil their expected role in tribal areas as they used to,” she said, noting that sheikhs obtain legitimacy primarily through an ability to resolve conflicts and protect the tribe’s interests without having to resort to violence.

“The existing patronage system creates negative competition between tribal leaders, and creates conflict,” which further destabilizes tribal regions and hinders efforts at development, she added.

At the “Friends of Yemen” meeting in New York last month, donor states committed to helping President Hadi implement sweeping government and military reforms in preparation for multiparty elections in 2014, pledging US$7 billion, some of which is slated for development projects in tribal areas.

Sheikh Munifi sees the aid as a big opportunity for change. “Donors can do best for the tribes by meeting people in Marib directly, not by going through the government. Corruption there is widespread. They must meet the good people of Marib,” he said.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201161241520330t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 12 October 2012 (IRIN) - Sheikh Nasser Shareef grimaced as he described the state of public services in his tribal area in Marib Governorate, about 100km east of Yemen’s capital Sana’a. “Very bad. We don’t even have a police station. And hospitals and schools are empty. There’s no one and nothing inside them, no services,” he told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>