<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Security</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 18:30:52 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Lack of access, rains hinder aid to Jonglei IDPs</title><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201230959010833t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people have been cut off from water, food and medical care in South Sudan&apos;s Jonglei State, after fleeing violence between rebels and the government in Pibor County. They now face escalated risks as the rainy season starts, but aid agencies say the government has denied humanitarian access to these populations.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people have been cut off from water, food and medical care in South Sudan's Jonglei State, after fleeing violence between rebels and the government in Pibor County. They now face escalated risks as the rainy season starts, but aid agencies say the government has denied humanitarian access to these populations. 

According to the NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://www.msf.org/article243/south-sudan-120000-people-pibor-county-cut-aid ], an estimated 120,000 people have fled Pibor to areas that "will shortly be under a meter or more of flood water". 

"The rainy season has already started, and we know from MSF's years of experience in Jonglei that without medical care, mortality rates will rise rapidly, with people dying of pneumonia and other respiratory diseases, malaria and diarrhoea," Bart Janssens, MSF director of operations, said in a statement on 14 June. "Furthermore, starting in June, the communities start to run out of food before the next harvest arrives." 

For more than one year, Jonglei [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96285/south-sudan-disarmament-and-rebellion-in-jonglei ] has been rocked by a series of battles between rebels, led by David Yau Yau, and the government's Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). Yau Yau, a former theology student, has been leading the uprising for more than a year, calling for the overthrow of the government. 

In early May, Yau Yau's fighters attacked and took control of the Pibor village of Boma. After heavy fighting, the SPLA retook the village a week later. Yau Yau fighters also attacked the town of Pibor, but were repulsed. 

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/51b6f2916.html ], most of Pibor's population - an estimated 148,000 people - have been affected by the violence, with many having been displaced multiple times. 

Hiding 

Vikki Stienen, MSF's head of mission in South Sudan, said people have gone into hiding, most of them from the Murle ethnic group, which Yau Yau belongs to. Along with fears of continued fighting, the displaced were worried about being targeted by government security forces that remain in the area, he said. 

"It's very difficult for the SPLA to differentiate between rebels and civilians," Stienen said. "So they sit out in these areas that are going to be swamped over." 

The SPLA has repeatedly denied that it is targeting civilians. 

Ismail Konyi, a Murle community leader, said the internally displaced persons (IDPs) would only return once the Yau Yau rebellion has ended. "There are some few people who come back, but they need food," he said. 

"We are now talking with [Yau Yau] in the coming few days. We shall be able to meet him face to face." 

Konyi said the delegation of Murle leaders would encourage Yau Yau to accept an amnesty offer from the government, which includes a promise not to prosecute any of the rebels. 

No humanitarian access 

But possible negotiations will take time, something Stienen said the displaced Murle do not have. They are at risk of malnutrition, exposure, diarrhoeal diseases and malaria, with no access to treatment, he said. 

There are no accessible medical facilities. MSF’s hospital in Pibor - the main health care facility for tens of thousands of residents - was systematically looted at the beginning of May. Drug supplies were destroyed and equipment was vandalized. MSF also operates a small health centre in Gumuruk, south of Pibor town, but Stienen said the patients seen there are local. 

The UN's Central Emergency Response Fund recently gave US$5.4 million to aid agencies to improve medical capacity and to operate two helicopters to assist the IDPs. But Stienen said the helicopters "are not very effective", to some degree because no one knows exactly where the displaced Murle are hiding, and humanitarian groups are not allowed access the area anyway. 

Stienen said the SPLA had denied them permission to try to find the IDPs, citing security concerns. 

A week after the SPLA retook Boma, the UN Mission in the Republic of South Sudan made a one-day trip to the town, during which they were also refused permission to look for missing civilians. 

Malaak Ayuen, the SPLA's director of information, said the limited access resulted from security concerns for the humanitarian workers. Ayuen added that the aid groups needed to coordinate with SPLA officers on the ground to ensure their safety while attempting to find the displaced populations. 

According to UNHCR, the crisis has forced thousands into neighbouring countries. 

Adrian Edwards, a UNHCR spokesperson, said in the first five months of 2013, more than 5,000 Jonglei refugees have crossed over into the Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya - nearly the same number that arrived throughout 2012. Another than 2,700 refugees have arrived in Uganda since the beginning of 2013, while 2,178 arrived in Ethiopia between 7 May and 7 June. 

ag/kr/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98242/Lack-of-access-rains-hinder-aid-to-Jonglei-IDPs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201230959010833t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people have been cut off from water, food and medical care in South Sudan&apos;s Jonglei State, after fleeing violence between rebels and the government in Pibor County. They now face escalated risks as the rainy season starts, but aid agencies say the government has denied humanitarian access to these populations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Calls for AU, UN to take action in Sudan’s Blue Nile State</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - The UN and the African Union must step forward and take decisive action to stop Sudan from committing war crimes against civilians in Blue Nile State, says a new Amnesty International report, dismissed as “false” by Khartoum.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - The UN and the African Union must step forward and take decisive action to stop Sudan from committing war crimes against civilians in Blue Nile State, says a new Amnesty International report, dismissed as “false” by Khartoum.

“There has been no acknowledgement by the [UN] Security Council of the fact that Sudan is carrying out indiscriminate aerial bombardment. They need to press Sudan to stop,” Jean-Baptiste Gallopin, Amnesty International’s Sudan researcher, told IRIN.

He said the international community had a responsibility to press Sudan to cooperate with the International Criminal Court (ICC) [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/EN_Menus/ICC/Situations%20and%20Cases/Situations/Situation%20ICC%200205/Pages/situation%20icc-0205.aspx ], which has indicted President Omar al Bashir and six others over crimes committed in the western Sudanese region of Darfur.

Impunity

“Much of what we are seeing in Blue Nile and South Kordofan follows a similar pattern to the Darfur conflict and Sudan's decades-long conflict with South Sudan. The people responsible for government policy in those conflicts - President Bashir, Defence Minister Abdel Rahman Hussein and Ahmad Harun, who is now [the] Southern Kordofan governor - are still in charge, and unless the ICC's arrest warrants are implemented, there is little deterrence for present crimes,” he said.

The conflict in Blue Nile State is closely linked to - and started soon after - the 2011 conflict in South Kordofan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/93052/sudan-southern-kordofan-briefing ] between the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) and the Sudanese government. The SPLM-N objects to the marginalization of the region’s people and delays in “popular consultations” to determine the future of the two states; these consultations had been agreed to in 2005 under the Comprehensive Peace Agreement [ http://unmis.unmissions.org/Portals/UNMIS/Documents/General/cpa-en.pdf ] (CPA).

More than 200,000 people from South Kordofan and Blue Nile states have fled [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_4398.pdf ] into South Sudan and Ethiopia, according to the UN. The fighting has displaced or severely affected some 275,000 people in government-controlled areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and another 420,000 in rebel-held areas, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Amnesty’s new report [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR54/011/2013/en/96b0c8a7-55aa-4f04-8ab7-cf85ce3e4c8f/afr540112013en.pdf ] - “We had no time to bury them”: War Crimes in Sudan’s Blue Nile State - contains new satellite imagery and eyewitness testimonies from rebel-held areas of the state that allegedly prove that the Sudanese Armed Forces has used scorched-earth tactics to expel the civilian population.

“Scorched earth tactics”

“The Ingessana Hills, the birthplace of rebel leader Malik Agar, have been particularly hard hit. During the first half of 2012, the Sudanese government carried out a deliberate scorched earth campaign of shelling, bombing and burning down civilian villages in the area, and forcibly displacing many thousands of people. Some civilians who were unable to escape were burned alive in their homes; others were reportedly shot dead,” the report states, adding that “now, the only signs of life in these villages are Sudanese military positions”.

Amnesty urged the Sudanese government to “immediately cease indiscriminate aerial bombings and deliberate ground attacks on civilian areas” and “initiate prompt, effective and impartial investigations into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law”.

In a statement [ http://suna-sd.net/suna/showNews/pNdcArIuhCELYTOGEgjU7BX1AiTPblwD_rmzzQ4e92Q/2 ] to the government-run Sudan News Agency, SAF spokesperson Col Al-Sawarmi Khalid Saad said Amnesty’s allegations were “false and lacking evidence”.

The statement said the “reality of the situation on the ground” contradicted Amnesty’s report, which it said was geographically inaccurate, out of date and lacking in “scene of the crime” evidence.

This was because “there was no scene of the alleged crime” the statement cited Saad as saying, adding that the Sudanese military had in fact provided security to citizens and farmers in Blue Nile to protect their harvests.

Media reports indicated that on 11 June, Sudan's oil ministry ordered oil companies to block the export flow of South Sudanese oil on orders from al-Bashir over South Sudan’s alleged support of the SPLM-N. The government of South Sudan denies any support to the rebels.

Matthew Leriche, a Sudan expert who visited Blue Nile in December 2012 and says he found civilians there “living in constant fear”.

“The most apparent [crime] is the use of what is essentially a terror campaign to freeze the population and render them unable to take care of the basics of daily life. This terror campaign is causing persistent hunger and suffering and has been the direct cause of displacement of populations and prevented people from returning to their homes,” he told IRIN in an email. “This massive displacement appears to be a clear tactic, that is to clear any peoples in any way connected to opposition groups from Sudan.”

He added: “The rudimentary nature of these aerial bombers - basically rolling makeshift explosive devices out the back - means the targeting must be of a general nature. That is to say, they are dropping them on populated areas and any areas with any buildings; this means schools, markets, and such. This kind of indiscriminate attack is a clear violation of international humanitarian law.”

Amnesty’s Gallopin said they had noted some violations by SPLM-N, especially the use of refugee camps to forcibly recruit men into their ranks and to divert food aid, but “the scale of the crimes committed by the Sudanese government can be considered war crimes and might be crimes against humanity”.

In May, Valerie Amos, the UN’s Emergency Relief Coordinator, said she hoped direct talks [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA_Sudan_Weekly_Humanitarian_Bulletin_Issue_21_(20-26_May_2013).pdf ] between the government and the SPLM-N would “resume soon and that they will lead to a resolution of the conflict so that people can return to their homes and start to rebuild their lives”.

Demanding peace, access

Leriche says the AU and UN should demand that Khartoum abide by its existing obligations under the CPA. “There was a clear agreement that has been consistently flouted by the government in Khartoum. As key guarantors of the CPA, the UN and AU need to press Khartoum to stop accosting and terrorizing its own people,” he said.

“A transformation of the state, as the CPA should have brought about, is what is needed for there to be real peace. The various opposition political parties and groups have to be allowed to be a part of the power structure in Khartoum, and people need to be allowed to live without consistent attack and harassment,” he added.  “As a minimum starting point, the government should allow humanitarian access not just to areas it controls but to the entire state.”

As the conflict continues, hundreds of thousands of civilians remain without access to humanitarian support. An August 2012 Memorandum of Understanding among the Khartoum government, the SPLM-N, and a tripartite mediation group of the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States and the UN failed to secure safe passage of relief supplies to areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile controlled by the rebels.

The Amnesty report noted that in the interim, and as a matter of urgency, UN agencies and international agencies needed to be allowed access to civilian populations in need in all areas of Blue Nile “to facilitate the provision of all necessary assistance to civilians affected by the conflict, including food, shelter and medical care”.

kr/aei/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98220/Calls-for-AU-UN-to-take-action-in-Sudan-s-Blue-Nile-State</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - The UN and the African Union must step forward and take decisive action to stop Sudan from committing war crimes against civilians in Blue Nile State, says a new Amnesty International report, dismissed as “false” by Khartoum.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Military’s shutdown of NE Nigeria telecoms disrupts trade</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111127410938t.jpg" />]]>KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.

The states affected are Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. The Nigerian government sent thousands of extra troops to the northeast in late May,  hitting BH camps with air strikes and leaving an unknown number dead, following a surge in BH violence in the area.

In Borno State capital Maiduguri, which has been hardest hit by BH’s three-year insurgency, commercial activities, which were already disrupted by prolonged insecurity,  have collapsed, say residents, as merchants are unable to order from their suppliers in Kano and Lagos. As a result, the price of rice, maize and millet has jumped 25-150 percent. 

A 50kg bag of rice which sold for the equivalent of US$51 has risen to $95; a bag of maize rose from $25to $41, while a bag of millet increased to $63 from $46, according to traders.

Grocer Sanda Adamkolo said he now sells a bag of chilli for $101, instead of $38. 

Maiduguri trader Simon Bulus told IRIN his supply of tinned food, juice, flour, rice, pasta, sugar, seasonings, milk and soap has run out as he could not reach his normal supplier by phone. “I ordered 50 cartons of various items [from another supplier] but I only got 20 because of high demand from other traders,” he told IRIN.

The vast majority of Nigerians rely on mobile telecommunications as they do not have landlines. 

The military have banned trucks from accessing much of Borno State, leading to severe stock shortages, said Bukar Zanna, head of the traders’ association in the Borno town of Gamboru Ngala. “Our fear is that if the situation continues like this we may soon run out of essential goods,” Zanna told IRIN.

Medical director at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital Abdurrahman Tahir told IRIN the hospital could not send doctors to emergencies, or ferry the sick or injured to hospital without communications services.

But, he said, they are not giving up. “We have reactivated our broken CB radios and purchased more walkie-talkies for medical staff.”

Lt-Col Sagir Musa, military spokesman in Borno State, said the movement restrictions on goods in parts of northern Borno are designed to prevent supplies falling into the hands of BH. “We don’t want supplies meant for residents ending up in the hands of terrorists. We have instructed community leaders in some areas to inform the military when they bring in supplies so we can provide them with security cover to convey the goods”.

“Inconveniences”

“The phone cut is an operational strategy to cripple BH in the current campaign because without communication they cannot coordinate and that will put them in disarray. We know there are inconveniences associated with the phone shutdown but the security benefit is worth it,” a senior military official in Maiduguri involved in the military offensive told IRIN.

According to him, BH re-wires mobile phones to create remote-control detonators for home-made bombs. The phone cut has helped diminish what was a campaign of near-daily bomb explosions by BH, he said.

On 14 May 2013 President Goodluck Jonathan imposed a state of emergency in the three states considered BH strongholds, conferring sweeping powers on the military to reclaim areas of Borno, which had been under BH control since January. Bombardments of BH camps have led most members to scatter, many of them reportedly across the border to Chad. 

Anxious residents

Many residents are uneasy as they have not been able to contact their families. “For more than two weeks I have not had any contact with my parents, brothers and sister who are in Gubio,” said Bulama Mali Gubio, spokesman for the Borno Elders Forum (BEF). “I have no idea what situation they are in which makes me restless.” Most workers who are not originally from Maiduguri have relocated their families out of the region for safety reasons. 

Those who have stayed flock to cyber cafés with Internet Service Providers independent from the main mobile operators. Long queues are forming at their doors. 

“I have been waiting for four hours but it has not come to my turn yet. I will not leave until I email my wife to confirm to her I’m safe because I know she is worried she has not heard from me for almost three weeks,” said federal government official Michael Adeleke.

“I just paid some money into my wife’s bank account to let her know that I’m alive and well,” said Ahmed Bawa, a paramedic whose family lives in Kaduna. 

Wealthy residents are turning to Thuraya satellite mobile phones, costing up to $1,000, with high call tariffs.

Some have even driven 240km to reach Dagauda village in Yobe State to make calls, said Maiduguri resident Kabiru Dalhatu. “Our village has become a Mecca of sorts in the past two weeks. Dozens of people in cars come from Maiduguri, Damaturu and Potiskum to make phone calls and go back, including military and police officers,” Danlami Inuwa, a resident of Dagauda, told IRIN.

aa/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98207/Military-s-shutdown-of-NE-Nigeria-telecoms-disrupts-trade</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111127410938t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Thousands still missing HIV treatment following CAR coup</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203061228480055t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - More than 15,000 people living with HIV in the Central African Republic (CAR) had their life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV) treatment interrupted as a result of the instability before, during and after the 24 March coup by the Séléka rebel group. NGOs are now struggling to ensure these people resume their regimens to reduce the risk of illness, drug resistance and death.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - More than 15,000 people living with HIV in the Central African Republic (CAR) had their life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV) treatment interrupted as a result of the instability before, during and after the 24 March coup [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97721/car-coup-comes-amid-deepening-humanitarian-crisis ] by the Séléka rebel group. NGOs are now struggling to ensure these people resume their regimens to reduce the risk of illness, drug resistance and death.

“The medical care in CAR, including ART [antiretroviral therapy] and cotrimoxazole [an antibiotic used to prevent infection in HIV-positive patients] prophylaxis, have been interrupted and the patients have been without drugs for last three months," Ellen Van Der Velden, head of mission for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in CAR, told IRIN by telephone. "There are drug stock-outs. The HIV patients are struggling. The whole health system was disrupted. The Séléka takeover was preceded by the period of looting and disorder. The ARV drugs and other medicines in many health facilities have disappeared."

She added, "The HIV treatment was disrupted as the health workers and people fled for safety. After the takeover, many of these stations [health facilities] have not received the drugs. The people who had received their ARVs before the coup... they have run out."

Interrupting HIV treatment can have dangerous consequences, including speeding up progression to AIDS and drug resistance, which requires patients to be placed on more expensive second- and third-line therapies.

A March 2013 paper [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23449225 ], written by researchers at Brown University in the US, stated that "treatment interruptions due to political conflicts, not infrequent in resource-limited settings, result in disruptions in health care, infrastructure, or treatment facilities and patient displacement".

According to a 2010 national survey, the HIV prevalence among those 15 to 49 years old in CAR was at 5.9 percent; the capital, Bangui, has a significantly higher prevalence - 10.6 percent. An estimated 130,000 people are HIV-positive, while up to 13,000 die from HIV-related complications annually, according to 2011 estimates published by UNAIDS [ http://www.unaids.org/en/regionscountries/countries/centralafricanrepublic ].

The coup took an already struggling HIV programme - in 2012 the country had HIV treatment failure rates [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736%2812%2962156-4/fulltext ] of 30 percent among adults and 50 percent among children - to new lows.

"We know that even before the crisis, CAR had one of the highest mother-to-child [HIV] transmission rates in the region, and only 33 percent of people living with HIV had access to ARVs, but even this limited supply has come to a halt since fighting began in December 2012," Linda Tom, chief of external communication for the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) in CAR, told IRIN.

"Many hospitals and health centres, both in Bangui and across the country, were looted of what little supplies they had. Medicines, beds, mattresses and equipment were taken. Most doctors have left, and very few supplies and medicines are getting through. There are now very few fridges and petrol supplies across the country to allow basic health services, such as vaccination services, to continue," Tom said.

Slow recovery

"UNICEF is working with the Global Fund, the CNLS [the national HIV/AIDS control programme] and partners to get ARVs to health centres in Bangui and surrounding areas as access becomes available. UNICEF has provided 11 PEP (post-exposure prophylaxis) kits to hospitals and partners in Bangui, Haut Mbomou and other areas that have witnessed the highest levels of sexual violence," said Tom.

"The most urgent priorities are to disseminate HIV-prevention messages among at risk-groups and to re-establish HIV testing services, especially for victims of GBV [gender-based violence],” she added.

On 3 June, MSF began a two-month emergency initiative to provide ARVs to HIV patients who have been without drugs since the crisis. "We hope to have another shipment in the next three months, and we hope by that time, the government supply system would have resumed,” said MSF's Van Der Velden.

"While there has been some improvement since the coup, humanitarian access to those in need remains the biggest challenge to healthcare delivery in CAR due to ongoing insecurity and the heavy presence of armed groups,” Tom said. "When people get sick, they are afraid to go to hospitals or health centres, and when they do go they may find there are no health facilities open or no health staff or medicines available."

Development partners are calling for security guarantees that will enable health workers to return their duty stations.

"The most important thing at the moment is to bring the drugs to the places where they are critically needed. We are calling on NGOs and donors to come to help the population get treatment," Van Der Velden said.

so/kr/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98208/Thousands-still-missing-HIV-treatment-following-CAR-coup</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203061228480055t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - More than 15,000 people living with HIV in the Central African Republic (CAR) had their life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV) treatment interrupted as a result of the instability before, during and after the 24 March coup by the Séléka rebel group. NGOs are now struggling to ensure these people resume their regimens to reduce the risk of illness, drug resistance and death.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Pakistani families forced to flee FATA “paradise”</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101133080879t.jpg" />]]>JALOZAI 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - The last thing Sher Mohammed remembers before fleeing fighting in his village in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan was watching an eight-year-old girl being shot and killed by her father.</description><body><![CDATA[JALOZAI 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - The last thing Sher Mohammed remembers before fleeing fighting in his village in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan was watching an eight-year-old girl being shot and killed by her father.

“I saw him point the gun at his daughter and shoot her. He told everyone that it was better to kill her now than have the militants rape and kill her later,” said Mohammed, 35, fighting back tears.

Fighting between Taliban affiliated militants and the army in FATA’s Tirah Valley near the border with Afghanistan, has driven 80,000 people [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Pakistan%20FATA%20Displacements%20Sit%20Report%20No%202.pdf ] from their homes since March [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97760/fighting-in-pakistan-s-tirah-valley-displaces-40-000-people ] in what residents describe as a terrifying and bloody onslaught by militants to gain control of the area.

Further fighting in the last few weeks in the neighbouring Kurram Agency has also displaced around 60,000, according to figures published by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

“We have seen what the militants do to their enemies; we have seen what they do to the people who don’t obey them,” Mohammed told IRIN.

Families displaced from Tirah Valley to established camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and villages in Peshawar District are the latest to be affected by the five-year conflict between militants and the army in FATA. Residents from Tirah are joining the over one million people currently displaced by the conflict.

Gul Badan, a woman in her 70s, said life in Jalozai camp is tough, and she misses home, but leaving had been her only option. In April, as fighting intensified in and around her village in the Maidan area of Tirah, her family was among a dozen that quietly left in the middle of the night.

There were two pregnant women in the group she left with, and both went into labour during the long walk out of Tirah. Badan shed tears as she recalled how the babies died soon after birth, and the women bled to death.

“We knew the journey would be tough, but we could either take that risk or be killed by the militants,” she said, sitting in her neighbour’s tent. Her husband, also in his 70s, is too old and weak for daily wage labour, often the only source of income for the men in displaced families. They have to rely on their nephews to pick up their monthly food aid package, provided by the World Food Programme.

Badan said she was grateful to have found a tent in Jalozai. “Militants would threaten us from the mosque speakers, [or] from speakers on their cars when they drove through the village,” she said.

“They would tell us to not leave our houses without a veil, or there would be consequences. They would threaten people directly, calling out their names from the mosque…

“The weather is always pleasant in Tirah, but it is boiling in the camp. I’m not used to this, but at least it is peaceful here. I don’t have to listen to threats every day, I can sleep at night.”

Threats, killings

Displaced families in Jalozai are provided with tents and basic household items, including electric fans, but frequent power cuts mean they are little help during the summer when temperatures often rise to above 45 degrees.

Anat Khel, a 45-year-old woman from Takhtakai village in Tirah, visits the offices of the camp administration and other NGOs almost every day, holding her two sons’ ID cards, hoping to find work for them. Her village has seen some of the worst violence of the Tirah conflict, and while she waited for months after fighting began, hoping for the situation to improve, the family decided in April to leave for Peshawar.

“It was the only way to save my sons,” Anat Khel said. Militants would visit her village and demand that families contribute money and men to fight for their group. Families that defied them would be threatened, or worse, killed. “Tirah is beautiful, it looks like paradise, but [militants] have destroyed it. No one feels safe, we were always afraid.”

Anat Khel’s family is among the 57,000 IDPs at Jalozai camp, set up in the 1980s to provide shelter to refugees fleeing the war in Afghanistan. Today, all of its residents come from FATA.

Yet they, and others in similar camps in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, as are just 10 percent of the total displaced population. Most have found shelter with relatives and friends, or have used their savings to rent houses.

Raees Khan, a 55-year-old farmer from the Maidan area of Tirah, now lives in a small house in Jalozai village, a kilometre from the camp. The turning point for his family came when militants, after repeated threats, shot and killed several of his cows and goats in April. His family gathered a few belongings and left that night.

“We were patient, and we prayed during the fighting. My sons work in the Middle East, so they couldn’t take anyone [force any of his sons] to fight with them, but they decided to go after my only source of income,” said Khan, sitting in a dusty courtyard where he has built a small shelter for the animals he brought with him.

“When I got here, the rent was too much for us so we had to sell many animals for well below the market price.”

Khan’s family is from a strict and conservative part of Pakistan, where women observe ‘purdah’ or religious and social separation. Away from their village, the women of the family rarely get to leave their house. In Tirah, they would socialize with their extended families and work in the fields.

“Now, they are like birds in a cage,” Khan said. “My wife says every day, ‘we will be fine, let’s just go back’.”

A new life in Peshawar?

Many IDPs say that while they want to go home and rebuild their lives, there is little hope that they will get to do that any time soon, with fighting getting worse in the last few months. Some said they were planning on finding work in Peshawar and starting a new life.

Hukama Bibi, a widow in her 40s, is one such victim of the fighting. She left with her family in April 2012, after another phase of fighting between militants and the army in Tirah Valley.

Militants shot and killed her husband as they were leaving. After living for over a year in Jalozai camp, she said she has no desire to return. Abandoned by her brothers and extended family, Hukama Bibi says she has lost faith.

“I have been in Jalozai for a year, and I have given up on my family ever helping me. [My brothers] did not bother to see how I am doing even once. So I don’t care either,” she said, wiping away her tears with her sleeve. “But I can’t live here for ever, I want to move on.”

Hukama Bibi wants to look for housekeeping work in Peshawar, so she can send her two sons, aged four and six, to school. Eventually, she wants to rent a house in the city.

“I don’t have anyone anywhere. This is my life now, and I just want to do something for my sons.”

rc/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98200/Pakistani-families-forced-to-flee-FATA-paradise</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101133080879t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JALOZAI 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - The last thing Sher Mohammed remembers before fleeing fighting in his village in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan was watching an eight-year-old girl being shot and killed by her father.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Guineans flee Conakry unrest, ethnic tension</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071417120300t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.

President Alpha Condé has ordered an investigation into the latest violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97612/guinea-violence-mars-political-progress ], which followed a 23 May opposition protest over upcoming legislative elections. The government says 12 people were killed and about 100 others injured.

"It’s difficult to swallow - that fellow Guineans would come and ravage your home like this,” said a resident of Conakry’s Bambeto neighbourhood who requested anonymity.

He said that after the demonstration turned violent, men in gendarmes’ uniforms and civilian clothing ransacked his family’s house and two kiosks he rented out, stealing everything from cell phones to mattresses. They even ripped off parts of the roof.

“When I look at our roofless home, it gives me a stabbing pain. We Guineans don’t deserve this. We don’t deserve this.”

It is not clear how many people have been forced to flee their homes, but many residents told IRIN the latest violence has been alarming and voiced concerns about deepening inter-ethnic hostility. Many houses have been burned.

Government spokesman Damantang Albert Camara said local authorities were assessing the impact of the unrest, but he could not give an overall figure of those affected.

“Indeed there are families who have left their homes, either to avoid violence or because they’ve already been targeted,” Camara told IRIN. “Some have relocated out of concern for their security.”

A UN humanitarian worker in Conakry said that, for now, the organization was not assessing the impact of the violence, as the home-burnings were isolated incidents and there was no mass displacement. He said the UN is providing assistance to hospitals treating those wounded in the unrest.

Ethnic and political tensions

Ethnic divisions have long been part of Guinea politics, but Conakry residents say tensions between the two main groups - Malinké and Peulh - have risen steadily since the 2010 election of Condé, a Malinké, who defeated Peulh opponent Cellou Dalein Diallo in a run-off.

Many Peulh to this day do not accept Condé’s victory. In the latest political stand-off, Diallo and other opposition leaders accuse Condé’s government of planning to rig legislative elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96260/guinea-the-missing-parliament ], which, after years of delays, are set for 30 June.

The government and the opposition are holding talks facilitated by UN Special Representative for West Africa Said Djinnit. The agenda includes the opposition’s grievances over the electoral process [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96199/guinea-deadlock-over-parliamentary-elections ], mainly the right of Guineans living abroad to vote and misgivings about the firm drawing the voters’ roll.

The Bambeto resident said his son was beaten unconscious during the attack on their family home, and that he and his family are just grateful to be alive. President Condé has said the government would cover medical care for those injured in the violence.

The father of five said that, even before the incident, life was hard. His family, a household of some 20 members, would do petty trade to buy food each day.

“For now neighbours and family members are being very generous and helping us out, which is fine for the short term. But I don’t see when we’ll be able to establish our own source of revenue again… We’re living with some neighbours until we can repair our home. Once I come up with the money, I’m going to build a 3m wall around the house so at the very least if things heat up again we can hide out there.”

Former civil servant Kadiatou Bah, whose home was also vandalized during the riots, said: “They took everything they could from our home and burned the rest.”

She said that men in gendarmes’ uniforms ransacked her family’s home. “I pleaded with them - I told them it was with my civil servant pay that I was able to build this house. They wouldn’t listen. They beat me in the feet with their rifles.”

The gendarme spokesman was unreachable for comment.

Peulh say gendarmes accompanied by pro-Condé youth are carrying out the attacks, specifically targeting Peulh homes. Meanwhile, some Malinké are fleeing their homes in communities dominated by Peulh.

“When there is the slightest unrest, I stay at a friend’s home in another district,” said an Ivoirian who speaks Malinké and lives in a mainly Peulh neighbourhood. He said he is regularly threatened and harassed by Peulh youth who associate him with the Malinké in Guinea.

Relocating to avoid violence is not a new phenomenon in Conakry. Some residents say they know families who moved in the aftermath of the September 2009 stadium massacre and then again during the 2010 election campaign. But such displacement has risen with the recent unrest.

Ethnic tensions determine people’s choice of residential areas, said Aboubacar Cissé. “When people are looking for a house or apartment in Conakry, they take into account whether the owner is Peulh or Malinké and whether the neighbourhood is predominantly one ethnicity or another.”

He added, “I know a lot of people who are relocating to parts of Conakry they see as safer because they would be surrounded by people of their own ethnic group.”

Fighting for peace

Cissé, who took part in a training by the NGO Search for Common Ground, is one of many Conakry residents working to keep the peace. There are community groups throughout the capital struggling to rein in the violence. Cissé is secretary of a local NGO in Conakry’s Dixinn District, where he and colleagues meet regularly with local youth, including those who have carried out attacks, to talk about how to restore peace.

“The solution is us, not the politicians,” Cissé said. “It must be us.”

President Condé, in a 28 May statement, said violence is “unacceptable, highly irresponsible and reprehensible.” He said he has asked the justice minister to set up a panel of judges to investigate the recent violence and “to do justice to all the victims”.

“In Guinea, nobody should be a victim because of his origins or opinions,” Condé said.

np/ob/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98189/Guineans-flee-Conakry-unrest-ethnic-tension</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071417120300t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The dangers of rushing Mali elections</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306061215490073t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.

It is clear why certain outsiders are pushing for elections, said Jamie Bouverie in Africa Report: [ http://thinkafricapress.com/mali/premature-election-threatens-peace-and-stability ] France needs to put in place a legitimate authority to enable it to declare the Mali problem over; the US requires a democratically elected authority to restart its aid and investments; and the UN requires a legitimate partner for MINUSMA, its stabilization mission.

“Conducting elections is the only realistic way,” said Paul Melly, associate fellow at think tank Chatham House. “If there were no restoration of democratic structures, the country would not get international aid and would struggle to cooperate with others countries.”

Some Malians agree. Maimouna Dagnoko, a trader in Bamako, told IRIN: “The government must do all it can to hold these elections in July. Only through them can we put in place a legitimate authority which can take charge. The longer the transition government persists, the further we sink into the abyss.”

But while all agree that elections are needed, many say rushing them will further destabilize Mali. Inter-communal violence, suicide attacks and roadside bombs recur in the north, while France plans to bring its troop count down to 1,000 (from 4,000 in April) by election month, creating a security vacuum, some say. While MINUSMA is set to fully deploy in July it will take time to establish itself.

“What makes elections highly complicated is the situation in the north - not only Kidal, which gets most of the attention, but in Ménaka, Gao and Timbuktu, which have not been sorted out,” said Yvan Guichaoua, international politics lecturer at the University of East Anglia, mentioning the continuation of exactions against light-skinned people in parts of the north - inter-communal violence between the Movement for the National Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) and Arab fighters in Ber (Timbuktu Region) and Anefis (in Kidal Region). “Distrust between communities is still very high. Just think back to the 1992 national pact, which was ambitious but still led to three more years of communal violence.”

The Kidal question remains controversial: Malian troops this week wrested control of Anefis, midway between Gao and Kidal town, as part of a military offensive that is assumed to aim to take back Kidal Region from the MNLA. This offensive will have stymied the Burkina Faso-led negotiations currently under way between members of the MNLA, the High Council of Azawad (formerly of MNLA and then Ansar Dine) and the Malian authorities.

No “game-changers”

One problem is that while the Bamako political landscape has changed a bit since the March 2012 military coup, newcomers have by and large not shown any more concern for addressing the country’s core problems than their predecessors, said Guichaoua. “The godfathers of Malian politics are still in the game - there are no game-changers there,” he told IRIN.

Elections must be a beginning not an end, he added. If they are rushed, then after them, the problems of alienation in the north, the collapse of the Malian state, an inability to provide quality basic services such as health and education, and impunity for abuses that took place both recently and in previous conflicts over the north, will all persist.

Truth and reconciliation

All analysts IRIN spoke to stressed the importance of community and national-level reconciliation and dialogue. “For generations, tensions between nomadic Tuaregs and other ethnic groups have caused deep wounds that can only be healed through a truth and reconciliation process,” said academics Greg Mann and Bruce Whitehouse in a March article [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201303131117.html ]. “The scope of this process should not be restricted to events in northern Mali, but should encompass misdeeds committed throughout the country, including by the previous government and the soldiers who overthrew it a year ago.”

But the Commission for Dialogue and Reconciliation (already set up) has yet to gain momentum, and its mandate is overly broad, said Guichaoua. Further, several communities, including the Bella and those represented by COREN [ http://maliactu.net/commission-dialogue-et-reconciliation-cdr-le-coren-exige-sa-recomposition/ ] (a northern Malian group calling for unity amid rebellion) do not recognize it.

One risk is that, once elected, no politician will want to adopt a transformative agenda that might destabilize their hold on power, he said.

The general feeling among many southern Malians is that they are tired of Tuareg rebellions, and have little appetite for further reconciliation moves, said University of Ghent history lecturer Baz Lecocq.

Mali has rarely done truth and reconciliation well, so there is a dearth of models to draw on. One successful attempt discussed at a gathering of Mali experts at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London last week [ http://www.soas.ac.uk/cas/events/conferences/mali---2013/file84419.pdf ] was in 1996 in Bourem in the Gao Region, where leaders from various communities joined forces to put an end to mutual distrust and violence. There are few present-day examples, though some community-level dialogue is going on in Burkina Faso’s refugee camps, according to one analyst. “But just because there is no clear bottom-up approach at present, does not mean there should be a top-down one,” said Guichaoua, “It is unlikely to reap long-term dividends.”

Legitimacy

Election supporters say elections are the only way to restore some sort of legitimacy for Mali. “Elections will not solve everything… but not having a democratic process will not make it any easier,” said Chatham House’s Melly.

Elected officials have long struggled with legitimacy in Mali - both in the south and the north, where only 40 percent of the electorate on average turns out to vote, said Gregory Mann, lecturer in African studies at Columbia University in a blog conversation [ http://africanarguments.org/2013/05/14/mali-which-way-forward-a-chat-with-bruce-hall-baz-lecocq-gregory-mann-and-bruce-whitehouse/ ] with academics and Mali experts Bruce Whitehouse, Baz Lecocq and Bruce Hall. And this support for politicians grows weaker still when the state is unable to deliver basic services.

“We tend to think of this as a problem between Bamako and Kidal… but what seems much more problematic for the future is the fact that the health service collapsed, that the state completely delegitimized itself, and its infrastructure was destroyed in 2012,” said Bruce Hall, who lectures on African history at Duke University in the USA.

International diplomats and local authorities should be wary of partial credibility, said Guichaoua. “Either you are legitimate or you are not… What if a candidate who has lost, tries to inflame the situation and argue elections have been manipulated or rigged. You need something serious if you don’t want to pay the price afterward.

“Veneration for elections on the part of the international community has led to failures in the past… [he mentioned the Democratic Republic of Congo] “Why not wait a bit?… “We faced a pretty dramatic crisis over the past 15 months, and this could have been an eye-opening experience. If we let things go on as usual, what will the next crisis be?”

Logistics

Putting questions of security and sustainable peace aside, no one can agree if it is even feasible to hold elections in July. It is not an ideal month, given the start of the Ramadan fast, and the rains which will prevent many rural voters from participating - something that could lead northern pastoralists not to see the elections as legitimate. “Even under the best of circumstances, July is a terrible time for elections in Mali,” said Baz Lecocq.

Much of the voting in villages in the north takes place through mobile voting booths, which would probably be blocked by the rains. “If you want low voter turnout, organize elections in July,” he said, noting that July elections in the past have led to low voter turnout.

Figuring out a way to enable the 174,129 refugees in Burkina Faso, Niger and Mauritania to vote is crucial, said Guichaoua, not to mention the many unregistered refugees who are getting by in capital cities such as Ouagadougou, Niamey and Nouakchott. “How do you identify these people?” he asked.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) will allow the Malian authorities to conduct voter registration in the camps on a voluntary basis, it said in a communiqué.

Youssouf Kampo, a member of the national independent election commission, is optimistic: “We are in full preparation… Materials are already in place, except in some parts of Timbuktu and Gao, where they were destroyed. Voting booths, ballot boxes, ink and others things are all in place. I believe we will succeed in time.”

Gal Siaka Sangaré, a member of the government’s General Office on Elections (DGE), told IRIN they are making progress towards biometric voter registration despite some technical glitches. “We have to respect the 28 July date and pray to God that it all works out,” he said.

aj/ob/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98169/Analysis-The-dangers-of-rushing-Mali-elections</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306061215490073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid projects in limbo after Karachi killings</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209230725250631t.jpg" />]]>KARACHI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - The short queue outside a dispensary in the Sohrab Goth area of Pakistan’s mega-city Karachi hadn’t advanced for hours: the front door remained stubbornly shut, death threats having deterred staff from showing up for work several days previously.</description><body><![CDATA[KARACHI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - The short queue outside a dispensary in the Sohrab Goth area of Pakistan’s mega-city Karachi hadn’t advanced for hours: the front door remained stubbornly shut, death threats having deterred staff from showing up for work several days previously.

“They are too scared to come and help us,” said Saleem Ahmed, one of those waiting in line.

The recent killing of several aid workers has left many projects with an uncertain future as humanitarians fear getting caught up in incessant sectarian, ethnic and political attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96383/analysis-understanding-karachi-s-killing-fields ] in the city which killed around two thousand people last year.

One of those currently in crisis is the Bright Educational Society (BES), set up more than 17 years ago by Abdul Waheed, who was well-known and respected in the city’s humanitarian community.

The society runs a school in the Qasba Colony area of the city, and the small fees brought in by the 800 or so pupils helped fund other humanitarian activities, including the distribution of free medicines to the poor.

But less than a month ago, Waheed was shot dead [ http://www.humanrights.asia/news/ahrc-news/AHRC-STM-092-2013 ] in front of his young daughter and brother, close to the charity’s pharmacy.

Opposition to girls’ education

His associates believe the attack was carried out by extremists opposed to his work for the education of girls.

The death of Waheed has, according to Syed Latif who is now running BES, created a situation where the organization is struggling to survive, with more than half of the pupils enrolled in the school having left it in the last month.

“We are just desperate for funds, so that we can keep the work going,” Latif told IRIN. “People who have been with us for many years are not getting paid, and there is a limit to how long we can carry on like this.”

The situation is not uncommon. According to Aimal Khattak, spokesman for the Islamabad-based National Humanitarian Network which brings together over 100 organizations working in the NGO sector across the country, the killing of aid workers creates three kinds of problems.

“In the first place, the organization suffers because of the fear that spreads, deterring employees from continuing with their work; in the second place, the loss of humanitarian workers leaves a vacuum. But, the most damaging effect of all is that donors are less willing to fund the affected organizations,” Khattak told IRIN.

Karachi, with a population of over 21 million people, has recently become a frontline for such murders.

In March this year Parveen Rehman, executive director of the Orangi Pilot Project (OPP), was killed [ http://dawn.com/2013/03/14/parveen-rehman-a-fighter-for-the-poor-silenced/ ] by unknown gunmen.

Her death was considered a huge blow to efforts by the OPP to improve the quality of life for people living in one of the world’s largest slum areas - Orangi.

“The people who work for us are killed by those who oppose their efforts and do not want such things as the education of girls, or generally see these NGOs as being linked to the West,” Abdul Raees, a resident of the Lyari area of Karachi, whose daughters have attended an NGO-run school, told IRIN.

Gangs want influence

“They want to retain their own influence over various areas, so gangs of all kinds, political and religious, kill people who labour for ordinary deprived citizens.”

In March, Abdur Rasheed, head of an NGO-funded girl’s school in Baldia Ittehad Town in Karachi was killed [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/528660/explosion-heard-in-baldia-town-karachi-express-news/ ] in a grenade and gun attack.

“Rasheed, originally from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, was a good man. He wished to educate girls, especially those of Pakhtoon origin, and was devoted to this,” said a female teacher who worked at the school but did not wish to be named.

“We do not know why he was killed; whether it was because of his work or because of his affiliations with a political party, or because he refused to pay extortion money to a mafia involved in collecting it.”

She has since stopped going to work, saying her family was “too afraid”. Several pupils were also injured along with Rasheed.

In December, three separate gun attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97071/in-brief-attack-halts-polio-drive-in-pakistani-province ] in Karachi on polio vaccination workers killed four women and injured two men, leading to the suspension of the campaign.

Such killings have a strong negative impact on the immediate targeted projects (often girls education or vaccination programmes), and also create a wider sense of fear in the humanitarian community, aid workers say.

Fewer people are willing to offer their services, organizations face possible closure and as a result many are unable to access the humanitarian services people urgently need.

NGOs fear it may be impossible to work in areas of violence or to carry out effective monitoring themselves of the interventions made by those on the ground, says Khattak from the National Humanitarian Network. “This has been seen time and again.”

kh/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98176/Aid-projects-in-limbo-after-Karachi-killings</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209230725250631t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KARACHI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - The short queue outside a dispensary in the Sohrab Goth area of Pakistan’s mega-city Karachi hadn’t advanced for hours: the front door remained stubbornly shut, death threats having deterred staff from showing up for work several days previously.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rising Niger Delta oil theft threatens security</title><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306041209100740t.jpg" />]]>WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.</description><body><![CDATA[WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.

Thefts and vandalism of oil pipelines diminished in 2011 and 2012, partly due to the initial success of Oil Field Surveillance Limited (OFSL), which the government set up to monitor and report on oil theft but shut down in September 2012 after its head, ex-militant Ekpemupolo Tompolo, was sacked for allegedly not running the operation properly.

OFSL staff mainly comprised ex-militants and employed over 100 people at its height. It was part of the government’s 2009 amnesty programme to provide jobs for local youths. Some 27,000 Nigerians surrendered their weapons and signed up to the amnesty programme which included vocational training, and a fixed-term US$410 monthly salary.

Locals had complained to the government that OFSL was poorly managed, spending money on ghost workers, jeeps and other equipment. Many had disapproved of the programme, seeing it as a means of paying off criminals.

Isitoah Ozoemene, a political science lecturer at the State College of Education in Niger Delta oil town Warri, told IRIN: “The security they are talking about involves using ex-militants previously involved in vandalizing oil pipelines, giving them free money to do anything, and saying they are patrolling oil facilities. We have a government that compensates criminals, so more criminals come forward.”

Others say OFSL was the best solution for a bad situation: Only by giving youths jobs, will criminality abate, and as locals, they know the area and situation better than outsiders.

Julius Malam-Obi, former OFSL head of operations in the Isoko South local government area of Delta State, told IRIN oil theft has shot up in Isoko South since OFSL disbanded. His crew of 75 people used to go into the creeks on two-week shifts to search for oil bunkers and illegal refineries, which they would report to the authorities, he said.

Oil thefts have prompted corporations Shell, AGIP and Eni to close down operations in some parts of the region in March, and none have yet fully resumed their operations. According to the managing director of the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), the enterprise was losing an average of 60,000 barrels of crude oil per day (out of an estimated total production of 150,000 barrels) to oil bunkering, which represents a surge since January 2013.

Military attempt crackdown

Since September 2012, the military Joint Task Force (JTF) has controlled oil survey operations across the region. JTF media coordinator Lt-Col Onyema Nwachukwu said so far in 2013 they have arrested 498 people and seized 18 boats.

“These arrests reflect our unrelenting effort to eradicate oil theft while making the illegal business increasingly unrewarding and frustrating for perpetrators by scuttling their apparatus,” he told IRIN.

In 2012 they arrested 1,945 suspects and destroyed 4,349 illegal refineries, 133 barges, 1,215 open boats, an unspecified number of illegal fuel dumps and tankers, over 5,500 surface tanks, and 36,000 drums of illegally refined products, he added.

But despite these efforts, thefts continue to soar. So many people benefit from the theft - from locals and low-ranking soldiers to local politicians and top political and military men - that it is almost impossible to stamp out, said Jackson Timiyan, a community leader in oil-rich Gbaramatu Kingdom of Delta State.

Corruption rife

There are high levels of collusion between security forces, residents and oil workers in oil theft, say environmentalists and community activists.

All these groups make deals with oil theft cartels, including the JTF and the navy, said political science lecturer Ozoemene. “We have a very corrupt regime. JTF is made up of lowly paid officers and everybody wants to catch up with oil wealth.”

JTF’s Nwachukwu denied the allegations and said whoever had concrete evidence should bring it forward. JTF lacks the manpower required to control over 6,000km of pipelines simultaneously, he added.

Locals say ex-OFSL members are now returning to criminality. Jackson Timiyan explained why: “These youths are from the underdeveloped communities and they think these oil facilities are their own and [they] must be part of it, and since the government is not giving them enough reasons they will think that government is exploiting them,” he told IRIN. Others have turned to piracy, he said.

This spells danger, which residents are all-too familiar with, following years of violence from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and other militant groups. Some 1,000 people were killed and 300 taken hostage in the Niger Delta in 2008.

Meanwhile, locals continue to endure polluted water, poor schools and a seriously impaired healthcare system, despite years of campaigning. Agriculture is the mainstay for most residents, yet extraction, exploitation, oil spills and gas flares have decimated much of the delta, killing fish and ruining ecosystems, say environmentalists.

Rather than clamping down on ex-militants, they should be further empowered not only to track criminality but also to make money from oil legitimately, said Ozooemene. “Nigeria is the sixth largest oil producer in the world and has a reputation of being unable to refine crude oil… Where is the sense that it produces it and then has to later import the refined product? These persons should be employed to do the job,” he said.

While such a strategy appears unlikely to be implemented any time soon, what is clear is that continuing alienation, corruption, environmental degradation and unemployment could further boost insecurity in the delta region.

hu/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98155/Rising-Niger-Delta-oil-theft-threatens-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306041209100740t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Afghan reintegration scheme in the spotlight</title><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041350040870t.jpg" />]]>KUNDUZ 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - A process of voluntary disarmament and reintegration of ex-combatants, the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP), has been under way since 2010, but in the absence of a wider settlement, how successful can it hope to be?</description><body><![CDATA[KUNDUZ 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - A process of voluntary disarmament and reintegration of ex-combatants, the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP), has been under way since 2010, but in the absence of a wider settlement, how successful can it hope to be?

APRP aims to reintegrate low level fighters, while simultaneously reconciling top commanders with the government through political dialogue, according to the US Institute for Peace [ http://www.usip.org/publications/impact-or-illusion-reintegration-under-the-afghanistan-peace-and-reintegration-program ].

In return for renouncing violence and accepting the Afghan constitution, ex-fighters are promised reintegration into their communities, assistance with education and vocational training, and a degree of protection and security.

The formal reintegration scheme is implemented by APRP and its High Peace Council (appointed by President Hamid Karzai to negotiate with elements of the Taliban). NGOs and international organizations support APRP through things like programme monitoring, capacity development, study/analysis, and project implementation.

According to the UN Development Programme (UNDP), as of May, 6,840 fighters have been reintegrated under the scheme.

The APRP guide [ https://ronna-afghan.harmonieweb.org/FRIC/APRP%20Policy%20Documents%20Structures%20and%20SOPs/Reintegration_Hand_Book.pdf ] says the programme “is anchored in the reality that most Afghan insurgents are fighting in or near their communities, and only a minority is ideologically motivated”.

According to UNDP, the scheme uses three approaches: outreach/negotiations, reintegration/demobilization and community recovery.

All enrolled “reintegrees” are given various types of assistance - for example a transitional assistance package provides US$120 per month for 3-6 months. Most also work on community projects in their districts and villages.

Training and employment opportunities vary, depending on the specific programmes being implemented in the area, and personal interest. In Chardara (Kunduz Province), for example, an area known for carpet-making and agriculture, anti-government fighters and their family members learn to weave, and study agriculture and mechanics. Each family member is given 4,900 Afghanis ($90) a month for attending the project.

Scepticism

Some observers are sceptical about the scheme and whether the provision of material support can really change mindsets.

According to researchers Andrew Garfield and Alicia Boyd working for the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) [ https://www.fpri.org/articles/2013/04/understanding-afghan-insurgents-motivations-goals-and-reconciliation-and-reintegration-process ], the main motivating factor for anti-government fighters taking up arms against the government is not money but opposition to the “Western presence, values, and influence over the Afghan government, as well as the perceived severe shortcomings of the Afghan government itself.”

“Reintegration offers money or other material incentives, and this is not the main - or sole - motive of many insurgents. I had the feeling that the `ten-dollar Talib' was a psychological warfare invention,” Thomas Ruttig from the Afghanistan Analysts Network (AAN) told IRIN.

There is also a question mark over who is joining the scheme.

Several “reintegrees” told IRIN that former-fighters who joined APRP for money were not considered “real Taliban”.

“It seems that the largest figures of `reintegrees’ were generated in peripheral provinces, and often, if not in their majority, the fighters were not Taliban, but Hezbis or members of other freelance illegal armed groups, also including people linked to some of the organizers,” said Ruttig.

Project woes

The process of delivering projects on the ground has been a major challenge, according to an AAN report [ http://aan-afghanistan.com/index.asp?id=731 ]. Only $63 million of the more than $176 million set aside for the programme has been spent so far.

Long delays in project implementation and lack of an accountability strategy in vocational projects were just several problems mentioned.

Waheedullah Rahmani, spokesperson of the High Peace Council in Kunduz, said at the provincial level, directorates struggle to implement projects, which results in donors rejecting extension requests.

The principle of the reintegration initiative, common elsewhere in the world, is to allow ex-fighters to create a new, peaceful basis for earning a livelihood in their communities.

Rahmani said the High Peace Council has been able to provide some employment opportunities from the projects for reintegrees. “Dashti Archi District provided work for 272 fighters who joined the peace process. And last year at least 1,000 men worked in agricultural projects. Some of these people then merged into the Afghan Local Police forces.”

However, the AAN report found that few were able to find lasting sources of income after the training, and two thirds of the small business start-ups failed.

Threats

Several men said that before joining the reintegration process, the only option had been to continue fighting. “Now I understand this is my country and I should help my people,” said a 23-year-old ex-fighter from Baghlan, who preferred anonymity.

“But I am not happy with the Afghan government because when I first joined the peace process they arrested and threatened me. Why did they treat me like this? I came for peace, not for battle.”

Complaints regarding security from low-level fighters are widespread. In eastern Nangarhar Province, one former anti-government fighter was forced to move his family from the village to the city after constant death threats.

Commander Behru from Kunduz received threats not only from the Taliban, but also government-backed militia known as “arbakai”.

“I receive calls from my close friends; the other night [a] mullah called me. He said to me `Behru, we were very close friends, and then you went and became an infidel.' I know we are Muslims, but now they see us as infidels, and they will not let me live.”

Debatable impact

APRP is due to continue until 2015 and currently around 841 fighters are negotiating to enter the programme, with reports also that several anti-government groups are expressing interest.

A recent study on public awareness of the scheme by UNDP suggested most Afghans had heard of the process.

As to the impact of the scheme, the jury is still out.

“The reintegration programme might have weakened the insurgency here and there in some provinces, but apparently nowhere to an extent that it really made a large difference,” said Ruttig.

UNDP has identified things that can be improved in the scheme, for example the use of more experienced staff in project oversight and implementation teams, and better coordination between partner organizations and stakeholders.

But the fundamental challenge for any such reintegration scheme is the ongoing conflict.

The Garfield and Boyd study found the anti-government groups deeply committed to their fight, including a strong commitment to carry on fighting the current regime.

bm/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98154/Afghan-reintegration-scheme-in-the-spotlight</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041350040870t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUNDUZ 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - A process of voluntary disarmament and reintegration of ex-combatants, the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP), has been under way since 2010, but in the absence of a wider settlement, how successful can it hope to be?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NGOs concerned about new DRC Intervention Brigade</title><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300513560216t.jpg" />]]>GOMA 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Nineteen international NGOs have sent a joint letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to express concern over the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and future military operations by a new UN Intervention Brigade.</description><body><![CDATA[GOMA 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Nineteen international NGOs have sent a joint letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to express concern over the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and future military operations by a new UN Intervention Brigade.

The letter, dated 23 May and made public this week, asks the secretary-general to call on the 11 African states that signed the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (PSCF) in Addis Ababa in February to implement the agreement, and to work with UN Special Envoy for the Great Lakes Mary Robinson.

The letter also recommends that the UN Security Council “should seriously consider suspension of the [UN Intervention] Brigade if it does not perform well or if the Congolese government does not make sufficient progress in implementing its commitments under the PSCF” agreement.

The brigade of 3,069 troops from Tanzania, South Africa and Malawi, which the UN peacekeeping department says should be operational by mid-July, has been given a more offensive mandate [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97999/is-more-force-in-the-drc-more-of-the-same ] than any previous contingent with a UN peacekeeping mission. UN Security Council Resolution 2098 empowers it to carry out “targeted and robust offensives… with a view to neutralizing and disarming armed groups”, whilst “taking into account the necessity to protect civilians and reduce risks”.

The NGOs’ letter asks Ban for his leadership “in ensuring that the operations of the Brigade… are clearly linked to the realization of the PSCF” and that it “is part of a broad, comprehensive approach to achieve long-term peace and stability”.

The NGOs also call on Ban to ensure that “planning and conduct of the Brigade’s operations prioritize mitigation of harm to civilians” and to urge “the Congolese government… to put in place a fully independent national oversight mechanism to oversee the implementation of its commitments outlined in the PSCF”.

Dialogue and DDR

Under this heading, the letter says “this should include local level dialogue to address the local causes of conflict and community grievances, as well as comprehensive Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) options for combatants, irrespective of nationality.”

During his visit to the North Kivu provincial capital Goma on 23 May Ban made it clear that the UN does not see the Brigade as the sole solution to eastern DRC’s conflicts.

"The Intervention Brigade will address all this violence” he told local media, “and will try their best to protect human lives, human rights and human dignity - but you should also know that this is only one element of a much larger process. I think a peace deal must deliver a peace dividend, health, education, jobs and opportunity."

NGOs fear being linked with military action

One of the concerns that prompted NGOs to write the letter was the possible impact on their own work of future operations by the Brigade, said Frances Charles, advocacy manager for NGO World Vision (which sent the letter on behalf of the signatories).

“The issue of how the Brigade is related to the rest of the integrated mission and how independent humanitarian actors such as NGOs relate to MONUSCO is, I think, a very big issue.

“We have to preserve independent humanitarian access. MONUSCO needs to make clear to communities how all the different parts of the (UN) mission work together.

“One thing we are very concerned about, as World Vision, is being linked to any military action. We are independent and we want to make sure that our access to communities is maintained.”

Peacekeeping versus offensive action

Several observers have questioned whether MONUSCO’s existing role of protecting civilians, particularly in displaced peoples’ camps, will be possible in areas where the Brigade attacks armed groups, as this could result in retaliation against all UN military and civilian personnel as well as against other aid workers and civilians.

The interim head of MONUSCO’s office in Goma, Alex Queval, told journalists that all necessary precautions would be taken to ensure that peacekeepers continue all their existing work, but he did not go into details.

For its part the M23 rebel group [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97779/briefing-m23-one-year-on ] has suggested that the Brigade will need to work in different areas to the other peacekeepers.

"It’s a very complicated situation for us,” M23 spokesman Rene Abandi told IRIN this week. “Blue helmets come with an offensive mandate while others are deployed in the same areas with a peacekeepers' mandate. They have really to separate areas so that we can make the distinction."

Speaking to the UN News Centre on 29 May, the commander of the Intervention Brigade, Tanzanian Brig-Gen James Aloizi Mwakibolwa, acknowledged there are fears among some observers that the Brigade will exacerbate tensions.

“Perhaps they expect collateral damage to the extent that several people are not positive about the Brigade,” he said.

“It should be understood that our first concern should be the protection of civilians as we take on the armed groups,” he added. “A UN peacekeeper is a person who must protect UN staff and UN property but, above all, he must protect the civilians.”

The brigadier stressed that while he heads the brigade, he is not the head of the UN force in the country. “We are part of MONUSCO and our instructions come from the force commander of MONUSCO,” he said.

Goma groups support Brigade

Civil society groups in Goma are generally supportive of the Intervention Brigade and its offensive mandate.

“For the first time people feel they can look forward to a better future - because the new force has a mission to put an end to the armed groups,” said Goyon Milemba, team leader of the North Kivu civil society association’s working group on security issues, after the arrival of the Brigade’s headquarters staff in Goma last month.

“If people think you can protect civilians by stopping attacks on armed groups, they are wrong. We need a lasting peace and that peace will have to be imposed by striking hard against negative forces,” the president of the North Kivu civil society association, Thomas d’Aquin Muiti, told IRIN.

He acknowledged there would be collateral damage but said the situation for the people in displaced camps is intolerable.

“This does not mean MONUSCO should stop protecting displaced people,” he said. “Rather it should reinforce protection.”

He added that the government should recognize it will have an additional responsibility for protection as the Brigade starts offensive operations.

nl/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98140/NGOs-concerned-about-new-DRC-Intervention-Brigade</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300513560216t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GOMA 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Nineteen international NGOs have sent a joint letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to express concern over the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and future military operations by a new UN Intervention Brigade.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rebel amnesty reinstated in Uganda</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211249470019t.jpg" />]]>GULU 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Civil society in northern Uganda has welcomed the reinstatement of legislation granting blanket amnesty to members of armed groups who surrender.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Civil society in northern Uganda has welcomed the reinstatement of legislation granting blanket amnesty to members of armed groups who surrender.

Key sections of Uganda’s Amnesty Act were allowed to lapse in May 2012, meaning that members of armed groups, notably the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), no longer automatically escaped prosecution if they willingly abandoned their armed struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95569/uganda-no-more-amnesty-certificates-for-rebels ].

Earlier this month, these sections of the act were reinstated and will remain in force for two years. Only top LRA commanders are ineligible for amnesty.

“We will endeavour to make known widely the decision of the government to restore the amnesty and will play our part to encourage any person still involved in armed rebellion to take advantage of the amnesty, which is a gesture of reconciliation and goodwill on the part of the people of Uganda,” said of a press statement by a coalition of civil society organizations in northern Uganda.

The region has yet to recover from decades of conflict.

“Big opportunity”

“Restoring the amnesty law in its totality is a big opportunity for the country to answer prayers for people, particularly in northern Uganda, crying for their person still held in captivity by the Lord’s Resistance [Army] rebels,” noted Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance advocate with Makerere University’s Refugee Law Project.

“We hope that it [the amnesty law] will stay to achieve its main objectives of facilitating a peaceful end of conflict and reintegration of rebels back to their communities. This therefore demands for all actors to engage in credible solutions to peacefully end the LRA conflict,” he said.

Janet Awor, who abandoned the LRA in 2012 and returned to her village of Awor, in northern Uganda, said: “I have been living in fear knowing that somebody from this village would take me to court because you know when you are in the LRA doing bad things is hard to avoid.”

She continued, “Now I need to go and check if my certificate is ready at the amnesty office in Gulu, because I had applied for it at the office of the Amnesty Commission upon my arrival in Kampala.”

The act has granted blanket amnesty to more than 26,000 members of armed groups, mostly from the LRA, since it came into force in 2000.

Uneven application?

In Uganda, former LRA mid-level commander Thomas Kwoyelo is being tried [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/93377/uganda-war-crimes-trial-may-affect-lra-defections-analysts ] for war crimes in the first case of its kind before the High Court's International Crime Division.

The trial has been viewed by some analysts as a case of selective justice; former high-ranking LRA commanders, such as Brig Kenneth Banya and Brig Sam Kolo Otto, have all received amnesty, according to Human Rights Watch.

Another LRA leader, Caesar Acellam Otto, who was captured by the Ugandan army in the Central Africa Republic in May 2012, has also not benefited from the amnesty.

Accelam’s wife, Nightly Akot, who was captured alongside him said: “Let him be [set] free because he is no different from other senior LRA commanders enjoying the amnesty.”

ca/aw/am/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98133/Rebel-amnesty-reinstated-in-Uganda</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211249470019t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Civil society in northern Uganda has welcomed the reinstatement of legislation granting blanket amnesty to members of armed groups who surrender.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Senegal looking more vulnerable to extremism, instability</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300931390165t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS).</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS) [ http://www.issafrica.org/publications/ecowas-peace-and-security-report/grand-angle-sur-le-radicalisme-religieux-et-la-menace-terroriste-au-senegal ].

Four Islamic brotherhoods dominate religious and political life in Senegal: the Qadiri, the Tijani, the Mouride, and the Layenne, each of them made up of leaders (or shaykhs) and followers (murids). In general, they are perceived as providing a barrier against the spread of fundamentalist dogma in the country, but the report says growing radical rhetoric is creeping in.

In the past, fundamentalists seeking to wield power in Senegal’s mosques pitted themselves against the brotherhoods, saying they needed to reform their form of Islam, said report author Bakary Sambe of the Centre of Religious Studies at the Université Gaston Berger de Saint Louis. But they soon realized this strategy would not work, and instead went for a strategic truce, he said, focusing on common causes such as a call to stamp out what they call "bad values" such as homosexulaity and the secular state.

Brotherhood  imams are increasingly asserting how “clean” and pure the form of Islam that they preach is, and thus they have taken on this reformist discourse, said Sambe.

According to the report/study, which involved researchers interviewing 400 Senegalese in the capital Dakar, its suburbs, and the towns and surrounding areas of Thiès, Mbour and Saint Louis, some 30 percent of interviewees said they had encountered the argument that they were not practising a true form of Islam.

Wahhabists (a conservative form of Sunni Islam) have allegedly criticized the brotherhoods for promoting the worship of individual imams - known in Senegal as marabouts - over worship of the Prophet Mohammed, said Sambe. In Thiès, for instance, many interviewees spoke of a mosque that did not support the right kind of Islam, and that worshipped men, over the faith.

“More and more, fundamentalist groups, such as Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb [AQIM], are tapping into national causes and giving them a religious spin, to create national ideologies - that is part of their new strategy,” said an imam in the Dakar neighbourhood of SICAP Baobab, who preferred anonymity.

While the majority of mosques shy away from fundamentalist preaching, the rhetoric has become more extreme in a significant minority, he said.

Crossroads

Senegal sits at a sometimes uncomfortable crossroads: It is both an important African member of Islamic networks, and at the same time a traditional ally of the West.

According to the report, Senegal has inherited its former colonizer France’s secular governance structure, yet 95 percent of its inhabitants are Muslims, and they are increasingly voicing concerns about the way the country is being run. While the brotherhoods have great influence in determining who gets into power in Senegal, their impact is often greater in other areas. For instance, while 90 percent of Senegalese children attend non-religious state-run or private schools, many thousands attend Koranic schools, run by marabouts, with an unregulated curriculum, and in many cases unknown funders.

“The idea of strict secularism in a 95 percent Muslim country does not necessarily fit comfortably,” said Sambe. “Many see the French-educated elites who have led the country, as having failed… They want an Islamic alternative.”

Many youths - at least 40 percent of whom are estimated to be unemployed - feel they have been failed by a political system that cannot provide jobs, yet they are also disappointed with the brotherhoods, and thus seek a more modern version of Islam.

“We met youths who were determined; who were prepared to plant bombs if they were asked to… This is new here, and it’s serious,” said Sambe, adding: “The brotherhoods must adapt to attract more youths.”

Radical discourse can appeal to a minority of these youths, who want to join a cause and feel they have few alternatives, said the Dakar imam.

Of course, there is a big difference between pushing for a more fundamental form of Islam, and a moving towards practising violent Jihad: the two should not be conflated, said participants at an Open Society of West Africa (OSIWA)-hosted seminar to launch the ISS report.

Mali spillover?

Nevertheless, given Senegal is a neighbour of Mali, and given it has “structural, institutional and geopolitical vulnerabilities, it could become a target of reprisals by radical Islamists who have occupied northern Mali,” said Col Djibril Ba, ex-second- in-command at the National Gendarmerie, at the seminar. Since the start of the Mali crisis, Senegal’s security and defence forces have been running a security early warning system to avert any instability, he said.

The detonation of two car bombs on 23 May in Niger - one near a military barracks in Agadez, the other in Arlit, the site of a French-run uranium mine, reportedly instigated by militant leader Mokhtar Belmokhtar - has rattled security forces across the region. Senegal, like Niger, plays host to France’s economic, military and diplomatic interests, and is contributing troops to the International Support Mission to Mali (MISMA), which could make it vulnerable as a target, said Col Ba.

Senegal’s porous borders with its neighbours - Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Gambia - and insufficient capacity and resources to sufficiently control these borders, create the conditions for trafficking and criminality of all sorts, including weapons, said Ba. “Even the USA, with countless highly sophisticated techniques and a newly erected border wall, cannot control its southern borders,” he said.

But not all are too concerned. Idrissa Diop, a researcher at the Ecole Normale in Dakar, reflected the views of many others IRIN spoke to. He is a Muslim and was seated beside his Christian friend and colleague from Kolda Region: “We live together here - he is my big brother, we share all our religious festivities. Religion should bring people together. The moment it starts separating people, there is something wrong. The kind of fundamentalism we see among certain groups in Mali could never be replicated here,” he told IRIN. “We wouldn’t tolerate it.”

ISS recommendations

ISS says more needs to be done to avert any trouble. It calls for an early warning security alert system to be set up, with religious groups, government ministries, security personnel and others involved to track and analyse incidents that occur.

It also calls on leaders to start a dialogue with religious leaders in Senegal to try to jointly limit the spread of extremist discourse in mosques and elsewhere.

The long-debated problem of how to better regulate what goes on in Koranic schools was debated at a Dakar seminar discussing the report’s findings.

Senegal’s police, military police (gendarmes) and army should work very closely together, exchanging information and intelligence on any security concerns, said Ba. The synergy between them needs to be improved both in Senegal, and among regional allies’ security and defence forces, he said.

aj/cb

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Incidents of concern in Senegal

October 2001 - A pro-Osama Bin Laden rally takes place at Dakar’s Big Mosque.
June 2007 - Arrest of suspected killers who had crossed Senegal and Gambia, and had been tracked by Mauritanian police and Guinea-Bissau security services.
May 2010 - Three presumed Jihadists are intercepted at Dakar international airport and extradited to Morocco.
November 2010 - AQIM threatens ex-President Abdoulaye Wade.
January 2011 - Prominent Imam Babacar Dianka is arrested.
February 2011 - Two people presumed to be members of AQIM arrested in the suburbs of Dakar.
April 2012 - AQIM calls on Muslims around the world to attack French interests because of the country’s military intervention in Mali.
July 2012 - Arrest in Dagana in the St Louis region of 10 people, seven of them Mauritanian and three Senegalese, suspected to be part of a terrorist network.
January 2013 - Minister of Foreign Affairs Mankeur Ndiaye said there were dormant terrorist cells in Senegal.
February 2013 - False bomb alert in Dakar.
10 March 2013 - A French school in the village of Boudouck in southern Senegal is set alight by villagers angered by its presence.

(Sources: ISS)

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98122/Senegal-looking-more-vulnerable-to-extremism-instability</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300931390165t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Beyond emergency needs in DRC</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report [ http://www.nrc.no/arch/_img/9676206.pdf ] by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.

“The chronic and extreme violence in the eastern DRC poses a stark challenge to traditional humanitarian ‘urgent response mode’ approaches. The humanitarian service machinery has become a virtually permanent fixture in the region, serving victims of multiple displacements and repeating cycles of violence for two decades… Protection in this conflict cannot be achieved solely by providing services to victims,” says the report.

For instance, it argues that in the Kivus, which have borne the brunt of the conflict, every community is at constant risk of conflict and displacement “until military and armed-group violence against civilians is brought under control.”

“There are no ‘durable solutions’ here without a change in the level of peace and stability, and changes in the destructive behaviour of the armed parties towards civilians,” the report noted.

Many puzzle pieces

In an interview with IRIN, Kyung wa-Kang, the deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), called for a “clear commitment from both political leaders and the international community to improve governance” and help bring “security and help achieve human dignity in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the wider Great Lakes region.”

The Congolese government has been accused of only half-heartedly implementing peace agreements with rebel groups.

“Rather than effectively implementing the 23 March 2009 peace agreement signed by the government and the CNDP (National Council for the Defence of the People), the Congolese authorities have instead only feigned the integration of the CNDP into political institutions, and likewise the group appears to have only pretended to integrate into the Congolese army,” International Crisis Group,  global think-tank, said in an October briefing [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/central-africa/dr-congo/b091-eastern-congo-why-stabilisation-failed.aspx ].

“The peace agreements that have been signed between the government and rebel groups provides for a real opportunity to push forward the agenda for lasting peace, but each party must be serious in ensuring it works and they do their part in making this fruitful,” Kang added.

In February, 11 leaders signed a UN-brokered peace accord aimed at ending the conflict in DRC and bringing peace to the wider Great Lakes region. “The agreement gives the people of eastern DRC their best chance in many years for peace, human rights and economic development,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon said during his recent visit to the region [ http://www.un.org/sg/offthecuff/index.asp?nid=2846 ].

In March, the UN Security Council passed a resolution setting up the first-ever UN peacekeeping brigade, whose mandate would include battling rebel groups in DRC and monitoring an arms embargo along with a panel of UN experts. It will observe and report on the flows of military personnel, weapons and equipment across the border of eastern Congo, including by surveillance aided by unmanned aerial systems.

Kang noted to IRIN, “Bringing lasting peace in the DRC will involve deepening democracy” and engaging all sides “involved the conflict”, saying the recently proposed 3,000-strong UN-backed intervention brigade should be seen only as “a part of a wider puzzle.”

Protection needs

The long-running conflicts in eastern parts of DRC have forced more than two million people to flee their homes. Thousands more have become victims of violence and abuse. In the last six months, the number of those displaced inside DRC  increased by more than 150,000 people, with most of the displacements being in North Kivu Province. The insecurity has further compelled an estimated 90,000 to flee into Burundi, Uganda and Rwanda over the same period, according to OCHA [ http://www.unocha.org/drc/reports-media/situation-reports ].

The international community, the NRC report argues, “has invested significantly in initiatives aimed at documenting protection needs - information gathering and early warning systems,” something OCHA’s Kang says might be threatened by the increasing crises in places like Syria, which continue to “suck donor funding and receive greater humanitarian attention.”

ko/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98131/Beyond-emergency-needs-in-DRC</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Palestinians from East Jerusalem seek safety in Israeli citizenship</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty. 

“Look around you, this city will remain under Israeli control as long as I live,” said 40-year-old Anwar*, a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem who acquired Israeli citizenship. “As Palestinians in Jerusalem, we are facing discrimination in all fields. Israeli citizenship is the only chance available.” 

According to data the International Crisis Group (ICG) obtained from the Israeli Ministry of Interior, some 7,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem applied for Israeli citizenship between 2001 and 2010, two-thirds of them between 2008 and 2010 alone. 

According to a December 2012 ICG report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/135-extreme-makeover-ii-the-withering-of-arab-jerusalem.pdf ], a total of 13,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem have Israeli citizenship, although this number likely includes residents who came into town from other parts of Israel. 

The major reasons behind the citizenship applications are fears of losing residency or access to Jerusalem, the wish to travel more easily and the desire to grant a better future for one’s children, according to Palestinians interviewed, a community activist and the ICG report. 

“Most Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, regardless of whether they approve or disapprove of the trend, believe that the numbers applying for citizenship are likely to grow,” ICG writes, noting that other researchers have reported much higher numbers from the Ministry of the Interior. (For instance, journalist Danny Rubinstein was told that 12,000 Jerusalemites had applied for citizenship in 2008-2009 alone, ICG said.) 

An Israeli foreign ministry spokeswoman, Ilana Stein, said that everyone who meets the criteria - being a documented permanent resident of Jerusalem with no criminal record - can apply for citizenship, but that “security concerns can arise on individual cases”. According to the ICG report, about one-third of applicants were rejected. 

Insecure status 

Palestinians’ permanent residency status in Israel is conditional on proving their “center of life” lies within the Israeli-defined municipal boundary of Jerusalem, a precarious status that can be revoked under many circumstances, including living outside the municipal boundary for extended periods of time. Between 1995 and 2000, Israel revoked the residency status of some 3,000 East Jerusalem Palestinians in what the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs called “quiet deportation” [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_jerusalem_report_2011_03_23_web_english.pdf ]. It revoked another 7,000 Palestinian Jerusalemites’ IDs between 2006 and 2011, which contributed to the subsequent upsurge in applications for citizenship. 

In addition, some 50,000 Palestinians live inside the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem but are cut off from the city by the separation barrier. Becoming an Israeli citizen often calms their fears that they may lose access to the city altogether should Israel decide to redraw the municipal boundaries along the route of the barrier. 

Jerusalem mayor Nir Barkat expressed sympathy for such a plan in 2011, suggesting that parts of municipal Jerusalem that lie on the Palestinian side of the security barrier should fall under the Palestinian Authority’s jurisdiction rather than that of the municipality [ http://www.geneva-accord.org/mainmenu/gi-director-comments-on-barkat-s-plan-to-redraw-jerusalem-s-borders ].

A 2011 survey [ http://www.pechterpolls.com/east-jerusalem-palestinians-say-un-move-would-hurt-them-many-prefer-israeli-citizenship/ ] by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion found that nearly half of East Jerusalemites would prefer to become citizens of Israel rather than a new Palestinian state, “casting fresh doubts on the official Palestinian claim to the city”. “Even more remarkably”, the survey found, 42 percent said they would actually move to a different neighborhood if necessary to remain under Israeli rather than Palestinian authority. However, observers say such data should be treated with caution, given that Palestinian applicants may fear losing their residency if they do not show support for Israel, and given the overall low, if increasing, number of applicants [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/02/24/the_perils_of_polling_in_east_jerusalem ].

Anwar’s choice remains a taboo for most Palestinians. 

“When I applied some 10 years ago, some of my relatives cut all relations with me,” he said, lowering his voice whenever speaking directly about his application during an interview in a restaurant in East Jerusalem. “My uncle got angry and asked, ‘Did you forget to love your city and your country?’” 

“Some people believe that in order to stay in their city, it is safer to get Israeli citizenship,” said Xavier Abo Eid, a spokesman for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in the West Bank’s capital Ramallah, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). “But Israel aims at turning occupation into effective annexation, and that includes the people living in it,” he protested. “And Israel is doing everything possible to push Palestinians outside Jerusalem. They have suffered from Israeli policies of ID revocations, home demolitions, evictions and settlement construction.” 

Israel officially considers Jerusalem its “united capital” and regularly denies the discriminatory impact of its policies concerning the Palestinian population in East Jerusalem. Jerusalem mayor Barkat said in 2010, a year after the wave of ID revocations: "Never was Jerusalem as open for people to practice their religion freely as it is today." 

The PLO has produced an internal policy paper on the citizenship applications, but has not released it publically. 

No silver bullet 

Anwar said he used to face time-consuming visa procedures every time he wanted to visit family abroad using his Israeli travel permit. Before he was granted citizenship, he had to submit employment records and official invitations before every trip. “Now, I just get on the plane.” 

But becoming an Israeli citizen has not protected him from discrimination. The Israeli passport may make it easier to travel, Anwar said, but “I am still treated as a potential terrorist, while Jewish citizens just pass.” 

Despite the citizenship, he still has not succeeded in getting a permit to build new rooms in his home. Rights groups say those Palestinians living in in East Jerusalem struggle to get building permits, while Jewish settlements on the perimeter of the city are growing, cutting Palestinian East Jerusalem off from the rest of the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97676/Briefing-Beyond-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement ]. One such settlement is Giv’at HaMatos; its build-up would cut off Arab neighbourhoods in southern Jerusalem, like Beit Safafa and Sharafat, rendering them “Palestinian enclaves”, the ICG said, surrounded by settlements that, according to an international fact-finding mission commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council, adversely affect Palestinians’ freedom of movement, natural resources and safety [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ].

Inequalities between Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel span many fields of public life, and are enshrined in parts of the legal system and government practices [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95095/ISRAEL-Address-inequalities-facing-Arabs-says-ICG ]. Some 30 Israeli laws specifically privilege Jewish over Arab Israeli citizens in immigration rights, naturalization, and access to land and employment, among other things.

The inequality has even driven some Palestinians in Israel - including some with Israeli citizenship - to leave for Ramallah, often in search of an Arab-speaking, culturally Palestinian environment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96263/ISRAEL-OPT-Upping-sticks-and-heading-for-Ramallah ].

“If things don’t change soon, going abroad will be the only option left,” Anwar said. 

*not a real name

ah/ha/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98132/Palestinians-from-East-Jerusalem-seek-safety-in-Israeli-citizenship</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Protecting civilians: A little less conversation, a little more action if you please</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305131351010693t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - As asymmetric warfare becomes the norm and military operations take place in ever more urban and densely populated areas, governments are increasingly recognizing the importance of protecting civilians in the midst of conflict. But a large gap remains between the theoretically robust protection provided to civilians by international humanitarian law (IHL) and the realities on the ground. Recommendations from a recent conference aim to address this gap.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - As asymmetric warfare becomes the norm and military operations take place in ever more urban and densely populated areas, governments are increasingly recognizing the importance of protecting civilians in the midst of conflict. But a large gap remains between the theoretically robust protection provided to civilians by international humanitarian law (IHL) and the realities on the ground. 

“We should recognize that there is progress out there, and that we see many more measures taken to limit the risk of collateral damage today,” said Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide [ http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/ud/whats-new/Speeches-and-articles/e_speeches/2013/statement_conference.html?id=727433 ] at the start of an international conference on the protection of civilians in the Norwegian capital Oslo last week. But, he said, “the sad truth is that despite clear obligations under IHL to protect civilians in armed conflict, our work together to reclaim this protection is more sorely needed than ever.”

The conference, bringing together 94 states and a wide range of humanitarian and military actors, aimed to raise the protection of civilians on the international agenda, organizers said. It is the product of a set of regional workshops held in Jakarta, Buenos Aires, Kampala and Vienna as part of the Reclaiming the Protection of Civilians Under IHL [ http://www.reclaimingprotection.no ] initiative, begun by the Norwegian government in 2009.

“People are always talking about how they are implementing IHL and on the ground it’s a completely different reality,” said Annette Bjorseth, a senior adviser in the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’s section for humanitarian and criminal law, and one of the conference coordinators. “The task we were given was to find a way to diminish that gap.” 

The conference has resulted in a long list of recommendations [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaime_recommendations.pdf ] adopted by co-chairs Norway, Indonesia, Argentina, Uganda and Austria, which aim to provide a “tool-box” on how to turn IHL from theory into practice. 

They include: incorporating IHL provisions into military doctrine and procedures, reducing bureaucratic burdens on humanitarian actors, improving documentation of civilian casualties, providing compensation to civilians harmed, adopting national legislation on war crimes, increasing transparency of weapons used, and taking more care when using drones.

Recent progress

During the last decade or so, the international community has placed more focus on the protection of civilians. Since 1999, it has been on the agenda of the Security Council and included in the mandate of UN peacekeeping missions. In 2002, the International Criminal Court was created to prosecute war crimes; and in 2005, states adopted the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine at the UN World Summit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94827/SECURITY-New-report-on-R2P-challenges-humanitarians ].

Today, states have developed less tolerance for civilian casualties in conflict (some states, like the UK and Switzerland, have developed national policies on the protection of civilians) and militaries are increasingly concluding that the protection of civilians is not only a moral imperative, but a strategic objective. 

Compare the NATO military campaign in Kosovo in 1999 to the international military operation in Libya in 2011, Eide said. The latter saw a much more conservative choice of targets. More advanced weapons can also provide better targeting.

Where militaries have introduced policies to protect civilians, casualty figures have dropped dramatically. 

For example, civilian casualties by pro-government forces in Afghanistan dropped by nearly half from 1,088 in 2011 to 587 in 2012, according to the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan’s 2012 report [ http://unama.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=zYmVmJCwBe4%3d&tabid=12254&language=en-US ], after the establishment of a Civilian Casualties Tracking Team in the Afghan President’s Office, information exchange forums between the Afghan forces and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and updated directives on the use of force by international militaries. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) has also succeeded in reducing civilian casualties in its more recent operations. 

In recent years, several UN Security Council resolutions have recognized that sexual violence in conflict is not only a crime, but also a threat to international peace and security, and prescribed action accordingly, reflecting “a fundamental paradigm shift”, according to Tonderai Chikuhwa, who represented the UN Secretary-General’s special representative on sexual violence in conflict at the conference [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaime_chikuhwa.pdf ].

The UN General Assembly in April approved the text of a proposed treaty governing the global arms trade, which has given some observers hope of further steps towards civilian protection. 

“The track record of the past 14 years is encouraging, given the significant normative framework that has been developed,” Redouane Houssaini of the Moroccan delegation told [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaime_journalists.pdf ] IRIN at the Oslo conference. 

“Fine words and good intentions” 

But despite the advances, aid workers and researchers say civilians are increasingly bearing the brunt of today’s complex conflicts.

“Sadly enough, these fine words and good intentions are rarely matched by the reality on the ground,” Peter Maurer, president of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), said at a March event [ http://www.ustream.tv/recorded/30097025 ] held at the International Peace Institute (IPI). The fundamental reason for this, he said, was the “huge gap” between those drafting regulatory frameworks and those perpetrating crimes on the ground. “Too often strategies for the protection of civilians developed in multilateral humanitarian fora come with no concrete instruments or clear methods to apply [them].” 

In a 2011 report [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/red-cross-crescent-movement/31st-international-conference/31-int-conference-strengthening-legal-protection-11-5-1-1-en.pdf ], after four years of study, ICRC identified gaps in the current legal framework’s ability to respond to new developments in armed conflict, but found that “in almost all cases, what is required to improve the victims’ situation is stricter compliance with that framework, rather than the adoption of new rules.”  

The same year, a study [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaiming_background.pdf ] by the Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), commissioned by the Norwegian government in the lead-up to the conference, found that one major challenge in applying the laws of war was interpreting them in the first place. 

For example, one of the tenets of IHL is the principle of distinction between combatants and civilians. The Geneva Conventions protect the latter from being targeted “unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities”. This clause is highly debated in legal circles, and was described in one recent doctoral thesis [ http://d-scholarship.pitt.edu/6425/ ] as ambiguous and “ultimately undermining its humanitarian objectives…

“Not only is there a lack of consensus among belligerents as to whom they can permissibly target during armed conflict… there is still debate among IHL experts as to whom the law protects,” wrote Betcy Jose-Thota of the University of Pittsburgh.

As such, the conference recommended that armed forces consult legal advisers and that IHL be part of practical, scenario-based training within the military before deployment.

“Strong commitments”

The conference chairs urged [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/cochairs_vienna.pdf ] the UN Security Council to play a larger role in ensuring compliance with IHL as well as international human rights law, by condemning attacks against civilians, imposing sanctions and mandating international commissions of inquiry. 

In their statements at the conference, states showed “strong commitments” not to impose unnecessary bureaucratic burdens on humanitarian agencies and not to criminalize their activities through counter-terrorism regulations, said Hilde Salvesen, another conference coordinator who acknowledged: “It’s a long way from a written document to what will actually happen in a concrete situation.”

Despite fears of giving legitimacy to rebels, states also recognized both the need to engage with non-state armed groups, in order to disseminate and encourage adherence to IHL, and the role journalists must be allowed to play to document violations. The safety of media personnel should increasingly be positioned as part of the wider discourse on the protection of civilians, the Committee to Protect Journalists argued [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaime_journalists.pdf ].

The International Coalition to Ban Uranium Weapons, and other advocacy groups, recommended more attention be paid to environmental contamination and degradation that have negative consequences for civilians in the long term. 

“Documenting, communicating and managing environmental contamination must be viewed as a key component of protecting the long-term health of civilians, particularly where the capacity of national authorities to provide these services may be constrained,” they told [ http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/Hum/reclaime_journalists.pdf ] the conference. 

Some participants at the conference also recommended that international actors concentrate more on enhancing the capacity of national governments to sustain longer-term efforts to protect civilians. 

UN’s protection of civilians 

“We need to engage with member states in a way that reinforces their own responsibilities to protect civilians,” Michael Keating, former humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said at the IPI event, separate from the Oslo conference. 

Keating, now senior adviser at the executive office of the UN Secretary-General, is leading an ongoing study into how the UN can better protect civilians. 

He said many UN teams in conflict areas lack “a crucial first step”: protection strategies outlining how to engage with authorities and with member states. Another challenge for the UN is a lack of clear crisis management mechanisms, especially in countries where a UN political mission does not exist. The report [ http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/The_Internal_Review_Panel_report_on_Sri_Lanka.pdf ] into the UN’s alleged failure to protect civilians near the end of Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict in 2009 found that UN staff on the ground “were very confused” about who to report to at headquarters, Keating said. Finally, UN staff who display personal courage and leadership in protecting civilians should be nurtured, recognized and rewarded, he said. 

Chikuhwa said the UN is working with several states to strengthen the rule of law in order to prosecute sexual violence crimes nationally, and improving training to its peacekeepers to prevent and respond to rape in war. 

Other initiatives, including the ICRC’s four-year action plan [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/resolution/31-international-conference-resolution-2-2011.htm ] for the implementation of IHL and the Swiss-chaired Group of Friends of the Protection of Civilians, based in New York, are also trying to build international consensus around the protection of civilians. 

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98113/Protecting-civilians-A-little-less-conversation-a-little-more-action-if-you-please</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305131351010693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - As asymmetric warfare becomes the norm and military operations take place in ever more urban and densely populated areas, governments are increasingly recognizing the importance of protecting civilians in the midst of conflict. But a large gap remains between the theoretically robust protection provided to civilians by international humanitarian law (IHL) and the realities on the ground. Recommendations from a recent conference aim to address this gap.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Stiffer penalties, formal justice to curb rape in Somaliland</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006161213350826t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Stiffer penalties and reduced reliance on traditional justice systems could help end the rising incidence of rape in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Stiffer penalties and reduced reliance on traditional justice systems could help end the rising incidence of rape in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, say officials.

“We estimate that about 5,000 rape cases may have taken place in Somaliland in 2012, compared to 4,000 cases in 2011,” Abdi Abdillahi Hassan, the director of social affairs in Somaliland’s Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, told IRIN. “There is no data of gender-based violence rates in Somaliland,” he added.

Records at the Sexual Assaults Referral Centre (SARC), also known as Baahi-Koob, of the Hargeisa Group Hospital in Somaliland’s capital, also indicate a rising trend. “The centre received 195 rape cases in 2012, compared to 130 cases in 2011,” Ahmed Dahir Aden, SARC’s director, told IRIN. The reported cases are mainly from areas near Hargeisa.

Few rape victims seek medical care; those who do arrive well after the attack. “Many women do not reach Baahi-Koob centre in the first 24 hours of the rape incident, and consequently the evidence of the rape cannot be easily found by the medical team,” Aden said.

Inadequate settlements

The extent of rape in Somaliland remains difficult to measure, with most cases going unreported or being resolved between families.

While rape is punishable with a jail term of five to 15 years in Somaliland, cases are often settled outside the courts by traditional leaders, with perpetrators typically paying compensation or marrying the victim.

For example, the perpetrator’s family can give some amount to the victim’s family, explained Faiza Yusuf Ahmed, the chairperson of the Somaliland Youth Development Association (SOYDA). “In addition to that, sometimes the case may proceed before the court and the perpetrator may be sentenced to imprisonment. However, the perpetrator may also pay an amount relative to his prison term [a fine], and he will be released. For this reason, if we want to decrease rape, we need to stop both the traditional ways of solving rape cases and the buying [off of] the term of imprisonment,” she said.

The acting Somaliland attorney general, Aden Ahmed Mouse, concurred: “One of the problems that we are now facing is the traditional way of solving [rape cases]. For example, the families of the victim and the perpetrator may agree before a public notary and demand that the court release the perpetrator. And the public prosecutor can do nothing because the victim is here and she is telling the court that she has stopped the case against the perpetrator.”

Explaining the payment of fines by perpetrators, Mouse said: “Sometimes, the perpetrators are sentenced to a term less than the term in the penal code, after the judge considers how the rape case took place and the circumstances. For example, a perpetrator may be sentenced to five years. He may stay in prison for two-and-a-half years and later he may apply to buy the remaining [time]… The fine equivalent for one year in prison [for a rape charge] is 2,740,500 Somaliland shillings [about US$421.61]. But we are now thinking of stopping this,” he said.

Call for stiffer penalties

Efforts are underway to stiffen the penalties for rape.

“We stopped [granting] bail to the perpetrators of rape. We have even proposed to the parliament to pass a law [to] increase the punishment for rape [to] include the death penalty,” said Mouse.

A police official with the criminal investigations department, who preferred anonymity, said: “As the police, it is our duty to catch [criminals] and send them to trial, including the rape assault cases. But of course sometimes police officials accept it when the two sides [the victim and the perpetrator] agree to solve the case between them.”

The chairperson of Somaliland’s National Human Rights Commission (SLNC), Fathiya Hussein Jahur, called for a greater role by the formal justice system.

“The human rights commission has already made contact with the chief justice, the attorney general and the police commander to stop the interventions of the elders. We believe that if the defendants face punishment for their crimes, rape will decrease,” said Jahur.

In an April workshop, traditional leaders, the police and judges agreed to establish stiffer penalties for rape, stop traditional resolution mechanisms and increase public awareness about the effects of sexual violence, she said.

“As a traditional leader, I believe that the traditional way of solving rape cases encourages the increasing rapes. For this reason, I am appealing to the traditional leaders to accept the justice and the criminal procedures of the courts,” Ahmed Iman Warsame told IRIN.

“I believe it is forbidden to rape a women, in any law, whether it is the Somaliland constitution or the Islamic Sharia.”

Child victims

Child rape is common, too.

“The last case we processed was of an IDP - internally displaced - child in the state house area of Hargeisa. The child was only six years old and a [male] relative raped her. The case went to the court and he was sentenced to six years in prison,” said SOYDA’s Ahmed.

Nimo Hussein Qawdhan, the deputy health minister added, “It is shameful that our hospitals receive a raped child daily.”

maj/aw/am/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98116/Stiffer-penalties-formal-justice-to-curb-rape-in-Somaliland</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006161213350826t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Stiffer penalties and reduced reliance on traditional justice systems could help end the rising incidence of rape in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Slowing Nigerian grain trade threatens Sahel food security</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221201390320t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR/KANO 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Northern Nigeria’s grain trade, which supplies almost half of the Sahel’s cereals, has slowed severely, while abnormally high prices of staple grains across the Sahel are causing serious food security concerns in this chronically vulnerable region.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR/KANO 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Northern Nigeria’s grain trade, which supplies almost half of the Sahel’s cereals, has slowed severely, while abnormally high prices of staple grains across the Sahel are causing serious food security concerns in this chronically vulnerable region.

The areas most at risk are southeastern and central Niger, which are highly dependent on Nigerian grain flows, as well as northern Nigeria and northern Benin. Chad is somewhat protected from the dynamic, as it produced a healthy harvest in 2012, says FEWS NET.

World Food Programme (WFP) market analysts report that grain supply is low in many of the main markets across the region, and that fewer traders from Niger and elsewhere are crossing the border to re-supply in Nigeria. Cross-border trade is significantly down in Nigeria’s Maigatari market (near Zinder in Niger), Illela (near Tahoua), Jibya (near Maradi) and Damassack (near Diffa), according to WFP.

In highly import-dependent Niger, “this situation must raise a red flag,” said WFP market analyst Jean-Martin Bauer, referring to poor trade conditions that spurred Niger’s 2005 and to some extent the 2010 food crises. “If trade slows down from Nigeria to Niger, it’s a huge issue for all countries depending on Nigeria,” he said.

In the worst-affected areas, staple grain prices are higher than in 2012 when the region experienced a widespread food crisis. A 100kg bag of maize in Kano, the region’s largest grains market, cost 7,400 Nigerian naira (US$47) in March 2013, compared to 6,000 naira ($38) the same time last year; while a 100kg bag of millet cost 8,000 naira ($51) in March 2013, versus 7,500 naira ($47) last year.

The poorest families in the Sahel are entirely dependent on markets for foods and may spend 80 percent of their household income on food, according to ECHO. “High prices lock these people out of the market,” said European Union aid body ECHO’s Sahel coordinator Hélène Berton.

Why deficits?

The problem is multi-faceted but in northern Nigeria, local deficits - because of widespread flooding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96504/NIGERIA-Worst-flooding-in-decades ] last year are being compounded by insecurity, according to FEWS NET markets and trade adviser Sonja Melissa Perakis.

Further, many producers of millet and tubers in Nigeria turned to cash crops last year, causing a deficit in these staple grains, points out a May 2013 FEWS NET report [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/West_SR_Nigeria%20Impact_050413.pdf ]. Millet production in northern Nigeria, for instance, declined by 13 percent in 2012, as compared to the five-year average.

The Boko Haram insurgency [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98076/Analysis-Nigerians-on-the-run-as-military-combat-Boko-Haram ] forced many farmers southwards away from their fields this planting season, said Aminu Mohammed, secretary of the Dawanau Grain Traders Association in Kano, an umbrella union comprising the largest cereals market in West Africa. At the same time, ongoing fighting and outright conflict between Boko Haram and Nigerian security forces has kept traders lying low in recent months. Many transporters are too scared to cross borders.

Nigerian’s emergency agency NEMA estimates 65 percent of farmers in northeastern Nigeria’s fertile Lake Chad basin have fled southwards to escape Boko Haram-related violence.

FEWS NET and WFP are currently assessing the drivers of the dynamic and will produce a report soon.

In many Sahelian countries, millet and maize production was up in 2012. However, a 6 percent decline in Nigerian production of these grains (as well as yams and cassava) in 2012 offset three-quarters of the gain seen elsewhere - because of the size of the Nigerian market, according to FEWS NET.

“Economic engine” broken down

Farmers, herders and traders from other countries rely on Nigeria, with its population of 162.5 million and its economic might, as the most important market for their products. Severely depleted demand in Nigeria for cash crops such as sesame, and for livestock, is driving down prices. “Nigeria is the economic engine of West Africa - if it breaks down, there’s trouble,” said Bauer.

Typically a pastoralist from Niger can trade a goat for 100kg of millet with a Nigerian trader, but in April 2013 a goat fetched just 93kg, according to WFP’s market information system in Niger’s Abalak market in Tahoua Region.

Another result of the situation is abnormal trade flows, with maize and millet being exported to Nigeria from Benin, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger rather than the other way round, according to FEWS NET.

“Don’t waste time”

Aid efforts need to be scaled up, said ECHO’s Berton, as the few humanitarian agencies present in northern Nigeria “are overstretched”.
“The food crisis that is presently looming in Nigeria needs more resources… It could have serious repercussions in neighbouring countries,” she said.

ECHO, one of the principal humanitarian donors to the Sahel, gave 9.8 million euros to Nigeria to fund nutrition, cash transfers, livelihoods and other projects, mainly in the north and to flood-affected areas; this is relatively little compared to the 55 million euros given for emergency response to both Chad and Niger.

WFP gives families in Niger 32,500 CFA ($65) per month, up from 25,000 ($50) two years ago. The amount might need to be raised further, given the falling value of the cash due to high prices. “We could at least compensate for that,” he added.

This could work where food is available, said FEWS NET’s market adviser in Mali, Louali Ibrahim. In other areas emergency food aid will be needed. “There is no one-size-fits-all solution to this problem.”

Thanks to the resilience debate [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/97594/105/Building-resilience ], the Sahel is still on the map this year following last year’s food crisis, said Bauer, but severe funding shortfalls remain. WFP needs $312 million in food and cash to fund its Sahel response from May to December 2013, he added.

The Sahel funding appeal was only 28 percent funded as of 24 May, despite the lean season being fully under way [ http://wca.humanitarianresponse.info/fr/system/files/documents/files/FundingUpdates%2017MAY%202013.pdf ].

National response

In most countries national governments are constrained by depleted national emergency stocks, having exhausted them in the 2012 Sahel crisis response, according to Ibrahim. Most national stocks are under 50 percent replenished, says FEWS NET.

To get out of the current mess, governments and traders must not restrict regional trade flows, warned Bauer. “Markets in the Sahel support food security. When they do not operate well, we see problems at the household level,” he said. “We saw that in 2005; we saw it in 2010… We need fluidity of trade.”

While no official trade barriers have been put in place, it is impossible to say what happens unofficially, said Ibrahim. Governments must try to reduce customs duty and hassle for transporters to the degree that they can. “Otherwise we’ll just see a bad situation get worse.”

But tensions are mounting in the marketplace, according to Mohammed of the Dawanau Grain Traders Association. The combination of low supply and high demand from Niger is putting a serious strain on the local market in the north, where grain stockpiles are severely depleted, he said. “Nigerien traders are mopping up whatever grains they can lay their hands on,” he said. Many traders pay cash in advance, he said, giving them an edge over local consumers.

“We sometimes go to villages to glean [buy] whatever we find at local markets to avoid completely running out of stock.”

He anticipates things will get worse during Ramadan in July, when demand for millet is predicted to soar. The price of millet has risen month-on-month since February, he said.

aj/aa/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98105/Analysis-Slowing-Nigerian-grain-trade-threatens-Sahel-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221201390320t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR/KANO 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Northern Nigeria’s grain trade, which supplies almost half of the Sahel’s cereals, has slowed severely, while abnormally high prices of staple grains across the Sahel are causing serious food security concerns in this chronically vulnerable region.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Sudan’s humanitarian crises overshadow development needs</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209250830540994t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - A 2005 deal to end decades of civil war in southern Sudan led many to hope that conflict-related humanitarian relief would gradually give way to the peace dividend of development aid and economic growth. Eight years later, emergency needs in the now-independent South Sudan remain overwhelming, with aid agencies calling for more than a billion dollars to tackle them in 2013.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - A 2005 deal to end decades of civil war in southern Sudan led many to hope that conflict-related humanitarian relief would gradually give way to the peace dividend of development aid and economic growth. Eight years later, emergency needs in the now-independent South Sudan remain overwhelming, with aid agencies calling for more than a billion dollars to tackle them in 2013. 

“One key question,” Humanitarian Coordinator Toby Lanzer wrote in the May edition of Humanitarian Exchange magazine, is “how we can continue to respond to emergencies without losing sight of longer-term development needs” [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-57/south-sudans-greatest-humanitarian-challenge-development ].

It is a difficult balance to strike, said Jok Madut Jok, South Sudan’s undersecretary for culture and heritage. He joined Lanzer on a panel organized last week by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI). “The need for humanitarian action has become the face of the whole country” and draws the majority of the donor funding, Jok said.

That is largely because, after less than two years of independence, South Sudan’s humanitarian needs remain enormous.

The 2013 Consolidated Appeal (CAP) for the country, which combines requests from 114 different NGOs and UN agencies, predicts at least 4.6 million people - out of the estimated population of 11.8 million - will require assistance this year. That includes more than 4.1 million people who need food assistance and 350,000 refugees from places like Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). It will cost $1.16 billion to assist 3.3 million of those people this year, the organizations estimate. 

But government officials and aid agencies say they want to do more with the money than just meet immediate needs. They are calling for a shift towards concurrently promoting long-term development, like improving infrastructure and building the capacity of local communities, so the country will eventually be able to escape the cycle of humanitarian crises. 

Balancing humanitarian response and development

Kuol Manyang Juuk, the governor of Jonglei State, has been at the forefront of one of the country’s major humanitarian crises; for more than a year, Jonglei-based rebel leader David Yau Yau has been attempting to overthrow the government. As many as 190,000 people in the state required humanitarian assistance in 2012, according to the UN.

Still, Juuk told IRIN, he does not want to see aid agencies restricted to delivering emergency health and nutrition services. He wants them to help his government build roads. “We need to connect counties and communities,” he said at the ODI panel.

By linking communities and encouraging trade, these projects would provide jobs and ease tensions as people - especially youth - become more invested in maintaining stability. “That’s the main thing. If we don’t do it, hostilities will continue,” he said. 

This emphasis, Lanzer wrote, must be adopted across all of South Sudan.

By focusing too exclusively on humanitarian responses, actors “fail to address the underlying causes that undermine sustainable livelihoods, agricultural production and economic growth, and perpetuate the pattern of emergency. In supporting the world’s newest country, we need to help South Sudanese avert crises, not merely respond to them.”

Lanzer said the UN is promoting concurrent humanitarian and development responses. As aid agencies distribute food, for example, they are encouraged to link up with other groups to develop school feeding programmes, which keep children in school, or to use food assistance as a stimulus to get communities to build roads. While the main focus is delivering food to the millions of food-insecure South Sudanese, these programmes can be “a springboard to address some of the underlying challenges,” Lanzer said.

Shrinking funding

It is easier to obtain money to respond to crises than funding for long-term development work, Lanzer noted. More than half of all official development assistance South Sudan receives is slated for humanitarian projects, he said.

And even that money might be drying up, according to Nick Helton, the coordinator for the South Sudan NGO Forum Secretariat.

South Sudan’s size and lack of physical infrastructure make it difficult for aid workers to reach some of the most remote communities. This contributes to the size of the country’s CAP, which is the second highest in the world behind Somalia’s. Helton says South Sudan is “seeing some fatigue in the donor community because of high operating costs.” So far, only 45 percent of this year’s CAP has been funded.

All of which makes the need for concurrent development work even more pressing: In their 2013 Humanitarian Implementation Plan, the European Commission’s humanitarian aid department (ECHO) said the cost of providing assistance is unlikely to shrink without long-term development projects to reduce the scale of the country’s humanitarian need.

The concurrent humanitarian-development approach jibes with what South Sudanese want, Jok said. While international reports about South Sudan focus on food shortages and ethnic conflict, local and national governments, working with aid agencies, are actually making progress towards improving road networks and cell phone coverage. School enrolment has grown from 300,000 in 2005 to 1.8 million last year. People are working to improve their situations and begin rebuilding, Jok said. “We are a society that can weather these crises.”

These concurrent programmes must be implemented more broadly, according to Lanzer. “No one is suggesting” the country’s humanitarian needs will end within the next year or two, he said. “But it has to be on our radar screen.” 

ag/rz/am

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98108/South-Sudan-s-humanitarian-crises-overshadow-development-needs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209250830540994t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - A 2005 deal to end decades of civil war in southern Sudan led many to hope that conflict-related humanitarian relief would gradually give way to the peace dividend of development aid and economic growth. Eight years later, emergency needs in the now-independent South Sudan remain overwhelming, with aid agencies calling for more than a billion dollars to tackle them in 2013.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>How To: Get medical aid kits to Aleppo, Syria</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.

But aid workers can make it happen. In one of the latest examples, 54 tons of much-needed medical supplies arrived in Syria last month, destined for people living close to the frontlines of the conflict in the biggest city Aleppo.

“More than 60 percent of the hospitals [in Aleppo] are out of service. Many are at the frontline and used by armed personnel,” said Fares Kady, medical coordinator for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the focal point for the World Health Organization (WHO) in Aleppo.

IRIN tracked the shipment, from the first phone call from a WHO official in Switzerland, all the way to the doctors in battle-scarred Syria on 13 April.

Switzerland

Olexander Babanin is a supply officer with the WHO Crises Support team in Geneva. In October last year he made a call to a medical supplies company in The Netherlands to order medical kits to restock the standby supplies at the UN Humanitarian Response Depot in Dubai.

“When the logistic supply chain starts, it is often not known where the medical assistance will in the end exactly go,” Babanin told IRIN.

“[It] all depends on requirement and availability. My job is to make sure that warehouses are full, but of course never too full.” 

The international humanitarian logistical network means emergency stocks can be pre-positioned in key parts of the world for rapid mobilization.

Medical kits like the ones that ended up in Aleppo are standardized packages of drugs and medical equipment, designed to be useful in a variety of regions and situations.

The Interagency Emergency Health Kit (IEHK) is composed of some 90 different types of drugs and 90 medical consumables and equipment packed in 44 boxes.

A single medical kit weighs just over a ton and its content meets the needs of 10,000 persons for three months.

WHO is the coordinating authority for international health within the UN system, and every five years an inter-agency committee consisting of pharmacists and technical staff from different relief organizations decides what essential drugs and medical supplies will be included in the medical kit.

The aim is to meet priority health care needs of a displaced population without medical facilities or a population with disrupted medical facilities.

The Netherlands

At the end of 2012 in the town of Gorinchem in the western Netherlands employees of the Medical Export Group (MEG), a commercial firm, pack the medications, spinal needles, surgical equipment, and other items into labelled boxes.

Like Babanin from WHO, the MEG packers are not aware of the final destination for the aid. The company specializes in providing medical packs internationally for humanitarian organizations.

The IEH Kits are loaded onto a ship at the port of Rotterdam, 40km away, and shipped to Dubai in the United Arab Emirates.

United Arab Emirates

By January the latest emergency shipment is in Dubai, home to the Middle East UN Humanitarian Response Depot (UNHRD) run by the World Food Programme (WFP), which as well as delivering food aid, provides logistical support to much of the UN.

Nevien Attalla is the pharmacist with UNHRD in Dubai, and helped the WHO medical aid along the next part of the journey.

“The request comes in through the UNHRD customer service mailbox. To support any emergency response we manage assets so they are readily available for deployment within a 24/48 hour time frame,” Attalla told IRIN.

For this outbound shipment, she has to seek approvals from the UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Health and the Narcotic & Precursor Chemical Unit in the capital Abu Dhabi. 

She also arranges WFP supporting letters for each border crossing. As soon as the shipment is cleared the aid items are packed up for transportation by truck to Syria.

The medical aid is stocked at UNHRD’s 22,500 square metre covered storage space in a desert area far from Dubai’s skyscrapers.

The warehouses, part of Dubai’s International Humanitarian City [ http://www.ihc.ae ] are close to Jebel Ali port, the world’s largest man-made harbour, and also Dubai World Central-Al Maktoum airport.

The heat in this place is often unbearable. However, inside the warehouses it is mostly fresh and cool.

“We have 5,000 square metres which are temperature-controlled between 18 and 25 degrees Celsius. There is also a cold room to guarantee the storage for cold chain pharmaceutical goods,” Doris Mauron Klopfenstein, who works in logistics for UNHRD, told IRIN.

Syria

The hardest and final section of the journey begins on half a dozen trucks - driven by Syrian truck drivers, a requirement set by the Syrian government.

The two-year conflict in Syria has caused widespread disruption of the health care system; the 54 tons (52 kits) provide enough lifesaving medicines and supplies to cover emergency health needs for three months for an estimated population of half a million, potentially a tempting target for armed groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ].

Since the beginning of the conflict WFP has reported more than 20 attacks on warehouses, trucks and cars in Syria.

The truck drivers hired by a WFP subcontractor set off from Dubai and take a route through Saudi Arabia, Jordan and then into Syria.

“The convoy remained several days at the Jordanian-Syrian border because of heavy fighting between Damascus and Dera’a Governorate,” said Elizabeth Hoff, head of the WHO office in Damascus.

Heading to the capital they cross through ever-changing government and rebel zones, and are frequently held up at checkpoints. But regular closures at the airport in Damascus and the length of the sea route mean trucks are the best option.

On 27 March the trucks finally arrive at the WFP warehouse in Alkisweh, rural Damascus. WHO and SARC carry out an assessment of the supplies, and then the aid is dispatched to Aleppo, 360km to the north.

WHO distributes 70 percent of such supplies through the Syrian Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Higher Education, and 30 percent through NGOs.

“Needs in Aleppo are increasing constantly. The health system is reeling due to the lack of medicine and medical instruments, especially for chronic diseases, and poor accessibility [geographical, social, economic and security], raising more challenges to the Syrian dilemma,” said Kady.

About six million people live in Aleppo Governorate, but since the conflict started an additional 1.5 million internally displaced persons have sought refuge in the city.

“This journey [Damascus-Aleppo] usually takes about four hours. Nowadays this road is very important for all parties of the war. The shipment passed almost 60 checkpoints and it took 11 hours,” said Kady.

On 13 April the goods are then distributed to their final destinations - two main hospitals in Aleppo and 10 health centres.

Syrian doctor Kady hopes for more supplies: “Opening new offices for humanitarian assistance and installing a safe road like a humanitarian corridor to Aleppo would be so important to decrease the suffering of people.”

But the possibility of further deliveries from Dubai is slight at the moment given the growing insecurity.

While UN officials continuously urge all parties to respect humanitarian principles and ensure safe access for relief supplies, “for the moment no further shipment of medications is planned from Dubai due to the continuing bad security situation in the entire southern part of Syria,” said Hoff.

af/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98087/How-To-Get-medical-aid-kits-to-Aleppo-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Demining on hold in Senegal’s Casamance Region</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100850270000t.jpg" />]]>ZIGUINCHOR 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Demining has been halted in southern Senegal’s Casamance Region after 12 deminers were taken hostage by fighters with the separatist Movement of Democratic Forces in Casamance (MFDC) on 3 May.</description><body><![CDATA[ZIGUINCHOR 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Demining has been halted in southern Senegal’s Casamance Region after 12 deminers were taken hostage by fighters with the separatist Movement of Democratic Forces in Casamance (MFDC) on 3 May.

The hostages - all Senegalese members of private South African demining company Mechem - were seized in the village of Kaïlou, 20km west of the regional capital Ziguinchor, near the Guinea-Bissau border.

According to Seyni Diop, head of a division that helps mine victims at the government’s Anti-Mine Action Centre (CNAMS), demining has been temporarily suspended in Casamance. This comes just weeks after officials said Senegal was on track [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97907/Demining-speeds-up-in-Senegal-s-Casamance-region ] to meet the Ottawa convention with its commitment to ban anti-personnel landmines by 2015.

Mechem would not comment on the incident.

The rebels belong to the faction of César Atoute Badiaté, head of one of the three principal MFDC branches. The International Committee of the Red Cross has visited the hostages and, along with other agencies, including the UN Development Programme, local NGO Apran/SDP and the government of Senegal, is involved in trying to negotiate their release.

Fred Weyers, head of Mechem in Ziguinchor, said they were leaving the negotiations to the state of Senegal.

A meeting had been held two months ago in San Domingos, northern Guinea-Bissau, between rebels and the head of CNAMS, which leads the demining process in Casamance, to enable demining to proceed.

At the meeting, the rebels said they could not guarantee the security of deminers.

“The MFDC considers that CNAMS has reached a red line beyond which the security of deminers cannot be guaranteed. MFDC considers demining in Casmance to be dependent on the peace process.”

Meanwhile, over 1,000 people participated in a silent march through the streets of Ziguinchor on 22 May, organized by the Women’s Peace Platform, to push for the hostages to be freed. The group released a communiqué, stating: “We once again appeal to MFDC fighters and to César Atoute Badiate in person, for the well-being of the population of Casamance, for their mothers, aunts and sisters, who we are. We implore you to liberate these 12 people.”

CNAMS has been leading humanitarian demining in Senegal since 2008. For many years, NGO Handicap International led demining but late last year, two new operators came on board, Mechem and a Norwegian operator, NPA, to reinforce the effort.

mad/aj/cb

 ]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98094/Demining-on-hold-in-Senegal-s-Casamance-Region</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100850270000t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZIGUINCHOR 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Demining has been halted in southern Senegal’s Casamance Region after 12 deminers were taken hostage by fighters with the separatist Movement of Democratic Forces in Casamance (MFDC) on 3 May.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Concern for Syrians stuck at Jordanian border</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures.

In Nasib village, just 2km from one of four border crossings between Jordan and Syria, there are 10,000 displaced people waiting to leave Syria, according to village imam Abu Omar. He said government security forces abandoned the village “long ago”.

The area surrounding the village is very tense, with the sound of heavy artillery “louder than ever” [ http://jordantimes.com/article/syria-shelling-noises-louder-than-ever-to-residents-of-border-villages ], according to a local Jordanian newspaper. On several occasions in recent months, the surroundings of the village have been shelled or hit by gunfire. Just yesterday, Abu Omar said, a rocket fell in the village, causing minor injuries.

Despite the insecurity, he said, for the last seven days, Syrians attempting to cross the border have been turned back, told by border officials that the Jordanian intelligence services are currently refusing any entry, except emergency medical cases.

But Jordanian authorities deny closing the border.

"Jordan's policy towards helping Syrians has not changed," Anmar Alhmoud, Jordan's spokesperson on Syrian refugees affairs, told IRIN. Jordanian Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh said the same at a press conference on 22 May, the official news agency Petra reported.

However, the number of Syrians fleeing to Jordan without documentation has dropped dramatically in the last week, from up to 2,500 per day to “all but zero”, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). (100-150 Syrians have, however, entered daily at official crossing points with passports, according to Alhmoud.)

A village under strain

Before the Syrian conflict began two years ago, Nasib was a small border crossing, home to 10,800 people, Abu Omar said. Some 5,000 of them left during the course of the conflict, only to have their homes filled by double the number of people, displaced by violence in other areas of the country.

In the last week, Abu Omar said, an additional 10,000 arrivals - coming from as far as Idlib and Aleppo provinces in the north - have put a strain on village resources.

“Displaced people used to stay in the collective shelters for one or two days and then continue on to the crossing,” he told IRIN over a scratchy phone line from Syria. “But since the border was closed, they are staying and waiting… Some families are living between the mosques and the streets.”

Over the past two years, Syrians have become accustomed to making do with less; and the residents of Nasib have long been sharing what they have with newcomers in need. But the few commodities that used to come across the Jordanian border have all but stopped in the last week, leading to food and water shortages in the village, Abu Omar said.

Today was the first day in more than two weeks, he said, that the village had flour with which to make bread: “The necessities of life are non-existent.” International humanitarian assistance does not reach these parts, he added.

Government and rebel forces have been battling for control of areas south of Dera’a for the past few months, but in recent weeks, the government has reportedly launched an offensive to retake areas previously “liberated” by the rebels.

One Syrian family that arrived in Jordan 10 days ago told IRIN the border was open but that the rebel Free Syrian Army had lost control of the area. People were scared to move inside Syria because of violence and because the government was back in control, the family said. Abu Omar said freedom of movement, even between villages, was very limited.

Aid agencies told IRIN insecurity in the border area could be deterring people from trying to get into Jordan.

Few options for Palestinians

In addition to the Syrians stuck in border villages, hundreds of Palestinians cannot leave Syria because of Jordanian regulations prohibiting them entry into Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ].

In Jamleh village, for example, just east of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, some 300 Palestinian refugees who attempted to leave Syria are stuck in difficult conditions. Most are now staying with host families, though some have managed to reach other villages where they are renting homes; others have no shelter at all.

Humanitarian assistance to them is limited because of the dangers accessing the area.

According to the UN, 4.25 million people are displaced internally within Syria. Another 1.5 million have registered as refugees in neighbouring countries and in North Africa.

At a press conference in Amman on 22 May, Syria’s ambassador to Jordan, Bahjat Sulieman, told reporters the Syrian refugee crisis has been “exaggerated” to put pressure on the Syrian government, saying that Syrians were not leaving the country for “real humanitarian reasons”, but rather for political ends.

He declined to comment on reports of Syrians stuck on the Syrian side of the border.

aa/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98096/Concern-for-Syrians-stuck-at-Jordanian-border</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Nigerians on the run as military combat Boko Haram</title><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005241211400801t.jpg" />]]>KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.

The attacks on BH camps in northern parts of Borno close to the borders with Chad, Niger and Cameroon followed the 14 May declaration of a state of emergency by Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan in the northeastern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. 

Musa Karimbe fled his village of Bulabute near Marte, BH's major stronghold in the area, on 17 May to Kusiri, 100km inside Cameroon where he is staying with a friend. "We are afraid of a repeat of Baga attacks on our homes," Karimbe said, referring to fighting on 16 and 17 April between troops from the Chad-Niger-Nigeria Joint Multi-National Task Force and BH members in which 187 residents from Baga town on the shores of Lake Chad were killed, and 2,128 homes burnt, according to Human Rights Watch [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97988/Displaced-still-homeless-after-clashes-in-Baga-Nigeria ].

People from villages around Abadam District, including Malamfatori, fled to Bosso in Niger’s Diffa Region, while others have taken refuge in the Cameroonian towns of Fotokol, Amchide, Darak and Kusiri, according to interviews with displaced Nigerians. Officials say 2,000 people have fled across borders, though several of the displaced told IRIN they thought the number was higher.  

The number of casualties from the fighting is not yet clear, though Nigeria defence spokesman Brig-Gen Chris Olukolade said on 17 May that there had been BH casualties, and that 100 BH members had been arrested.

An official with the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) in the capital, Abuja, said they had not yet been able to establish contact with their teams to find out the details of the humanitarian situation, because telephone networks in Borno and Yobe states have been shut down since 16 May. “The areas where military operations are ongoing, are not accessible,” he told IRIN.

Residents of Gamboru Ngala in Borno State said military forces screened them thoroughly before allowing them to cross the border; others passed through the network of unofficial trade routes that criss-cross the region.

The military has placed a “food blockade” on northern Borno, refusing to allow trucks laden with household commodities from leaving Maiduguri (the state capital) to the northern part of the state, in case they end up in BH hands. As a result, prices have shot up, said Bukar Zanna, head of the Traders’ Association in Gamboru Ngala.

Since January 2013 BH has taken control of Marte, Mobbar, Gubio, Guzamala, Abadam, Kukawa, Kala-Balge and Gamboru Ngala local government areas in northern Borno, chasing out local government officials, taking over control of government buildings and imposing Sharia law.

This prompted President Goodluck Jonathan to declare last week that he would “take all necessary action... to put an end to the impunity of insurgents and terrorists,” including the arrest and detention of suspects, taking over BH hideouts, the lockdown of suspected BH enclaves, raids, and arresting anyone possessing illegal weapons.

The military crackdown came after several attempts at dialogue [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96915/Analysis-Hurdles-to-Nigerian-government-Boko-Haram-dialogue ] - the most recent on 17 April, when the president set up a 26-member Amnesty Committee (headed by Nigerian Special Duties Minister Kabiru Tanimu) with a three-month mandate to try to convince BH to lay down its arms in exchange for a state pardon and social reintegration.

Dialogue soon broke down, and BH stepped up bombing attacks and assassinations in April and May in apparent defiance of the proposed amnesty. BH has repeatedly rejected peace talks, citing insincerity on the part of the Nigerian government following a series of failed mediated negotiations. 

On 8 and 9 May the Amnesty Committee met Nigerian security chiefs in Abuja and then BH members in detention in Kuje prison near Abuja to gather information on how to reach out to the BH leadership for talks. But on 9 May around 200 BH gunmen, armed with rocket launchers and rifles, launched coordinated attacks on security forces in the town of Bama in northern Borno, including a military barracks, a prison and police buildings, killing 42 people including soldiers, policemen, prison guards and civilians and freeing 105 inmates. Some 13 BH gunmen were killed in the attacks, according to the military.

In a 13 May video, BH leader Abubakar Shekau rejected the government’s amnesty overtures and vowed not to stop his group’s violent campaigns to establish an Islamic state in Nigeria. 

Flip-flopping

The government’s flip-flop approach is evidence of its frustration with the deteriorating security situation. But the next steps are not clear. “Deployment of troops and the declaration of war on BH by the president have put a huge stumbling block on the path of the Amnesty Committee,” said Mohammed Kyari, a political science professor at Modibo Adama University of Science and Technology in neighbouring Adamawa State capital Yola, which is also affected by the emergency decree.

“It will now be difficult to win the confidence of BH which is crucial in bringing them to the negotiating table because you can’t talk of peace on one hand and be deploying troops on the other.” A leading rights activist in the north, Shehu Sani, who has participated in past negotiations with BH, agrees. 

But many say the government had no choice. Yahaya Mahmud, a prominent constitutional lawyer in Nigeria, told IRIN: “No government anywhere will allow a group to usurp part of territorial sovereignty. The declaration of a state of emergency was necessitated by the constitutional obligation to restore a portion of Nigeria’s territory taken over by an armed group which involves the suspension of constitutional provisions relating to civic rights.”

The fear now is that the more violent the crackdown, the greater the chance of radicalizing angry young men to join the rebel cause. Babagoni Kachalla, a resident of Wuljo, one of the areas taken over by BH in northern Borno, said BH has been going village-to-village since January in all-terrain vehicles fitted with loudspeakers to gather recruits and preach their ideology. In the days leading up to the military response, BH fighters stepped up their recruitment drive, said Borno State residents.

Political scientist Kyari worries, in response to the crackdown, that BH will just shift their bases. “BH can’t face Nigerian troops in conventional war; the troop deployment to northern Borno means they will move out to other towns and cities with less military presence and launch guerrilla war, which is deadlier.”

The deployment of troops to Maiduguri in June 2011 and military crackdowns pushed some BH members northwards within Borno, and others to northern Mali, which they fled during the French, Chadian and Malian intervention in the north.

Trust

Many analysts and politicians are pushing for dialogue as the only way out of the impasse, but trust between the government and BH is very low.

Conspiracy theories in the north abound, including that prominent politicians, including the president, are fanning some of the violence in the north since they would benefit from chaos continuing there in the run-up to 2015 presidential elections. 

While not endorsing the theories, Abdulkarim Mohammed, author of Paradox of Boko Haram, said they should be investigated if the government is serious about understanding the roots of BH’s insurgency. 

The Amnesty Committee stated yesterday it would meet BH leaders anywhere they chose, to negotiate a way out of the violence. 

If the government does not win the confidence of BH soon, to at least bring them to the negotiating table, we are going to be in this much longer than we thought,” said Kyari, adding: “and if it is not managed well, it will engulf neighbouring countries.”

aa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98076/Analysis-Nigerians-on-the-run-as-military-combat-Boko-Haram</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005241211400801t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Libyans in North Africa scared to return home</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.

But after two weeks of imprisonment and torture, the 68-year-old former contractor fled.

“They accused me of supporting [former ruler Muammar] Gaddafi during the revolution, which is not true at all,” Warfella told IRIN in Cairo. “These people have turned life into hell for people, not just in Bani Walid, but everywhere in Libya.”

Warfella is one of tens of thousands of Libyans who have fled to Egypt. Many are accused, often falsely they say, of having fought in pro-Gaddafi forces in 2011, or having publicly expressed support for him.

Far from home, many struggle to find employment and affordable accommodation, and lack almost any formal support. But they fear revenge attacks should they return home.

“There is a persistent desire inside Libya now for taking revenge on whoever took sides with Gaddafi against the revolutionaries, even if these people who took sides with Gaddafi were not influential people or fighters themselves,” said Salah Al Turki, a senior executive from the Cairo-based NGO Libyan Foundation for Human Rights (LFHR).

“Some of Gaddafi's supporters who initially left Libya in the wake of the downfall of the Libyan dictator and then returned to their home towns faced problems. Gaddafi's supporters in other countries watch all this and are filled with fear to return, lest they should meet the same fate.”

The number of Libyans who have fled the country is not clear as very few register with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

A source in the Libyan Ministry of Social Affairs said there were 430,000-530,000 Libyans in Tunisia. LFHR estimates the number of Libyans who had come to Egypt after the demise of Gaddafi's regime at 750,000, although the Libyan Embassy in Cairo told IRIN the number is not more than 30,000. Algeria is also thought to shelter tens of thousands of Libyans.

Despite, its geographical size, the Libyan population is only around six million, and government officials say that having such large numbers of citizens outside Libyan borders is a humanitarian and security concern for the government.

Some Libyans in Egypt were formerly high-ranking figures, like Ahmed Gaddaf Al Dam, a cousin of Gaddafi and a close associate who is now at the centre of a legal tussle [ http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/2010/17/The-price-of-extradition.aspx ] in Cairo, aimed at paving the way for his extradition to Libya. 

But most lacked senior roles in the Gaddafi administration, and say they feel under threat because of their previous public support for Gaddafi, or for simply belonging to a tribe or town judged “pro-Gaddafi”.

Safe haven?

Though many Libyans who have fled to Egypt told IRIN they thought it was not yet safe to return, life in Egypt is far from easy and they say they continue to live in fear.

“Most of these people, particularly those who had committed crimes in Libya before coming here, think that state institutions or even international organizations will spy on them for the sake of the new government in Libya,” Omar Mohamed Al Ogaly, a plenipotentiary minister at the Libyan Foreign Ministry, told IRIN.

“They have this general fear of state or official agencies and this is why they stay away from these agencies.”

Egypt is undergoing economic and political strife of its own after the Arab Spring, and Libyans abroad are struggling with rising food prices and a lack of work.

Mohamed Al Salak, a TV host from the Libyan channel Libya TV, describes meeting one Libyan family living in a cemetery west of Cairo.

“Despite this, the members of this family are afraid to approach the Libyan Embassy for help,” Al Salak said. “Some of them have medical problems, but they are even afraid to go to the hospital, lest their whereabouts are known to the government in Libya.” 

LFHR tries to find ways of reducing the suffering of Libyan refugees in Egypt. Organization staff meet these refugees, try to give some financial support and present their plight to the Libyan government.

Division 

The current debate [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-05-05/world/39048298_1_islamists-militias-parliament ] within Libya about what sort of role ex-Gaddafi supporters should have in the new administration is a subject that also divides Libyans in Egypt. 

In Cairo, fights have taken place in public areas like shopping centres between Libyans who used to support Gaddafi and others who detested his rule and rose up against him.

“We all had to keep silent under Gaddafi even as we did not like the man or his rule,” said Fawzi Al Trapolsi (not his real name), who worked for years as plenipotentiary minister under Gaddafi.

“There must be some forgiveness. Libya will not move a step forward if this desire for revenge continues to control everything.” 

On the other side of the political debate are Libyans like Adel Abdel Kafi, an ex-Libyan fighter pilot who flew his military plane from Tripoli to Cairo in the early 1980s and applied for political asylum in protest against what he called “Gaddafi's despotism”.

“Forgiveness?” he said to IRIN. “How can we forgive the people who either participated in killing innocent Libyans or who kept silent while the Libyans were being humiliated for more than 40 years?” 

Building trust

The Libyan government is taking some steps towards reconciliation. In Tunisia, Naema M. Elhammi, the deputy head of the General National Congress, told IRIN she had met Libyans living in poverty but not yet willing to return.

“They are all afraid,” Elhammi told IRIN. “They think they will face many troubles when they go back. The fact is that some Libyans do nothing but settle old scores with their compatriots. This makes everybody afraid.” 

A group of parliament members, including Elhammi herself, are paying visits to neighbouring countries to talk to the Libyan refugees and convince them to go back. But they still have to build trust. 

In Cairo, the Libyan Embassy has opened a separate office in a different part of the city to the embassy to listen to the problems of the refugees and try to convince them to go back.

Mabrouk Raheel, an embassy official responsible for the office, says 5-7 Libyans visit the office every day to demand help either to continue living in Egypt or to go back to Libya.

“People who did not commit crimes during the revolution have no problem in going back,” Raheel said. “Those who committed crimes, however, must go to court.” 

Al Ogaly, the plenipotentiary minister, says if some Libyans are not able to go to Libya at present, at least Libya must go to them.

“We want these people back,” Al Ogaly said. “They must return to their country. Why should they stay abroad?” 

He says Libya's revolutionaries are now more receptive than ever before to the idea of the return of their compatriots who supported Gaddafi.

Warfella from Bani Walid, whose son is currently in jail in Libya accused of fighting the anti-Gaddafi revolutionaries, says he is not yet convinced.

“We need a justice system that guarantees that nobody will be put in jail unjustly,” Warfella said. “We need security and assurances that nobody will come out, of his own will, and attack us or accuse us of imaginary things. We want Libya to be for all Libyans.”

When asked, however, whether he thinks these conditions can be met in the near future so he can return and see his children and wife, he sighs wearily: “I have hope in God.”

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98045/Libyans-in-North-Africa-scared-to-return-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The price of fear</title><pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801305t.jpg" />]]>RIO DE JANEIRO 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - In slums where killings, rape, kidnappings and other criminal violence are commonplace, say researchers, lives and livelihoods are hampered by a force that is tough to measure: Fear.</description><body><![CDATA[RIO DE JANEIRO 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - In slums where killings, rape, kidnappings and other criminal violence are commonplace, say researchers, lives and livelihoods are hampered by a force that is tough to measure: Fear.

“We talk about homicide rates and deaths. Fear is a huge part of the protection mandate, and we don’t measure it well,” said Ronak Patel, director of the urbanization and crises programme at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative. He said surveys in recent years in slums in the Kenyan capital Nairobi - in a “non-crisis” peacetime setting - showed that 34 percent of people altered their daily activities for fear of violence and a quarter felt afraid in their own homes.

“This doesn’t get measured like mortality rates or rape incidence, but it has a huge impact that the humanitarian community needs to address.” For example this fear affects a woman’s ability to access a market, a prospective workplace or health care, he said.

Carlos Vilalta, professor and researcher at the Center for Economic Research and Education in Mexico City, at a recent conference [ http://hasow.org/Seminarios/Index/1 ] presented preliminary findings from research under way in Mexico.

Based on government survey data, he estimates that in 2010 it cost a family driven from home by fear of gang violence about US$611 to relocate, where the average monthly income was about $800. Very few studies into the fear of crime exist: it is an area that needs more attention, Vilalta said.

“Governments and particularly the police are obviously working very hard in fighting crime. However they seem to forget that fear of crime is also an issue for civil society and a matter of criminal policy.”

He said the premise that reducing crime will automatically reduce the sense of insecurity is false: “Mexico today has a lower crime rate than in the 1990s and, ironically, fear of crime is much higher.”

The European Commission’s humanitarian aid department, ECHO, says that in Central America, fear of organized violence is a constant.

“A frequent scenario is that people first escape inside the country, trying to seek refuge with family or friends, but are then localized by their aggressors and decide to leave the country,” ECHO said in its 2013 humanitarian implementation plan [ http://ec.europa.eu/echo/files/funding/decisions/2013/HIPs/central_america_en.pdf ] for the region.

A recent report [ http://www.cidehum.sitew.com/fs/Root/8svj6-Informe_CIDEHUM_Desplazados.pdf ] (Spanish) by the Costa Rica-based International Centre for the Human Rights of Migrants (CIDEHUM ) confirmed that organized crime is driving the displacement of populations in Central America.

Overlooked

The UN Refugee Agency, which commissioned the CIDEHUM study, three years ago issued guidance [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=4bb21fa02 ] for assessing whether victims of gang violence may be eligible for international protection. For now in Central America the human impact is largely overlooked, UNHCR said.

“While organized crime is being dealt with from a security angle, such as crime prevention and response, little attention has so far been paid to the impact of this phenomenon from a humanitarian and protection perspective,” the agency said in a February 2013 paper [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/UNHCR_Overview_Americas.pdf ].

The 1951 Refugee Convention does, however, recognize the concept of fear: it defines refugees as individuals with a genuine fear of persecution, not people who have necessarily experienced persecution.

Still, Javier Rio Navarro, Médecins Sans Frontières operational adviser in Mexico and Central America, says emigrants from Mexico or Central America are generally regarded as economic migrants.

"This is no longer applicable to all of them. A significant number of them are survival migrants, or displaced, or as they would be called anywhere else in the world - refugees."

np/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98039/The-price-of-fear</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801305t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RIO DE JANEIRO 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - In slums where killings, rape, kidnappings and other criminal violence are commonplace, say researchers, lives and livelihoods are hampered by a force that is tough to measure: Fear.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>