<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Middle East</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 18 Jun 2013 08:30:47 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Libya’s “growing” drugs/HIV problem</title><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141144340013t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Doctors in Libya say they are seeing a “growing” number of patients with drug problems and a corresponding risk of HIV infection, in a post-Gaddafi era marked by limited law enforcement and government capacity.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Doctors in Libya say they are seeing a “growing” number of patients with drug problems and a corresponding risk of HIV infection, in a post-Gaddafi era marked by limited law enforcement and government capacity.

“Every month more people come to us needing help,” said Abdullah Fannir, deputy director of Gargaresh psychiatric hospital in Tripoli.

“It’s part of the fallout from the revolution. Border control is weak, making it easy for drug-traffickers, and there’s more demand as well. Hundreds of thousands of Libyans were displaced, wounded or bereaved during the uprising.”

Doctors at Benghazi’s Al Irada drug addiction clinic, the only treatment centre of its kind in the country, say some of the most common addictions they have to treat are for Tramadol, a painkiller that stimulates the release of serotonin and can cause seizures, and heroin.

With heroin has come HIV/AIDS. A report [ http://journals.lww.com/jaids/Abstract/2013/04150/New_Evidence_on_the_HIV_Epidemic_in_Libya___Why.18.aspx ] by the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine published in April based on data collected in Tripoli before the uprising concluded that 87 percent of the city’s injecting drug users have HIV. That is the highest rate recorded anywhere in the world and compares to 2.6 percent in Tunis and 7.7 percent in Cairo.

Joseph Valadez was study director on the project and says the epidemic among the drug-using community must be tackled now to stave off a wider health crisis.

“Our results show quite clearly that there is a concentrated epidemic among Libya’s injecting drug users. They also show progress towards a concentrated epidemic among men who have sex with men and, although we weren’t able to do an in-depth survey, our results also point to high levels of HIV infection among sex workers. When you take all this together it is very worrying…

“Often the men who have sex with men are also married, as are those who use prostitutes and drugs. These groups are vehicles for the general population to be infected and Libya needs to address this issue now or it will face a huge problem in the future.”

Health services are limited. At the Al Irada clinic Libyans with addiction problems are helped to kick their habit with the help of psychologists and tailor-made drug courses. But this clinic has room for just 40 patients.

“It provides a good service but it’s far too small to serve the whole country,” said Alia Shaiboub, the National AIDS Programme’s (NAP) head of HIV awareness. “We deal with a lot of addicts who need this kind of treatment but it’s very hard to get them a place. At the moment there’s no way we can get treatment for them all.”

Data paucity

A lack of data is causing huge problems for those trying to fight Libya’s drug problem.

“Under Gaddafi, Libya’s drug problem was largely ignored,” said Nabil Abuamer, project coordinator for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime in Libya.

“Now we’re starting from scratch trying to pull together hospital records and data from prisons but so far it’s been impossible to get a handle on the situation. We have no idea how many injecting drug users there are. There could be anything from a couple of thousand to many tens of thousands. We just don’t know.”

Reliable HIV data is hard to come by. According to official figures, around 12,000 people have been recorded as living with HIV, but Laila Aghil, head of Strategic Planning at NAP, says this number is a gross underestimate.

“Many people who have HIV don’t seek medical treatment and don’t ever come into contact with officials or doctors. This means official figures are just the tip of a very large iceberg.”

Part of the reason for the lack of data is lack of funds. Valadez says more money needs to be channelled into Libya’s addiction and HIV programmes.

“Both the Libyan government and international donors should provide much more money for harm reduction programmes and education as well as research. We need to look at the impact of the war and the overall prevalence of HIV in the country.”

“During the revolution it’s likely that HIV infection spread. People scatter when the war comes, and they scatter their infections as well. During war very often there is an increase in prostitution and sex work. There’s also sexual violence against women and young people and it is normal to see an increase in uncontrolled sexually transmitted diseases.”

Confronting the problem

Responding to the report by the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, the Libyan government said it would treat the HIV epidemic among drug users as a matter of national priority. But, according to Fannir, so far nothing has been done.

“There is still no needle exchange programme and our doctors don’t have the right experience or the right drugs. In fact, not a single one of the report’s recommendations has been implemented. I believe because of this inaction the rate of HIV infection is rising among injecting drug users, even as the number of drug users increases.”

According to Fannir the worsening crisis has severe implications for the wider community.

“It is getting to the point that it threatens national stability. Drug dealing is fuelling militia violence. All this is undermining faith in Libya’s politicians and the effect of this should not be underestimated.”

Mustafa Gebreil is an independent member of Libya’s General National Congress (GNC) and member of the GNC Health Committee. He rejects the idea that battling addiction should be an immediate focus for the government.

“The Health Ministry is concentrating on crisis fighting. There are many issues that need attention in Libya, and because of this treating drug addicts is not a priority.”

The social stigma that surrounds HIV and drug taking is a big part of the problem, according to Alessandra Martino, an HIV specialist who has worked in Libya since 2005.

“HIV is very closely associated with vices like casual sex, homosexuality and drug taking: things that are unacceptable in mainstream Libyan culture. This means for Libyans HIV and drug abuse are not very fashionable areas to be campaigning about or working in.”

Revolution and rehabilitation

Accounts from drug users and outreach workers back up the reports by doctors that Libya’s drug problems are worsening. Salah is a recovering heroin addict at Benghazi’s Al Irada clinic and says heroin became increasingly easy to get hold of after the uprising.

“It was everywhere after the revolution. I originally gave up heroin in 2008 but I started to take it again after the liberation. I fought on the front lines and like other fighters I received a significant pay-out. A lot of my friends started to take it, and because I had the extra money it was difficult to stay away.”

“We know there is more distribution now,” said Belkis Abudher, a public health specialist working for NAP. “When we go into primary and elementary schools it is very clear that many of the children have already been exposed to drugs like Tramadol and hashish. This was not the case before the revolution.”

A lack of drug education is one of the factors behind the explosion in drug use in Libya, according to Fannir.

“During the Gaddafi era the general public knew very little about the dangers of drugs, and the situation isn’t improving. The chaos of revolution meant many of the existing outreach and education programmes collapsed, and few have been reinstated.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98239/Libya-s-growing-drugs-HIV-problem</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141144340013t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - Doctors in Libya say they are seeing a “growing” number of patients with drug problems and a corresponding risk of HIV infection, in a post-Gaddafi era marked by limited law enforcement and government capacity.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria crisis puts Lebanese farmers at risk</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306121103240279t.jpg" />]]>EL QAA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - In Lebanon’s Beka’a Valley, bordering Syria, some farmers have abandoned their fields as the fight between Syrian rebels and government forces has spilled onto their territory. Those who can still harvest have trouble selling their crops because export routes to and through Syria have been interrupted. Some are now resorting to selling their animals to make ends meet.</description><body><![CDATA[EL QAA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - The livelihoods of dozens of farmers just outside this small village, in a remote area of Lebanon’s Beka’a Valley near the Syrian border, hang in the balance.

Local farmers say many in the no-man’s land between the Syrian and Lebanese frontier posts, known as Mashari El Qaa, have abandoned their farms in recent months, in some cases leaving their equipment and running when they see Syrian rebels approaching. Others have stopped planting because of landmines or reduced their visits to their fields.

"We don't go there every day like before,” said Joseph, a local farmer. “We go once or twice a week, and we harvest or plant whatever we can. We're harvesting a bit but we have a lot of losses. We don't [have] the time to harvest properly. We do it in a rush.”

The border between Syria and Lebanon, blurry to begin with, has become increasingly so in recent months, as both Syrian rebels and regime soldiers cross into Lebanese territory to fight.

Up to 60 percent of the border area’s population depends on agriculture and raising livestock, which have come under growing strain as cross-border fighting has increased between forces supporting and opposing Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in the conflict next door.

Syrian anti-government rebels have used Lebanese farms to launch rockets into Shia villages in Hermel District 17km from El Qaa, allegedly aiming at villages controlled by the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, which has been fighting in support of al-Assad’s forces inside Syria. Syrian government forces have also chased rebels into Lebanese territory.

Dwindling marketplace

Those farmers who do manage to harvest despite the insecurity struggle to sell their products, as they are competing with cheaper products smuggled in from Syria.

“The situation is bad in Syria,” said Pierre Saad, another farmer in El Qaa, “so they smuggle and sell their fruits here, where they are still going get a better price than in Syria. It's heavy competition for us. The local people… just go for the cheapest product.”

That's partly why in Firzil, one of the biggest fruit and vegetable markets in Lebanon’s fertile Beka’a Valley, most of the trucks leaving the market are three-quarters full.

“Last week, I sold the basil for 2,000 Lebanese lira [US$1.33] per kg," merchant Mohssein Taleb said during a visit in May, displaying his unsold fruit and vegetables. "This week, I sell it for 800 LL per kg. And before, I was even selling it for 3,000 LL per kg.” 

Part of the problem, he said, was an absence of big buyers for export. 

According to Lebanese customs, bilateral agricultural exports from Lebanon to Syria decreased [ http://www.customs.gov.lb/customs/trade_statistics/yearly/search.asp ] by 37 percent between 2011 and 2012, from 234,725 to 148,414 tons. In dollar figures, however, the drop was much more modest, from $95,279 to $93,578, or a drop of 1.8 percent. 

Before the conflict began, 20 percent of Lebanese products were exported to Syria, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). In addition, Syria is the only land trade route to Iraq, Turkey and the Gulf, by far the largest market in the region. 

But the border crossing in Mashari El Qaa is now closed. For much of April and May, all transit of agricultural goods between Syrian and Lebanon was blocked, according to FAO. Some crossings reopened late last month, but moving goods to and through Syria remains extremely risky. 

(See IRIN’s piece [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96583/ ] on how Syria’s crisis is affecting the regional food chain) 

Many agricultural goods are now exported through the ports of Beirut and Tripoli. But not all merchants can afford exports via ship or plane. 

Barely living

A recent assessment [ http://www.fao.org/emergencies/resources/documents/resources-detail/en/c/173889/ ] by FAO of the impact of the Syrian crisis on food security and agricultural livelihoods in neighbouring countries found that it has become extremely difficult for Lebanese farmers to sustain their livelihoods. 

“We're not starving, but we will end up planting only for ourselves since we can't export or sell easily on the local market,” said Saad. 

Those most affected along the border are the poorest and most vulnerable to begin with; larger-scale farmers do not take the risk of settling in the more insecure border area, said Lisbeth Albinus, humanitarian policy officer at FAO in Lebanon. 

Many of these small-scale farms survived from smuggling things like tobacco, fuel, food, or even electronics to Syria - something that has become more complicated due to the conflict. 

FAO worries this combination of factors could leave farmers much more vulnerable in the long-term. 

“One coping mechanism that we have noticed is selling animals, and thereby livelihood opportunities,” Albinus said. 

In a 7 June press release [ http://neareast.fao.org/Pages/NewsDetails.aspx?ID=2406100&Cat=2&lang=EN&I=0&DId=0&CId=0&CMSId=661 ], FAO warned that without further support, more farmers would ultimately have to abandon their land and sell their livestock. 

Cross-border movement

The conflict has also interrupted migration trends. 

According to the FAO assessment, some 30,000 poor smallholder Lebanese who had been farming in Syria for generations have now had to return to Lebanon. 

The Lebanese returnees are in “panic”, the assessment found, selling their dairy cattle at one third of the market price due to high animal feed costs, lack of winter grazing land and a need to finance immediate household living costs. 

Many Syrian farmers have also relocated to the Lebanese side of the border, first seeking refuge in Mashari El Qaa and now, for some, being displaced once again. 

Some came empty-handed, “have lost everything and live in very difficult conditions”, FAO’s Albinus said. 

Others brought animals with them, and have rented abandoned farms for their animals to graze. 

According to FAO, hundreds of cows, as well as 12,000 Syrian mountain and Shami goats have crossed into northern Lebanon, bringing the added threats of overgrazing, land degradation and potential desertification. 

Adding more stress to the land, shepherds who used to spend summer on the Lebanese side and winter on the Syrian side, where it is dryer, have not been able to travel to Syria for the last two years. 

The price of cattle, FAO said, has dropped by 60 percent. 

Potential diseases 

Before the Syrian crisis, agricultural inputs, such as vaccinations, farm machinery, seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, animal feed and medicines were heavily subsidized in Syria. But veterinary services in Syria have weakened because of the conflict; animals coming from the Syrian market are not subject to any control, and some are not vaccinated, FAO said. 

“One of our main concerns is the diseases that non-vaccinated animals could bring,” Albinus said. 

Without proper checks, the increasing amount of smuggled agricultural commodities from Syria also significantly increases the risk of animal and plant diseases, including Foot and Mouth Disease and PPR, a viral disease also known as goat plague, the two most common transboundary animal diseases in the region, as well as the spread of plant pests. 

The last outbreak of a transboundary animal disease in Lebanon occurred before the Syrian crisis in March 2010. Since then, the Ministry of Agriculture has been able to contain the threat. But “there is a sincere worry… that we will have another outbreak of these or other transboundary diseases in Lebanon,” Albinus said. 

There is, however, a silver lining. Lebanon, which normally imports 60 percent of its dairy, could benefit from newly arrived Syrian shepherds in boosting local milk production. With the right support, “Lebanese and Syrian farmers working together could make a better livelihood, despite the Syrian crisis, Albinus said. 

Funding

Farmers in Mashari El Qaa say government officials have visited them to assess their losses, “but until now, we haven’t received any concrete help,” Saad said. 

Due to funding constraints, FAO has only been able to target the most vulnerable farmers in Lebanon, including the poorest smallholders, female-headed households and homes with disabled family members. 

FAO has called for urgent financial support to establish farmers’ cooperatives and more milk collection centres; to implement a vaccination campaign to prevent the spread of animal diseases; and to establish food safety controls at the border. 

As part of a regional UN-coordinated appeal [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/syria-un-issues-unprecedented-humanitarian-appeal ] for $4.4 billion launched on 7 June to help people in need inside Syria and in the affected neighbouring countries, FAO is requesting $8.5 million [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Regional%20Response%20Plan.pdf ] for proposed projects in Lebanon. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98218/Syria-crisis-puts-Lebanese-farmers-at-risk</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306121103240279t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">EL QAA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - In Lebanon’s Beka’a Valley, bordering Syria, some farmers have abandoned their fields as the fight between Syrian rebels and government forces has spilled onto their territory. Those who can still harvest have trouble selling their crops because export routes to and through Syria have been interrupted. Some are now resorting to selling their animals to make ends meet.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Injured from al-Qusayr battle struggle to get medical care</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306131529500322t.jpg" />]]>QARAH, SYRIA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Syrian rebels injured in the battle of al-Qusayr have struggled to access healthcare. Some have ended up in a makeshift hospital in Lebanon.</description><body><![CDATA[QARAH, SYRIA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ahmad* has tired eyes and seems anxious as he watches military planes flying overhead. He runs an improvised clinic in a private flat in this small town along the Damascus-Aleppo highway.

Every day for the last week he has received injured people from the nearby town of al-Qusayr, a strategically important transit point for fighters, weapons and goods from Lebanon into Syria. The town fell to Syrian government forces on 5 June, after a two-week battle with rebels who had controlled the city for more than a year.

Since the rebel defeat, inhabitants and rebel fighters in Qarah, some 40km southeast of al-Qusayr, worry the Syrian government will take back the entire area bordering Lebanon, including Qarah and its surroundings. Ahmad fears his clinic will be spotted and shelled, so every few days, he moves the injured to a new flat.

He confesses he feels overwhelmed. “I can [do] some emergency treatments, but I'm lacking medications. Most of the injured can only be treated in Lebanese hospitals.”

Evacuation of the injured from al-Qusayr is perilous. The government now controls the area and both the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) say aid workers have not yet been permitted access to the town.

“We don't have information about the numbers of wounded in Qusayr, nor how many have fled to surrounding areas,” said Samar Al Qadi, spokesperson for the Lebanese Red Cross, which works with ICRC in Lebanon. “It's now [urgent] to get in. We want to distribute medical assistance to the wounded and displaced population in al-Qusayr and its surroundings. We hope to get in soon.”

During the two-year conflict in Syria, close to six million people have been displaced, either within Syria or as refugees in neighbouring countries, according to the UN. The death toll has reached nearly 93,000, according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Abu Maher*, a rebel fighter who escaped from al-Qusayr to Mazara Yabroud, some 60km to the south, told IRIN last week: “The last day [of the battle] the shelling didn’t stop. There were dead people everywhere, in the sewers. We had to leave corpses there when we fled.”

According to SARC, some 35,000 people lived in al-Qusayr before the hostilities, and all but 5,000-6,000 fled during the fighting. The UN puts the figure even higher: it estimates 40,000 people fled al-Qusayr during the month of May.

Some have started to return, notably to Christian industrial quarters that remained under government control and as such were not damaged in the fighting. But many other original inhabitants of al-Qusayr remain in makeshift shelters in al-Waer, on the outskirts of Homs, in Telbiseh, and in Hasiya, according to Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, which has distributed relief supplies to the displaced. According to the UN, residents of al-Qusayr also fled to al-Dumina and Dibeh.

A UN assessment of displaced people in Hasiya on 2 June found a “dire” humanitarian situation, including wounded children, allegedly hit by shrapnel [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20Issue%2026.pdf ].

Injured shun SARC, head for Lebanon

But, Erksoussi said, the injured have not sought SARC’s assistance, instead seeking help in Lebanon.

Since 7 June, the Lebanese Red Cross has transferred 130 of the most badly injured people who made it to the Lebanese border to hospitals inside Lebanon. Even then, politics are at play.

“They can't transfer them to [any] Lebanese city,” said one aid worker on condition of anonymity. “The Syrian rebels are afraid of reprisals against them inside Lebanon, so they are directed to cities which support the [Syrian] opposition.”

Rebel fighter Ghassan, for example, was transferred to al-Minieh, a small town north of Lebanon’s second largest city Tripoli, completely supportive of the Syrian rebellion, according to the director of the local hospital, Amer Alameddine.

The hospital, abandoned until a few days ago, was reopened in haste by a well-funded local committee of Syrian refugees, linked to the humanitarian wing of the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA), to accommodate injured people from al-Qusayr.

The rooms are mostly empty. Just a few beds have been set up; crutches and food boxes remain unpacked in the corners.

But as soon as the first injured arrived, the committee spontaneously mobilized wheelchairs, crutches, food and other aid with the support of NGOs and private donors it would not name. The hospital is currently home to 35 injured people, most of them immobilized because of serious bone fractures. Some say they were injured while trying to get bread, but all the patients were men of fighting age.

“We welcomed 35 injured people at once,” said Kholoud, a nurse at the hospital. “It was much more than what we expected. We don't have instruments, nor enough medications. But God willing, we'll manage to treat them.”

The director wants to keep the hospital open for the influx of injured people who will arrive in the coming days. He has just received new mattresses and wants to put them on the empty floor upstairs. This makeshift hospital may serve to ease the burden on Tripoli’s hospitals, which are already nearly full. Rebels say there could be 100 more injured people arriving at the border in the coming days.

*not a real name

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98228/Injured-from-al-Qusayr-battle-struggle-to-get-medical-care</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306131529500322t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">QARAH, SYRIA 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Syrian rebels injured in the battle of al-Qusayr have struggled to access healthcare. Some have ended up in a makeshift hospital in Lebanon.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Hard choices: When the Syria aid response runs out of money</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111332170935t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - Last week, the UN launched its largest ever appeal for $4.4 billion to help Syrians in need inside their country and in refugee settings throughout 2013. But as the needs continue growing, donors are increasingly fatigued. At this cost, is the aid operation sustainable?</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - In a spacious office in Jordan’s general security building, a career diplomat, now the Jordanian government focal point for Syrian refugees, runs off a list of expenses: water tank vehicles, additional classrooms, hospital equipment, even insecticides.

In Anmar Alhmoud’s hands is a large stack of papers from which can be gleaned the exact cost of the Syrian refugee crisis to Jordan. So far, he says, the country has spent nearly half a billion dollars meeting the needs, both in refugee camps and in Jordanian communities, where Syrians access free education and health care, as well as subsidized food, water and electricity.

The subject of funding gives him goose bumps.

On the other side of the city, outside the Amman office of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), access to the front gate is blocked by hundreds of people lining up to register as refugees. So crowded is the place that small shacks have opened along the side of the street selling cold drinks and snacks to those in the queue.

On 7 June, the UN and its partners launched the largest appeal [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/un-agencies-and-partners-launch-largest-ever-humanitarian-appeal-syrians ] for humanitarian funding in history: US$4.4 billion to help Syrian refugees and [ http://reliefweb.int/report/lebanon/syria-regional-response-plan-january-december-2013 ] people in need inside of Syria [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/revised-syria-humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-sharp-january ], as well as $830 million to help the Jordanian and Lebanese governments cope with this crisis over the course of 2013. The appeal replaces an earlier appeal for $1.5 billion for aid operations in the first half of the year [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97376/donors-pledge-1-5-billion-in-aid-to-syria-while-demanding-more-access ].

“Every worst case scenario we have had for Syria has been surpassed in the last four months,” said Andrew Harper, head of UNHCR in Jordan, home to more than half a million Syrian refugees, according to government estimates. UNHCR says the number of Syrian refugees across the region - now 1.6 million - could reach 3.5 million by the end of the year.

In the past two years of conflict in Syria, the humanitarian response has already struggled to secure enough funding. If the situation continues to deteriorate and the needs continue to rise, as aid workers expect, is a humanitarian response at $5 billion a year sustainable?

“No, probably not,” says Edouard Rodier, who coordinates the regional response of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm, ECHO. “There will not be enough money.”

“The donors are simply not able to meet the needs,” says Dominique Hyde, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Jordan. “It’s not a criticism, it’s a reality.”

“Could we do better?”

The Syrian crisis has attracted - in dollar figures - more than almost any other crisis. ECHO, for example, has contributed more than half a billion euros to the Syrian crisis in the last year and a half. “We have never managed to mobilize that much money ever in such a short time frame,” Rodier said.

Yet, as a percentage of the needs, the funding remains lower than many other emergencies.

According to the UN’s Financial Tracking Service (FTS), the UN and partners have just 28 percent of the funds they need for operations throughout 2013 inside Syria and in the neighbouring countries sheltering refugees [ https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/pub?key=0AusGu5uwbtt-dEp0eHRzcWdVd2hBQmpBVWwxUHRjcUE&single=true&gid=0&output=html ]. One donor estimated the appeals would not be more than 40 percent funded by the end of the year.

“It is costing us a huge amount of money at the moment, but we should be spending more than what we currently are,” Harper said. “How can we do it cheaper when we are not doing enough?”

Already, many services have been cancelled or put on hold. In Jordan, UNICEF cannot afford to build a third school for Syrian children in Za’atari refugee camp; UNHCR can only afford cash assistance to one-third of the “extremely destitute” Syrian families who are renting tiny apartments in Jordanian towns and are unsure how they will pay rent next month; and a planned new camp called Azraq will not proceed past the first phase unless there is additional funding.

“Could we do better? Yes,” Harper said. “Could we have done better with the resources we’ve been provided? Probably not.”

While this latest UN-coordinated appeal is the largest in history, it is based on the lowest possible projections, Harper and others said.

“In the end, you can’t run an operation [in Jordan] involving 500,000 people and say it’s not going to cost an enormous amount of money.”

Yet in Western capitals, traditional donors appear to be fatigued.

“This [crisis] can only be solved politically,” said Beat Von Däniken, regional director of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), based in Amman. “The perception from traditional donors is that a lot has been done already and that humanitarian funds have been stretched to the maximum.”

Similarly, after a recent announcement of 400 million euros in additional funding from the European Commission, ECHO is unlikely to give any more money to the Syria operation this year, Rodier said.

Diversifying funding

These financial constraints have left UN agencies looking for other options, including diversified sources of funding. Earlier this year, Kuwait gave $300 million to UN agencies for the Syria response, and several Gulf states have contributed caravans, tents and other items to camps in Jordan and in Turkey. The United Arab Emirates has also built its own camp in Jordan., and Saudi Arabia had plans to do the same in Turkey.

UNICEF is trying to reach out to Coca Cola, with whom it partners [ http://www.unicef.org/egypt/media_7060.html ] in Egypt to connect households to safe drinking water, and to other private companies, Hyde said. But this approach has its own challenges.

“It’s a very difficult emergency to sell to the private sector because it’s seen as political,” she said.

Another approach has been to try to involve development actors in longer-term projects that will benefit the communities hosting refugees, as well as the refugees themselves.

“The needs are increasing and emergency responders cannot pay the bills all the way along,” said one Western donor. “It’s becoming an extremely expensive operation and we cannot deal with it. None of the other donors - and emergency funders all around - will ever be enough for this.”

With this in mind, the World Bank is preparing a $150 million loan - still “a drop in the bucket” according to Haneen Sayed, the Bank’s human development coordinator for Lebanon, Jordan and Syria - to help the Jordanian government pay for basic services like hospital visits and bread subsidies, on which Syrian refugees have placed an increasing burden.

“This is beyond humanitarian,” Sayed told IRIN. “It is affecting the development of all the countries that have been affected. This is where development and humanitarian merge.”

Doing things differently

Inside Syria, where the aid operation is working under many constraints, finding more effective ways of working is a challenge. But in refugee contexts, “there are a lot of questions on effectiveness,” Von Däniken said, urging agencies to examine the cost-effectiveness of different operations and share the options with donors.

In Za’atari refugee camp, a sprawling city - now Jordan’s fifth largest - that costs half a million dollars a day to run, according to Harper, there is indeed room for doing things differently.

Camp director Killian Kleinschmidt envisages gradually transferring the management of service delivery - food, water, tents, health care and education for some 120,000 refugees - to Jordanian government line departments.

“It’s not sustainable to continue running Za’atari as a purely humanitarian operation for much longer,” he said. “It is important that we mainstream this… That will open the door to the support of Za'atari, potentially, as part of an overall area development plan should this crisis not end soon.”

Jordanian ministries are already involved in the administration of the schools, hospitals and infrastructure in the camp, with aid agency support. The idea is that they would eventually start including the management of the de-facto city in their budgeting as well.

“We have saved lives. We have provided basic humanitarian standards. Now it is about sustainability of the services, cost-effectiveness, and to a certain extent also achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),” Kleinschmidt said.

In an effort to make the operation more cost effective, UNICEF will begin, as of 1 July, directly dealing with the private companies that truck water into Za’atari, instead of contracting them through an NGO.

It also hopes to replace the trucking system, which costs $12,000 a day, with boreholes and a network of pipes. If implemented camp-wide, this would reduce the cost of water provision by 30 percent, according to UNICEF water and sanitation specialist Kitka Goyol.

In one part of the camp, Oxfam has already started using gravity to pipe water from a tank to the bathroom taps at much lower cost.

Prioritizing

But at the end of the day, these approaches, aid workers and donors said, will not be enough. Aid workers have already begun a process of prioritization.

“Trying to select among these needs - that are all basic needs - which are the ones that will be left aside is immensely painful,” said ECHO’s Rodier. “It’s like doing triage. Its’ a horrible exercise.”

“There are some things that whatever happens, we know will continue,” UNICEF’s Hyde said, referring to life-saving needs: food, water, shelter and health care. Among the “staggering” numbers in the appeal, the latest Regional Response Plan prioritizes protection, new arrivals, emergency preparedness and assistance to urban refugees and their host communities [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Regional%20Response%20Plan.pdf ].

But for donors, capacity-building, contingency-planning, some protection activities and even education will fall lower on the list. In Jordan, for example, nearly 150,000 Syrian refugee children are out of school, according to UNICEF.

“A lot of the work we do are not the key priorities,” Hyde said. “What does it mean for the future of those children?”

On a whiteboard in the meeting room at Za’atari camp is a list of “Priority Funding Needs” - to which nappies have just been added. UNICEF had to stop distributing them for lack of funds.

A UNHCR information portal [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/regional.php ] for Syrian refugees now counts down the days in which services will run out without more funding. On 19 June, the counter says, UNHCR’s stock of tents - currently sufficient for 5,000 new refugees a day across the region - will run out (When it runs out of money, UNHCR is forced to borrow, limiting its ability to be prepared for a mass influx).

The Syrian exodus is now the largest refugee crisis the Middle East has seen in modern history, UNHCR’s Harper said.

“So how do we keep going in that sort of situation?” Harper asks. “We can’t afford to fail.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98210/Analysis-Hard-choices-When-the-Syria-aid-response-runs-out-of-money</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111332170935t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - Last week, the UN launched its largest ever appeal for $4.4 billion to help Syrians in need inside their country and in refugee settings throughout 2013. But as the needs continue growing, donors are increasingly fatigued. At this cost, is the aid operation sustainable?</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>For some, the best bad choice: Returning from refuge to Syria</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101522290483t.jpg" />]]>ZA’ATARI CAMP 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - An increasing number of refugees in Jordan have returned to Syria in recent weeks, abandoning the harsh life of a refugee camp for Syrian villages short of bread and safety.</description><body><![CDATA[ZA’ATARI CAMP 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - Every afternoon, as the sun sets, throngs of refugees gather on the ring road encircling the huge Za’atari refugee camp for Syrians in northern Jordan.

They try to secure a place on one of three buses heading back to Syria daily, stuffing suitcases through windows, nearly throwing children over people’s heads onto the bus.

While they scream and tussle, a heavy presence of Jordanian riot police stands guard, ready to step in with batons when things get out of hand, as they often do.

Amid concern [ http://www.unhcr.org.uk/news-and-views/news-list/news-detail/article/unhcr-fears-for-safety-of-growing-number-of-returning-syrian-refugees.html ] from aid agencies, the number of Syrian refugees leaving Jordan to return to their country has increased in the last two months.

Since the beginning of April, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has seen a “pick-up” in the number of spontaneous returns to southern Syria, according to the organization’s representative in Jordan, Andrew Harper.

“While still relatively limited, at 250-300 per day, the numbers may increase should the security situation and provision of assistance in the south of Dera’a improve,” Harper said.

Refugees say many of the returnees are from areas in Syria’s southern Dera’a Governorate that have been "liberated" by the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA) - UNHCR said in April [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Inter-Agency%20Regional%20Response%20-%20Syrian%20Refugees%2020130411.pdf ] this constituted 80 percent of returnees. But returns have continued even as government forces have retaken territory in recent weeks.

According to the Jordanian government, nearly 60,000 Syrian refugees have voluntarily returned to Syria since the camp was opened last summer. Jordan is home to more than half a million Syrian refugees, according to government figures.

"It is all sorts of people returning: families, children, men and women," said Anmar Alhmoud, Jordan's spokesperson for Syrian refugee affairs.

One aid worker, speaking on condition of anonymity, told IRIN the demographics of returnees have changed since April from mostly single men to include families and children.

On the other hand, the number of Syrians crossing to Jordan has declined [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/98195/policy-or-happenstance-jordan-s-dwindling-syrian-refugee-arrivals ]. In the last week of May, 3,500 Syrians crossed the border; compared to earlier numbers of 1,500-3,000 per day.

Reasons for returning

According to UNHCR, the reasons for returning are varied, including improved security in some border villages, safeguarding property or checking on farms, re-uniting with family members in Syria, or travelling to collect and bring back vulnerable family members to Jordan. The organization suspects most returnees have subsequently returned to Jordan.

One refugee in Za'atari camp told IRIN she travelled back to Syria temporarily to access medicine unavailable in the camp. Another, an elderly woman in Za’atari, said she travelled to Jordan to help her son - who, as a single young man would otherwise not be allowed to cross the border - with the intention of returning to Syria one week later.

Harper said many refugees “recirculate” from Jordan to Syria and back in the hope of “doubling up” on assistance – a trend confirmed by refugees in the camp. To prevent this, UNHCR is hoping to introduce a biometric identification system.

The increase in returns could also be due to better logistics. The Jordanian government facilitates applications of returnees through committees consisting of refugees themselves, and has provided more buses to carry returnees to the border. “This has made it easier," Alhmoud said.

Harsh living conditions

But others return more permanently, having found the refugee experience harder than they anticipated: they are unable to afford rent in Jordan's cities and towns and cannot adapt to the harsh life in the desert camps.

“Life is too expensive outside Za’atari, but unbearable in the camp,” said Abu Malik,* who spent three months trying to make some money in the northern Jordanian town of Irbid.

The camp is home to 120,000 people who live in tents and caravans in the middle of the desert in conditions that - while improving - remain very difficult. Riots occur almost daily over perceived injustice in distribution and general frustration over insufficient help.

"We have to buy everything nowadays: water, sanitary napkins, [extra] food, clothes,” Um Majid told IRIN two days after registering to return to Syria with her daughters, after six months in Za’atari camp. “It is impossible to do so if you came with no money.”

While each refugee receives a food voucher from the World Food Programme, and aid agencies truck 3.5 million litres of water to the camp every day, many refugees are convinced - mistakenly aid workers say - that the water is not clean. Hot weather and unhygienic conditions in some parts of the camp compound the problem.

"It is a miserable place to be,” said Basel Hourrani, an activist in the camp. “Often there is no water in the toilets, which made some families build toilets near their tent. This has led to a spread of bugs and diseases in the camp."

UN agencies and NGOs have appealed [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/un-agencies-and-partners-launch-largest-ever-humanitarian-appeal-syrians ] for billions of dollars, in part to help improve conditions at the camp, but humanitarian funding for the Syrian crisis has been consistently disproportionate [ https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/pub?key=0AusGu5uwbtt-dEp0eHRzcWdVd2hBQmpBVWwxUHRjcUE&single=true&gid=0&output=html ] to the needs.

"Death is better than humiliation"

"When the revolution began, we chanted ‘Death is better than humiliation’, but when we came here [to Jordan], we realized that we left death to live in humiliation," Khaled* told IRIN as he and other young men clashed with security outside the gates of the camp.

"We want to go back and stand with our people,” he said. “We want to do something about the massacres, killings, and rape instead of being stuck in the desert feeling helpless.”

Musa Abdalllat, a lawyer who represents jihadist groups in Jordan accused of “terrorism”, estimates that thousands of Syrian men returned since the beginning of the conflict to join the FSA or US-designated “terrorist” group Jabhat al-Nusra in their fight against the forces of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

"These young men found camps in Jordan as hell,” he said in a telephone interview. “When you are stuck in a camp like this, and thinking about massacres committed against your own people, what would you do?”

Numbers have increased in the past three weeks, Abdallat said, but on average 30-40 men return to fight every week.

On the other side of the border

Some refugees attributed the returns to better conditions in southern Syria, where the main road linking the south to the capital Damascus has been reopened.

Residents and activists in Syria say people are returning mostly to the eastern part of Dera’a governorate and central Izraa village, areas controlled by the FSA.

According to Marwan, a member of one of the refugee committees in Za’atari camp, food and other items are being delivered in the governorate.

Aid sources say an increasing number of countries are pushing to deliver aid across the Jordanian border. The opposition is also trying to deliver basic supplies to areas of the south.

Still, the return of scores of refugees is straining an already tenuous humanitarian situation.

“We have enough water, but there is a severe shortage of bread and flour,” said a resident from Tseel, a village in Dera’a’s countryside, who calls himself Abu Teem*. “Sometimes, there are three families living in the same apartment. This makes life very difficult because people hardly have enough financial means to provide for themselves, let alone for those they are housing.”

According to sources in the city, Dera’a is now split into two parts, one held by the regime forces and one controlled by rebel fighters. Activists said returnees are heading to rural areas where fighting is less intense, but clashes, shelling and bomb attacks remain frequent.

“Of course I do not feel safe, but it’s better being here than sitting in Za’atari, exposed to hot weather and dust which is causing lung diseases,” says Rami Alhussen, an activist who returned to Dera’a city last month. “It’s really miserable, and it’s getting more difficult to survive in Jordan because prices have been rising.”

In April, UNHCR spokesperson Melissa Fleming said the organization was "very concerned that refugees are returning to areas blighted by shortages of food, lack of fuel and electricity and limited services. The security situation is volatile, with reports of artillery shells and mortars being fired into villages refugees are trying to reclaim their homes and lives in."

Fighting is not the only risk for returnees. Alhussen left Syria last December because his activism had attracted the ire of security forces. He is still wanted, but says he is less worried now since he is hiding in an area taken by the FSA, where the security forces cannot reach him.

Even where security is better, refugees are often returning to “terribly damaged” towns and villages, Hourrani told IRIN.

"They either stay in farms, schools, with friends or relatives, or in the homes of the people [who left and went] to Jordan," he said.

Um Majid, whose house in Dera’a was hit by a rocket, says she is happy to seek shade underneath a tree or hide in the backyard of a school.

"At least there is water, and hopefully my child will be [safe from] from diarrhoea and sickness caused by the heat and dust [in the refugee camp]," she noted.

*not a real name

aa/gk/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98205/For-some-the-best-bad-choice-Returning-from-refuge-to-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101522290483t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZA’ATARI CAMP 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - An increasing number of refugees in Jordan have returned to Syria in recent weeks, abandoning the harsh life of a refugee camp for Syrian villages short of bread and safety.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Policy or happenstance? Jordan&apos;s dwindling Syrian refugee arrivals</title><pubDate>Sun, 09 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071018510739t.jpg" />]]>ZA'ATARI CAMP 09 June 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers are struggling to understand fluctuating Syrian refugee flows into Jordan in recent weeks. The government insists the border remains open, but refugees tell harrowing stories of being turned back.</description><body><![CDATA[ZA'ATARI CAMP 09 June 2013 (IRIN) - It was 10 days after she first arrived at the Syrian-Jordanian border that Marwa’s* patience ran out. 

She had left Damascus, the capital, on 25 May with her five young children and her husband, who was just out of detention and still weak from the beatings he underwent there, she said. 

The rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA) took them more than 100km, through insecure back roads, to al-Hayt crossing on the southwestern edge of Syria, only to learn that the border was closed. 

The family spent three nights in Ma’ariya village before getting word the border had reopened. They tried again, but the Jordanian army told them there was only one bus available to take them safety to the other side. That day, the bus was only taking people from Tal Shihab crossing, several kilometres east, a 10,000 lira (US$100) ride they could not afford. 

“Come back tomorrow,” Marwa recounts being told. 

She spent the next six days going back and forth to the border, where she waited 12 hours for a bus that never arrived. During her wait, she listened to constant shelling in nearby Shaghara town. 

“One day they take 20 people; then for two to three days, they take no one,” she told IRIN. 

Turned back to the village time after time, they slept in people’s homes, in a school-turned-shelter and, when there was no space, on the streets in the cold. 

On the 10th day, she and some 50 other women had had enough. 

“How many days are you going to leave us here?” they asked the Jordanian officer. “There are sick and pregnant women among us. We can’t wait anymore.” 

Then, despite warnings from Syrian rebels and Jordanian officials, they picked up their bags and their children and started walking. 

After they descended hundreds of feet in elevation and crossed an empty river bed by foot, Jordanian border officials finally let them in. 

Refugee intake falls 

Marwa and her family were among 244 Syrians who made it to the UN registration centre in Jordan’s Za’atari refugee camp that night, on 4 June. They were welcomed by an army of aid workers accustomed to much larger numbers. 

“At anything less than 2,500 new arrivals per night, we don’t consider ourselves busy,” said one man distributing blankets, referring to earlier levels which have dropped dramatically in recent weeks. 

Aid workers do not know what to make of the current trends. 

One week in mid-May, the camp saw almost no new arrivals - attributed at the time to security measures during two international conferences in Jordan. Since then, arrival levels have fluctuated, but remain in the hundreds of entries per night, far below earlier averages of 1,500 to 2,500 per day, if not higher. 

The period without entries was “blown out of proportion” by the press, Anmar Alhmoud, the Jordanian government’s spokesperson on Syrian refugees, told IRIN last week. Jordan continued receiving injured people throughout, he said, insisting the country’s open-door policy has not changed. 

Jordan’s King Abdullah II “never said anything about closing the border… We are obliged to accept all those who seek refuge,” Alhmoud said. 

The Jordanian Armed Forces have diverted hundreds of soldiers from their regular duties to the refugee rescue effort. Soldiers pick them up from remote, desert areas so harsh even Bedouin tribes do not live there, including the nexus between the Jordanian, Syrian and Iraqi borders, which is home only to sand and smugglers. In some cases, the army feeds and shelters the refugees in their barracks for days until transport becomes available, as many of these areas can only be reached with military vehicles. 

But aid workers suggest that what first appeared to be a temporary closure is beginning to look like a longer-term reduction in refugee intake. 

One refugee at Za’atari, who had come to meet his mother, brother and sisters due to arrive from Tal Shihab crossing last week, said 300 people had been turned back that night, among them his family members. 

Observers say the government may have used May’s international meetings as a pretext to test international reaction to a border closure. So far, outrage has been limited. 

“We’re very much concerned that people who are in need of international assistance [get it],” the representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Jordan, Andrew Harper, told IRIN. “If people believe that they need to cross an international boundary or border in order to seek protection, then they should be able to that.” 

Still, he acknowledged the UN did not have enough information to fully explain the “slow-down” in the number of new arrivals. And while “there may be delays” in crossing the border, Jordan’s intake remains one of the largest in the region. During visits to the border, he said, UNHCR officials have never witnessed people waiting on the other side. 

As the number of refugees increases exponentially across the region, neighbouring countries, including Iraq and Turkey, have also been accused of not fully opening their borders to Syrian refugees [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96629/analysis-not-so-open-borders-for-syrian-refugees ]. The European Union has turned away many Syrian asylum-seekers. 

More assistance needed 

But other factors may also be at play in the reduced flow of refugees into Jordan. 

A recent Syrian government offensive to re-take parts of the south has restricted access to some of the routes previously used by refugees, Harper and others said. The Syrian government now controls many areas along the border previously controlled by the opposition; as such, the FSA has had more difficulty helping people get to the border, analysts said. 

In addition, according to Harper, at least 15 villages in southern Syria have been completely emptied, with one-third of southern Dera’a Governorate’s original population now living in Jordan. 

As Walid Alkhatib, of the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, put it: “There are not many Syrians left in the villages” along the border in the first place. 

This contradicts refugees’ testimonies. One elderly woman told IRIN: “Many people want to come here. They turn them back.” She traveled to Jordan to help her son cross the border; as a young, single man, he would not have been allowed in alone, she said. 

On 23 May, the imam of Syria’s Nasib Village, one of the main crossing points, told IRIN 10,000 people were waiting to cross the border [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/98096/concern-for-syrians-stuck-at-jordanian-border ].

Harper warned that Syria’s neighbours needed additional support “so that they have the confidence” to keep accepting refugees. “What is happening at the moment is that Jordan is being used as a buffer zone or a shock-absorber for what is going on inside Syria,” he said. 

Indeed, some observers say the perceived change in policy was an attempt by Jordan to send a message to the international community ahead of an international appeal for more funding to support host countries, which was launched on 7 June in Geneva [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/un-agencies-and-partners-launch-largest-ever-humanitarian-appeal-syrians ].

Harper also advocated for more humanitarian support for Syrians within their own country so that they need not seek refuge in the first place. 

The presence of Syrian refugees has put an increasing burden on Jordanian services, especially water delivery. Some observers say the government, already fragile after large-scale protests in 2012, is under increasing pressure to limit the impact of the Syrian crisis on Jordanians. 

“The government has a wafer-thin majority,” said one international observer. “Anything it does that has a negative impact on the population will probably … lead to a fall in the government… 

“It will need to build up a majority as it has in the past, and that majority will be dependent on the northern tribes in the northern governorates [where most of the refugees are located]… It can do that through money, which it doesn’t necessarily have, or it can do things to mitigate the cost of the population by limiting the number of refugees.” 

An April poll by the Center for Strategic Studies found that 71 percent of Jordanians wanted the government to stop the flow of refugees [ http://jordantimes.com/majority-of-jordanians-call-for-end-to-syrian-refugee-influx ].

According to Alkhatib, head of the Center’s polling department, the government has become “more selective” about who enters the country. 

A Jordanian military source told IRIN there were no limits on the numbers or locations of Syrian refugee entries, but confirmed there were certain conditions for entry. Government officials have repeatedly said that Palestinian refugees in Syria or Syrians without documentation, especially young, single men, are not allowed to enter Jordan. 

Other sources close to the government said entry criteria exclude asylum seekers belonging to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s Allawi sect, as well as anyone with past affiliations with the Syrian Army. Under international law, anyone with a genuine fear of persecution has the right to seek asylum. 

Inconsistency 

One young female refugee from Um Walid village in Dera’a told IRIN that after reaching the Jordanian government registration centre in Rabat Sarhan, Jordanian officials sent her and others back on a bus to the Syrian side of the Tal Shihab border crossing, on the basis that her brother was using forged identification and had a suspicious travel history. 

When she returned days later, alone, she entered successfully. 

“We are tortured depending on their mood,” she said of Jordanian officials. She spoke to IRIN while waiting to register with UNHCR in the middle of the night. 

Refugees at the registration centre in Za’atari camp consistently told stories of having to wait days before being allowed to cross. 

One group of Syrians at the Nasib crossing on 4 June were initially told there were no entries that day, several refugees told IRIN separately. As they waited, a shell from the Syrian side flew overhead, landing 10m in front of them. Another landed shortly afterwards within 50m of them. They dropped everything and ran; some hid under a sand ridge, and others tried to cross the riverbed. The Jordanian army then brought all them across the border and even went back for their bags. 

In another case, recounted by a refugee, after 15 people were let in at a crossing point, the 16th was turned back and told that capacity had been reached for the day. In other cases, refugees said, Jordanian officials told them they required a minimum of 50 people before they could bring a bus to take them across the border. 

*not a real name 

ha/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98195/Policy-or-happenstance-Jordan-apos-s-dwindling-Syrian-refugee-arrivals</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071018510739t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZA'ATARI CAMP 09 June 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers are struggling to understand fluctuating Syrian refugee flows into Jordan in recent weeks. The government insists the border remains open, but refugees tell harrowing stories of being turned back.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Amid Syrian crisis, Iraqi refugees in Jordan forgotten</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200806164t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 10 years after fleeing violence in their country, many Iraqi refugees living in Jordan are poor, failing to integrate, and unable to return home or get resettled in a third country.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 10 years after fleeing violence in their country, many Iraqi refugees living in Jordan are poor, failing to integrate, and unable to return home or get resettled in a third country.

Their condition - already worsening due to funding cuts in recent years - is now being overshadowed by the Syrian refugee crisis, leaving them increasingly vulnerable, even as more Iraqi refugees flee to Jordan every month.

The 2011 withdrawal of US troops from Iraq was seen by many as the end of a violent decade in Iraq following the 2003 US-led invasion and subsequent sectarian violence which drove as many as 3.8 million Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/Iraq-10-years-on-the-forgotten-displacement-crisis ] from their homes.

But in the last couple of years, 200-250 Iraqis have continued fleeing to Jordan every month, according to CARE International, one of the main NGOs working with Iraqi refugees in Jordan. Last year, new arrivals averaged 400 a month, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). And so far, 1,569 have registered as refugees this year, an average of just over 300 a month. An increase in bombings and other killings in Iraq in the last couple of months could see those figures increase.

A 2007 Jordanian government estimate put the number of Iraqis in Jordan at around 450,000 [ http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e486566.html ], but many see these figures as exaggerated [ http://www.academia.edu/189411/Iraqis_in_Jordan_elusive_numbers_uncertain_future ].

One indication is that only 29,000 Iraqis are registered with UNHCR, also due to the fact that many Iraqis came to Jordan with more wealth than other refugees. But those who registered with UNHCR are "extremely impoverished", the agency's representative in Jordan, Andrew Harper, told reporters at a recent conference on Iraqi refugees. And while they may have had coping mechanisms when they first arrived, Harper later told IRIN, "that's run out."

"What we're really concerned about now is that it seems the number of Iraqis is increasing," said Dominique Hyde, representative of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) in Jordan. "Our focus obviously has been on Syrians."

According to CARE, most of the registered Iraqi refugees are dependent on cash assistance from aid agencies, which has been reduced or even interrupted in the past few years.

"As the Syrian crisis grew bigger, the Iraqi case has become invisible," Kevin Fitzcharles, CARE's country director in Jordan, told IRIN. "There are around 30,000 vulnerable Iraqi individuals in Jordan. They are not going to go away any time soon, and they need help. Who is going to provide them with help?"

Unemployment and poverty

A vulnerability assessment, conducted by CARE in March 2013, found that most Iraqis rely on "subsistence-level" assistance; meaning, on average cash payments of 119 Jordanian dinars (US$168) per month, when they have expenses exceeding that income by JD167 ($236).

To fill the income gap, Iraqis borrow from family and friends, take loans, eat less, and share housing, the survey found.

Although Iraqis have free access to health care and education in Jordan, it is "almost impossible" for them to secure work permits, as one aid worker put it. To apply to work in the 10 professional categories open to them, Iraqis must have active residency in Jordan, which requires either a deposit of 25,000 Jordanian dinars (US $35,285); marriage to a Jordanian citizen; or sponsorship by an employer who must prove that no Jordanian could do the job.

"I never realized how difficult it is to look for a job until the day I became a refugee," said Muhannad Damen, who left Iraq two years ago, but is still battling unemployment and poverty in Jordan. 

CARE's assessment found that refugees have to survive with less money, which affects nutrition and diet: more than 40 percent of families interviewed reported skipping one meal a day and being regularly hungry.

Funding shortfall

Fitzcharles said over recent years it has become more difficult to get donors interested in Iraqis in Jordan, even more so following the Syrian crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/85144/JORDAN-SYRIA-UNHCR-funding-shortfall-for-Iraqi-refugees ].

CARE's own funding from the US Department of State and from the European Commission's humanitarian aid arm ECHO to help Iraqi refugees in Jordan has been cut in half over the past two years, from $1.5 million to $750,000 and 800,000 euros to 400,000 respectively.

"Their story has moved beyond an emergency [phase]," said Marilena Chatziantoniou, rapid response coordinator at ECHO's regional office in Amman. "We provide immediate humanitarian emergency [assistance], but now we need longer-term donors to work with the Jordanian government to find sustainable solutions for their situation."

After a general decline in funding over the years, the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) cut its funding for Iraqi refugees altogether last year, because of a lack of funds, which were redirected to Syrian refugees.

"There are certainly vulnerable groups that have been forgotten," said regional director Beat Von Däniken.

As a result, services and the number of Iraqis receiving assistance have also been reduced.

"The services are being stretched and that could only go on for so long," Harper warned.

For example, CARE was helping 12,000 refugees two years ago, but now is only able to help 9,000 individuals with cash assistance, non-food items such as blankets and heaters, and psycho-social support services, Fitzcharles said.

Muath Asfour, outreach coordinator at the Center for Victims of Torture (CTV), said the waiting list of Iraqis seeking help from his organization has reached 200 people. 
"So many Iraqis suffered traumatic incidents such as kidnapping, witnessing violence, witnessing death, bombings, and rape," Asfour told IRIN.

CTV's centres and mobile units in Amman and Zarqa receive about 200 new cases of Iraqis and Syrians every three months, but cannot keep up: "These people need help, but with limited funding, more people have to be on the waiting list."

Durable solutions?

Iraqis in Jordan are still referred to as "guests" by the government. They live mainly in the impoverished eastern side of Amman and in neighbourhing Zarqa Governorate. 
Many have limited options.

"I feel trapped here: no [chance] of a return or resettlement elsewhere; and this is never like home. I feel isolated from everyone," said Hanan Shaker, who fled Iraq a year and a half ago, following death threats.

Most Iraqis fled violence in their countries in the hope of being resettled to a third country, researchers, aid workers and Iraqis say.

However, "with the current global economic crisis and the dwindling number of countries willing to grant asylum to Iraqi refugees, this option is becoming quite difficult to achieve as well," Isis Nusair, associate professor of international studies at Denison University, wrote in a recent article in Middle East Report [ http://www.merip.org/mer/mer266/permanent-transients#_4 ].

Since 2007, she wrote, the US has admitted nearly 65,000 Iraqi refugees for resettlement.

This year, a total of 1,500 refugees will be resettled in the US, Australia and Canada, UNHCR's Harper told reporters.

"Unfortunately, Iraqis think they will all be resettled, but it is not the case," he said.

In the meantime, aid agencies are left with the challenge of finding the best options for those who will not be resettled, Harper said.

"This very slow pace [of resettlement], together with the lingering global economic crisis and the tighter restrictions on asylum applications, means that many Iraqi refugees will remain in limbo for some time to come," Nusair wrote.

aa/ha/cb 

*This article was amended on 10 June 2013. The original report erroneously stated that ECHO's funding for CARE's work with Iraqi refugees in Jordan dropped from $80,000 to $40,000.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98180/Amid-Syrian-crisis-Iraqi-refugees-in-Jordan-forgotten</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200806164t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 10 years after fleeing violence in their country, many Iraqi refugees living in Jordan are poor, failing to integrate, and unable to return home or get resettled in a third country.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NGOs under pressure in Egypt</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240645560219t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.

Furthermore, the next couple of weeks are expected to see the approval of a new bill by Egypt’s upper house, the Shura Council, revising the laws covering NGOs - a revision that has been widely criticized by international and Egyptian human rights groups.

Egypt has up to 43,000 NGOs, according to the government.

The new bill, first proposed by Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi's Freedom and Justice Party and announced by the presidency on 29 May, exempts NGOs from taxes and customs (Article 11), but tightens government control of much of their activity, including funding and membership.

“This bill aims first and foremost to limit the few freedoms civil society organizations have,” Nehad Abul Qomsan, head of local NGO Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights, told IRIN. “It gives the government carte blanche to intervene in the work of NGOs in ways that stifle this work altogether.”

The new bill is designed to replace a 2002 law from the Hosni Mubarak era [ http://www.bu.edu/bucflp/files/2012/01/Law-on-Nongovernmental-Organizations-Law-No.-84-of-2002.pdf ] deemed restrictive by many of Egypt's NGOs.

The 2002 law was used in this week’s convictions of Egyptian and international NGO workers, alongside the 1937 penal code.

NGO funding

Many NGO workers had been hoping the new post-Arab Spring bill would ease some of the 2002 restrictions, notably on getting approval for foreign funding.

But the new bill reiterates (Article 13) this requirement, which in practice leaves NGOs vulnerable to long administrative delays.

Tarig Nour, the executive director of local NGO Tadamon, which works to promote the welfare of marginalized African refugees, was hoping this requirement would not be part of the new law.

“I have no problem with notifying the government about the funding my organization gets, but I have a problem with the time it takes for funding approval,” Nour said. “Most of the time approval takes a very long time, which weakens my credibility with donors.”

In 2010, Tadamon designed a programme to offer anti-avian influenza vaccines to African refugees, and the International Organization for Migration had agreed to fund it, but the government's funding approval took four months to come through. This meant that the programme was no longer viable because the winter, the peak of avian influenza infections, was already over.

A year later, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was unable to fund another Tadamon project to offer medical support to African refugees because of difficulties related to getting funding approvals.

“We were hoping the government would make things easier in the new law, not worse,” Nour said.

Coordination Committee

One of the key reforms in the bill is the creation of a Coordination Committee to supervise the work of NGOs - from registration to funding, internal laws, membership and type of activities.

The Committee replaces the 2002 law’s provision for the Ministry of Social Affairs (now the Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs) to approve (or not) NGO funding. The committee is made up of eight members, including one from the Homeland Security Agency and one from the intelligence agency, but no one from the NGO community.

The proposed 74-article bill [ http://www.youm7.com//News.asp?NewsID=1090288 ] (Arabic) requires NGOs to get approval for fundraising appeals (Article 11).

The bill also denies NGOs the right to participate in joint activities with foreign organizations without notifying the Coordination Committee (Article 12).

Reaction

In the strongest reaction to the draft law at the local level so far, 40 of Egypt's largest civil society organizations issued a joint statement [ http://www.cihrs.org/?p=6691&lang=en ] on 30 May, describing the law as an attempt by Morsi's party to “suppress” civil society.

“This is a restrictive law,” Gamal Eid, whose NGO Arabic Network for Human Rights Information was one of the signatories of the statement, told IRIN. “The people who drafted this law had only one thing in mind: total control over civil society organizations.”

Another NGO, the Arab Organization for Human Rights, has said the new bill contradicts the spirit of the Egyptian revolution [ http://www.aohr.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%82-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%B9-%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%B3%D8%B3%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%87%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A9.pdf ].

But supporters of the president say the reforms do not hinder freedoms. “The draft law widens the scope for the work of NGOs,” Bakinam Al Sharqawi, a Morsi aide told IRIN.

“If the Committee objects to anything in the work of the NGOs, it has to mention the objective reasons for doing this. I invite everybody to discuss this law calmly,” he added.

Public order

One of the requirements of the new draft law is for foreign NGOs to work within the framework of the needs of Egyptian society, public order and morals (Article 55).

“This can open the way for the prohibition of activities, any activities, if the government thinks they violate public order or morals,” said Gamal Abdel Gabir, secretary-general of Sudanese NGO The People of Sudan. “Our work is full of things that can easily be categorized as violating public order.”

The NGO offers support to Sudanese refugees living in Egypt. Gabir says whether the help he offers the Sudanese refugees can be considered a violation of public order or morals depends on the relationship Egypt has with the government in Khartoum.

“The same applies to other associations that offer help to refugees coming from countries, such as Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia,” Gabir said. “The government can easily close them down under the pretext that their activities violate public order.”

Under current laws, international NGOs need to make a formal request to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when planning an activity in Egypt, but according to Amnesty International the authorities do not respond, putting NGOs in an uncertain position.

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98162/NGOs-under-pressure-in-Egypt</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240645560219t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Colon cancer: “A catastrophe for families” in Egypt</title><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305311401160465t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Colon cancer in Egypt is more deadly and destructive than elsewhere, yet less understood.

A new study adds to a small body of research, through which a picture is emerging: colorectal cancer, commonly known as colon cancer, strikes younger people in Egypt far more frequently than it does in Europe or the US, making it much more lethal and socially destructive.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Colon cancer in Egypt is more deadly and destructive than elsewhere, yet less understood.

A new study adds to a small body of research, through which a picture is emerging: colorectal cancer, commonly known as colon cancer, strikes younger people in Egypt far more frequently than it does in Europe or the US, making it much more lethal and socially destructive. 

Yet, while colorectal cancer in European and North American contexts is well-studied, researchers have uncovered far less about the causes of the abnormally high rates of early-onset colorectal cancer in Egypt. 

Ahmed Morsi started suffering from rectal bleeding three years ago, at age 37. When he saw doctors, they told him it was related to piles, commonly known as haemorrhoids, but the bleeding did not stop. It took six months and visits to five different doctors before he was correctly diagnosed with colorectal cancer. 

And it was another two months before he told his wife. 

“I was afraid of the situation for her, and I wanted to do everything by myself,” he said. 

Over the course of five months, Morsi underwent a colostomy, radiotherapy and chemotherapy.

A father of two, Morsi is the sole breadwinner of the family, and had to quit his job as a server at a Cairo coffee shop for the duration of the treatment. At first, his brothers were able to support his family, but his wife eventually had to sell all their gold to make ends meet. 

Morsi is one of 412 patients diagnosed by Egyptian colorectal cancer specialist Ahmed Gado between 2000 to 2012. Gado found that one quarter of his patients were less than 40 years old, a far higher percentage than in Europe or North America, where incidence of the disease is much higher, but only 2-6 percent of patients are that young. According to the American Cancer Society, 90 percent of new cases of colorectal cancer in the US and 94 percent of deaths [ http://www.cancer.org/acs/groups/content/@epidemiologysurveilance/documents/document/acspc-028323.pdf ] occur in individuals 50 and older. 

Young patients have families to support, which compounds the effects the disease has on the general population. 

“It’s a catastrophe for families,” Gado told IRIN.

What makes this trend more alarming, he said, is that the prognosis is worse for younger patients. In general, those who acquire the disease below the age of 30 are three times as likely to die within five years than those who acquire it past 50, according to European studies. The five-year survival rate drops from 75 to 25 percent for the younger patients. 

Gado published the results of his research, conducted at his unit at Giza’s Bolak el-Dakror Hospital, a few kilometres from downtown Cairo, in the Alexandria Journal of Medicine in April. The study [ http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2090506813000225 ] was peer-reviewed by the Faculty of Medicine at Alexandria University and confirms findings of early onset colorectal cancer in Egypt by other researchers. 

A study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9096661 ] published in the International Journal of Cancer in 1997 found that 35 percent of more than 1,600 colorectal cancer patients in four Egyptian hospitals were under 40. 

According to the Middle East Cancer Consortium, based on data collected between 1999 and 2001, colorectal cancer constituted 4.4 percent [ http://www.mecc.cancer.gov/publication/mecc-monograph.pdf ] of cancer cases in Egypt, affecting six in every 100,000 Egyptians, compared to 32 in every 100,000 Americans. 

Diagnosis

But in Egypt, colorectal cancer is often not diagnosed quickly, which Gado attributes to a combination of cultural issues and lack of awareness, even among practitioners.

He routinely sees patients who have had rectal bleeding for a year before seeing doctors, and there are rarely follow-ups on a patient’s condition. Colonoscopy is an invasive procedure, and few patients with a family history of cancer agree to undertake it as a preventive measure. 

General practitioners will also often misdiagnose bleeding as piles, he said, and they will not always refer patients to specialists. Few specialists have adequate competency to perform colonoscopies, even in the Cairo region.

Knowledge gap

Egypt is thought to have among the highest rates of early onset colorectal cancer in the world, and only a few studies have attempted to better understand the disease here. 

In general, comprehensive data on cancer in Egypt is limited, according to Randa Abou El Naga, a researcher on non-infectious diseases at the World Health Organization (WHO), which, itself, does not have research about colorectal cancer in Egypt.

The Egyptian government has a national cancer registry, but research is not representative of the entire country. It compiles data annually, but on a rotation basis between different governorates, Abou El Naga said. For example, the registry’s 2008 data covers only Aswan Governorate on the Sudanese border, and its latest report, published in 2010, covers only Damietta Governorate in the Delta region. 

WHO is assessing the quality of Egypt’s national cancer registry, with the goal of providing recommendations to the Egyptian government on how it can be improved to provide a complete overview of cancer occurrence in the country.

Causes and correlations 

In general, higher risks of colorectal cancer appear to be related to a number of dietary and lifestyle habits, including higher intakes of alcohol and red and processed meats; lower intakes of fibre, fruits and vegetables; micronutrient deficiencies, especially selenium, iron and vitamin D; lack of physical activity and increased obesity. 

One theory is that these factors combine to create an excess of calories, resulting in obesity, insulin resistance, hyperglycaemia, inflammation and oxidative stress, which could cause cellular damage in the colon and lead to cancer over the long term.

Egyptians’ diet has been changing as junk food becomes increasingly accessible and most restaurants take Internet orders.

A busier lifestyle and lack of parks and sports infrastructure means that urban Egyptian waists are taking a hit. Statistics from 2010 aggregated by the National Nutrition Institute show that 20 percent of teenagers, 55 percent of adult males, and 75 percent of adult females in Egypt are either overweight or obese. 

But the reasons behind early onset of colorectal cancer, specifically, remain unclear. Researchers are looking at the roles played by genetic predisposition or environmental exposure, such as the use of pesticides. Early life exposure could also be a factor. 

af/ha/ca/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98141/Colon-cancer-A-catastrophe-for-families-in-Egypt</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305311401160465t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - Colon cancer in Egypt is more deadly and destructive than elsewhere, yet less understood.

A new study adds to a small body of research, through which a picture is emerging: colorectal cancer, commonly known as colon cancer, strikes younger people in Egypt far more frequently than it does in Europe or the US, making it much more lethal and socially destructive.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Palestinians from East Jerusalem seek safety in Israeli citizenship</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty. 

“Look around you, this city will remain under Israeli control as long as I live,” said 40-year-old Anwar*, a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem who acquired Israeli citizenship. “As Palestinians in Jerusalem, we are facing discrimination in all fields. Israeli citizenship is the only chance available.” 

According to data the International Crisis Group (ICG) obtained from the Israeli Ministry of Interior, some 7,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem applied for Israeli citizenship between 2001 and 2010, two-thirds of them between 2008 and 2010 alone. 

According to a December 2012 ICG report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/135-extreme-makeover-ii-the-withering-of-arab-jerusalem.pdf ], a total of 13,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem have Israeli citizenship, although this number likely includes residents who came into town from other parts of Israel. 

The major reasons behind the citizenship applications are fears of losing residency or access to Jerusalem, the wish to travel more easily and the desire to grant a better future for one’s children, according to Palestinians interviewed, a community activist and the ICG report. 

“Most Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, regardless of whether they approve or disapprove of the trend, believe that the numbers applying for citizenship are likely to grow,” ICG writes, noting that other researchers have reported much higher numbers from the Ministry of the Interior. (For instance, journalist Danny Rubinstein was told that 12,000 Jerusalemites had applied for citizenship in 2008-2009 alone, ICG said.) 

An Israeli foreign ministry spokeswoman, Ilana Stein, said that everyone who meets the criteria - being a documented permanent resident of Jerusalem with no criminal record - can apply for citizenship, but that “security concerns can arise on individual cases”. According to the ICG report, about one-third of applicants were rejected. 

Insecure status 

Palestinians’ permanent residency status in Israel is conditional on proving their “center of life” lies within the Israeli-defined municipal boundary of Jerusalem, a precarious status that can be revoked under many circumstances, including living outside the municipal boundary for extended periods of time. Between 1995 and 2000, Israel revoked the residency status of some 3,000 East Jerusalem Palestinians in what the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs called “quiet deportation” [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_jerusalem_report_2011_03_23_web_english.pdf ]. It revoked another 7,000 Palestinian Jerusalemites’ IDs between 2006 and 2011, which contributed to the subsequent upsurge in applications for citizenship. 

In addition, some 50,000 Palestinians live inside the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem but are cut off from the city by the separation barrier. Becoming an Israeli citizen often calms their fears that they may lose access to the city altogether should Israel decide to redraw the municipal boundaries along the route of the barrier. 

Jerusalem mayor Nir Barkat expressed sympathy for such a plan in 2011, suggesting that parts of municipal Jerusalem that lie on the Palestinian side of the security barrier should fall under the Palestinian Authority’s jurisdiction rather than that of the municipality [ http://www.geneva-accord.org/mainmenu/gi-director-comments-on-barkat-s-plan-to-redraw-jerusalem-s-borders ].

A 2011 survey [ http://www.pechterpolls.com/east-jerusalem-palestinians-say-un-move-would-hurt-them-many-prefer-israeli-citizenship/ ] by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion found that nearly half of East Jerusalemites would prefer to become citizens of Israel rather than a new Palestinian state, “casting fresh doubts on the official Palestinian claim to the city”. “Even more remarkably”, the survey found, 42 percent said they would actually move to a different neighborhood if necessary to remain under Israeli rather than Palestinian authority. However, observers say such data should be treated with caution, given that Palestinian applicants may fear losing their residency if they do not show support for Israel, and given the overall low, if increasing, number of applicants [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/02/24/the_perils_of_polling_in_east_jerusalem ].

Anwar’s choice remains a taboo for most Palestinians. 

“When I applied some 10 years ago, some of my relatives cut all relations with me,” he said, lowering his voice whenever speaking directly about his application during an interview in a restaurant in East Jerusalem. “My uncle got angry and asked, ‘Did you forget to love your city and your country?’” 

“Some people believe that in order to stay in their city, it is safer to get Israeli citizenship,” said Xavier Abo Eid, a spokesman for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in the West Bank’s capital Ramallah, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). “But Israel aims at turning occupation into effective annexation, and that includes the people living in it,” he protested. “And Israel is doing everything possible to push Palestinians outside Jerusalem. They have suffered from Israeli policies of ID revocations, home demolitions, evictions and settlement construction.” 

Israel officially considers Jerusalem its “united capital” and regularly denies the discriminatory impact of its policies concerning the Palestinian population in East Jerusalem. Jerusalem mayor Barkat said in 2010, a year after the wave of ID revocations: "Never was Jerusalem as open for people to practice their religion freely as it is today." 

The PLO has produced an internal policy paper on the citizenship applications, but has not released it publically. 

No silver bullet 

Anwar said he used to face time-consuming visa procedures every time he wanted to visit family abroad using his Israeli travel permit. Before he was granted citizenship, he had to submit employment records and official invitations before every trip. “Now, I just get on the plane.” 

But becoming an Israeli citizen has not protected him from discrimination. The Israeli passport may make it easier to travel, Anwar said, but “I am still treated as a potential terrorist, while Jewish citizens just pass.” 

Despite the citizenship, he still has not succeeded in getting a permit to build new rooms in his home. Rights groups say those Palestinians living in in East Jerusalem struggle to get building permits, while Jewish settlements on the perimeter of the city are growing, cutting Palestinian East Jerusalem off from the rest of the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97676/Briefing-Beyond-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement ]. One such settlement is Giv’at HaMatos; its build-up would cut off Arab neighbourhoods in southern Jerusalem, like Beit Safafa and Sharafat, rendering them “Palestinian enclaves”, the ICG said, surrounded by settlements that, according to an international fact-finding mission commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council, adversely affect Palestinians’ freedom of movement, natural resources and safety [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ].

Inequalities between Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel span many fields of public life, and are enshrined in parts of the legal system and government practices [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95095/ISRAEL-Address-inequalities-facing-Arabs-says-ICG ]. Some 30 Israeli laws specifically privilege Jewish over Arab Israeli citizens in immigration rights, naturalization, and access to land and employment, among other things.

The inequality has even driven some Palestinians in Israel - including some with Israeli citizenship - to leave for Ramallah, often in search of an Arab-speaking, culturally Palestinian environment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96263/ISRAEL-OPT-Upping-sticks-and-heading-for-Ramallah ].

“If things don’t change soon, going abroad will be the only option left,” Anwar said. 

*not a real name

ah/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98132/Palestinians-from-East-Jerusalem-seek-safety-in-Israeli-citizenship</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Born into crisis: Unwanted pregnancies in Syria</title><pubDate>Wed, 29 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091134190299t.jpg" />]]>ZA’ATARI CAMP, JORDAN 29 May 2013 (IRIN) - Many women in Syria, displaced by more than two years of conflict and living in common shelters, do not want to get pregnant. Yet, the UN Population Fund estimates that a quarter of a million women in Syria and in refugee settings will become pregnant by the end of the year, due in part to a lack of access to birth control, as the Syrian health system breaks down.</description><body><![CDATA[ZA’ATARI CAMP, JORDAN 29 May 2013 (IRIN) - When aid workers with the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) speak to women inside Syria - many of them displaced from their homes and living in cramped collective shelters - they say they would rather do anything than get pregnant.

“No one wants to be pregnant in the shelters… That’s universal wherever we go,” said Laila Baker, UNFPA representative in Syria. “There is no place to take care of the baby and it’s another mouth to feed.”

In addition, they fear the delivery process will face complications, as access to antenatal care and safe delivery services, including emergency obstetrics, is now extremely limited in the country.

Yet, UNFPA estimates that some 250,000 women in Syria and in refugee settings will become pregnant by the end of 2013.

After more than two years of conflict, Syria’s healthcare system has broken down [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ], hospitals have been destroyed, medical personnel have fled the country [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97736/Syria-s-brain-drain-another-twist-to-the-country-s-crisis ], supply routes have been disrupted, and in many places, family planning tools are not readily available.

Fadia Salameh found out she was pregnant after arriving in Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees in northern Jordan. The medical centre in her home town in the suburbs of Hama, "which witnessed heavy shelling", had no more contraceptives in stock, so she stopped taking birth control pills.

"Our village ran out of everything - food, bread, and medicine," she told IRIN from the camp, where she sought help from a UNFPA clinic.

In 2012, UNFPA in Syria distributed nearly 1.5 million family planning pills, 40,000 injectables, 45,000 intrauterine devices (IUDs), and 21,000 condoms in governorates affected by the conflict. But the shipments are irregular and do not meet the high level of need.

Mobile UNFPA teams also visit shelters, providing women’s health care and distributing vouchers that women can use to get free maternal health and emergency obstetric services at a clinic of their choice.

The Syrian Ministry of Health has remained active throughout the crisis, and some maternity wards and teaching hospitals are still offering obstetric or maternal health care.

“Conjugal room”

Internally displaced persons (IDPs) face additional challenges related to family planning and unsafe sex as a result of the crowded living conditions, especially in common shelters. UNFPA estimates there will be 1.65 million women of reproductive age living as IDPs by the end of 2013.

While they may not want to have children, displaced married couples do still want to have sex, even requesting that aid agencies set up what they called a “conjugal room” in one shelter in Rural Damascus, for privacy.

UNFPA has not yet been able to conduct a survey to establish the scale of the problem, but at least in the capital Damascus, a growing number of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) have been detected in routine visits to clinics, Baker said.

“We are really concerned that unwanted pregnancies and STIs may become an issue where they were not in Syria,” she told IRIN. “And when you do have an unwanted pregnancy or an STI, you do not [necessarily] have access [in Syria] to the care you need.” 

Maternal and infant mortality

Before the conflict, 96 percent of deliveries in Syria (whether at home or at the hospital) were assisted by a skilled birth attendant, but previously strong registration systems have since broken down.

As such, figures are not available, but Baker suspects maternal and neonatal deaths are also on the rise.

Partners told Baker of two women in the central city of Homs who died in recent months after giving birth without anaesthesia. The drugs had run out and could not be replaced because it proved too hard to get them across frontlines. Doctors operated on one woman post-mortem to save her baby girl. She is now four months old and being raised by her grandmother. The fate of the second baby is unknown.

Births by Caesarean section are 3-5 times higher than in normal conditions, Baker said: women schedule them in advance to try to avoid having to rush to hospital in unpredictable and often dangerous circumstances.

In one hospital in Homs, 75 percent of all babies are delivered using the surgical procedure. Women often have to walk or take the bus home within hours of the operation, because of general insecurity and fear of not being able to get home. Their husbands usually do not accompany them for fear of arrest while in hospital.

But even with the advance planning, they can run into problems. On 5 May, mortar shells reportedly hit the main referral hospital for maternal health in Syria, located in Damascus, seriously damaging it, just as one woman was lying on an operating table, prepared for a C-section.

As recounted to IRIN by Elizabeth Hoff, representative of the World Health Organization (WHO) in Syria who visited the hospital shortly after the shelling, the woman panicked, pulled out her catheter tube and I.V. fluid therapy, and ran. Two other women aborted in shock.

Women are admitted to hospital for no more than eight hours, because of the increasing number of patients and insufficient beds, Hoff said.

Late last year, WHO said doctors had been reporting a rise in “incomplete abortions”. Abortion is illegal in Syria, so instead women take pills that do not always work.

“They don’t see how they are going to face a pregnancy because of all the difficulties, and another child to cater for when they can hardly cater for those they have,” Hoff told IRIN at the time.

“Compensating lives”

But just across the border, in the dusty, burgeoning Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan, birth trends are quite different.

Many women say the camp conditions are "not suitable" to have children; an online campaign by the Syrian women's group Refugees not Captives calls on refugee women to postpone pregnancies until they return to Syria [ https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=245676492241315&set=pb.140338906108408.-2207520000.1369752091.&type=3&theater ].

But others want to "compensate lives" lost in the conflict.

“We are not going to stop having children because of [the conflict],” said Um Ahmad, a mother of seven, while waiting in a queue to be seen by a doctor. Two of her brothers were killed, she said, “and that is why I want to stop using the IUD to give birth again…

"If Syrians stop having children while [so many are being killed], the nation will vanish," she told IRIN.

Every day, a crowd of Syrian women and girls forms outside a UNFPA-supported reproductive health clinic, seeking advice on family planning and fertility, as well as pregnancy tests and health check-ups.

“We are recording high rates of pregnancies daily,” said midwife Munira Shaban. “[We do have] clients come to seek help as they want to become pregnant. The numbers increase as the camp grows bigger."

The clinic sees about 90 women a day, and one third of them come with pregnancy-related inquiries, whether they be tests or treatment, according to gynaecologist Reema Dyab.

All forms of family planning are available in the clinic, Dyab said, but "the demand for this service is low… Most of our patients have asked for help in treating problems preventing pregnancies, and the majority indicated they wanted to stop using contraceptives," she told IRIN.

Some women said they were pressured by their in-laws to have more children.

"They expect me to have more babies now, because my husband lost two of his brothers in the war,” said Um Khaled*. “I am expected to give them back all males that were lost.”

Newly-born babies often carry names of relatives who died in the conflict, refugees said.

Many pregnancies at Za’atari camp also involve child mothers, Dyab warned.

The clinic, run by the Jordan Health Aid Society, registered 58 pregnancies involving mothers below the age of 18 during the last week of February alone.

(Before the uprising in Syria, 11.6 percent of girls aged 15-19 were married).

Raising awareness

STIs have not broken out in the camp, but the chances that people are having unsafe sex are "high", Dyab said.

"Women tell us that their husbands refuse to use condoms, which is very common in this cultural context. Even if some people take condoms, it does not mean they are used correctly.”

Heather Lorenzen, a reproductive health officer at UNFPA in Jordan, said although it is challenging to tackle issues of sexual and reproductive health in the camp due to cultural sensitivities, aid agencies are trying to raise awareness. For example, UNFPA holds seminars about early marriage and family planning methods in the camp.

"This is an opportunity for women to learn about services available and decide what is suitable for them," she told IRIN.

She said it is important to compare the current situation with reproductive health norms in Syria before the conflict erupted.

“If we look back, birth rates have been high over the past years in Syria. Early marriages have been high in Syria, so it is difficult to see if pregnancy rates increased as a result of the war or if early marriages have become a coping mechanism.”

*not a real name

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98118/Born-into-crisis-Unwanted-pregnancies-in-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091134190299t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZA’ATARI CAMP, JORDAN 29 May 2013 (IRIN) - Many women in Syria, displaced by more than two years of conflict and living in common shelters, do not want to get pregnant. Yet, the UN Population Fund estimates that a quarter of a million women in Syria and in refugee settings will become pregnant by the end of the year, due in part to a lack of access to birth control, as the Syrian health system breaks down.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Displacement, trauma in northern Yemen</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103041437270875t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.

On the roads in Sa’dah Governorate on the border with Saudi Arabia, travel is slowed by repeated checkpoints manned by the military, local militia or fighters from the opposition Houthi movement, a Shia (Zaydi) group in a country with a Sunni majority.

Less visible wounds come to light in the crowded camps and homes for the at least 300,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs). Many complain of nightmares, panic attacks, despondency and other debilitating psychological afflictions from the fighting, says Basel Mousa, who works for the UN Refugee Agency in Haradh, close to the border.

“I’ve seen a particularly worrisome trend in child IDPs expressing their untreated trauma through aggression.”

Arab Spring protests in 2011 shifted north Yemen’s political-military landscape, but conditions for IDPs have largely stagnated. The destruction of so much of the region’s physical and social infrastructure, and the continuing sectarian and tribal violence mean most have not yet returned.

Displaced in the capital

In the capital Sana’a, the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) is assisting about 15,000 IDPs, many of them with special needs, who live in low-income suburbs around the capital.

Forty-three-year-old Mohammad*, and his wife and five children, fled Harf Sufyan District in Amran Governorate, north of Sana’a, when an aerial bombardment destroyed their home and killed several family members during the sixth Sa’dah war in 2010.

ADRA referred Mohammad to al-Amel Psychiatric Hospital in Sana’a, where he was diagnosed with depression and obsessive compulsive behaviour related to his traumatic experiences in the conflict.

“When he arrived [in Sana’a], he was convinced that everyone was spying on him,” said Mohammad’s psycho-social counsellor at ADRA, who wished to remain anonymous.

“He’s better now because Sana’a is getting more stable, but he still feels like an outsider. It’s difficult enough to find a job in Sana’a if you are Sana’ani. Because he’s from Sa’dah, no one will consider hiring him,” he said.

To generate income, Mohammad sells part of the food rations he and his family receive from a joint WFP-Islamic Relief assistance programme. Lately he has not earned enough to cover hospital costs associated with shrapnel lodged in the back of his head from an explosion in Harf Sufyan, nor those of his 10-year-old daughter who suffers from severe physical and mental handicaps, including epilepsy.

“He doesn’t have 50 rials [25 US cents] for a bus ride to the hospital, so he’s stopped going,” said his psycho-social counsellor. “As head of the household with no way to support his family, the pressures of life are building.”

Asked what his plans are for the future, Mohammad said: “If things get better, we’re definitely going back to Harf Sufyan. But the Houthis brought preconditions to the National Dialogue. I’m not optimistic.”

Many Yemenis hope the National Dialogue conference, which got under way in mid-March, will be able to resolve many of the country’s most divisive issues including southern separatism and bringing peace and stability to the north.

For six years starting in 2004, ex-Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s autocratic regime in Sana’a fought Houthi rebels in and around the fertile Sa’dah Governorate.

But instead of conquering or even weakening Houthi power, the six consecutive wars ended with the tumultuous 2011 Arab Spring uprisings that led to the overthrow of the ruling regime.

The Houthi opposition movement consolidated control of its isolated northern enclave and established footholds in urban Sana’a and Taiz to the south.

“Before the revolution, it was unheard of to openly identify with Houthis. Now, Houthi influence is everywhere,” said a local humanitarian worker in Sana’a.

Amel’s family

Forty-year-old widow Amel* and her five children abandoned their home in Sa’dah’s central al-Safra District during the sixth Sa’dah war when her husband was killed by gunfire while farming their plot of land.

With no vocational skills, Amel has taken to collecting plastic bottles for resale, something which pays about 200 rial (US$1) for each full gunny sack.

For almost four years the six of them have lived in a one-room cinderblock structure with no windows. Rainstorms flood its dirt floors and soak their belongings.

Amel’s teenage daughter Haloud suffered severe trauma as a result of the conflict. “There were constant air raids. Haloud saw a lot of death,” Amel told IRIN. “She rarely eats or sleeps, and without notice will run into the street crying and screaming.”

ADRA referred Haloud’s case to a psychiatrist at al-Amel Hospital, where she was diagnosed with “mental retardation” and “epilepsy”. Amel can’t always afford the medication prescribed for Haloud’s conditions.

“I’m fighting every day for my daughters so they can study and stay in school,” said Amel, thrusting her hands in the air.

Amel’s son, the eldest of four siblings, refuses to attend school. “He chooses to go out in the street with his friends because of the war and the social situation here. He says he will kill himself one day.”

Of late, Amel says their situation has improved because she has been able to purchase Haloud’s medications more regularly.

Regarding the option of returning to Sa’dah, Amel said: “That’s not an option. What is there to go back to? The only solution is to stay here and survive. I’ll fight to the death for them,” she said pointing to her daughters.

Limited resources

While Yemen’s overall IDP figures have declined by more than 100,000 since 2011 when roughly 463,000 sought temporary refuge around the country, progress has been lopsided and resource flows disproportionate.

The military expulsion of al-Qaeda groups last summer in Abyan and neighbouring governorates in the south paved the way for the return of 143,187 returnees, but in the north only 36,845 IDPs returned to Sa’dah [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/yemen-humanitarian-snapshot-31-march-2013 ].

Of the quarter of a million people displaced by the conflict in the north, most are in Sa’dah and Hajjah governorates.

But despite the humanitarian needs in Yemen, donor money has fallen short of requirements, in part, because of needs elsewhere in the region with the crisis in Syria. This year’s Consolidated Appeal for $716 million, has so far only received $196 million (27.3 percent) [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=emerg-emergencyDetails&appealID=993 ].

Some of the mental health complaints have lessened with time. Abdullah Salem from the World Health Organization, co-chair of the health cluster working group in Haradh (Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen), reports that since starting a mental health programme there in 2010 after the sixth Sa’dah war ended with a ceasefire, the overall caseload of patients has decreased from around 450 per month to 120-200.

“The situation is better than before,” Salem said, “because of the coordination of organizations now providing psycho-social and mental support.”

“A lot of people come to the clinic just to talk to someone, and this is healing,” adds Moussa.

Even so, health officials say there remain thousands of IDPs who need mental health care.

The lack of funding and a clear strategy for a sustainable solution are the main reasons the northern IDP crisis is “protracted”, according to Moussa.

“Generally, economic opportunities are absent. What we need is capacity and support-building projects, reintegration activities, assistance in the rebuilding of properties, and grassroots initiatives like helping farmers get seeds and tools they lost during the wars,” he said.

Additional funding and a comprehensive, integrated humanitarian strategy will almost certainly require broader political stability in order to produce sustainable solutions.

Until National Dialogue negations are concluded, the government’s current policy is to focus on seeing the displaced returned to the north, though many are far from ready to go back.

*not a real name

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98106/Displacement-trauma-in-northern-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103041437270875t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 27 May 2013 (IRIN) - Travelling through northern Yemen, the scars of a decade of internal conflict abound - bullet-pocked store fronts, bombed out homes, abandoned villages.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>How To: Get medical aid kits to Aleppo, Syria</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.

But aid workers can make it happen. In one of the latest examples, 54 tons of much-needed medical supplies arrived in Syria last month, destined for people living close to the frontlines of the conflict in the biggest city Aleppo.

“More than 60 percent of the hospitals [in Aleppo] are out of service. Many are at the frontline and used by armed personnel,” said Fares Kady, medical coordinator for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the focal point for the World Health Organization (WHO) in Aleppo.

IRIN tracked the shipment, from the first phone call from a WHO official in Switzerland, all the way to the doctors in battle-scarred Syria on 13 April.

Switzerland

Olexander Babanin is a supply officer with the WHO Crises Support team in Geneva. In October last year he made a call to a medical supplies company in The Netherlands to order medical kits to restock the standby supplies at the UN Humanitarian Response Depot in Dubai.

“When the logistic supply chain starts, it is often not known where the medical assistance will in the end exactly go,” Babanin told IRIN.

“[It] all depends on requirement and availability. My job is to make sure that warehouses are full, but of course never too full.” 

The international humanitarian logistical network means emergency stocks can be pre-positioned in key parts of the world for rapid mobilization.

Medical kits like the ones that ended up in Aleppo are standardized packages of drugs and medical equipment, designed to be useful in a variety of regions and situations.

The Interagency Emergency Health Kit (IEHK) is composed of some 90 different types of drugs and 90 medical consumables and equipment packed in 44 boxes.

A single medical kit weighs just over a ton and its content meets the needs of 10,000 persons for three months.

WHO is the coordinating authority for international health within the UN system, and every five years an inter-agency committee consisting of pharmacists and technical staff from different relief organizations decides what essential drugs and medical supplies will be included in the medical kit.

The aim is to meet priority health care needs of a displaced population without medical facilities or a population with disrupted medical facilities.

The Netherlands

At the end of 2012 in the town of Gorinchem in the western Netherlands employees of the Medical Export Group (MEG), a commercial firm, pack the medications, spinal needles, surgical equipment, and other items into labelled boxes.

Like Babanin from WHO, the MEG packers are not aware of the final destination for the aid. The company specializes in providing medical packs internationally for humanitarian organizations.

The IEH Kits are loaded onto a ship at the port of Rotterdam, 40km away, and shipped to Dubai in the United Arab Emirates.

United Arab Emirates

By January the latest emergency shipment is in Dubai, home to the Middle East UN Humanitarian Response Depot (UNHRD) run by the World Food Programme (WFP), which as well as delivering food aid, provides logistical support to much of the UN.

Nevien Attalla is the pharmacist with UNHRD in Dubai, and helped the WHO medical aid along the next part of the journey.

“The request comes in through the UNHRD customer service mailbox. To support any emergency response we manage assets so they are readily available for deployment within a 24/48 hour time frame,” Attalla told IRIN.

For this outbound shipment, she has to seek approvals from the UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Health and the Narcotic & Precursor Chemical Unit in the capital Abu Dhabi. 

She also arranges WFP supporting letters for each border crossing. As soon as the shipment is cleared the aid items are packed up for transportation by truck to Syria.

The medical aid is stocked at UNHRD’s 22,500 square metre covered storage space in a desert area far from Dubai’s skyscrapers.

The warehouses, part of Dubai’s International Humanitarian City [ http://www.ihc.ae ] are close to Jebel Ali port, the world’s largest man-made harbour, and also Dubai World Central-Al Maktoum airport.

The heat in this place is often unbearable. However, inside the warehouses it is mostly fresh and cool.

“We have 5,000 square metres which are temperature-controlled between 18 and 25 degrees Celsius. There is also a cold room to guarantee the storage for cold chain pharmaceutical goods,” Doris Mauron Klopfenstein, who works in logistics for UNHRD, told IRIN.

Syria

The hardest and final section of the journey begins on half a dozen trucks - driven by Syrian truck drivers, a requirement set by the Syrian government.

The two-year conflict in Syria has caused widespread disruption of the health care system; the 54 tons (52 kits) provide enough lifesaving medicines and supplies to cover emergency health needs for three months for an estimated population of half a million, potentially a tempting target for armed groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ].

Since the beginning of the conflict WFP has reported more than 20 attacks on warehouses, trucks and cars in Syria.

The truck drivers hired by a WFP subcontractor set off from Dubai and take a route through Saudi Arabia, Jordan and then into Syria.

“The convoy remained several days at the Jordanian-Syrian border because of heavy fighting between Damascus and Dera’a Governorate,” said Elizabeth Hoff, head of the WHO office in Damascus.

Heading to the capital they cross through ever-changing government and rebel zones, and are frequently held up at checkpoints. But regular closures at the airport in Damascus and the length of the sea route mean trucks are the best option.

On 27 March the trucks finally arrive at the WFP warehouse in Alkisweh, rural Damascus. WHO and SARC carry out an assessment of the supplies, and then the aid is dispatched to Aleppo, 360km to the north.

WHO distributes 70 percent of such supplies through the Syrian Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Higher Education, and 30 percent through NGOs.

“Needs in Aleppo are increasing constantly. The health system is reeling due to the lack of medicine and medical instruments, especially for chronic diseases, and poor accessibility [geographical, social, economic and security], raising more challenges to the Syrian dilemma,” said Kady.

About six million people live in Aleppo Governorate, but since the conflict started an additional 1.5 million internally displaced persons have sought refuge in the city.

“This journey [Damascus-Aleppo] usually takes about four hours. Nowadays this road is very important for all parties of the war. The shipment passed almost 60 checkpoints and it took 11 hours,” said Kady.

On 13 April the goods are then distributed to their final destinations - two main hospitals in Aleppo and 10 health centres.

Syrian doctor Kady hopes for more supplies: “Opening new offices for humanitarian assistance and installing a safe road like a humanitarian corridor to Aleppo would be so important to decrease the suffering of people.”

But the possibility of further deliveries from Dubai is slight at the moment given the growing insecurity.

While UN officials continuously urge all parties to respect humanitarian principles and ensure safe access for relief supplies, “for the moment no further shipment of medications is planned from Dubai due to the continuing bad security situation in the entire southern part of Syria,” said Hoff.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98087/How-To-Get-medical-aid-kits-to-Aleppo-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Concern for Syrians stuck at Jordanian border</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures.

In Nasib village, just 2km from one of four border crossings between Jordan and Syria, there are 10,000 displaced people waiting to leave Syria, according to village imam Abu Omar. He said government security forces abandoned the village “long ago”.

The area surrounding the village is very tense, with the sound of heavy artillery “louder than ever” [ http://jordantimes.com/article/syria-shelling-noises-louder-than-ever-to-residents-of-border-villages ], according to a local Jordanian newspaper. On several occasions in recent months, the surroundings of the village have been shelled or hit by gunfire. Just yesterday, Abu Omar said, a rocket fell in the village, causing minor injuries.

Despite the insecurity, he said, for the last seven days, Syrians attempting to cross the border have been turned back, told by border officials that the Jordanian intelligence services are currently refusing any entry, except emergency medical cases.

But Jordanian authorities deny closing the border.

"Jordan's policy towards helping Syrians has not changed," Anmar Alhmoud, Jordan's spokesperson on Syrian refugees affairs, told IRIN. Jordanian Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh said the same at a press conference on 22 May, the official news agency Petra reported.

However, the number of Syrians fleeing to Jordan without documentation has dropped dramatically in the last week, from up to 2,500 per day to “all but zero”, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). (100-150 Syrians have, however, entered daily at official crossing points with passports, according to Alhmoud.)

A village under strain

Before the Syrian conflict began two years ago, Nasib was a small border crossing, home to 10,800 people, Abu Omar said. Some 5,000 of them left during the course of the conflict, only to have their homes filled by double the number of people, displaced by violence in other areas of the country.

In the last week, Abu Omar said, an additional 10,000 arrivals - coming from as far as Idlib and Aleppo provinces in the north - have put a strain on village resources.

“Displaced people used to stay in the collective shelters for one or two days and then continue on to the crossing,” he told IRIN over a scratchy phone line from Syria. “But since the border was closed, they are staying and waiting… Some families are living between the mosques and the streets.”

Over the past two years, Syrians have become accustomed to making do with less; and the residents of Nasib have long been sharing what they have with newcomers in need. But the few commodities that used to come across the Jordanian border have all but stopped in the last week, leading to food and water shortages in the village, Abu Omar said.

Today was the first day in more than two weeks, he said, that the village had flour with which to make bread: “The necessities of life are non-existent.” International humanitarian assistance does not reach these parts, he added.

Government and rebel forces have been battling for control of areas south of Dera’a for the past few months, but in recent weeks, the government has reportedly launched an offensive to retake areas previously “liberated” by the rebels.

One Syrian family that arrived in Jordan 10 days ago told IRIN the border was open but that the rebel Free Syrian Army had lost control of the area. People were scared to move inside Syria because of violence and because the government was back in control, the family said. Abu Omar said freedom of movement, even between villages, was very limited.

Aid agencies told IRIN insecurity in the border area could be deterring people from trying to get into Jordan.

Few options for Palestinians

In addition to the Syrians stuck in border villages, hundreds of Palestinians cannot leave Syria because of Jordanian regulations prohibiting them entry into Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ].

In Jamleh village, for example, just east of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, some 300 Palestinian refugees who attempted to leave Syria are stuck in difficult conditions. Most are now staying with host families, though some have managed to reach other villages where they are renting homes; others have no shelter at all.

Humanitarian assistance to them is limited because of the dangers accessing the area.

According to the UN, 4.25 million people are displaced internally within Syria. Another 1.5 million have registered as refugees in neighbouring countries and in North Africa.

At a press conference in Amman on 22 May, Syria’s ambassador to Jordan, Bahjat Sulieman, told reporters the Syrian refugee crisis has been “exaggerated” to put pressure on the Syrian government, saying that Syrians were not leaving the country for “real humanitarian reasons”, but rather for political ends.

He declined to comment on reports of Syrians stuck on the Syrian side of the border.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98096/Concern-for-Syrians-stuck-at-Jordanian-border</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrians seeking refuge in Libya</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.

Since then the tables have turned, and many of those same families find themselves in Libya after fleeing the Syrian conflict, which has left an estimated 6.8 million people (around a third of the population) in need of urgent humanitarian assistance [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20Issue%20%2324.pdf ].

Most of the Syrian community in Libya, estimated at around 110,000 by government officials, are believed to have arrived over the past 18 months after having fled the Syrian conflict.

Shavan, a Syrian ethnic Kurd, arrived in Libya in January. "Alone, I left Syria at the end of 2011 leaving my wife and my daughter. I was looking for a place to live far away from the hell of conflict," Shevan said.

After what he says was a difficult year in Lebanon, where he struggled to pay his living costs, he went back into Syria to pick up his family and then left for Libya.

The flow of Syrians to Libya, while far lower than the numbers seen arriving in Syria's neighbours, started almost as soon as the Libyan revolution ended in October 2011.

Some come by air from Lebanon or Turkey, but most have arrived by road, heading through Jordan and then across the Sinai to the Libyan-Egyptian border town of El Salloum (in Egypt).

In the initial stages, Syrians with a passport could enter without a visa, but the rules have been tightened since the attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi in September 2012, after which only families, not single men, were allowed in.

Visa-less travel

From January this year, the coastal border crossing from El-Salloum to Musaid (Libya) has been closed to all non-Libyans without a visa, according to information from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Alongside this measure, the Libyan minister of interior invited his "Syrian brothers" who had previously entered the country without a visa, to register at any passport office to get a government letter confirming their asylum seeker status.

But it is still possible to get across the border without a visa. One Syrian who had recently entered Libya near El Salloum, and asked not to be named, told IRIN: "Smugglers charge US$500 to take Syrians across the border to Libya. I also saw some Syrian women who were using sex work to pay for their transit."

Local NGOs in Libya run by Syrians were the first to provide relief, but many Syrian refugees have been reluctant to receive such aid.

"Suspicions about Syrian secret service infiltrations led the majority away from the operational centres managed by Syrian charities," the head of the UNHCR in Libya, Emmanuel Gignac, told IRIN.

UNHCR registration

After an initial delay, UNHCR started formally registering Syrian asylum seekers and refugees in September 2012.

By the end of April 2013, around 8,000 Syrians were registered with UNHCR as asylum seekers, though because of UNHCR's lack of a formal legal agreement with the government, the asylum seekers cannot advance to the agency's refugee status determination (RSD) process.

The majority of Syrian asylum seekers in Libya are in the second city, Benghazi, due to its proximity to the Egyptian border.

Large Syrian communities are also in Tripoli, mainly in the Suq Al Jumua, Janzoor and Hasham areas, while ethnic Kurdish Syrians in the capital have established a base on the outskirts in Ben Ghashir.

Syrian charities provide support and some aid. "You can ask their help to register your kids in the local schools or to get medical assistance," Bilal*, originally from the Syrian town of Hama, told IRIN.

The delivery of items such as blankets, mattresses and kitchen cooking sets is carried out regularly by Syrian organizations along with the Libyan organization Al Wafa and international agencies like UNHCR, the Danish Refugee Council and the Italian NGO CESVI.

Visiting UNHCR teams also assist the Syrians in Tripoli and Benghazi. The agency has opened a Centre for Community Development for vulnerable cases, and set up a hotline for Syrian asylum seekers.

The call centre receives around 40 phone calls a day - often appeals for medical or cash assistance, according to UNHCR associate RSD officer Valda Kelly.

The presence of Syrians in Benghazi has created some tension, and recently the city's commission in charge of regulating foreign labour, immigrants and refugees called on the national government and congress to reduce the number of people coming into the country to avoid security, economic, political and social risks.

Why Libya?

Despite the distance from their home country, many Syrians cited a lower cost of living and greater job opportunities as the reason for travelling to Libya, rather than the more common Syrian refugee hubs like Jordan and Lebanon. Some also had spent time in Libya before the Arab Spring, when most foreign nationals were evacuated.

But living costs remain a challenge for many in the Syrian community: "I pay 600 dinars (US$465) a month for an apartment and I barely earn 900," Ali who had fled from Duma, on the outskirts of Damascus, told IRIN.

The poverty of many has given rise to practices seen elsewhere in the region: "Syrian women have been offering themselves as brides to the Libyans because they have no alternative for their survival," said Mohamed, a Syrian refugee living in the coastal town of Misrata.

Other Syrians in Misrata confirmed this was happening. "In Benghazi Syrian girls are called `sheep' for their low price. Even regular men already with one wife can afford a new young wife," another Syrian told IRIN.

Shiite fears

Many Syrians told IRIN the Libyans had been welcoming. Ahmad, a Libyan civil engineer working for an Italian company in Misrata, told IRIN: "They are our brothers as they still suffer what we have experienced. They have every right to remain in Misrata."

Local officials in Misrata told IRIN there are about 5,000 Syrian refugees in the town.

Misrata, known as a base for anti-Gaddafi militia activity, is awash with Gaddafi-era weapons, and locals say a blind eye is turned to Syrians buying the weapons for export.

Some local reports in Libya say former revolutionary fighters in Libya, particularly from Benghazi and Misrata, have been travelling in the opposite direction to join the anti-government forces in Syria.

Not everyone is welcoming though. "Because of my Kurdish name, I was threatened often at ordinary checkpoints because Libyans thought I was not a Sunni Syrian but a Shiite," said Shavan.

Syria's now two-year conflict began when people, largely of the Sunni majority, began protesting on masse against President Bashar al-Assad, of the minority Alawite sect (Shia), and has become increasingly sectarian as the violence has increased.

*not a real name

np/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98085/Syrians-seeking-refuge-in-Libya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Libyans in North Africa scared to return home</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.

But after two weeks of imprisonment and torture, the 68-year-old former contractor fled.

“They accused me of supporting [former ruler Muammar] Gaddafi during the revolution, which is not true at all,” Warfella told IRIN in Cairo. “These people have turned life into hell for people, not just in Bani Walid, but everywhere in Libya.”

Warfella is one of tens of thousands of Libyans who have fled to Egypt. Many are accused, often falsely they say, of having fought in pro-Gaddafi forces in 2011, or having publicly expressed support for him.

Far from home, many struggle to find employment and affordable accommodation, and lack almost any formal support. But they fear revenge attacks should they return home.

“There is a persistent desire inside Libya now for taking revenge on whoever took sides with Gaddafi against the revolutionaries, even if these people who took sides with Gaddafi were not influential people or fighters themselves,” said Salah Al Turki, a senior executive from the Cairo-based NGO Libyan Foundation for Human Rights (LFHR).

“Some of Gaddafi's supporters who initially left Libya in the wake of the downfall of the Libyan dictator and then returned to their home towns faced problems. Gaddafi's supporters in other countries watch all this and are filled with fear to return, lest they should meet the same fate.”

The number of Libyans who have fled the country is not clear as very few register with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

A source in the Libyan Ministry of Social Affairs said there were 430,000-530,000 Libyans in Tunisia. LFHR estimates the number of Libyans who had come to Egypt after the demise of Gaddafi's regime at 750,000, although the Libyan Embassy in Cairo told IRIN the number is not more than 30,000. Algeria is also thought to shelter tens of thousands of Libyans.

Despite, its geographical size, the Libyan population is only around six million, and government officials say that having such large numbers of citizens outside Libyan borders is a humanitarian and security concern for the government.

Some Libyans in Egypt were formerly high-ranking figures, like Ahmed Gaddaf Al Dam, a cousin of Gaddafi and a close associate who is now at the centre of a legal tussle [ http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/2010/17/The-price-of-extradition.aspx ] in Cairo, aimed at paving the way for his extradition to Libya. 

But most lacked senior roles in the Gaddafi administration, and say they feel under threat because of their previous public support for Gaddafi, or for simply belonging to a tribe or town judged “pro-Gaddafi”.

Safe haven?

Though many Libyans who have fled to Egypt told IRIN they thought it was not yet safe to return, life in Egypt is far from easy and they say they continue to live in fear.

“Most of these people, particularly those who had committed crimes in Libya before coming here, think that state institutions or even international organizations will spy on them for the sake of the new government in Libya,” Omar Mohamed Al Ogaly, a plenipotentiary minister at the Libyan Foreign Ministry, told IRIN.

“They have this general fear of state or official agencies and this is why they stay away from these agencies.”

Egypt is undergoing economic and political strife of its own after the Arab Spring, and Libyans abroad are struggling with rising food prices and a lack of work.

Mohamed Al Salak, a TV host from the Libyan channel Libya TV, describes meeting one Libyan family living in a cemetery west of Cairo.

“Despite this, the members of this family are afraid to approach the Libyan Embassy for help,” Al Salak said. “Some of them have medical problems, but they are even afraid to go to the hospital, lest their whereabouts are known to the government in Libya.” 

LFHR tries to find ways of reducing the suffering of Libyan refugees in Egypt. Organization staff meet these refugees, try to give some financial support and present their plight to the Libyan government.

Division 

The current debate [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-05-05/world/39048298_1_islamists-militias-parliament ] within Libya about what sort of role ex-Gaddafi supporters should have in the new administration is a subject that also divides Libyans in Egypt. 

In Cairo, fights have taken place in public areas like shopping centres between Libyans who used to support Gaddafi and others who detested his rule and rose up against him.

“We all had to keep silent under Gaddafi even as we did not like the man or his rule,” said Fawzi Al Trapolsi (not his real name), who worked for years as plenipotentiary minister under Gaddafi.

“There must be some forgiveness. Libya will not move a step forward if this desire for revenge continues to control everything.” 

On the other side of the political debate are Libyans like Adel Abdel Kafi, an ex-Libyan fighter pilot who flew his military plane from Tripoli to Cairo in the early 1980s and applied for political asylum in protest against what he called “Gaddafi's despotism”.

“Forgiveness?” he said to IRIN. “How can we forgive the people who either participated in killing innocent Libyans or who kept silent while the Libyans were being humiliated for more than 40 years?” 

Building trust

The Libyan government is taking some steps towards reconciliation. In Tunisia, Naema M. Elhammi, the deputy head of the General National Congress, told IRIN she had met Libyans living in poverty but not yet willing to return.

“They are all afraid,” Elhammi told IRIN. “They think they will face many troubles when they go back. The fact is that some Libyans do nothing but settle old scores with their compatriots. This makes everybody afraid.” 

A group of parliament members, including Elhammi herself, are paying visits to neighbouring countries to talk to the Libyan refugees and convince them to go back. But they still have to build trust. 

In Cairo, the Libyan Embassy has opened a separate office in a different part of the city to the embassy to listen to the problems of the refugees and try to convince them to go back.

Mabrouk Raheel, an embassy official responsible for the office, says 5-7 Libyans visit the office every day to demand help either to continue living in Egypt or to go back to Libya.

“People who did not commit crimes during the revolution have no problem in going back,” Raheel said. “Those who committed crimes, however, must go to court.” 

Al Ogaly, the plenipotentiary minister, says if some Libyans are not able to go to Libya at present, at least Libya must go to them.

“We want these people back,” Al Ogaly said. “They must return to their country. Why should they stay abroad?” 

He says Libya's revolutionaries are now more receptive than ever before to the idea of the return of their compatriots who supported Gaddafi.

Warfella from Bani Walid, whose son is currently in jail in Libya accused of fighting the anti-Gaddafi revolutionaries, says he is not yet convinced.

“We need a justice system that guarantees that nobody will be put in jail unjustly,” Warfella said. “We need security and assurances that nobody will come out, of his own will, and attack us or accuse us of imaginary things. We want Libya to be for all Libyans.”

When asked, however, whether he thinks these conditions can be met in the near future so he can return and see his children and wife, he sighs wearily: “I have hope in God.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98045/Libyans-in-North-Africa-scared-to-return-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Egypt rethinks its subsidy system for the poor</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141109580576t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The Egyptian government has taken tentative steps towards reducing the roughly US$20 billion subsidy system that supporters say provides vital aid to the one-in-four Egyptians in poverty, and critics say is unsustainable and enriches the corrupt.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The Egyptian government has taken tentative steps towards reducing the roughly US$20 billion subsidy system that supporters say provides vital aid to the one-in-four Egyptians [ http://www.capmas.gov.eg/pdf/studies/pdf/enf1.pdf ] in poverty, and critics say is unsustainable and enriches the corrupt.

“Most of the subsidies do not go to the people who really need them,” said Osama Kamal, who until the 7 May cabinet reshuffle was petroleum minister.

The government plans a series of piecemeal reforms to revolutionize its decades-old subsidy system in a bid to rein in a runaway budget deficit, and adapt to the conditions of a $4.8 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund.

But as Minister of Supply and Internal Trade Bassem Auda said recently, the subsidy system protects at least eight million Egyptians against poverty, and any changes are highly sensitive.

The government wants to reduce the budget deficit to 5.5 percent in the 2016-2017 budget from 10.7 percent in the 2012-2013 budget, according to the Finance Ministry [ http://www.brecorder.com/world/africa/118022-egypt-eyes-55pc-budget-deficit-in-2016-17.html ].

A high priority in the subsidy reform scheme is energy subsidies, which are estimated at 115 billion pounds ($16.8 billion), and bread subsidies [ http://www.almasryalyoum.com/node/1398046 ] (Arabic), which are estimated at 21 billion pounds ($3.1 billion).

Manal Metwaly, an economics professor from Cairo University, says cuts will have a devastating effect on the poor: “The government says the subsidy system opens the way for corruption, but it doesn’t have to slash subsidies in order to fight corruption.

“The subsidies keep millions of people afloat, while commodity prices keep rising. This means that any change in the system can affect the lives of millions of people.”

What’s the plan to reduce bread subsidy corruption?

Subsidized bread is a permanent item on almost all Egyptian tables; it is a lifeline for the poor, but the system is also frequently abused.

Egyptians consume as many as 210 million loaves of subsidized flat bread every day, helping to make it the world's largest wheat importer.

The government sells a subsidized loaf of bread at the nation's more than 25,000 bakeries for five piasters (less than one US cent) whereas the production cost of the same loaf is more than 40 piasters (six US cents).

“Bread subsidies are a real headache for the government because, like most other subsidies, they open the way for massive corruption and profiteering by a group of dishonest traders,” Hamdy Allam, a senior official at the Ministry of Supply and Internal Trade, told IRIN.

In order to reduce corruption resulting from the selling by bakery owners of subsidized flour on the black market, the government introduced a new system in April, which has been implemented in several governorates and accepted by 15,000 bakeries.

Instead of selling subsidized flour to the bakeries, the bakers buy the flour at the market rate, but are then reimbursed 35 piasters by the government per loaf, to make sure the sales price remains 5 piasters.

The system is expected to be implemented across Egypt in the next two months after all the nation's bakeries sign up to the reforms.

The government’s aim here is to reduce corruption rather than financial support for poor consumers.

What’s the plan for ration cards?

Egypt's ration cards date back to 1964 when the population was less than 30 million. Back then, the government earmarked two million pounds ($301,204) to give citizens rice, sugar, lentils, cooking oil, and tea at subsidized rates.

Now, the government spends as much as nine billion pounds (US$1.3 billion) every year on the food subsidies, which go to around 17.6 million families (around 68 million people).

In July, the government plans to start limiting ration cards to citizens whose monthly income is below 1,500 Egyptian pounds (US$216), but at the same time is planning to allow children born after 2005 in low-income households to be registered for the cards, reversing a suspension of registrations introduced under President Hosni Mubarak.

The minister of supply also announced last week that it would be working to improve the quality of ration card goods, which have a poor reputation.

…and for energy subsidies?

Energy is by far the largest recipient of subsidies.

The Petroleum Ministry produces oil to the value of 165 billion pounds (US$23.8 billion) every year, but then sells these products for 50 billion pounds [ http://digital.ahram.org.eg/Policy.aspx?Serial=1239531 ] (Arabic).

Most energy subsidies go on factories and industrial projects, which get their energy needs at less than market prices. But private vehicle owners also benefit.

The government has already started reducing subsidies on car fuel, and targeting 95-octane gasoline was the first step in this regard [ http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/3/12/58834/Business/Economy/Egypt-announces-cut-of-octane-gasoline-subsidies.aspx ].

The government says that from July it plans to cut subsidies on car fuel by 10 percent in the first stage of the reforms, but this will rise to 50 percent within five years. If applied in July, the government says, the plan will bring overall fuel subsidies down to 99 billion pounds (US$14.5 billion).

To do this, it plans to give coupons or smart cards to car owners allowing them to purchase limited amounts of subsidized fuel.

…and gas cylinders?

Gas cylinder subsidies are enjoyed by almost every Egyptian household.

The government says gas cylinder subsidies amounted to 60 billion Egyptian pounds (almost US$8.9 billion) in the 2012-2013 budget [ http://www.mss.gov.eg/mss/ar-eg/%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%B2%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A9.aspx?udt_517_param_detail=14 ] (Arabic).

Although the production of one cylinder costs 78 pounds ($11.2), until recently the government sold the same cylinder to the public for five pounds (72 US cents).

Now, the government plans to link subsidized gas cylinders to ration cards.

Ration card holding families made up of three people will be allowed to get one gas cylinder every month at the subsidized rate of five pounds. Families of more than three people will get 1.5 gas cylinders at the same subsidized rate every month.

The government started implementing the first stage [ http://dostor.org/%D8%A7%D9%82%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%A7%D8%AF/%D8%A7%D9%82%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%A7%D8%AF-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1/172028-%D8%AD%D9%83%D9%88%D9%85%D8%A9-%D9%82%D9%86%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%84-%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B1%D8%AD%D9%84%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%88%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%AF-%D8%AF%D8%B9%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D9%88%D8%AA%D8%A7%D8%AC%D8%A7%D8%B2 ] (Arabic) of the gas cylinder subsidy reform plan in April by raising the price of the cylinders to eight pounds ($1.15) for homes and 16 pounds for restaurants and shops ($2.30).

The government says it will start distributing gas cylinder coupons in July in all governorates.

The price of a cylinder without the coupons is expected to rise to 30 pounds ($4.3). The government says the coupon system will save three billion pounds a year.

Egyptians consume as many as 360 million gas cylinders every year.

What might the consequences be?

Egypt has long discussed subsidy reforms [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/77691/EGYPT-Can-bread-subsidies-continue-in-their-present-form ], but has struggled to change a system seen as both unsustainable but too sensitive to reorganize.

A senior Muslim Brotherhood official, who asked not to be named, told IRIN the government was determined to push through reforms.

“We will not buy votes at the expense of the national economy. This subsidy system must be reformulated in ways that allow the subsidies to reach the people who really need them.”

Given the continued street protests and the upcoming parliamentary elections, analysts say the government will need to argue that reforms are about reducing corruption rather than hitting the poor.

“Some of the measures we take are unpopular. They will make people hate us. But this is not what we care about. We only care about putting the economy of this country back on track,” said the official.

Politicians have always feared social unrest from the inevitable price rises that will result.

“The price of one ton of concrete iron [iron bars used in the construction industry] jumped 30 percent as soon as the government slashed the subsidies on energy for concrete iron factories,” Rashad Abdo, head of local think tank Egyptian Economic Forum, told IRIN. “The same will happen with all other commodities. Ordinary citizens will foot the bill at the end of the day.”

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98031/Briefing-Egypt-rethinks-its-subsidy-system-for-the-poor</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141109580576t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The Egyptian government has taken tentative steps towards reducing the roughly US$20 billion subsidy system that supporters say provides vital aid to the one-in-four Egyptians in poverty, and critics say is unsustainable and enriches the corrupt.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>&quot;Sometimes you cannot apply the rules&quot; - Syrian rebels and IHL</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091143410929t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - In recent months, Syrian rebels have faced increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law. For guidance on the laws of war, they turn to a combination of Islamic law, IHL and their own sense of righteousness or, as one expert put it, “revolutionary justice” - with mixed results.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Syrian rebels facing increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law turn for guidance on the laws of war to a combination of Islamic law, IHL - where they are aware of it - and their own sense of righteousness, according to analysts and IRIN interviews with fighters [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words ].

A report [ http://civiliansinconflict.org/uploads/files/publications/Syria_Public_Brief_Dec_2012.pdf ] late last year by the Center for Civilians in Conflict pointed to the opposition’s lack of coherent control and command structures as a roadblock to the rebels’ ability to mitigate civilian harm and enforce IHL and human rights principles throughout their ranks. As a result, with hundreds of different militias and battalions operating on the ground, each group seems to be following its own set of rules.

As Aron Lund, an expert on Syrian opposition groups, put it: “Some groups go by Shariah law, and some groups go by rule of the gun - revolutionary justice.”

Sources of guidance

Faris al Bayoush, a former colonel now commanding a unit of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in the northwestern governorate of Idlib, said he sees the regime’s blatant disregard for human rights as all the more reason to commit himself to international norms.

“The abuses were one of the main reasons the revolution started, so of course we should respect humanitarian laws.”

He told IRIN he was well-informed of the content of all relevant international agreements because the Syrian army used to hold training courses on IHL for its officers. “They don’t respect IHL, but they teach it,” he said. He tries to ensure all his men also follow the rules by briefing them before each operation. His unit’s behaviour is, however, not only regulated by IHL but also by Islamic law, or Shariah. He views the two as complementary sources.

“[Shariah] gives us more detailed instructions,” he said. “For example, the Prophet said that you are not allowed to kill an old man, harm a child or cut down a tree.”

In contrast, an increasing number of fighters within the FSA view Islamic teachings alone as providing adequate guidance, though in many cases, they do indeed overlap, especially in the treatment of women and children.

“As Muslims, we regard Shariah law as our essential source,” said Raed al Aliwi, an engineer turned FSA commander in Hama Governorate. “We don’t have to study international laws because respecting human rights comes naturally with our religion.”

He claimed that breaches are rare, but conceded that it is sometimes difficult to make all lower-level fighters respect the rules. Many of them lack even basic knowledge of international norms, codified in the four Geneva Conventions on the laws of war and their associated protocols, which add up to more than 500 articles.

“We can do anything to topple [Syrian President Bashar al-]Assad,” said Abu Bakr, an FSA fighter in the central city of Homs. He argued that there is no need for regulations because he sees the rebels’ own judgment as sufficient: In his view, since the rebels are battling a dictatorship, they necessarily have higher ethical standards.

“We can see what is true and false,” he said, “and we are on the right side.”

Al-Ansar Brigades, a jihadist group affiliated with Jabhat al-Nusra (The Front for the Support of the people of Syria), which is considered a terrorist organization by the USA, relies on a religious scholar among its commanders who provides guidelines that all the members adhere to.

“I have no idea of what the Geneva Conventions or any other treaties say,” said Abu Mousab, one of the group’s commanders, “but I’m sure Islamic law is much better because it is the most just law in the world.”

Even among the FSA fighters who stressed their commitment to IHL, there is a growing frustration with the international community and its principles.

“We are living in the days of the fighters,” said an FSA-member who goes by the name Manhal Abu Bakr in Hama. “Sometimes you cannot apply the rules when no one else does. We lost faith in international laws and policies.”

Proclamation of principles

Rebel crimes have persisted despite codes signed by FSA leaders to address misconduct and lawlessness within the opposition ranks. For example, the FSA’s high command issued a “Proclamation of Principles” [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/FSA_Proclimation_of_Principles.pdf ] in July, committing to human rights, pluralism and democracy, and pledging to do their “utmost to uphold international humanitarian law and norms, including by treating prisoners humanely, even as the Assad regime engages in crimes against humanity”.

For observers like Michael Shaikh, director of country operations at the Center for Civilians in Conflict and author of the Center’s report examining how the Syrian opposition views the principles of IHL, this shows a certain desire to engage with these principles.

“The codes of conduct are initially often more for public perception than about actual battlefield behaviour, but there is a clear opening here.”  

Some groups are making an effort to establish disciplinary systems.

“Many rank and file said they were reprimanded when they blew something up or fired their weapons without necessity; that weapons were taken away when there were incidents of civilian harm,” said Shaikh, who conducted interviews with rebel fighters between June and October 2012. “There was an inherent perception that they had to distinguish themselves from the Assad regime.”

Some groups have been trying to encourage rebels to follow the laws of war. According to a Westerner working with makeshift hospitals near Aleppo, one activist group tried distributing pamphlets on the laws of war, supported by verses from the Koran and the Bible, and quotes from Martin Luther King as well as Mahatma Gandhi. But it was chased away by an extremist group.

The International Committee of the Red Cross recently began arranging workshops on IHL for armed opposition groups, and is in dialogue with them with the aim of visiting places of detention under their control. It also distributes pamphlets on IHL obligations to both armed opposition groups and Syrian government soldiers it meets while in the field.

The UK is also funding [ https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/foreign-secretary-statement-to-parliament-on-syria ] a programme by two consultancy firms to train rebels using an Arabic curriculum about international humanitarian law. And the Syrian Support Group [ http://syriansupportgroup.org/about/ ], a US-based group with a license to fundraise for the FSA in the US, says it only finances military councils that have adopted the FSA’s Proclamation of Principles.

Protecting their reputation

Efforts to limit rebel abuses have also been hampered by the escalation of chaos and violence.

“The big problem in Syria is not so much extremism but lawlessness and a lack of joint leaderships and structures that can deal with these kinds of things,” said Lund, who has authored several reports on Islamist groups in Syria for the Swedish Institute for International Affairs.

As such, criminality is a bigger threat to minorities than even the most extreme Islamist groups, like the Syrian Islamic Front, which has gone out of its way to reach out to Christians (though most extremist groups take a harder line on those belonging to Assad’s Allawite sect, who are often considered apostates from Islam).

“They [extremist groups] want to protect their reputation,” Lund said. “They want to do this work for the larger purpose of defeating Assad. They realize atrocities would undermine that... Random killing is not even part of al-Qaeda’s doctrine.”

Civilian protection

All rebels interviewed claimed they protect local residents during their operations by not targeting areas inhabited by civilians, or by telling people to vacate the area before they strike.

“We’ve even aborted operations when we realized we might hurt civilians,” said Abu Mousab of the jihadist al-Ansar Brigades.

The Center for Civilians in Conflict refers to other strategies to protect civilians, such as sending out scouts before their advance, or launching ambushes at night when people are less likely to be outside.

Nevertheless, civilians have often borne the brunt of the conflict due to a lack of consideration by the rebels. For example, rebels frequently endanger the population by positioning military objectives inside residential areas. In September 2012, 10 civilians were killed when the regime forces shelled a rebel position right next to an apartment building, according to the Center.

To make matters worse, rebel groups have been increasingly employing guerrilla tactics such as suicide bombings, often resulting in heavy civilian casualties. In September, for example, a twin suicide bombing in Damascus reportedly carried out by Jabhat al-Nusra killed dozens of people.

Who is a civilian?

One of the main causes for concern is, according to experts, the absence of a clear definition of who is to be considered a civilian.

“Many rebels I spoke with see themselves as civilians who picked up arms - they don’t think the rules apply to them,” Shaikh said. At the same time, when looking at their opponents, “they had a very loosy-goosy understanding of civilians as someone without a gun,” but did not apply the term to Alawis or people they perceived to be members of the Shabiha militias supporting government forces.

Others do not think in terms of “civilian” and “combatant”, which in Shariah law are not the only determinants of whether someone is a legitimate target.

In a TV interview [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yexixuNzuaY ] posted on the internet, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, traditionally considered a more moderate voice among Muslim scholars, said all collaborators working with the “unjust” Syrian government, whether civilian or combatant, should be killed, an opinion echoed by some of the fighters.

Businessmen who help fund pro-government militias “are considered like fighters” and are usually sentenced to death if found guilty of supporting the regime in one of the group’s judicial courts, said Hamza Abdulrahman, a member of the Islamist group Ahrar al-Sham in Idlib.

He, like others, admitted his brigade interrogates prisoners, using beatings - “but we don’t torture like Assad does”. Afterwards, prisoners are transferred to one of the group’s courts. Anyone found guilty of murder, kidnapping or even theft might be executed, he said. Captured soldiers from the regime’s army are also routinely killed, unless they were caught when defecting.

In spite of their growing influence, extremist groups are acting with more restraint in Syria than they did in Iraq, Lund said, “probably because they learned that when they let things go out of hand, they lose popular support and because they know the minority issue is so explosive in Syria, so they have to tread carefully.”

He warned, however, that “with time, this will probably change.”

For the full interviews with rebel fighters, click here [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words ].

gk/ha/cb

 

How Syrian rebels view aid access

Under international humanitarian law, parties to a conflict must allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded passage of aid, subject to their right of control. So where do Syria’s rebels stand on this? 

In spite of the differences between the various groups, all fighters interviewed said they would never attack an aid convoy, with even the most extreme groups saying they would be prepared to facilitate access for aid workers and protect them - on certain conditions.

“No one would mind aid workers, unless they are coming to spy on us,” said Manhal Abu Bakr. “We’d need to know exactly who they are. Otherwise it wouldn’t go well. There would be suspicion.”

“We have no objection to anyone coming to help, but only in coordination with us,” added Osama Hadba, a member of the FSA’s Liwaa al Fateh brigade in Aleppo.

According to one aid worker, some organizations have been careful not to brand their distributions with USAID logos, and the Washington Post [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-04-14/world/38537333_1_aid-workers-syrians-obama-administration ] reported recently that the US “feeds Syrians, but secretly”.

In addition, many rebel groups are doing their own aid distributions. “It’s a big part of their propaganda,” Lund said. “They want to come off as concerned with civilian affairs and not just fighting.” Jabhat al-Nusra, for example, has put a lot of effort into organizing bread distributions and restarting bus traffic.

Hadba, like other fighters IRIN spoke to, insisted that all civilians are equally deserving of aid, regardless of religion or political affiliation.

“If we distribute food supplies, we go from house to house and check who is in need,” said Raed al Aliwi, the FSA commander in Hama. “We don’t ask about people’s religion or political opinion.”

However, fighters conceded they mainly hand out supplies in areas where residents support their side because they do not have access to areas dominated by regime supporters.

“The real test,” one international aid worker said, will come when aid workers try to access neighbourhoods that support the government but are encircled by opposition groups. “So far, it has generally been the other way around and they've had no reason to make life difficult for us.”

Some rebel groups have, however, stopped aid trucks at gunpoint, looted their belongings, and re-distributed them to their constituents whom they believe to be in more need.

gk/ha/cb


For more on violations of IHL in Syria, see documentation by Amnesty International [ http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/summary_killings_by_armed_opposition_groups.pdf ], Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/17/syria-end-opposition-use-torture-executions#torture ], and the UN Commission of Inquiry for Syria [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A.HRC.22.59_en.pdf ], as well as the report by the Center for Civilians in Conflict [ http://civiliansinconflict.org/uploads/files/publications/Syria_Public_Brief_Dec_2012.pdf ].

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98021/quot-Sometimes-you-cannot-apply-the-rules-quot-Syrian-rebels-and-IHL</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091143410929t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - In recent months, Syrian rebels have faced increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law. For guidance on the laws of war, they turn to a combination of Islamic law, IHL and their own sense of righteousness or, as one expert put it, “revolutionary justice” - with mixed results.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrian rebels on IHL: In their own words</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091208460593t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to the UN Commission of Inquiry accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, including UN peacekeepers, and possibly using chemical weapons. So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International [ http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/summary_killings_by_armed_opposition_groups.pdf ] and Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/17/syria-end-opposition-use-torture-executions#torture ] to the UN Commission of Inquiry [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A.HRC.22.59_en.pdf ] accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, and possibly using chemical weapons [ http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/uns-carla-del-ponte-says-there-is-evidence-rebels-may-have-used-sarin-in-syria-8604920.html ]. The capture and detention of 21 UN peacekeepers in March and another four last week also constituted a violation of IHL.

So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?

IRIN interviewed rebel fighters of various leanings and levels of authority to better understand their mindset.

(See our analysis on this issue here [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98021/Analysis-Sometimes-you-cannot-apply-the-rules-Syrian-rebels-and-IHL ]) 

Faris al Bayoush, former Colonel in the army, now commanding a unit of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Idlib Governorate:

“I’ve read all about IHL during the training courses that were organized for the officers in the Syrian army, so I know all the rules. The majority of Syrians are civilians, good people. We naturally wouldn’t want to do anything to hurt them. Of course we respect IHL because violating human rights is what the regime stands for. The FSA has been formed to protect people from their crimes... We’re also guided by Islamic law. There is no contradiction between both because their content is similar: Both sources tell us not to harm civilians, particularly not weaker elements, but the Koran gives us more precise instructions... Before each battle, I give a speech to everybody to make sure everybody has the same idea of what is permissible and what isn’t. Then we talk and discuss the issue…

“Any foreign aid worker would be treated like our guest because the civilians here are really in need of assistance… A civilian is someone who doesn’t carry a gun, no matter what sect he belongs to... Do we take precautions so that we don’t harm civilians? Frankly, I find that question weird. Everybody is in God’s hands. But of course we don’t usually launch attacks if there are civilians around…

“We try to take good care of our prisoners. We’ve taken 53 lately, and we let them go home because we had nothing to charge them with.”

Manhal Abu Bakr, FSA member, Hama Governorate:

“We’ve lost faith in international laws and policies. This is why Islamist groups are gaining ground. At first they were weak, but then people realized it doesn’t help them if they adhere to Western standards, so they grew stronger... Some say this is hypocrisy. The international community expects us to comply with IHL, but nobody cares if our rights are being violated. For example, if you catch a Syrian air force pilot who is responsible for killing hundreds of people, of course you’d kill him…

“Foreign aid workers would have to be careful. There are bad groups, thieves and criminals; they might steal their supplies or kidnap them. No one of us would mind them unless they’re coming to spy on us. We’d need to know exactly who they are before we let them near us. Otherwise there would be suspicion. We cannot afford to make mistakes because the [one mistake could be our undoing].

“We try to distribute all aid supplies coming in from Turkey evenly. Usually we give it to people who support the revolution. We wouldn’t give anything to people who support the government because as rebels, we cannot enter their neighbourhoods. But we don’t differentiate between different sects. When you see all the need, you forget about religion... We always try to take measures not to harm civilians during out operations. This is the first thing we look into when planning an attack. We alert them and tell them to vacate the area. If they feel we don’t protect them, we’d lose their support.”

Raed al Aliwi, engineer, FSA commander, Hama Governorate:

“International humanitarian law is our be-all and end-all. It’s natural for us to comply with these standards because the FSA’s main purpose is to defend the people. This is why the FSA only launches attacks on very specific places where there are armed regime supporters. In many cases, we had to stop operations because there were civilians in the vicinity... It’s easy to differentiate between Shabiha [militias who support the government] and civilians because Shabiha always carry weapons, at least a small pistol; and they only show up in places where regime troops are close by. We also know them by their dialect… Alawis in general are not a problem for us. We’re not opposed to any sect as such…

“We wouldn’t object to any aid team coming to our area, no matter where they’re from, even if they’re Israeli…

“As Muslims, we regard Sharia law as our essential source from which we derive our rules. The problem is that there are groups who draw false conclusions from it, and then they turn extremist and do terrible things...

I’m commanding 60 men, and sometimes it’s difficult to make everybody follow the rules. If anyone violates our standards, he’d be punished. The important thing is that the leader behaves well because he is the role model that all the other men follow in their actions.”

Osama Hadba, member of the FSA’s religiously conservative Liwaa al Fateh brigade in Aleppo Governorate:

“We rely on the Koran as the key source of our rules, but we also take all international agreements into account. We know about IHL because everyone can see the violations committed by the regime with their own eyes... We are humans that have been forced to take up weapons. Of course we don’t violate any human rights, unlike the criminal regime we are opposing…


“In our office, we register all human rights breaches that occur. When we arrest somebody who is charged with any of those crimes, he’ll be transferred to one of the military courts that have been established to deal with such cases. A lot of lawyers and judges have defected and started working for the revolutionary courts.

“We stop only aid convoys that supply the regime army, not the ones heading towards civilian areas… We have no objection to any foreign aid workers coming to help, but only in coordination with us. I’d be happy to accompany them…

“We protect the civilian population as much as possible. Before launching an attack, we declare the area in question as a military zone, and civilians are requested to stay away.  It’s difficult to prevent harm from the population in neighbourhoods [that support Syrian President Bashar al-Assad] because the regime troops put their tanks inside the residential areas and use the civilians as shields.”

Abu Mousab, a commander of the al-Ansar Brigades (a jihadist group affiliated with US-designated terrorist organization Jabhat al-Nusra), Deir-ez-Zor Governorate:

“One of our commanders is a religious scholar, and he is responsible for setting our rules and principles. We’re fighting for religious reasons, so following the Koran and the Sunnah [teachings of the Prophet] is paramount for us. We’re not interested in IHL because Islamic law is much fairer than any secular law…

“I have no clue what the Geneva Conventions or any other international laws say because I’m a believer, and I’m sure that the Shariah is the best law in the world. All other laws are no solution…

“We announce our attacks beforehand if it’s possible. We’ve even aborted operations when we realized we might hurt civilians… We also consider regime supporters as civilians as long as they don’t carry weapons - except informers since they are causing huge damage. If we have proof that someone is an informer, we execute them. Sometimes people are stubborn, so sometimes you have to torture them to get the information you need. If we have a prisoner who has killed people, we’ll kill him...

“Everyone responsible for crimes committed against the Syrian people deserves to be killed…

“But we’re not killing randomly, even if people aren’t Sunni. If we arrest someone, it’s forbidden to kill him unless he has committed crimes. If he has, however, he deserves to be executed…

“Any aid group wanting to help people would be welcome here. We’d be prepared to give them protection. If we have supplies to hand out, we give it out to everyone equally, also to Christian families.”

Hamza Abdulrahman, member of Islamist group Ahrar al-Sham, Idlib Governorate:

“We don’t care about IHL because the Shariah is our law. For instance, if we arrest a prisoner, we’d take him to a court. We have our own Shariah courts in every area now. We don’t execute anyone unless they are killers, or guilty of theft or kidnapping. Anyone who helps the regime in any way will also be killed, for instance businessmen who support the regime financially. They are considered as fighters, not civilians. We also execute regime soldiers if we catch them, except if they were about to defect…

“Before they are taken to court, we interrogate them, and if they don’t say what they know, we beat or punish them - but we don’t torture like Assad does. According to Shariah law, it’s forbidden to hurt anyone’s head or face. There are laws, and we follow them. We also have our own charities which distribute aid supplies. The only criterion is people’s need; their political opinion or sect is irrelevant…

“If we plant a bomb, we don’t detonate it if there are civilians around. We only launch missiles on areas held by regime forces so that civilians don’t get hurt… We wouldn’t obstruct any foreign aid team, as long as they are unarmed. Other Islamist groups might have a different view on that, for example Jabhat al Nusra. They haven’t commented on this issue, so I’m not sure. But they think like al-Qaeda. They don’t think a European or American could contribute anything good to our revolution.”

gk/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091208460593t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to the UN Commission of Inquiry accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, including UN peacekeepers, and possibly using chemical weapons. So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Getting governments to cough up for DRR</title><pubDate>Thu, 09 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301091116460112t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.

And yet a report [ https://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/WEB%20Humanitarianism%20in%20the%20Network%20Age%20vF%20single.pdf ] published last month by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said DRR funding accounts for only 3 percent of humanitarian aid and just 1 percent of all other development assistance.

Last year (seen as a relatively quiet year by natural disaster experts), the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) [ http://cred01.epid.ucl.ac.be/f/CredCrunch31.pdf ] recorded 310 natural disasters, leading to 9,930 deaths affecting 106 million people.

In total in the last three years, disasters have caused more than US$300 billion of recorded damage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ].

So, if the scale of the damage is not in dispute, why is DRR not better resourced? Has the funding argument not yet been won?

Improving funding

“Funding is a challenge,” said Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme (UNDP).

“DRR doesn’t always get sufficient funding. Sometimes the donors don’t put a priority on disaster risk. They don’t always come through. So, I think we need even more attention.”

But natural disaster experts are emphatic that DRR funding is fundamentally a good investment. Estimates vary about how much can be saved, but the most conservative figures say that every $1 spent on DRR is worth $4 later on.

One example of the difference preparation can make is in what is now Bangladesh where in 1970 the Bhola cyclone killed up to 500,000 people. Nearly four decades later when another destructive storm hit (Cyclone Aila, 2009), early warning systems, hundreds of cyclone shelters, and disaster volunteer networks helped keep the country’s death toll below 200.

When natural hazards meet unprepared communities, populations are left extremely vulnerable, as seen when Cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar in 2008, a country without early warning systems or storm shelters.

Perceptions of the importance of disaster preparedness vary from country to country.

“In Japan people understand this is money well spent,” Kimio Takeya, visiting senior adviser for the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), told IRIN, saying the country had been buffeted by earthquakes, typhoons and floods in the last 50 years: “Everything hit Japan.”

This follows a clear pattern. Governments find it difficult to appreciate risk and the need for risk reduction, until disaster strikes.

Changing perceptions

“I suppose that if we had won the argument [about DRR funding], we wouldn’t be making the case for increased donor commitment anymore as much as we do, so I guess the simple answer is no, we haven’t won it yet. But I do also believe that it is changing,” said Jo Scheuer, team leader for DRR and recovery at UNDP.

“The recent events, including in Japan and US, have shown clearly that they disasters affect everybody. It is an increasing risk that we are facing, particularly in terms of climate change, and if you look at the global discussions around also humanitarian aid and the resilience debate, there is a clear movement - I would say a political will - to move away from just responding to humanitarian crises or disasters, to actually building resilience.”

For donors, agencies like UNDP make the argument that DRR spending can be a means of reducing the long-term emergency humanitarian aid needed annually to deal with each new natural disaster.

“Donors are now increasingly putting money into preparedness and resilience, so that there aren’t only these millions of dollars that are for response, but that you can actually prepare countries beforehand for building their resilience, particularly in urban cities, where there’s growing infrastructure and the risk of massive potential economic damage,” Aditi Banerjee, disaster risk management specialist in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region at the World Bank, told IRIN.

But beyond donors, experts say there needs to be a change of attitude in governments, which find it difficult to reallocate funds from areas like health and education to DRR.

“Of course it is very difficult to convince the political leaders or the people to spend money before the disaster. This needs something like far-sightedness,” said Takeya.

He has been looking at the impact of DRR spending on GDP growth. “We are modelling and trying to calculate and analyse for each country. There’s a definite positive pattern - we can show the evidence that… your GDP growth will go down without DRR investment,” he said.

Convincing governments that they are not yet spending what they should on DRR is crucial, said Longworth.

“The sustainability of DRR is when budget-holders, whether they be governments, local governments, or other entities actually start re-orientating their budget allocations to DRR, and that’s why we’re putting so much attention on the economic case. It is absolutely well established now that the scale of economic losses from disasters justifies significantly more investment in reducing risks.”

More data, a growing awareness of the link between the scale of a disaster and preparedness, and international initiatives like the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), agreed in January 2005 just after the Indian Ocean tsunami, have helped change perceptions about DRR.

For Banerjee at the World Bank, even in the MENA region, which has been less affected by natural disasters than others, thinking is clearly changing.

“To me this shift has been the most intense in MENA, because MENA is not typically a region that is like Asia or Latin America that is hit by a disaster every few months. It’s hit by big disasters but over time, which is why sometimes the institutional memory is forgotten. But in the five years that I’ve been here there’s been so much more dialogue on this.”

Using climate funds

One potential source of funding for DRR projects that garnered a lot of interest from delegates at March’s first DRR conference in the Arab world [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters ] is climate change resource streams.

“This is already happening. If you look at some of the projects, programmes, entities that have been funded from the various existing financial instruments related to climate change adaptation, many of those activities are actually classic DRR activities - from early warning systems to agricultural livelihood measures and so on,” said Scheuer.

The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is in charge of three climate funds: the Adaptation Fund, the Least Developed Countries Fund, and the Special Climate Change Fund, set up under the Kyoto Protocol to offset the negative effects of climate change in the developed world.

The first two projects [ http://irinnews.org/Report/90571/CLIMATE-CHANGE-Adaptation-Fund-starts-delivering ] under the Adaptation Fund were to help handle rising sea levels in Senegal, and water management in Honduras.

Another recent US$7.6 million project in northern Pakistan funded by the Adaptation Fund is to help communities better prepare for sudden glacial lake flooding.

“If it’s rising sea levels, or depleted water table, when you address it, you are reducing the risk, you’re also anticipating what’s coming in terms of global warming,” said Longworth.

Several Pacific countries are drawing up joint strategies at a national level to tackle DRR and climate change adaptation together.

“The issue here is not that you get a transfer from the climate pots into the disaster pots of money. The issue is that programmatically and substantively speaking, we make sure that we have the synergies between those two funding streams,” said Scheuer.

“It doesn’t matter where the money comes from; it matters that we address the issue of risk and build resilience,” he said.

But preparedness is not all about big money - much DRR work, experts stress, can be relatively cheap things like training volunteers, teaching basic first aid techniques, and making better use of tools like mobile phones that many people already have.

Sometimes it can even just be a question of remembering former ways of living that were more resilient in terms of natural hazards.

In Japan, flood prone areas in traditional communities normally had an elevated building somewhere in the area that people could escape to, with second floors commonly storing a boat to help residents escape.

Build back better

In reality, it is very difficult for governments to grasp the value of DRR until they have been the victim of a major disaster.

In the case of Algeria, it was only after the Boumerdès earthquake of 2003 and the deaths of around 3,500 people that the government beefed up regulations for the construction of schools and hospitals, according to Hichem Imouche from the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The same thing happened after the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake, which levelled most of Tokyo. Building regulations were strengthened again in Japan after the Great Hanshin earthquake near the city of Kobe in 1995; rubber blocks were placed under bridges and earthquake proof shelters constructed.

“Once disaster happens it is of course a bad situation but it is a chance to revise the way of thinking,” said Takeya.

No doubt the debate will move forward when DRR experts and officials meet on 19-23 May for the Fourth Session of the Global Platform for DRR [ http://www.preventionweb.net/globalplatform/2013/ ] in Geneva, Switzerland.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98003/Analysis-Getting-governments-to-cough-up-for-DRR</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301091116460112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Towards increased services for Syrian survivors of sexual violence</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg" />]]>NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</description><body><![CDATA[NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - More has to be done to ensure the health and wellbeing of women and children affected by the Syrian conflict, said Babatunde Osotimehin, executive director of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), on a recent visit to Turkey’s Nizip refugee camp, about 40km east of the southern city of Gaziantep.

One of Turkey’s newest camps, Nizip houses some 10,000 refugees, or “guests” as the government prefers to call them, in white canvas tents and containers arrayed in neat numbered rows along the rocky, sun-bleached banks of the Euphrates. 

It is, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance.

Amenities include a laundry facility, a mosque, a health clinic, hot water and hot meals, schools and playgrounds, teahouses, hairdressers and a supermarket where refugees can shop for extras using electronic voucher cards. Kids can play organized football and compete in chess tournaments, watch TV and weave rugs. There is gas and electricity, sanitation and tight security.

But Turkish authorities seem to have overlooked one important detail. According to aid workers, nowhere at Nizip, or at any of Turkey’s 16 other camps, can refugee survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.

“I am impressed by what I have seen here,” Osotimehin, a former Nigerian health minister, told a group of reporters gathered outside the camp’s school. “It’s remarkable what Turkey has done at its own expense.” But he had also come, he said, to highlight the urgent needs of pregnant and lactating women as well as victims of the sexual violence said to be on the rise across conflict-battered Syria. 

Sexual violence in Syria

Indeed, as a January report  by the International Rescue Committee put it, “rape is a significant and disturbing feature of the Syrian/civil war” - an assertion supported by surveys of refugees in Jordan and Lebanon who consistently cited sexual violence “as a primary reason their families fled the country” [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/syria-displacement-crisis-worsens-protracted-humanitarian-emergency-looms-15091 ].

Weeks later, Erika Feller, assistant UN High Commissioner for Refugees, echoed, those concerns, warning of reports that “the conflict in Syria is increasingly marked by rape and sexual violence employed as a weapon of war.” [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44230#.UWQlm_Vfo3G ]

And writing in the Atlantic last month, Lauren Wolfe, director of the Women Under Siege Project, which documents the incidence of rape in conflict zones, described how Syria’s “massive rape crisis” is “creating a nation of traumatized survivors” [ http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/04/syria-has-a-massive-rape-crisis/274583/ ].

To date, Turkey has taken in around 193,000 refugees in 17 camps, and six new camps are currently under construction. Stretched to capacity, the country has been lauded for its open-door policy and generous aid. But at least one gap remains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97851/Is-Turkey-s-approach-to-Syrian-refugees-sustainable ].

“From what we have been able to learn, there is virtually no trained psychosocial support [specific to survivors of sexual violence] currently available in the camps,” said Leyla Welkin, a clinical psychologist and gender-based violence consultant working with UNFPA.

Specific services for survivors of SGBV are rarely at the top of the priority list in emergency settings, said Meltem Agduk, a gender programme officer with UNFPA. Like others have done elsewhere, Turkish officials first focused on providing adequate food and shelter to a spiralling number of refugees.   

“You can see that our camps are in better condition compared to Jordanian camps,” said a senior Turkish official. “The people are very happy.”

The government has informed the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) that specialized staff are available to the Syrian refugees, who can be treated inside the camp or referred to hospitals outside the camp where necessary, UNHCR's office in Ankara said. 

But as Welkin told IRIN after a meeting with women `mukhtars’, or village leaders, who teared up when asked about sexual violence, “there is a significant need for professional support.” 

Psychosocial services, more generally, are available to both women and children in the camps, but a lack of private space makes it difficult for women to talk about their experiences of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), perpetuating a culture of silence that severely impedes efforts to address it.

Building capacity

That dearth of psychosocial support for survivors of sexual violence in Turkey’s refugee camps is a function of its scarcity in the country at large, said Welkin, who is based in UNFPA’s office in the Turkish capital Ankara. “When it comes to SGBV, Turkey is very underserved.” 

Lack of personnel is a challenge for the Ministry of Family and Social Policy more widely, Agduk added. In some cities, there is just one psychologist and one social worker to deal with both the normal Turkish caseload, as well as the influx of Syrian refugees (an additional 130,000 have been registered outside the camps). 

In recent years, Turkey has focused on increasing its ability to respond to domestic cases of SGBV, opening one-stop centres where survivors of SGBV can access counselling, legal advice, and other kinds of support all in one place. But Turkey has less experience in treating SGBV in the context of disasters, in which trauma is multiplied, Agduk said. 

The Turkish government has been keen to address the issue of disaster-related SGBV, she added, and has turned to UNFPA for technical expertise.

Together with the Turkish Ministry of Family and Social Policy, UNFPA has designed a pilot programme to prepare and train 24 health care workers to conduct preliminary psychological assessment and treatment in the camps. The programme will also provide general public education on SGBV, said Welkin, including an intervention specifically targeting men, “some of whom will be perpetrators”.

UNHCR has also given Turkish officials its guidelines, or standard operating procedures, for the prevention of and response to SGBV "to be shared among their staff working with Syrian refugees in the camps."

UNFPA has already trained Turkish health care workers in the clinical management of rape, including emergency contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections, and collection of forensic evidence. But in the absence of access to counselling, said Welkin, victims are unlikely to present for medical treatment, largely because of the stigma surrounding the issue. Cultural differences and language barriers have also posed challenges, Agduk said.

The new training will begin within a couple weeks, with services likely to be up and running within two months, she said. This first phase of the programme targets health care workers, psychologists and social workers at the municipality and governorate level, with the aim of building capacity inside institutions that can be carried forward. 

“My hope is that this catastrophe can serve as an opportunity for Turkey to take a step forward in SGBV prevention and intervention - that the professionals we train will be able to take these skills from the camps to their own communities,” Welkin said. 

Indeed, government officials see this programme as “opening a door” through which they can establish new services that will be available not only for Syrian refugees, but in case of future disasters.

“It is important that they are now taking it seriously,” Agduk said.

New legislation, passed last year, has significantly improved the laws governing SGBV, for example by expanding the definition to include non-married victims of domestic violence or divorced women who are assaulted by their ex-husbands.

Understanding the needs

Still, the task ahead is not easy, and not least for the fact that the UN now faces a major funding shortfall. Of the US$1.5 billion pledged by international donors to cover Syrian refugee needs for the first half of 2013, just over half has been committed. UNFPA requirements for the Syrian crisis, across the region, for the same period were $20.7 million, but so far, say representatives, the agency has received less than half of that [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97877/Promised-aid-funding-for-Syria-reaches-half-way-point ].

Another challenge is that the scale and range of SGBV-related needs among Syrian refugees are not fully clear. 

“Our concern is not about the number of psychologists trained, but the lack of information about the reality on the ground,” said Ayman Abulaban, Turkey representative of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF). He said UNICEF does not currently have information about this, but hopes to in the near future when project activities begin. 

Abulaban said there was a need to assess the gaps, to increase comprehensive prevention and response services, and to create a standardized referral system. He said he hoped a new UNICEF project to increase resilience among children and youth in the camps would help support the government in addressing the needs. (According to a recent Save the Children report, sexual violence in conflict disproportionately affects children and teenagers) [ http://www.savethechildren.org/atf/cf/%7B9def2ebe-10ae-432c-9bd0-df91d2eba74a%7D/UNSPEAKABLE_CRIMES_AGAINST_CHILDREN.PDF ].

“It is of utmost importance that Syrian refugees can access SGBV services,” he said in a written statement.

In the lead-up to its training, UNFPA, the Ministry of Family and Social Policy and AFAD, the government’s disaster and emergency management unit, will conduct a large assessment of the needs, Agduk said.

Meanwhile, as the fighting in Syria rages on, refugees continue to pour over the border, with some 7,000 new arrivals registering each day across the region. By the end of the year, warned UNHCR’s regional coordinator for Syrian refugees, the number of Syrian refugees in the region could surpass four million [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44602&Cr=syria&Cr1=#.UXjrJiuPgjU ].

The Ministry of Family and Social Policy did not answer IRIN's request for comment. 

pa/ha/cb

*This article provides additional information to an original version published on 2 May 2013. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97953/Analysis-Towards-increased-services-for-Syrian-survivors-of-sexual-violence</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Coffee and patience: a day in the life of a family hosting Syrian refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg" />]]>SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</description><body><![CDATA[SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago, as Syrian refugees began streaming across borders, Lebanese families opened up their homes. Unlike in Jordan, Turkey and Iraq, where hundreds of thousands of refugees are being housed in camps, at the beginning of the influx into Lebanon, the majority of refugees were hosted by families. Some Lebanese households took in as many as six refugee families.

But as the conflict next-door has dragged on and the number of refugees in Lebanon has grown, so too has the burden on their Lebanese hosts.

Today, most of the 425,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon are renting homes or apartments; with only 6 percent hosted by families, according to a survey by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

IRIN spent a day with some Lebanese hosts, bringing you this portrait of a family trying to balance obligation and sacrifice.

It was a series of twists of fate that brought together two families - one Lebanese, one Syrian - that did not know one another.

They met 15 years ago in a shared cab on the way to Syria, where the Lebanese family often shopped for cheaper products. Becoming friends, they met once or twice a year in Syria after that.

When Israel began bombing Lebanon in 2006, as part of a war with the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, the Lebanese family fled to Syria, where their new acquaintances hosted them for one month.

Six years later, the tables were turned.

On a sunny Thursday morning, Hannan is preparing a simple Lebanese breakfast of bread and vegetables for guests in the small Sunni village of Saadanayel, in Lebanon’s eastern Beka’a Valley.

Houda, 7, Bassima, 14, and their grandparents Sadika and Mohammad are seated on the floor of the living room, preparing to eat.

Hannan has been hosting the family of seven Syrian refugees in her humble two-bedroom house for the last five months. The children’s parents, Fadia and Houssam, have been out since early morning, like every day, searching for jobs in the surrounding cities of the Beka’a Valley. Their third child, 10-year-old Kamal, is out fetching water.

When their neighbourhood near the Syrian capital Damascus was bombed in December 2012, Fadia and Houssam called the only people they knew in Lebanon, and Hannan immediately responded.

“It's a pity. They had nowhere to go,” she said. “I couldn't say no. It would have been an offence against God not to help them.”

Hannan’s husband has a second wife, and only sleeps at the house every other day. Their five grown children do not live at home any more. So Hannan gave up her bedroom for the young Syrian couple, and is now sharing the second room with the grandparents and three children.

She spends her morning with the grandparents, interrupting their chit-chat every five minutes to take laundry off the clothesline, prepare coffee, garden, and watch over the refugee children playing in the field next door (They arrived in Lebanon too late in the year to enrol in school).

Everyone helps out with the household tasks, even Sadika, who has arthritis and leg pains. Fadia helps with the cooking and cleaning when she gets home from the job search. But as far as Hannan is concerned, that’s the easy part.

“I am used to cooking a lot of food for my visitors, so I don't mind cooking for 10 people. It is not the logistical side which is difficult. It is the financial side,” she whispers. “We are struggling to get enough food for everyone.”

The Syrian family has run out of money, so she, her husband and her seven guests live off the little money her husband gets from his pension, from their rented out horse pen, and from the garlic they grow in the backyard, which they trade for other vegetables.

They have cut back on meat almost completely and Hannan and her husband no longer buy new clothes or things for the house.

“I don't want to tell them that it's difficult, because I fear God,” Hannan says. “In 2006 when I stayed at their place it was different. I was staying with the grandparents, and it was only for a month.”

Around midday, the visitors begin stopping by. First it is the neighbours; then shisha-smoking friends of Hannan’s son, some of them Lebanese soldiers; then her own friends. They pass the time under the shadows of trees in the garden. The coffee is always flowing. The visits do not stop until late afternoon.

They chat about everything and nothing, and when the discussion turns towards the situation in Syria, Hannan springs out of her seat, and disappears into the house, finding a new task to keep busy. She doesn’t say so, but the discussions appear to make her uncomfortable. At the very least, she’s tired of it. “They spend all day talking about Syria,” she says.

At 2pm, the school bus drops off the neighbours’ children, who join the Syrian children chasing each other around the field. Shortly after their arrival, Fadia returns from hours of job-hunting. She cannot afford to take the bus every day, so sometimes she walks for kilometres.

She checks on her children, then immediately turns to helping Hannan with the daily tasks. She doesn’t get very far before a new visitor arrives.

A local representative from the Sunni political party Future Movement has stopped by. (He sometimes distributes food vouchers to the Syrian refugees, but he does not have any with him this time).

“They're lucky to have found a host family,” Anouar Choubasse says. “A lot of Syrian refugees have nothing, not even a roof.”

Fadia is a little surprised by his arrival and keeps her distance. She has tried to keep her family’s presence as discrete as possible - potentially for fear of the growing resentment [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97354/UN-To-avoid-tensions-with-refugees-Lebanese-hosts-need-support ] towards the refugees in Lebanon. She never shares her opinions about politics.

“Saadnayel has always been a [hospitable] community,” says Choubasse. “But now, I can feel the racism growing. A lot of Lebanese people are in a difficult situation and don't get any help. It's not as bad [here] as in certain villages, where they imposed curfews on the Syrians. But people are losing patience.”

This Lebanese host family appears to be no exception.

His wife may fear God, but Hannan’s husband Ali does not hesitate to speak openly when he comes home later in the afternoon.

“When I sleep here, I have to sleep on the couch in the living room. I want to sleep in the same bed as my wife again. If the situation lasts for more than two more months, I will set up the family in a tent in the garden. If they will be staying for the long term, I will build a permanent structure for them.”

He pauses to consider.

“Of course we need to help them,” he goes on. “As the Arabic saying goes: ‘If someone is good to you, be twice as good to them’. But we need our intimacy at some point.”

By 4.30pm, the visitors begin trickling out. The Syrian father, Houssam, is still not home. His wife hopes his delay means he has found a job.

While Mohammad, the grandfather, takes a nap in the living room, Fadia and Hannan have lunch together. To accommodate the constant stream of visitors, they have to eat in two shifts. Today, the women eat first. They usually mix with the men, but this change of circumstances makes them laugh. “In the old Damascene tradition, the men ate before the women,” Fadia says. “Now it's the opposite.”

Whereas both Fadia and Hannan seemed uncomfortable with some of the visitors talking politics, the atmosphere during lunch is much more relaxed.

Houssam eventually returns, still jobless. He is frustrated, but does not show it.

“I have been looking for a job for five months now and haven't found anything,” he says. “There is too much unemployment in the area and they hire the Lebanese before hiring Syrians… I could take any job, as long as it's not too physical because I have heart problems,” he adds.

They chit-chat together on the front porch until the sun sets.

At night, they watch a drama series - careful to turn on the TV only after the news is over. Hannan tries to distract them with happier thoughts.

“We don't want to follow what is happening in Syria,” she explains. “It is too emotional for the Syrian family to talk about it. When you host a Syrian family, you have to be careful and subtle about the topics you talk about. You also have to be really patient.” And apparently, you also have to have a lot of coffee.

ar/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97997/Coffee-and-patience-a-day-in-the-life-of-a-family-hosting-Syrian-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ].

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ], compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ], the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation ], gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ], which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ].

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ].

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ], meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ].

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ], some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf ], some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime” [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ]. Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ].

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ]. New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ].

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM) [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ], a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ].

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ], and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ].

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

kk/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/Analysis-The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Iraq 10 years on: Less dependent on food rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011150703500206t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - The number of Iraqis without secure access to food dropped by more than a quarter of a million people between 2007 and 2011, part of a generally positive trend of increasing food security in Iraq over the last decade.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in Iraq has improved in the last decade, as the American-led invasion brought an end to sanctions and a resumption of open relations between Iraq and the rest of the world.

Historically, Iraq’s vulnerability to food insecurity has been largely due to barriers to international trade - caused by two decades of wars and sanctions - which hindered the export of oil and import of food commodities. These barriers also affected Iraq’s ability to modernize the agricultural sector and employ new technologies; local production could not meet the country’s growing food needs.

As such, even during the worst years of sectarian violence in the last decade, access to food improved on average, compared to the years under sanctions.

Recent history

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), in 1980, just four percent of Iraqis were undernourished or “food deprived”, meaning they consumed less than the minimum energy requirement, which in Iraq is currently estimated at 1,726 kilocalories per person per day. Despite years of war with Iran in the 1980s, agricultural subsidies and food imports from the US and Europe helped keep the level of food deprivation low [ http://www.fao.org/NEWS/1999/img/SOFI99-E.PDF ].

But when the UN leveled sanctions against Iraq in August 1990, and US government credits for agricultural exports to Iraq ceased, Iraq - almost completely dependent on imports for its food needs - saw food deprivation rise to 15 percent by 1996, according to FAO. Throughout the 1990s, food deprivation continued to climb, reaching a peak of close to one-third of the population in the late 90s, by some counts.

Humanitarian food supplies delivered through the UN’s Oil-for-Food Programme, initiated in 1995, helped ease the strain, but during the early to mid-2000s, the Public Distribution System (PDS) - the government’s subsidy scheme created in 1991 - remained “by far the single most important food source in the diet” for the poor and food insecure population, according to a 2006 report by the government and the World Food Programme (WFP) [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ].

Post-2003

Food deprivation levels began to fall just before the turn of the century, and the decline increased with the toppling of former president Saddam Hussein, which saw Iraq regain the ability to import freely. In the last decade, the country has experienced a “huge transformation”, as one observer put it.

In 2003, months after the invasion, a WFP survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/122/wfp086624.pdf ] found that 11 percent of the population lacked secure access to food, a large drop from the high of the 1990s.

While food insecurity was found to have risen slightly, to 15.4 percent, in a 2005 WFP-government survey [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ], it fell right back down shortly afterwards.

Joint government-UN analysis [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ] of 2007 survey data [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ] found that 7.1 percent of the population was food deprived; this dropped to 5.7 percent in 2011, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1685/IKN_S8_FoodSecurity_en.pdf ].

The government credits an improvement in security, economic growth and increased humanitarian aid.

PDS

Whereas aid workers estimated 60 percent of the population was food aid-reliant during Hussein’s reign, the PDS is now essential only to the poor [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/24110/IRAQ-Food-security-still-problematic-WFP ].

Sa’ad al-Shimary, a government employee from Baghdad, said his family used to be dependent on the PDS. “I don’t even need the food supplies we get from the ration card now,” he said. “I can buy good quality food from the markets, as everything is available now.”

But while the value of the PDS basket has diminished for most Iraqis (it now represents only 8 percent of the total cash value of food expenditures), it remains a major source of wheat and rice for 72 percent and 64 percent of households respectively, according to the 2011 IKN survey. (Iraq’s PDS is the largest in the world, according to the US Agency for International Development, providing virtually free basic food rations to any Iraqi; as such, it is not only utilized by the poor.) [ https://www.inma-iraq.com/sites/default/files/11_transforming_the_iraqi_public_distribution_system_2011jan00.pdf ]

The PDS is the source of more than one-third of Iraqis’ calorie consumption, and more than half of the poor’s consumption.

And at 35 percent, food continues to comprise the highest proportion of Iraqi household expenditures. Nearly one-quarter of IKN respondents said they used coping strategies to eat enough in 2011. In addition to the 5.7 percent of Iraqis now considered to be undernourished, an additional 14 percent would become undernourished if the PDS did not exist, according to the IKN.

Malnutrition

Malnutrition indicators paint a blurrier picture.

While the percentage of children under five who are underweight nearly halved from 15.9 percent in 2000 to 8.5 percent in 2011, according to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS), conducted by the government and the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), chronic and acute malnutrition indicators look less positive.

The percentage of children under five who are moderately or severely stunted (too short for their age) or wasted (underweight for their height) both increased - if only slightly - over the same period, a “worrying” trend, aid workers said, given the long-term impacts of malnutrition on mental development.

According to UNICEF, one out of every four Iraqi children suffers from stunted growth. High levels of chronic and acute malnutrition are a sign that mothers and children do not have access to quality food. While access to food has improved, stunting and wasting are difficult trends to reverse in a short period of time. As such, it may take years before improved access to food reflects in malnutrition rates across the board.

Impact of violence

Although the last decade has seen overall gains in food security, the sectarian violence of 2006-2007 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/The-forgotten-displacement-crisis ] did have a negative impact. For example, a WFP report based on 2007 data found that levels of food deprivation differed by area: in Diyala Governorate, one of the most volatile during the conflict, 51 percent of the population was deprived of food, while in the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, largely spared the consequences of the invasion, just one percent of the population suffered from food deprivation [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ].

Here, too, there has been change. While in 2007, insecurity had a huge bearing on food security, the food insecure today are traditionally vulnerable groups - the illiterate, the unemployed, the displaced and female-headed households.

Iraq also faces new challenges to its food security, according to Edward Kallon, WFP’s director in Iraq, including rising global food prices, poverty, climate change, desertification and drought.

For more, check out this UN fact-sheet on food security [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1824/ExecutiveSummer.pdf ] and this presentation by UNICEF comparing the child indicators in Iraq over the last three to five decades [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ]. The bulk of statistics come from WFP/government surveys in 2003 [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/122/wfp086624.pdf ], 2005 [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ] and 2007 [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/227/WFP_VAMSurvey_2007_CFSVA%20final.pdf ]; and UNICEF/government surveys in 2000 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/iraq1.pdf ], 2006 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/MICS3_Iraq_FinalReport_2006_eng.pdf ] and 2011 [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQw ]. This 2010 report [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ] on food deprivation analyzes 2007 data collected in a survey by the government and the World Bank [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ], just as this 2012 report [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1824/WFP-final-view.pdf ] analyzes food security data from the 2011 IKN survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/ikn ]. The FAO has its own figures on food deprivation [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i3027e/i3027e.pdf ]. The government has also tracked statistics [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/2.htm ] on underweight children from 1991 through 2009.

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series: Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

af/da/ha/rz

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A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97991/Iraq-10-years-on-Less-dependent-on-food-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011150703500206t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - The number of Iraqis without secure access to food dropped by more than a quarter of a million people between 2007 and 2011, part of a generally positive trend of increasing food security in Iraq over the last decade.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Iraq 10 years on: Women yet to regain their place</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041258200194t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than their counterparts in the region; today, despite steps taken after decades of conflict and sanctions, Iraqi women do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and many are subjected to gender-based violence.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, the UN says, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than other women in the region. But years of dictatorship, sanctions and conflict, including the US-led invasion one decade ago, led to deterioration in women’s status. 

“Across the board, women are suffering more [than they used to],” said Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq. 

Despite steps taken towards gender equality since 1990, Iraqi women today do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and too many are subjected to gender-based violence 

Due to years of war and political instability, 10 percent of households are headed by women, most of them widowed, but many of them divorced, separated or caring for sick spouses. 

“They represent one of the most vulnerable segments of the population and are generally more exposed to poverty and food insecurity as a result of lower overall income levels,” the UN said in a March 2013 fact-sheet [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=xqx9gxy7Isk%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

Education 

According to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the government, the ratio of girls to boys in primary school rose from 0.88 in 2006 to 0.94 in 2011; in secondary school, the ratio rose from 0.75 in 2006 to 0.85 in 2011. According to IRIN calculations, the enrolment of girls is growing at a faster rate than that of boys.

However, had Iraq progressed at the same rate as other countries in the region, according to UNICEF, it would have already reached 100 percent enrolment for both boys and girls in primary schools - achieving the third Millennium Development Goal of eliminating gender disparity in education [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ]. 

According to Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey of 2011, 28.2 percent of women 12 years or older are illiterate, more than double the male rate of 13 percent. Young women - those aged 15 to 24 - living in rural areas are even less educated; one-third of them are illiterate. 

Employment 

Similar inequality can be seen in the labour force. 

According to the IKN survey, only 14 percent of women are working or actively seeking work, compared to 73 percent of men [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1681/IKN_S4_LaborForce_en.pdf ]. Those who are employed are mostly working in the agricultural sector, and women with a diploma have a harder time finding jobs: 68 percent of women with a bachelor’s degree are unemployed. 

The representation of women in parliament increased from 13 percent in 1990 to 27 percent in 2006, meeting the one-quarter female representation quota imposed in 2005, but this is still far below the national target of half. 

Physical safety 

Women’s health concerns have seen some gains. The percentage of births attended by skilled personnel has risen significantly in the last decade [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97964/War-leaves-lasting-impact-on-healthcare ]. And the maternal mortality rate - which at 84 per 100,000 births in 2006 was the highest in the region - appears to have dropped significantly, to 24 per 100,000 in 2011, according to the World Health Organization [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/ ].

Still, domestic violence, honour killings, female genital mutilation (FGM) and human trafficking remain threats to many Iraqi women and girls. In the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, 42.8 percent of women have experienced FGM, according to the 2011 MICS [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQwv ].

In 2011, nearly half of girls aged 10 to 14 were exposed to violence at least once by a family member, and nearly half of married women were exposed to at least one form of spousal violence, mostly emotional, but also physical and sexual, according to a survey by the government and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/I-WISH_Report_English.pdf ].

For more, check out this UN fact-sheet on women in Iraq [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=xqx9gxy7Isk%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series: Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

ha/rz

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A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97976/Iraq-10-years-on-Women-yet-to-regain-their-place</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041258200194t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than their counterparts in the region; today, despite steps taken after decades of conflict and sanctions, Iraqi women do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and many are subjected to gender-based violence.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>