<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Governance</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 18 Jun 2013 11:30:42 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Making a dent in South Africa’s drug culture</title><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306171353520815t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - In pink tracksuit and big sunglasses, Nomvula Mokonyane, premier of South Africa’s Gauteng Province, delivered a combative warning to the drug dealers of Eldorado Park that had the crowd buzzing: “Leave, your days are numbered!” But then a distraught mother, urged to speak but unable to, brought everyone back down to earth with the news that her addict daughter had just died.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - In pink tracksuit and big sunglasses, Nomvula Mokonyane, premier of South Africa’s Gauteng Province, delivered a combative warning to the drug dealers of Eldorado Park that had the crowd buzzing: “Leave, your days are numbered!” But then a distraught mother, urged to speak but unable to, brought everyone back down to earth with the news that her addict daughter had just died.

The mother was one of the organizers of the 2 June prayer march by Mokanyane and community leaders to confront Eldorado Park’s drug problem - her 14-year-old daughter had committed suicide just a few hours earlier. 

Eldorado Park, south of Johannesburg, is mainly low-cost small brick housing and council-owned apartment blocks, next door to Soweto. It was established by apartheid city planners in the late 1960s as a mixed race, so-called “coloured” township, and today the 350,000-strong community still suffers high rates of poverty and neglect.

But in May it attracted a visit by President Jacob Zuma, in response to a series of public letters that went viral written by a group of mothers appealing for help against a “wave of drugs [that] has swept over our community and has taken over our lives, killing our children by the day. Children as young as eight are drug addicts”.

Sense of siege

The letter, addressed to Zuma, went on: “Help us lock up these murderers, drug dealers for good. Set up a special court for all drug-related crime. Close down all the Lolly Lounges [named after the lollipop shape of the home-made pipe used to smoke methamphetamine]. Dismiss all corrupt cops that [are] on a payroll. Call in the K9 unit. We need a rehab centre that will assist with detoxing our kids and give them a second chance at life. We need recreation centres to keep our kids busy… Let us have compulsory drug testing at our schools.”

Councillor Peter Rafferty believes the drug culture in Eldorado Park changed with the arrival of cheap methamphetamine, known as tik, as the drug of choice in the last few years. “Unemployment has become much bigger in the last five years. It’s not just the youth, if you’re 40-plus and have been retrenched, the chances of finding work are slim,” he told IRIN. 

He also pointed an accusing finger at parents for neglecting their children and the school system for a lack of support - only a handful of Eldorado Park’s 25 schools have a drug policy.

“Drugs are fun”

There is a sense of exclusion felt by “coloureds” in South Africa, where “racialized” identities are rarely escaped, and the community has few political champions. “Drugs are especially rife in the coloured townships,” said Lorreal Ferris, station manager of Eldoz FM. “It’s a form of escapism, but it’s also bread on the table. [Drug dealing] provides for families and communities, but also destroys families and communities - that’s the Catch-22.”

How widespread is drug use in Eldorado Park? Nobody seems to know, but anecdotally everybody IRIN spoke to said someone in their family was using – typically tik. The consequences include a rate of crime that impoverishes everybody - from stealing from your Mum’s purse to buy a US$5 bag of meth, to pilfering the copper on the window handles at schools, to the street lights smashed for their bulbs to make lolly pipes. 

There is a sense of bewilderment over how quickly tik took over. Before the police cracked down in May, dealers seemed to be operating on every other street in Eldorado Park. “The streets were crazy, large groups of people walking around late at night going to get their drugs,” said Le-Verge Constance, who used ketamine as her drug of choice up until a year ago, when she was partying hard but still managing to hold down a managerial job.

“Drugs are fun, it’s about socializing and partying, but what a lot of people don’t understand is that your body can become addicted,” she told IRIN. “You think your mind is stronger and you can control it.”

Constance now hosts a weekly chat show for recovering addicts on Eldoz FM. In the year that she has been clean, she has seen a change in drug use in Eldorado Park. From being part of the clubbing culture it has shifted to lolly lounges - where with up to 20 people in a house, safe from police attention, you can blaze away undisturbed until your money runs out. It is also where women and girl tik addicts are extremely vulnerable, some running away from home to spend weeks in a house, swapping sex for drugs.

Elton Guerio, 28, has witnessed it many times. Out of work since 2005, both his parents dead, four of his five siblings - including two sisters - on meths, his family home was one of the lolly lounges visited by Mokanyane and the prayer marchers. “Tik is easily accessible, it’s like giving a child sweets, especially for girls. They give it to the girls on purpose so they can use them,” he told IRIN.

Community champions

Cheryl Pillay runs the Come Back Mission (CBM) [ http://www.comeback.co.za/ ], at its offices across the road from her house, offering help to women standing up to alcohol and drug addiction. For her, young girls trading sex for tik is a critical part of “the whole lolly lounges thing”. Sexual violence, and HIV, are just some of the consequences. 

According to CBM, as many as 60 percent of households in Eldorado Park are single-parent run. While that does not automatically mean alarm bells should sound, it nevertheless represents hurdles for children and parents to struggle through in a community with a dizzying unemployment rate. Pillay has time and again seen girls tripped up by problems at home or school, slip into addiction and wind up in lolly lounges [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ixnp7hZjlH8 ].

“The first night you’re on a high, and you can stay like that for three or four days, enjoying yourself. But you don’t want to go home and seem high to your parents, so you stay there until the drugs are out of your system or you run out of money,” Guerio told IRIN. 

Guerio, now off meths, works for Liesel Valoo, another redoubtable woman fighting for her community. His job is to find lolly lounges where girls are staying, and Valoo goes in and gets them. Valoo’s NGO is the South African Drug Abuse and AIDS Council, and she is a bustling bundle of energy. “When Liesel comes for you, there is only one option, you must go.” 

The police in Eldorado Park have taken action, closing down 20 lolly lounges, arresting over 130 people for drug-related crimes, and re-opening hundreds of previously closed cases. Some of that targeting has been a result of tip-offs by Pillay. She chairs the Local Drug Action Committee, which among other things collects the names of dealers and details of how they operate, often sent in by their neighbours. But Pillay is clear that just sending dealers to jail is not the solution, given the lack of rehabilitation provided by the criminal justice system. 

New ideas needed

“If you are caught with one bag - why not do community service?” asked Rafferty. “Most of the guys caught are the runners, and he won’t talk as his life is at stake. The analysis lab is in Pretoria and it takes months to get the results. Meanwhile, the guy is out on bail that night and the community thinks ‘corruption’.”

Arrests for petty crime like public drinking or possession of marijuana burdens youths with a criminal record that prevents them from being employed. Several community leaders called for a wiping of the slate as a positive step forward. “Every child before the age of 18 has been arrested three or four times,” Pastor Marcus Jacobs told IRIN. “They will never be able to work in a bank, for example, until that data is cleaned.”

For Ferris, “even though everybody condemns drug peddling, deep down we understand why they do it. There needs to be a dialogue, they need to ask for, and be given, forgiveness.”

The South African government recognizes the link between substance abuse and socioeconomic strife, and is seeking to pull a range of departments together - from health and education to police and correctional services - to work collaboratively in Eldorado Park. The strategy involves reducing demand, supply and harm, while also focusing on prevention, early intervention, treatment and after-care, according to SAPA, the South African government news agency [ http://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/gauteng-govt-committed-rooting-out-drugs ].

The visit by Zuma and the high-profile police presence has calmed the streets of Eldorado Park, but drugs remain available - just driven back underground. “Drugs are a symptom of something else. To say we’re winning the drug war is very naïve. But we can hope to make a dent,” said Rafferty.

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A series of articles exploring the humanitarian impact in developing countries of the global drugs trade.
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]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98243/Making-a-dent-in-South-Africa-s-drug-culture</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306171353520815t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 17 June 2013 (IRIN) - In pink tracksuit and big sunglasses, Nomvula Mokonyane, premier of South Africa’s Gauteng Province, delivered a combative warning to the drug dealers of Eldorado Park that had the crowd buzzing: “Leave, your days are numbered!” But then a distraught mother, urged to speak but unable to, brought everyone back down to earth with the news that her addict daughter had just died.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Call for “no regret” climate adaptation strategies*</title><pubDate>Fri, 14 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030912560233t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2013 (IRIN) - The absence of accurate climate prediction models should not dissuade countries from choosing the best ways to adapt to a changing climate, says a new report published in the Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2013 (IRIN) - The absence of accurate climate prediction models should not dissuade countries from choosing the best ways to adapt to a changing climate, says a new report [ http://www.pnas.org/content/110/21/8357.full ] published in the Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences.

“Even when our knowledge is incomplete, we often have robust grounds for choosing best-bet adaptation actions and pathways, by building pragmatically on current capacities in agriculture and environmental management, and using projections to add detail and to test promising options against a range of scenarios,” said Sonja Vermeulen, head of research at the CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS) [ http://ccafs.cgiar.org/node/54 ] and lead author of the report.

The CCAFS study shows how some countries have chosen to work with the information they have to plan adaptation strategies. For instance, Sri Lanka decided to use vulnerability analysis - based on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) framework of exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity - at the district level which showed, among other things, the level of exposure of a certain community to a climate hazard. This process, along with consultations with communities, helped the government identify feasible and low-cost interventions.

One of the best adaptation strategies that the country came up with was “the restoration of the ancient tank storage system in the country, to provide `insurance’ against climate variability in the most vulnerable districts (primary agricultural),” said the study. These tanks had been installed by ancient Sri Lankan kingdoms to collect and store rainwater for use in drier times.

Farmers also recycled their household wastewater and scaled back groundwater use to sustainable levels. These are referred to as "no regrets" strategies which cause no harm and help to make communities more resilient to climatic shocks.

On the other hand, the CCAFS analysis shows how information from climate models and studies can be useful. Policymakers could sift through the information to consider areas around which there is a general degree of consensus and then move to take action.

For example, while various climate models offer different assessments of changes expected in Central America, they agree that over the long-term, higher temperatures are likely to render Arabica coffee production unsuitable at lower altitudes. Countries can adopt “no regrets” adaptation strategies, such as shifting some production to higher altitudes and, at lower altitudes, switching to a different, but similarly lucrative crop, like cocoa.

The authors are not suggesting a dependence on one approach to plan adaptation strategies, Vermeulen told IRIN. “We are saying you could marry both bottom-up [ such as vulnerability analysis] and top-down approaches [climate science projections].”

Besides, adaptation strategies based on vulnerability analysis probably work in the short-term but long-term adaptation needs good projections of how the climate might behave.

She said what the study found encouraging was that despite the low level of funding for adaptation committed to at the UN climate change talks, developing countries have begun to elaborate their own strategies.

Nevertheless, countries have to realize that adaptation strategies and development goals will need to be revised constantly, said Vermeulen. “Attaining certain development goals does not mean nirvana - adaptation and development need to be continuously updated.”

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's fifth assessment on the best of climate change science, due to be released in 2014, will look how climate science can deliver information with time frames that policymakers can use, she said.

jk/cb

*Amended on 14 June

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 14 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98230/Call-for-no-regret-climate-adaptation-strategies</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030912560233t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2013 (IRIN) - The absence of accurate climate prediction models should not dissuade countries from choosing the best ways to adapt to a changing climate, says a new report published in the Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Intellectual property reprieve for poor countries</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221135570456t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Least developed countries (LDCs) will continue to have access to affordable medical technologies for an additional extra eight years before they are required to implement the World Trade Organization’s Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) Agreement, following a series of negotiations.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Least developed countries (LDCs) will continue to have access to affordable medical technologies for an additional extra eight years before they are required [ http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/news13_e/trip_11jun13_e.htm ] to implement the World Trade Organization’s Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) Agreement, following a series of negotiations.

The TRIPS Agreement [ http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min01_e/mindecl_trips_e.htm ] contains minimum standards of protection for pharmaceutical intellectual property, but also accommodates developing countries’ needs. For example, it gives countries the right, under specific situations such as public health emergencies, to issue compulsory licences - an authorization given by a government to a third party to produce a patented invention without the permission of the patent-holder.

The consensus decision allows for negotiation for a further extension once the eight-year period is up; the current extension was due to expire on 1 July 2013. LDCs initially sought an extension at least until each individual country was no longer considered an LDC, a move resisted by developed countries, who own most intellectual property rights.

“This is important and positive, though it is regrettable that the exemption will expire in 2021, instead of being indefinite, that is, until a county no longer is `least-developed’,” said Catherina Timmermans, an intellectual property expert for international health financing mechanism UNITAID [ http://www.unitaid.eu ].

“The benefit of this is that LDCs are not under an obligation to comply with the TRIPs standards - whether it’s patents, trademarks, copyright or design - and therefore have the flexibility to adjust their domestic laws, many of which were inherited from the colonial period, in appropriate ways to allow for the manufacture of cheap drugs for their populations,” Aziz ur Rehman, intellectual property adviser for Médecins Sans Frontières’s (MSF) Access Campaign [ http://www.msfaccess.org/ ].

“LDCs should take advantage of this flexibility to learn from countries like India and other developing countries that have used it to developed manufacturing capacities, especially in the field of pharmaceuticals,” he added.

More than 80 percent of all donor-funded antiretroviral drugs used in developing countries are Indian generics; the availability of cheap ARVs has enabled more than eight million people globally to access essential HIV treatment.

More work ahead

The current decision will not affect a deadline on LDC exemption from intellectual property rules on pharmaceutical products that expires in 2016, and stakeholders are concerned that continued resistance to a further extension by developed nations could jeopardize the treatment of millions.

“Withdrawal of pharmaceutical products from the extension agreement is a significant lost opportunity and LDCs will now be required to ask for a similar extension request in 2015,” an MSF statement said. “Given the crucial importance of pharmaceutical products, LDCs should insist on an unconditional extension, which should last as long as a WTO member is classified as ‘least developed’.”

“Hopefully it will be possible to extend at least this exemption for pharmaceuticals indefinitely. This would facilitate access to medicines for sick people in LDCs - who are among the most vulnerable of all human beings,” said UNITAID’s Timmermans.

MSF’s ur Rehman said it would be important for LDCs to be united and work with middle-income countries to lobby for an extension on pharmaceutical products in 2015. He also urged them to take advantage of the flexibilities available to them to boost access to cheap health products for their populations, and cautioned against entering into agreements with developed countries that effectively circumvented the very TRIPS provisions that protect LDCs from adhering to strict intellectual property rules.

Through Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/90041/analysis-hiv-generics-under-threat-from-tighter-patenting-rules ] and Economic Partnership Agreements, developed countries can make bilateral or regional agreements that limit the circumstances under which compulsory licences may be issued or extend the life of patents beyond 20 years - a practice known as TRIPS-plus.

“LDCs have a responsibility to make the best use of the exemptions - Free Trade Agreements and unilateral agreements on intellectual property being made by regional bodies like the African Union to harmonize intellectual property laws are harmful to the flexibilities afforded by the TRIPS exemptions and should be avoided,” said MSF’s ur Rehman. “LDCs should keep the same spirit they have when fighting for exemptions in Geneva even while they are at home dealing with developed countries bilaterally.”

kr/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 13 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98226/Intellectual-property-reprieve-for-poor-countries</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221135570456t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 June 2013 (IRIN) - Least developed countries (LDCs) will continue to have access to affordable medical technologies for an additional extra eight years before they are required to implement the World Trade Organization’s Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) Agreement, following a series of negotiations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Sierra Leone braces for cholera season</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306121438360348t.jpg" />]]>FREETOWN 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - As the fleeting storms of May give way to the persistent downpours of June, the National Cholera Taskforce in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is working to prevent a repeat of last year’s cholera outbreak.</description><body><![CDATA[FREETOWN 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - As the fleeting storms of May give way to the persistent downpours of June, the National Cholera Taskforce in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is working to prevent a repeat of last year’s cholera outbreak.

In 2012, President Ernest Bai Koroma was forced to declare a state of emergency during Sierra Leone’s worst cholera outbreak in over 15 years. The disease spread rapidly through the 12 of the country’s 13 districts, fuelled by heavy rainfall and inadequate sanitation. By the time it was brought under control, over 20,000 people had been infected and almost 300 killed in Sierra Leone, a further 10,000 infected and 100 killed in neighbouring Guinea.

So far this year, there have been 365 reported cholera cases and two deaths - figures significantly lower than at the same point last year.

Fodae Dafae, acting head of the cholera taskforce, is confident that enough has been done to prevent a similar outbreak. He highlighted a campaign to raise awareness of the disease and how to avoid it.

“Awareness creation is ongoing,” he told IRIN. “People know about it now. They’re talking about it.”

Following the 2012 epidemic, donors, aid workers and health officials agreed that West African countries must do more to prepare for cholera, given it recurs each year [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97157/Cholera-in-West-Africa-lessons-learned ]. They called, in particular, for targeted investment in at-risk zones, such as in Kambia district, in northern Sierra Leone [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97338/Call-for-targeted-investments-in-cholera-prone-areas ].

In addition to posters and billboards, Dafae says local radio stations are broadcasting cholera information in all of the Sierra Leone’s various languages. The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has also been staging plays on the subject.

Efforts are also underway to ensure that medical centres across the country are fully stocked with saline drips and other relevant medical equipment before the rains intensify over the coming weeks.

Vaccination, however, which was used with some success by Médecins sans Frontières during a similar outbreak last year in neighbouring Guinea, is not being pursued as an option. “Cholera vaccines are not cheap,” Dafae said.

Improving water and sanitation

Sierra Leone’s water and sanitation situation remains grim. Only 12.8 percent of the population has access to “improved sanitation”, while just one in 10 households has both safe drinking water and improved sanitation. And out of around 28,000 protected water points in the country, almost 40 percent are not fully operational [  http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96112/WEST-AFRICA-Cleaner-toilets-to-save-slums-from-cholera ].

Victor Kinyanjui, the water and sanitation manager for UNICEF in Sierra Leone, told IRIN: “When the war set in, due to the emergency situation, protocols were not always followed in the construction of community water wells and toilets. Most of the wells we have today were built during that time.”

He also pointed out that the Guma Valley Water Company, which was built to serve a population of 500,000, is now struggling to cope with Freetown’s 1.2 million people.

“It’s overstretched, so now you have all sorts of water points that have been constructed… Most of them are not well protected against contaminants,” he explained.

UNICEF is currently rehabilitating 80 wells in diarrhoea hot spots across the country, and it is installing solar-powered water systems for larger communities that have been previously affected by high levels of diarrhoeal diseases.

Underpinning much of their sanitation work is a community-led total sanitation (CLTS) approach, wherein communities are mobilized to undertake their own sanitation improvements, such as the construction of latrines. This approach been largely successful, Kinyanjui said.

“We are standing currently at over 3,900 communities that have been declared open defecation-free in Sierra Leone, and that’s a big change, and a big step,” he said. Still, he acknowledged that much remains to be done and that fully resolving Sierra Leone’s sanitary deficiencies will be a long process.

Still waiting for change

In the low-lying slum settlement of Kroo Bay, near the centre of Freetown, the scale of the challenge is clear. Around 6,000 people live in cramped concrete and corrugated zinc houses. Paths and streams are choked with the city’s rubbish. Children play, swim and defecate in the muddy streams, which, every rainy season, inundate the surrounding houses and contaminate water supplies.

Kroo Bay resident Zainab Bangura (no relation to her namesake, Sierra Leone’s former minister of health) is concerned about the coming rainy season.

“People still use the river as a toilet,” she said. “When the cholera comes, I will have to buy Grafton [purified] water, but it is very expensive.” The mother of eight makes a living selling mangoes at four for 5,000 Leones (US$0.12).

Most Kroo Bay residents IRIN spoke to could not identify any improvements in their sanitary situation.

“The government has not done anything for us,” said Hawa Bah. One of her children contracted cholera during last year’s outbreak, and she wants to know why nothing has been done to protect her neighbourhood from flooding.

“We are afraid,” she said. “We have seen what the cholera can do.”

tt/aj/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98214/Sierra-Leone-braces-for-cholera-season</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306121438360348t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">FREETOWN 12 June 2013 (IRIN) - As the fleeting storms of May give way to the persistent downpours of June, the National Cholera Taskforce in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is working to prevent a repeat of last year’s cholera outbreak.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Military’s shutdown of NE Nigeria telecoms disrupts trade</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111127410938t.jpg" />]]>KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.

The states affected are Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. The Nigerian government sent thousands of extra troops to the northeast in late May,  hitting BH camps with air strikes and leaving an unknown number dead, following a surge in BH violence in the area.

In Borno State capital Maiduguri, which has been hardest hit by BH’s three-year insurgency, commercial activities, which were already disrupted by prolonged insecurity,  have collapsed, say residents, as merchants are unable to order from their suppliers in Kano and Lagos. As a result, the price of rice, maize and millet has jumped 25-150 percent. 

A 50kg bag of rice which sold for the equivalent of US$51 has risen to $95; a bag of maize rose from $25to $41, while a bag of millet increased to $63 from $46, according to traders.

Grocer Sanda Adamkolo said he now sells a bag of chilli for $101, instead of $38. 

Maiduguri trader Simon Bulus told IRIN his supply of tinned food, juice, flour, rice, pasta, sugar, seasonings, milk and soap has run out as he could not reach his normal supplier by phone. “I ordered 50 cartons of various items [from another supplier] but I only got 20 because of high demand from other traders,” he told IRIN.

The vast majority of Nigerians rely on mobile telecommunications as they do not have landlines. 

The military have banned trucks from accessing much of Borno State, leading to severe stock shortages, said Bukar Zanna, head of the traders’ association in the Borno town of Gamboru Ngala. “Our fear is that if the situation continues like this we may soon run out of essential goods,” Zanna told IRIN.

Medical director at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital Abdurrahman Tahir told IRIN the hospital could not send doctors to emergencies, or ferry the sick or injured to hospital without communications services.

But, he said, they are not giving up. “We have reactivated our broken CB radios and purchased more walkie-talkies for medical staff.”

Lt-Col Sagir Musa, military spokesman in Borno State, said the movement restrictions on goods in parts of northern Borno are designed to prevent supplies falling into the hands of BH. “We don’t want supplies meant for residents ending up in the hands of terrorists. We have instructed community leaders in some areas to inform the military when they bring in supplies so we can provide them with security cover to convey the goods”.

“Inconveniences”

“The phone cut is an operational strategy to cripple BH in the current campaign because without communication they cannot coordinate and that will put them in disarray. We know there are inconveniences associated with the phone shutdown but the security benefit is worth it,” a senior military official in Maiduguri involved in the military offensive told IRIN.

According to him, BH re-wires mobile phones to create remote-control detonators for home-made bombs. The phone cut has helped diminish what was a campaign of near-daily bomb explosions by BH, he said.

On 14 May 2013 President Goodluck Jonathan imposed a state of emergency in the three states considered BH strongholds, conferring sweeping powers on the military to reclaim areas of Borno, which had been under BH control since January. Bombardments of BH camps have led most members to scatter, many of them reportedly across the border to Chad. 

Anxious residents

Many residents are uneasy as they have not been able to contact their families. “For more than two weeks I have not had any contact with my parents, brothers and sister who are in Gubio,” said Bulama Mali Gubio, spokesman for the Borno Elders Forum (BEF). “I have no idea what situation they are in which makes me restless.” Most workers who are not originally from Maiduguri have relocated their families out of the region for safety reasons. 

Those who have stayed flock to cyber cafés with Internet Service Providers independent from the main mobile operators. Long queues are forming at their doors. 

“I have been waiting for four hours but it has not come to my turn yet. I will not leave until I email my wife to confirm to her I’m safe because I know she is worried she has not heard from me for almost three weeks,” said federal government official Michael Adeleke.

“I just paid some money into my wife’s bank account to let her know that I’m alive and well,” said Ahmed Bawa, a paramedic whose family lives in Kaduna. 

Wealthy residents are turning to Thuraya satellite mobile phones, costing up to $1,000, with high call tariffs.

Some have even driven 240km to reach Dagauda village in Yobe State to make calls, said Maiduguri resident Kabiru Dalhatu. “Our village has become a Mecca of sorts in the past two weeks. Dozens of people in cars come from Maiduguri, Damaturu and Potiskum to make phone calls and go back, including military and police officers,” Danlami Inuwa, a resident of Dagauda, told IRIN.

aa/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98207/Military-s-shutdown-of-NE-Nigeria-telecoms-disrupts-trade</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306111127410938t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - With mobile phone signals shut down since 15 May in large parts of three northeastern states following a military offensive against Boko Haram (BH) Islamists, anxious residents say the sick are cut off from medical help, commercial supplies are dwindling and food prices rising.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Tamils want more devolved power in Sri Lanka&apos;s north</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306110352450195t.jpg" />]]>COLOMBO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ahead of Sri Lanka&apos;s planned provincial election in a former war zone, the country&apos;s main ethnic minority Tamil party is pushing to have as much power devolved from Colombo as possible.</description><body><![CDATA[COLOMBO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ahead of Sri Lanka's planned provincial election in a former war zone, the country's main ethnic minority Tamil party is pushing to have as much power devolved from Colombo as possible.

The island nation has grappled for decades with the question of the devolution of power to its nine provinces, particularly the Northern and Eastern provinces, considered by Tamils to be their homeland.

In the early 1980s Tamil frustrations at what they perceived to be discriminatory tactics employed by the state led to the growth of a militant movement and a 26-year civil war that lasted until May 2009, when government forces defeated the separatist Liberations Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

"The issue really is the extent of executive powers the [presidentially appointed provincial] governor will be sharing with the [provincial] board of ministers," Abraham Sumanthiran, an MP from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), said recently [ https://docs.google.com/file/d/0BxxvBX_62PFXaV9oVEhTV1d5Sjg/edit?pli=1 ]. TNA is the largest national party representing minority Tamils from the north.

"We would certainly want the maximum amount of access to power," said TNA leader Rajavarotiam Sampanthan.

Though no election date has so far been fixed, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa indicated plans to hold the election for the Northern Provincial Council in September. If held, it would be first provincial poll there since the end of the civil war.

The Provincial Councils were set up in 1987 to devolve power to the country's nine provinces, especially to the north and east with their sizable communities of Tamils and Muslims.

Analysts have noted [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/84858/sri-lanka-finding-a-path-to-reconciliation-analysis ] the key to an enduring peace is a political settlement that confers power devolution to the Tamil and Muslim communities, which have reported being marginalized by the governing Sinhalese ethnic majority.

The Northern Council - in the heart of the former conflict zone and where the Tamil ethnic minority is concentrated [ http://www.priu.gov.lk/ProvCouncils/ProvicialCouncils.html ] - is the only council of all the provinces that has not had elections since provincial boundaries were redrawn in 2006.

Shifting power

Under the constitution, the presidentially appointed provincial governor determines the powers - and access to national budget resources - of provincial councils.

Sampanthan said two recent governor appointments in the Northern and Eastern provinces, both retired military officials, set a bad precedent. "They are a law unto themselves," he said, accusing them of deciding on provincial affairs without consulting locally elected representatives.

TNA officials said a provincial council can help accelerate the region's development. While elections themselves cannot bring about any change, said Sampanthan, "they could provide the environment in which there can be an improvement."

Despite more than four years of peace, and work on large infrastructure projects like roads, power and irrigation, more needs to be done in the former war zone, especially on income generation and permanent housing [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97701/analysis-is-international-pressure-failing-in-sri-lanka ].

The TNA leader said power devolution may boost access to development funds currently controlled by Colombo by attracting funds directly from Tamils living outside Sri Lanka.

There may be other benefits for the national government if it works more closely with a provincial administration in a former rebel-controlled area, he added.

"If you [the government] are seen to be working with us and there is a substantial improvement in the living conditions in the north and east, you will diminish the gravity of the accusations you are facing today," he said.

Holding provincial elections in the north has been a key request by international powers, including regional heavyweight India [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96203/sri-lanka-government-welcomes-refugee-repatriation-from-india ], which has a large Tamil minority and where many Tamil refugees fled.

Sri Lanka has faced international scrutiny over its conduct of the final phase of the war and allegations of rights abuses. In March the UN Human Rights Council passed a second resolution seeking action by Colombo to address the allegations [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97701/analysis-is-international-pressure-failing-in-sri-lanka ].

Fighting back

Local analysts are, however, not optimistic the government will devolve far-reaching powers to the provincial administration - especially one controlled by an opposition party like TNA, which has openly criticized state policies on reconstruction and reconciliation.

Jehan Perera, executive director of local NGO National Peace Council [ http://peace-srilanka.org/ ], said the government is trying to take away constitutionally granted - but thus far unimplemented - provincial decision-making powers over police and land. "It will not try to give more powers to a council that is not controlled by it or allies," he said.

There is also mounting pressure within the government against holding the election in the north, and to narrow the scope of powers in all provincial councils.

The National Freedom Front (NFF), a ruling coalition partner, has launched a public campaign to gather a million signatures to remove police and land powers from the local councils.

In addition, NFF leader and Minister of Construction, Engineering Services, Housing and Common Amenities, Wimal Weerawansa, said NFF will continue efforts to repeal the constitution's 13th amendment, which established the provincial councils. "They [the councils] can destabilize the country if a province takes arbitrary decisions."

Meanwhile, the planned local poll has generated little enthusiasm among some Northern Province residents, especially in the areas worst affected by fighting.

"Elections are good, but we have far more urgent issues," said Nishanthan (one name only), a first-time voter from the northern town of Kilinochchi.

"We need houses, water, electricity and jobs. Then we can think of elections."

contributor/pt/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98211/Tamils-want-more-devolved-power-in-Sri-Lanka-apos-s-north</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306110352450195t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COLOMBO 11 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ahead of Sri Lanka&apos;s planned provincial election in a former war zone, the country&apos;s main ethnic minority Tamil party is pushing to have as much power devolved from Colombo as possible.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Cocaine-related graft erodes Guinea-Bissau governance</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101240370059t.jpg" />]]>BISSAU 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - Drug-trafficking in Guinea-Bissau is undermining the country’s stability, distorting its economy and intensifying the competition for power among political and military leaders, say analysts and observers.</description><body><![CDATA[BISSAU 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - Drug-trafficking in Guinea-Bissau is undermining the country’s stability [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/98167/analysis-politicians-military-undermine-guinea-bissau-s-stability ], distorting its economy and intensifying the competition for power among political and military leaders, say analysts and observers. 

“Because drug-trafficking stokes instability, it affects every citizen. Moreover it gives the country a deplorable image, which tends to discourage donors. In a country where access to credit is difficult, some observers say that drug money has been used to fund the cashew nut trade, the country’s main export and a key revenue source for the rural population,” Vincent Foucher, a researcher with the International Crisis Group (ICG), told IRIN. 

He said drug money is also funding the personal security networks of top politicians and military personnel - an important element in ongoing power struggles and political strife. 

“But regarding drugs, the security forces have a comparative advantage [to the politicians],” said Foucher. 

The wholesale value in Europe of cocaine trafficked through West Africa, with Guinea-Bissau being one of the main transit points, dwarfs the national security budgets of many West African states, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) said in a recent report [ http://www.unodc.org/toc/en/reports/TOCTAWestAfrica.htm ]. The entire military budget of many West African countries is less than the price of a ton of cocaine in Europe, it said. 

“Cocaine-related corruption has clearly undermined governance in places like Guinea-Bissau,” said the report. Cocaine seizures in West Africa peaked in 2007 with 47 tons netted. The seizures have since declined to about 18 tons, it said. 

Routing Europe-bound cocaine through West Africa has followed changes in the world cocaine market over the past decade. Prices have been plummeting with demand in the USA falling, while demand in Europe has doubled, said UNODC. 

Arrest 

On 2 April US forces arrested former Guinea-Bissau navy chief José Americo Bubo Na Tchuto, alongside four fellow countrymen in a sting operation in international waters in the Atlantic. 

He is accused of conspiring to import cocaine from South American to Guinea-Bissau. “Na Tchuto noted that the Guinea-Bissau government was weak in light of the recent coup d’état and that it was therefore a good time for the proposed cocaine transaction,” according to the US Drug Enforcement Administration [ http://www.justice.gov/dea/divisions/hq/2013/hq040413.shtml ] (DEA). 

Guinea-Bissau military chief Antonio Indjai has also been charged, in absentia, by a US court with conspiring to sell weapons to Colombia’s FARC rebels to protect the group’s cocaine factories against US military forces and to store FARC’s cocaine in West Africa. 

Indjai is subject to a UN travel ban for his alleged role in Guinea-Bissau’s April 2012 coup. 

“Antonio Indjai conspired to use his power and authority to be a middleman and his country to be a way-station for people he believed to be terrorists and narco-traffickers so they could store and ultimately transport narcotics to the US,” US attorney Preet Bharara said in April in comments [ http://www.justice.gov/dea/divisions/hq/2013/hq041813.shtml ] carried by the DEA. 

Colombia, Peru and Bolivia are the sources of cocaine transiting through West Africa. More than 20 major seizures were made in the region between 2005 and 2007 mostly at sea, but also on private aircraft or on land, said UNODC. 

Drug-trafficking “exaggerated”? 

However, José Ramos-Horta, the UN special representative in Guinea-Bissau, said drug-trafficking through Guinea-Bissau was “exaggerated”. 

“It is serious enough, but not to the extent of calling a country a narco-state. Guinea-Bissau has the chance to not be completely taken hostage by organized crime. Consumption of drugs in Guinea-Bissau hardly exists, there are no factories. Guinea-Bissau is essentially a store… [The drugs] are easy to track down and destroy.” 

ICG’s Foucher argued that as long a soldier’s official salary remained at 20,000 francs (US$ 40) per month, “it is obvious that drug traffickers will always find allies in the military and that some of the troops will be ready to strike deals with the traffickers as well as other criminals.” 

Since independence from Portugal nearly 30 years ago, the country has suffered intermittent unrest, with no president ever being able to finish a full term in office. 

“It is not because people are poor that they engage in the drug trade, it is because the state is absent,” said Kwesi Aning of the West Africa Commission on Drugs. “To be able to give people hope that there is an alternative to criminal life, the state must be made strong and functional.” 

“This is not just about Guinea-Bissau; we can see it in the so-called functioning states - in Senegal, Ghana and Nigeria,” Aning told IRIN. 

Declarations of intent 

Meanwhile, analysts say efforts by West African countries to curb the drug trade have not gone far beyond declarations of intent. 

“Across West Africa, politicians are talking about drugs but they are not implementing the policies. The rhetoric is good but the response is poor. There is strong rhetorical commitment,” said Aning. 

Cooperation between West African states to combat the drug trade seems to mostly centre on training and supporting operations implemented by Western nations, said Foucher. 

“The feeling among Western actors seems to be that African states have little motivation to combat the drug trade which they see mostly as a problem for the West.” 

Guinea-Bissau is one of the world’s poorest countries. Almost 70 percent of its 1.6 million people live in poverty. The country mainly relies on cashew exports and fishing for revenue. 

ob/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98202/Cocaine-related-graft-erodes-Guinea-Bissau-governance</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306101240370059t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BISSAU 10 June 2013 (IRIN) - Drug-trafficking in Guinea-Bissau is undermining the country’s stability, distorting its economy and intensifying the competition for power among political and military leaders, say analysts and observers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Senegalese gear up for likely flooding</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071200420078t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR/PIKINE 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Senegalese authorities and aid organizations say they have begun preparing for what will likely be another round of heavy flooding during this year&apos;s upcoming rainy season, but observers and local residents say not enough has been done to reduce the risk of annual floods ruining their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR/PIKINE 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Senegalese authorities and aid organizations say they have begun preparing for what will likely be another round of heavy flooding during this year's upcoming rainy season, but observers and local residents say not enough has been done to reduce the risk of annual floods ruining their homes.

Experts from the African Centre of Meteorological Applications for Development (ACMAD) said that countries in the western Sahel zone will likely experience above-average rainfall between July and September this year, and Senegal could experience flash flooding [ http://www.afriquejet.com/news/7394-west-africa-meteorologists-warn-of-excessive-rainfall.html ].

Many residents of Dakar and its suburbs - particularly the neighbourhoods of Pikine, Guediawaye and Keur Maseur, which are built on low-lying coastal wetlands - are likely to face flooding this year. These neighbourhoods were built up in the 1970s, and their populations have since exploded. High water tables, inadequate drainage systems and over-population mean that even small amounts of rain can flood entire neighbourhoods.

According to Ndeye Diallo, who has a house in Keur Maseur, the homes of many families living there are still flooded from the 2012 rains. "The rains never receded," she said.

Ndeye Touré, 47, who lives in Pikine, one of the worst-hit areas, said she and her neighbours have been promised help, but it never arrives. "For more than three months, we must live with water in our homes and the streets. Sometimes it comes up to your knees. The floods destroy our homes. Every year, the authorities promise to build us a canal to drain the water, but so far nothing has been done."

Action taken

The Senegalese government has undertaken several flood action plans over the years. Following heavy flooding in 2005, it implemented Plan Jaxaay, which re-housed 1,700 flood-hit families, according to the government's website [ http://www.habitat.gouv.sn/?PLAN-JAXAAY-Nouvelle-attribution ].

Four reservoirs were built in the suburbs to try to drain water from the area, and four more were planned by the Ministry of Urban Planning for Dakar. But residents of Pikine, the site of one of the reservoirs, said while it has lessened the impact of the flooding, it overflows every year, and because canals are blocked, flood-water cannot even reach it.

Clearing drainage systems has been the priority of the September 2012 urban development plan, known as the Rainwater Management and Adaption to Climate Change Project (PROGEP), which was launched in partnership the World Bank. Under this ambitious project, the government says it will invest US$1.4billion dollars over the course of 10 years in flood management projects, with $132 million allocated for 2013.

Amadou Fall Diop, director of the Project for Social Housing and the Fight Against Slums in the recently created Ministry of Restructuring and Management of Flood Zones, said that since September 2012, they have been focusing on short-term flood preparation, including clearing draining systems, ensuring pumping stations are working, and moving some families. They will engage in several long-term projects, including building more reservoirs and canals, over coming years, he said.

"We are doing as much as we can given our resources, and so we are asking the people that are impatient - that have reason to be impatient - to trust that we will find a solution to these floods," he said. "Our plans are now underway."

Trash

Most of the drainage canals criss-crossing Dakar and its environs are filled with rubbish, an environmental and sanitary hazard. The Ministry of Flood Zones Management is trying to clear trash from these canals in Dakar, and in the towns of Bambey and Touba, so rainwater can pass unobstructed, said Diop. His ministry is also pre-emptively pumping groundwater from several neighbourhoods so the rain has a chance to absorb into the ground.

It also plans to relocate 2,000 families living in high-risk areas, with the first relocation scheduled for 30 June, he said.

The problem is that as families are re-housed, others just move in to take their place, said one observer. The government issued a ban on construction in wetland zones in 1967, but it has largely been ignored.

Emergency preparation

In the meantime, aid organizations are gearing up to help mitigate flood risks.

The head of operations for Senegal's Red Cross, Ibrahima Liye Thiome, told IRIN the organization is trying to teach communities about the importance of proper hygiene and how to prevent water-borne diseases during the rainy season.

"The government has put a lot of money into flood solutions, and this is good," Thiome said. "But it isn't a perfect solution. They talk about putting in canals and whatnot, but they forget about the people. The solution is not just to take out the waste [from drains]; it's to build the resilience of the population," he said.

The Senegalese Red Cross and the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) have been stocking up and pre-positioning emergency response supplies and hygiene kits to distribute when floods occur. Between them, these include jerry cans, soap, sleeping mats, mosquito nets, water-treatment chemicals and information cards on good hygiene practices.

Amal Saeed, a humanitarian affairs officer with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN the inter-agency humanitarian country team is starting to prepare with the Senegalese government. The Department of Civil Protection will hold a flood preparation meeting with UN and NGO partners in mid-June.

Meanwhile, families themselves are doing what they can to get ready.

"We've been buying bags of sand [to reinforce the perimeter of the house], and we're rebuilding the walls of the house," said Kadou Kede, who has lived in Pikine since 1977. "Every year, we must now strengthen the bricks before the rains come, so that our homes don't collapse," he said.

Ibrahima Ba, the chief of the Mounas neighbourhood in Pikine, said local authorities have been helping a bit. They have checked to ensure water pumps are working and that health clinics have adequate medicine stocks and have been passing along early warning messages, he said.

But these are not always possible to heed: "The government has been sending agents here to ask people to leave before the floods come, but most [of us] cannot afford to leave. We have told them [the government] that what we need is a canal and a better water [retention] basin, but just until this moment now, they have done nothing," he said. "What else can we do? When the rains come, we will still be waiting."

jl/aj/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98183/Senegalese-gear-up-for-likely-flooding</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071200420078t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR/PIKINE 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Senegalese authorities and aid organizations say they have begun preparing for what will likely be another round of heavy flooding during this year&apos;s upcoming rainy season, but observers and local residents say not enough has been done to reduce the risk of annual floods ruining their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Fears of a malaria relapse in Madagascar</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106160935020971t.jpg" />]]>ANTANANARIVO 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Madagascar’s recent gains in the battle against malaria are likely to be reversed because funding problems have interrupted prevention activities.</description><body><![CDATA[ANTANANARIVO 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Madagascar’s recent gains in the battle against malaria are likely to be reversed because funding problems have interrupted prevention activities. 

“When fighting malaria, you need to be very technical. When grants come in too late, we end up handing out nets and spraying houses during the rainy season. There are many remote places, which we can’t reach during this time,” Benjamin Ramarosandratana, director of the National Programme for the Fight Against Malaria, told IRIN. 

“This year, our 2012 funding came in months later than we expected. For the next campaign, which runs from 2013 until 2015, we haven’t even signed the contract yet, while the year is already half over. This means that the nets we wanted to distribute in August won’t arrive until November,” Ramarosandratana said. 

“Fighting malaria is like sitting on a spring. You need to keep up the pressure to keep figures low. The moment you let go, the amount of cases soar,” he said. 

Donors suspended all but emergency assistance to Madagascar in 2009, after President Marc Ravalomanana was deposed in a coup d’etat. 

Slow bureaucratic procedures and the long-running political crisis have increased the country’s poverty levels. “With more than 92 percent of the population living under US$2 a day, Madagascar is now one of the poorest countries in the world,” the World Bank said in a 5 June briefing [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/06/05/madagascar-measuring-the-impact-of-the-political-crisis ]. These factors have combined to disrupt large-scale antimalarial campaigns. 

The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and the US-based President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) saw external funding for malaria prevention in the country increase between 2005 and 2011, peaking at US$96 million in 2010. But since 2012, funding glitches have become a major concern. 

Pockets of malaria 

Between 2007 and 2011, about $240 million was spent by a variety of donors on malaria control, including indoor residual spraying (IRS), distributing insecticide-impregnated mosquito nets, and training health workers on the use of rapid diagnostic test (RDTs) kits. 

More than 8.2 million nets were distributed in high-transmission areas in 2009 and 2010. As a result, 92 percent of the at-risk population was covered by either nets or IRS, according to the 2011 Malaria Indicator Survey [ http://www.measuredhs.com/publications/publication-MIS9-MIS-Final-Reports.cfm ]. The prevention campaign resulted in a 13-fold reduction in reported malaria morbidity at primary health centres, from 130 cases per 1,000 people in 2003 to 10 per 1,000 people in 2011, according to government figures. 

IRS is seen as a key tool in malaria prevention, and was scaled up to reach over 1.8 million households annually between 2010 and 2012. But funding shortages will cause a 70 percent reduction in IRS in 2013. 

There is concern the disease is establishing footholds in remote areas, which could lead to malaria spreading to more populous areas. 

One such foothold is Ankazobe, in Analamanga District, where 19 people died of malaria in February. Ankazobe last received mosquito nets in 2010; the nets were scheduled to be replaced this year, but new nets did not arrive. 

Increasing insecurity in the south has also prevented malarial spraying campaigns across eight communes and several rural districts. “There were so many dahalos [bandits] in the area, that it would have been suicide to go there,” Ramarosandratana said [ http://www.irinnews.org/photo/default.aspx?id=62 ].

“The human factor” 

Even when grants for antimalarial strategies are received on time, the fight against the disease is complicated by what Ramarosandratana calls “the human factor.” 

“When you go back to a [net] distribution place three months later, you sometimes see that the percentage of households that own a net has dropped from 80 to 60 percent,” Ramarosandratana said. “Poverty is our big enemy here. Sometimes people don’t use the net but keep it safely wrapped up in their house, or they sell it on the market.” 

In the southeastern, malaria-prone village of Ranomafana, few households possess mosquito nets, even though there is a distribution programme and all pregnant women receive them for free at the antenatal clinic. 

“They gave us three free nets two years ago, but my grandchildren played with them and broke them all when I was working in the field,” said Justine Ravao, 55. 

Net use is also thought to have declined when the disease was receding; a malaria outbreak in the southern Vatovavy-Fitovinanay, Atsimo Atsinanana and Androy districts last year was seen as a consequence of this. 

“Some community members started to use the nets on their beds, to protect themselves from fleas, but as soon as they stopped using them correctly, they were vulnerable when we had a malaria resurgence,” PMI malaria specialist Alyssa Finlay-Vickers told IRIN. 

“We need new tools and technology. The impregnated bed nets don’t last as long as we thought they would, and distributing millions of nets every three years to protect the population may be difficult to sustain,” she said. 

Preventing drug resistance 

“To think we can eradicate, or even eliminate, malaria in Madagascar is believing in utopia. The conditions here are too favourable for these mosquitoes to breed. The only thing we can do is fight the malaria mortality rates,” Ramarosandratana said. 

“Malaria is easy to treat, but the problem with it is that it comes back. A child can have up to four malaria attacks a year,” Ramarosandratana continued. About 17,000 community health workers have been trained to use RDTs and provide first-line malaria treatment, he said. But overtreatment can cause drug resistance. 

“When I was young, they used to distribute nivaquine like candy. It takes about a decade before the malaria drugs don’t work any longer,” said Clement Ranoeliharivelo, a general practitioner at Fondation Médical d'Ampasimanjeva, a hospital in Vatovavy-Fitovinany Region. 

“The problem is self-medication. In the 80s, nivaquine was sold in every small epicerie [small grocery stores] in the country. People took incorrect doses, and now the medicine has become useless. The medicine we have now is the last one we have. If the malaria parasites build resistance against this, we won’t know what to do next,” Ramarosandratana said. 

ar/go/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98185/Fears-of-a-malaria-relapse-in-Madagascar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106160935020971t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ANTANANARIVO 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Madagascar’s recent gains in the battle against malaria are likely to be reversed because funding problems have interrupted prevention activities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Guineans flee Conakry unrest, ethnic tension</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071417120300t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.

President Alpha Condé has ordered an investigation into the latest violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97612/guinea-violence-mars-political-progress ], which followed a 23 May opposition protest over upcoming legislative elections. The government says 12 people were killed and about 100 others injured.

"It’s difficult to swallow - that fellow Guineans would come and ravage your home like this,” said a resident of Conakry’s Bambeto neighbourhood who requested anonymity.

He said that after the demonstration turned violent, men in gendarmes’ uniforms and civilian clothing ransacked his family’s house and two kiosks he rented out, stealing everything from cell phones to mattresses. They even ripped off parts of the roof.

“When I look at our roofless home, it gives me a stabbing pain. We Guineans don’t deserve this. We don’t deserve this.”

It is not clear how many people have been forced to flee their homes, but many residents told IRIN the latest violence has been alarming and voiced concerns about deepening inter-ethnic hostility. Many houses have been burned.

Government spokesman Damantang Albert Camara said local authorities were assessing the impact of the unrest, but he could not give an overall figure of those affected.

“Indeed there are families who have left their homes, either to avoid violence or because they’ve already been targeted,” Camara told IRIN. “Some have relocated out of concern for their security.”

A UN humanitarian worker in Conakry said that, for now, the organization was not assessing the impact of the violence, as the home-burnings were isolated incidents and there was no mass displacement. He said the UN is providing assistance to hospitals treating those wounded in the unrest.

Ethnic and political tensions

Ethnic divisions have long been part of Guinea politics, but Conakry residents say tensions between the two main groups - Malinké and Peulh - have risen steadily since the 2010 election of Condé, a Malinké, who defeated Peulh opponent Cellou Dalein Diallo in a run-off.

Many Peulh to this day do not accept Condé’s victory. In the latest political stand-off, Diallo and other opposition leaders accuse Condé’s government of planning to rig legislative elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96260/guinea-the-missing-parliament ], which, after years of delays, are set for 30 June.

The government and the opposition are holding talks facilitated by UN Special Representative for West Africa Said Djinnit. The agenda includes the opposition’s grievances over the electoral process [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96199/guinea-deadlock-over-parliamentary-elections ], mainly the right of Guineans living abroad to vote and misgivings about the firm drawing the voters’ roll.

The Bambeto resident said his son was beaten unconscious during the attack on their family home, and that he and his family are just grateful to be alive. President Condé has said the government would cover medical care for those injured in the violence.

The father of five said that, even before the incident, life was hard. His family, a household of some 20 members, would do petty trade to buy food each day.

“For now neighbours and family members are being very generous and helping us out, which is fine for the short term. But I don’t see when we’ll be able to establish our own source of revenue again… We’re living with some neighbours until we can repair our home. Once I come up with the money, I’m going to build a 3m wall around the house so at the very least if things heat up again we can hide out there.”

Former civil servant Kadiatou Bah, whose home was also vandalized during the riots, said: “They took everything they could from our home and burned the rest.”

She said that men in gendarmes’ uniforms ransacked her family’s home. “I pleaded with them - I told them it was with my civil servant pay that I was able to build this house. They wouldn’t listen. They beat me in the feet with their rifles.”

The gendarme spokesman was unreachable for comment.

Peulh say gendarmes accompanied by pro-Condé youth are carrying out the attacks, specifically targeting Peulh homes. Meanwhile, some Malinké are fleeing their homes in communities dominated by Peulh.

“When there is the slightest unrest, I stay at a friend’s home in another district,” said an Ivoirian who speaks Malinké and lives in a mainly Peulh neighbourhood. He said he is regularly threatened and harassed by Peulh youth who associate him with the Malinké in Guinea.

Relocating to avoid violence is not a new phenomenon in Conakry. Some residents say they know families who moved in the aftermath of the September 2009 stadium massacre and then again during the 2010 election campaign. But such displacement has risen with the recent unrest.

Ethnic tensions determine people’s choice of residential areas, said Aboubacar Cissé. “When people are looking for a house or apartment in Conakry, they take into account whether the owner is Peulh or Malinké and whether the neighbourhood is predominantly one ethnicity or another.”

He added, “I know a lot of people who are relocating to parts of Conakry they see as safer because they would be surrounded by people of their own ethnic group.”

Fighting for peace

Cissé, who took part in a training by the NGO Search for Common Ground, is one of many Conakry residents working to keep the peace. There are community groups throughout the capital struggling to rein in the violence. Cissé is secretary of a local NGO in Conakry’s Dixinn District, where he and colleagues meet regularly with local youth, including those who have carried out attacks, to talk about how to restore peace.

“The solution is us, not the politicians,” Cissé said. “It must be us.”

President Condé, in a 28 May statement, said violence is “unacceptable, highly irresponsible and reprehensible.” He said he has asked the justice minister to set up a panel of judges to investigate the recent violence and “to do justice to all the victims”.

“In Guinea, nobody should be a victim because of his origins or opinions,” Condé said.

np/ob/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98189/Guineans-flee-Conakry-unrest-ethnic-tension</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306071417120300t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - Guinea’s political violence is hitting residents of the capital Conakry increasingly hard, with some families forced to flee their homes and others relocating for fear of ethnically based attacks.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Greasing the wheels of public service delivery</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210181651140537t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - There should be many reasons for governments to improve public services like water, healthcare and sanitation; these services make citizens happy and politicians popular. But too often, conflicting systems, confusion about roles, perverse incentives and other constraints block desired improvements. What, if anything, can aid agencies do to help?</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - There should be many reasons for governments to improve public services like water, healthcare and sanitation; these services make citizens happy and politicians popular. But too often, conflicting systems, confusion about roles, perverse incentives and other constraints block desired improvements. What, if anything, can aid agencies do to help?

A team from the London-based Overseas Development Institute (ODI) identified four cases - a Tanzanian water project, a Ugandan governance programme, and, in Sierra Leone, a governance initiative and health worker programme - in which outside assistance was believed to have made a positive difference [ http://www.odi.org.uk/publications/7469-governance-politics-aid-service-delivery ]. The projects were then examined to see what they had done right [ http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8409.pdf ].

These were not big-picture projects. Although fundamentally about governance, most of them stuck to practical, low-level interventions. The Tanzanian project mapped water-points and their use, and coached councillors and local committee members about their rights and responsibilities. The Ugandan programme similarly sensitized people about their rights. In Sierra Leone, one programme provided advisory teams to a handful of government ministries, and another established a system of rewards and sanctions to improve health worker attendance, supplying - in the words of one ODI report [ http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8410.pdf ] - “the grease that keeps the system running.”

Heidi Tavakoli, the lead researcher, said, “Aid projects tend to want to start by revising the regulatory framework within which they and governments have to work. But much less attention is given to getting existing systems working a bit more effectively. All these activities largely focused on bridging the gap between what’s on paper and what actually happens in practice.”

Opportunity knocks

All the interventions took advantage of unique windows of opportunity.

In Sierra Leone in 2007, the government had just been voted out of office, in part because voters were frustrated by its lack of progress in improving service delivery. The new president, Ernest Bai Koroma, promised that within six months all young children and all pregnant and lactating women would get free health care.

The British Department for International Development (DFID) was prepared to help fund this programme, but wanted to ensure its money would not go to absentee, or “ghost”, workers. The political urgency of the pledge gave DFID leverage to insist on reforms.

In Tanzania, youth groups were becoming increasingly vocal about the local government’s poor service provision. Media coverage on the issue was proliferating, and rivals to the dominant political party had begun to emerge. Suddenly, officials and politicians had more incentives to make the water supply system work.

At a meeting in London to discuss the ODI research, attendees debated how best to spot and exploit these windows of opportunity.

It is not easy, said Andy Ratcliffe, from the African Governance Initiative. “We have risk registers for projects. In a fit of wonkery, we thought perhaps we ought also to have an opportunity register, but we found that was very, very difficult.”

Marcus Manuel, of ODI, said maintaining a local presence is essential. “If you are not there already, if you are not there for the long-term, you won’t spot the window of opportunity when it occurs. And if you are not there with some money, the window will have closed again by the time you have raised the funds!”

Politics

Because these opportunities often involve politics, some are concerned that aid groups’ interventions - and successes - could hand one side or another a political advantage.

But Rinus van Klinken, the acting country director in Tanzania for SNV Netherlands Development Organisation, which was involved in the water project, told IRIN he was not sure this mattered.

“First of all, services need to be delivered. But also voters - citizens - need to see the connection between those services being delivered and the people in charge. That may lead to change, and it may lead to conservation. But if we assist politicians to deliver, I don’t have any problem with those politicians remaining in power,” he said.

Van Klinken also stressed the importance of being able to work at all levels. There is no point, for instance, in encouraging user groups to lobby a local council on service provision if the council does not see providing that service as part of its job, he said.

He also warned against aid groups becoming too involved in advocacy for citizen groups, which could forfeit the trust of officials they need to work with. Aid groups have to strike a balance between being an insider and outsider, a collaborator as well as a criticizer, he said.

Political savvy is needed not only for spotting windows of opportunity, but for designing interventions. Sue Unsworth, of the Policy Practice [ http://www.thepolicypractice.com/ ], said donors must distinguish between incoherence that is the accidental result of poor institutions and incoherence that is deliberate.

Unsworth told IRIN, “Some of the reasons people don’t fix issues about mandates and roles, and address some of the incoherence in policies and institutions, is that they don’t want to. They may have deliberately created it through populist pre-election initiatives, where the thinking behind it wasn’t a good, coherent long-term policy. But you can at least start with the accidental muddles and things which can be sorted out and rationalized without affecting embedded, vested interests.”

The overall message is that the most effective outside interventions are likely to be low-key and long-term, and to work within the system as it is. Unfortunately, this approach could leave fundamentally bad systems unchanged, and it sits uneasily with donor demands for clearly planned and funded projects with straightforward, measurable results.

And, of course there is the risk that, once outside interventions stop supplying the grease, the systems may once again grind to a halt.

eb/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98193/Greasing-the-wheels-of-public-service-delivery</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210181651140537t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 07 June 2013 (IRIN) - There should be many reasons for governments to improve public services like water, healthcare and sanitation; these services make citizens happy and politicians popular. But too often, conflicting systems, confusion about roles, perverse incentives and other constraints block desired improvements. What, if anything, can aid agencies do to help?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PEPFAR budget cuts cause anxiety</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years ago, a shipping container was converted into Ethiopia’s first HIV treatment centre, in Addis Ababa, the capital. Created in response to a dramatic rise in new HIV infections and AIDS -related deaths, the centre offered the only hope for HIV-positive Ethiopians, who had to pay to access the life-prolonging antiretroviral therapy (ART).</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years ago, a shipping container was converted into Ethiopia’s first HIV treatment centre, in Addis Ababa, the capital. Created in response to a dramatic rise in new HIV infections and AIDS -related deaths, the centre offered the only hope for HIV-positive Ethiopians, who had to pay to access the life-prolonging antiretroviral therapy (ART). 

When US Global AIDS Coordinator Ambassador Eric Goosby joined other US and Ethiopian officials at the centre on a recent trip, they found a state-of-the-art facility, where thousands of clients receive free, comprehensive HIV treatment. The centre, a wing at the Empress Zewditu Memorial Hospital, has just added an outpatient annex. 

“At least 350 clients will be seen daily in this new facility, some of whom have not been able to receive the services they need and deserve elsewhere. I particularly applaud Zewditu for its tremendous effort to build the first site in Ethiopia that offers counselling and testing services for the deaf and blind,” Goosby said at the inauguration ceremony. 

The centre is now one of 900 sites across the country where over 290,000 people are receiving ART. The new centre, like thousands across Africa, was funded by the US government-run President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). 

Established in 2003, PEPFAR was the product of a rare bipartisan deal between former US president George W. Bush and lawmakers spearheaded by the Congressional Black Caucus. It was first a commitment of US$15 billion in funding to fight the global HIV/AIDS pandemic; at the launch of the plan, only 50,000 Africans were accessing ART, according to Eric Goosby who heads PEPFAR. 

In 2012, an estimated 8 million people were receiving treatment in low- and middle-income countries - of which PEPFAR directly supported 5.1 million. This was a 20-fold increase in treatment coverage since PEPFAR was created in 2003 [ http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/05/20130529148132.html?CP.rss=true#axzz2Um3mwJFD ]. In 2012 alone, the emergency plan helped carry out 46 million HIV tests, preventing 230,000 babies from being born HIV-positive, Goosby said in an interview with IRIN. 

Funding cuts versus AIDS-free generation 

But experts are concerned that consistent budget cuts in PEPFAR funding could make reaching the goal of an HIV-free generation difficult, if not impossible. 

Chris Collins, a vice president and director of public policy at the Foundation for AIDS Research (amfAR) [ http://www.amfar.org/ ], argues that despite impressive gains made in the AIDS response now is not the time for funding cuts. 

"Funding for PEPFAR has fallen 12 percent since 2010 in the State Department HIV bilateral budget line. Last week, the White House proposed an additional $50 million cut for 2014. When the mandated sequestration cut is taken into account, the programme is now at its lowest funding level since 2007," Collins noted in an April editorial. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/chris-collins/pepfar-cuts-hiv-aids_b_3101250.html. 

“The honest truth is that the world won't end AIDS without PEPFAR. Some will say: judge PEPFAR on its outcomes, not its funding. But when PEPFAR's own Blueprint calls for rapid scale-up of effective services in order to show tangible gains, it's hard to understand why now is the time to cut back,” Collins argued. 

But Goosby explained the cuts are being made for three reasons. The first is because they are “getting better and smarter” in service delivery, such as procuring and shipping commodities like condoms and test kits at cheaper costs and favouring less expensive generic drugs over pricey brands. 

“We also started a dialogue (this… was an attempt to try to make these services sustainable, not just dependent on one funder) with governments around what their contribution was now to these services and what they could be. And governments all heard this and [began] to pour… their own money into the service pot,” he told IRIN. “So, again, it would be additives, so we can build on what we have already started... with a donor-start but it is a government finish.” 

The US is also looking to more cooperation with the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/ ] to raise funds to pay for the HIV prevention and treatment programmes, according to Goosby, who says the US donates a third of the money that goes to the Global Fund. 

“So we think of it as a shared responsibility... We see our ethical obligation to the patients that are using these services... We will not renege on that. But we also feel that in order to make sure these services continue, we need to diversify the fund portfolio so others are contributing.” 

Chipping in 

But whether poorer countries in the region will be able to take over the ongoing programmes is a concern for many. 

According to the African Union commission, a number of countries have begun to implement innovative AIDS financing measures intended to reduce dependence on external funders such as PEPFAR. 

“Zimbabwe and Kenya now earmark a portion of domestic tax revenues for an AIDS Trust Fund, while countries such as Benin, Congo, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritius, Niger, Rwanda and Uganda have established special HIV levies on mobile phone usage or airfares,” said the commission in a statement issued on May 26. “Taking a different approach, South Africa reduced its spending on antiretroviral medications by 53 percent by reforming its tender process to increase competition among suppliers.” 

“Our continent is demonstrating strong political commitment and action by embracing transformative reforms to address AIDS, TB [tuberculosis] and malaria,” said the commission’s chairperson, Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma. 

PEPFAR's Goosby agrees it is not yet time to scale back the fight against HIV/AIDS. “If we pull back on what we are doing for HIV, it will come right back, without any doubt. We see that in just about every infectious disease, but HIV is notorious for this. So keeping this going becomes the challenge. That's why we want to emphasize the shared responsibility." 

kta/kn/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98168/PEPFAR-budget-cuts-cause-anxiety</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years ago, a shipping container was converted into Ethiopia’s first HIV treatment centre, in Addis Ababa, the capital. Created in response to a dramatic rise in new HIV infections and AIDS -related deaths, the centre offered the only hope for HIV-positive Ethiopians, who had to pay to access the life-prolonging antiretroviral therapy (ART).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The dangers of rushing Mali elections</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306061215490073t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.

It is clear why certain outsiders are pushing for elections, said Jamie Bouverie in Africa Report: [ http://thinkafricapress.com/mali/premature-election-threatens-peace-and-stability ] France needs to put in place a legitimate authority to enable it to declare the Mali problem over; the US requires a democratically elected authority to restart its aid and investments; and the UN requires a legitimate partner for MINUSMA, its stabilization mission.

“Conducting elections is the only realistic way,” said Paul Melly, associate fellow at think tank Chatham House. “If there were no restoration of democratic structures, the country would not get international aid and would struggle to cooperate with others countries.”

Some Malians agree. Maimouna Dagnoko, a trader in Bamako, told IRIN: “The government must do all it can to hold these elections in July. Only through them can we put in place a legitimate authority which can take charge. The longer the transition government persists, the further we sink into the abyss.”

But while all agree that elections are needed, many say rushing them will further destabilize Mali. Inter-communal violence, suicide attacks and roadside bombs recur in the north, while France plans to bring its troop count down to 1,000 (from 4,000 in April) by election month, creating a security vacuum, some say. While MINUSMA is set to fully deploy in July it will take time to establish itself.

“What makes elections highly complicated is the situation in the north - not only Kidal, which gets most of the attention, but in Ménaka, Gao and Timbuktu, which have not been sorted out,” said Yvan Guichaoua, international politics lecturer at the University of East Anglia, mentioning the continuation of exactions against light-skinned people in parts of the north - inter-communal violence between the Movement for the National Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) and Arab fighters in Ber (Timbuktu Region) and Anefis (in Kidal Region). “Distrust between communities is still very high. Just think back to the 1992 national pact, which was ambitious but still led to three more years of communal violence.”

The Kidal question remains controversial: Malian troops this week wrested control of Anefis, midway between Gao and Kidal town, as part of a military offensive that is assumed to aim to take back Kidal Region from the MNLA. This offensive will have stymied the Burkina Faso-led negotiations currently under way between members of the MNLA, the High Council of Azawad (formerly of MNLA and then Ansar Dine) and the Malian authorities.

No “game-changers”

One problem is that while the Bamako political landscape has changed a bit since the March 2012 military coup, newcomers have by and large not shown any more concern for addressing the country’s core problems than their predecessors, said Guichaoua. “The godfathers of Malian politics are still in the game - there are no game-changers there,” he told IRIN.

Elections must be a beginning not an end, he added. If they are rushed, then after them, the problems of alienation in the north, the collapse of the Malian state, an inability to provide quality basic services such as health and education, and impunity for abuses that took place both recently and in previous conflicts over the north, will all persist.

Truth and reconciliation

All analysts IRIN spoke to stressed the importance of community and national-level reconciliation and dialogue. “For generations, tensions between nomadic Tuaregs and other ethnic groups have caused deep wounds that can only be healed through a truth and reconciliation process,” said academics Greg Mann and Bruce Whitehouse in a March article [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201303131117.html ]. “The scope of this process should not be restricted to events in northern Mali, but should encompass misdeeds committed throughout the country, including by the previous government and the soldiers who overthrew it a year ago.”

But the Commission for Dialogue and Reconciliation (already set up) has yet to gain momentum, and its mandate is overly broad, said Guichaoua. Further, several communities, including the Bella and those represented by COREN [ http://maliactu.net/commission-dialogue-et-reconciliation-cdr-le-coren-exige-sa-recomposition/ ] (a northern Malian group calling for unity amid rebellion) do not recognize it.

One risk is that, once elected, no politician will want to adopt a transformative agenda that might destabilize their hold on power, he said.

The general feeling among many southern Malians is that they are tired of Tuareg rebellions, and have little appetite for further reconciliation moves, said University of Ghent history lecturer Baz Lecocq.

Mali has rarely done truth and reconciliation well, so there is a dearth of models to draw on. One successful attempt discussed at a gathering of Mali experts at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London last week [ http://www.soas.ac.uk/cas/events/conferences/mali---2013/file84419.pdf ] was in 1996 in Bourem in the Gao Region, where leaders from various communities joined forces to put an end to mutual distrust and violence. There are few present-day examples, though some community-level dialogue is going on in Burkina Faso’s refugee camps, according to one analyst. “But just because there is no clear bottom-up approach at present, does not mean there should be a top-down one,” said Guichaoua, “It is unlikely to reap long-term dividends.”

Legitimacy

Election supporters say elections are the only way to restore some sort of legitimacy for Mali. “Elections will not solve everything… but not having a democratic process will not make it any easier,” said Chatham House’s Melly.

Elected officials have long struggled with legitimacy in Mali - both in the south and the north, where only 40 percent of the electorate on average turns out to vote, said Gregory Mann, lecturer in African studies at Columbia University in a blog conversation [ http://africanarguments.org/2013/05/14/mali-which-way-forward-a-chat-with-bruce-hall-baz-lecocq-gregory-mann-and-bruce-whitehouse/ ] with academics and Mali experts Bruce Whitehouse, Baz Lecocq and Bruce Hall. And this support for politicians grows weaker still when the state is unable to deliver basic services.

“We tend to think of this as a problem between Bamako and Kidal… but what seems much more problematic for the future is the fact that the health service collapsed, that the state completely delegitimized itself, and its infrastructure was destroyed in 2012,” said Bruce Hall, who lectures on African history at Duke University in the USA.

International diplomats and local authorities should be wary of partial credibility, said Guichaoua. “Either you are legitimate or you are not… What if a candidate who has lost, tries to inflame the situation and argue elections have been manipulated or rigged. You need something serious if you don’t want to pay the price afterward.

“Veneration for elections on the part of the international community has led to failures in the past… [he mentioned the Democratic Republic of Congo] “Why not wait a bit?… “We faced a pretty dramatic crisis over the past 15 months, and this could have been an eye-opening experience. If we let things go on as usual, what will the next crisis be?”

Logistics

Putting questions of security and sustainable peace aside, no one can agree if it is even feasible to hold elections in July. It is not an ideal month, given the start of the Ramadan fast, and the rains which will prevent many rural voters from participating - something that could lead northern pastoralists not to see the elections as legitimate. “Even under the best of circumstances, July is a terrible time for elections in Mali,” said Baz Lecocq.

Much of the voting in villages in the north takes place through mobile voting booths, which would probably be blocked by the rains. “If you want low voter turnout, organize elections in July,” he said, noting that July elections in the past have led to low voter turnout.

Figuring out a way to enable the 174,129 refugees in Burkina Faso, Niger and Mauritania to vote is crucial, said Guichaoua, not to mention the many unregistered refugees who are getting by in capital cities such as Ouagadougou, Niamey and Nouakchott. “How do you identify these people?” he asked.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) will allow the Malian authorities to conduct voter registration in the camps on a voluntary basis, it said in a communiqué.

Youssouf Kampo, a member of the national independent election commission, is optimistic: “We are in full preparation… Materials are already in place, except in some parts of Timbuktu and Gao, where they were destroyed. Voting booths, ballot boxes, ink and others things are all in place. I believe we will succeed in time.”

Gal Siaka Sangaré, a member of the government’s General Office on Elections (DGE), told IRIN they are making progress towards biometric voter registration despite some technical glitches. “We have to respect the 28 July date and pray to God that it all works out,” he said.

aj/ob/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98169/Analysis-The-dangers-of-rushing-Mali-elections</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306061215490073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR/BAMAKO 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - As international donors, notably France and the USA, as well as the Economic Community of West African States, push for July presidential elections in Mali, critics say doing so could foment factionalization in the north thus further destabilizing it, threaten ongoing negotiations over Kidal town, and hamper reconciliation and dialogue. IRIN spoke to analysts, citizen activists and would-be voters to glean their views.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CAR crisis remains dire - and neglected</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271308010809t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - International neglect of the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) is partly to blame for the dire humanitarian and security situation there, say officials. The crisis affects the country’s entire population of 4.6 million and has left tens of thousands in need of emergency shelter, healthcare and food aid.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - International neglect of the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) is partly to blame for the dire humanitarian and security situation there, say officials. The crisis affects the country’s entire population of 4.6 million and has left tens of thousands in need of emergency shelter, healthcare and food aid.

“The Central African Republic continues to suffer from international indifference. Its crisis is seen as a domestic crisis with some regional overspills, but less of a threat to international peace and security than Somalia, Sahel or Eastern [Democratic Republic of] Congo,” Alex Vines, head of the Africa Programme at Chatham House, told IRIN.

For decades, CAR has been characterized by humanitarian need and unstable governance. The past government of President François Bozizé came into power through a coup in March 2003. A decade later, on 24 March 2013, Bozizé was forced to flee a coup d’état by the Séléka rebel coalition.

This latest crisis has left 206,000 people internally displaced. It also forced tens of thousands to flee as refugees to Cameroon, Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Vines notes, “The challenge is to establish the conditions for credible elections, when robust institutions are lacking and international donors [are] mostly disinterested due to higher priorities elsewhere.”

Funding for humanitarian assistance in CAR, for example, remains low despite the growing needs there. The humanitarian appeal of $139 million is under-funded, at 31 percent, according to a 4 June statement [ http://reliefweb.int/report/central-african-republic/un-humanitarian-fund-allocates-71-million-crisis-affected-people ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

The Séléka threat

The security situation remains dire.

“Séléka forces have proven to be ill-disciplined and predatory and a prime source of instability,” said Vines.

In a 10 May report [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/05/10/central-african-republic-rampant-abuses-after-coup ], Human Rights Watch (HRW) highlighted violations by Séléka forces between December 2012 and April.

“When the Séléka took control of Bangui, the rebels went on a looting spree, killing civilians, raping women, and settling scores with members of the Central African Armed Forces (FACA)… Many of these killings occurred in urban areas in broad daylight,” stated the report.

“Human Rights Watch believes that the statements from witnesses establish that the rebels were, on a local level, taking orders from their immediate commanders. As one witness to the killing of a fleeing unarmed civilian told Human Rights Watch, ‘The [local commander] gave the order and then she fired’.”

HRW’s Africa Director, Daniel Bekele, urged the Séléka government to “control the rebels who brought it to power, to prevent abuses, and punish those who commit them.”

A June Assessment Capacities Project (ACAPS) overview [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/geo_16.pdf ], noted recent reports have suggested “that Séléka elements have forcefully occupied some residences, especially those belonging to people perceived to have been close to the Bozizé government.”

“There are increasing signs of mounting resistance of the population to crimes and human rights violations by Séléka elements, and tensions between the Séléka and the population run high.

“Fractures have deepened within the coalition, hampering the Séléka leadership’s control over its own elements. An attempted coup was reported to have been made on 14 May as tensions rise between two of the main groups struggling for control.”

Conditions for security

In April, the UN Security Council expressed concern [ http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2013/sc10993.doc.htm ] at the deteriorating situation and called for accountability by “those responsible for violations and abuses of international humanitarian and human rights law, including those involving violence against civilians, torture, summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence, and recruitment and use of children in armed conflict.”

The deployment of more peacekeeping troops to CAR is among measures officials hope will improve security.

In mid-May, Margaret Vogt, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General to CAR, called for additional forces to be deployed to “contain the current state of anarchy” and to force rebels to conform to the Libreville Agreement, a peace agreement that called for the rebels’ cantonment, demobilization and screening for absorption into a reformed army.

According to Thibaud Lesueur, CAR analyst for the International Crisis Group, forces of the Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC) are currently being reinforced, “but if sending additional troops will help to secure Bangui, the rest of the country will nonetheless remain out of control.”

“The return of a minimum security level in the country implies three steps: securing Bangui, launching a DDR [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration] and reforming the security sector,” explained Lesueur in an e-mail.

“The first step means a security decompression of the capital city; a first operation to settle some Séléka elements outside of Bangui was launched mid-May. Two hundred ex-rebels were escorted to Bria, but it remains insufficient. Second, a real process of demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of the former combatants must be launched, and attractive civilian reintegration offers must be given.

“And finally, [a] limited number of Séléka combatants must be integrated in[to] the army. Indeed, a massive integration of Séléka members in [the] CAR army would for sure undermine CAR stability in the long-term.”

Humanitarian concerns

On 4 June, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund allocated $7.1 million to assist more than a million people in CAR, among them 595,000 children under five years old.

“We will provide food and medical assistance, access to potable water and sanitation, psychosocial support to victims of gender-based violence, waste management support, and reproductive health care,” stated CAR Humanitarian Coordinator Kaarina Immonen in a press release [ http://reliefweb.int/report/central-african-republic/un-humanitarian-fund-allocates-71-million-crisis-affected-people ].

Between 22 and 24 May, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and partners vaccinated 122,869 children under age five in eight districts in Bangui, following a measles epidemic there. Some 56 children between the ages of 12 and 17 have also been released from armed groups, according to an OCHA situation report [ http://reliefweb.int/report/central-african-republic/central-african-republic-situation-report-no-18-31-may-2013 ].

According to Abdoulaye Sawadogo, the deputy head of the OCHA office in Bangui, the key protection concerns include human rights, gender-based violence, and the demobilization of children associated with armed groups. Food insecurity is also a problem due to price increases and the depletion of food reserves, with seeds and tools needed.

A lack of medical supplies and drugs in most health centres outside Bangui is also a problem, with the population there having limited or no access to health facilities.

Humanitarian access remains patchy, as well. “Access is still a challenge in some parts of the country, mainly due to security reasons, which prevents humanitarian organizations [from] resum[ing] their operations,” said Sawadogo, adding that access negotiations with Séléka authorities in the field are being facilitated by OCHA and the UN Department of Safety and Security.

Some organizations have resumed their field operations and are deploying teams on the ground where security permits, he said.

According to Chatham House’s Vines, security is key to tackling the “truly alarming” humanitarian situation in the CAR, “but whether FOMAC is able to provide the security guarantees needed has still to be demonstrated.”

aw/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98179/CAR-crisis-remains-dire-and-neglected</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271308010809t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 June 2013 (IRIN) - International neglect of the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) is partly to blame for the dire humanitarian and security situation there, say officials. The crisis affects the country’s entire population of 4.6 million and has left tens of thousands in need of emergency shelter, healthcare and food aid.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Displaced Malians turn to survival sex</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306051152570799t.jpg" />]]>SÉVARÉ/BAMAKO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - More displaced women and girls - some as young as 13 - are turning to sex work to get by in Mali where 14 months of occupation and conflict have forced 475,000 people from their homes in the north, according to NGOs.</description><body><![CDATA[SÉVARÉ/BAMAKO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - More displaced women and girls - some as young as 13 - are turning to sex work to get by in Mali where 14 months of occupation and conflict have forced 475,000 people from their homes in the north, according to NGOs. 

NGO Danaya So (House of Trust in the local language Bambara), has registered 3,800 sex workers in central Mali’s towns of Mopti and Sévaré, as well as in Bamako, but the real number is much higher, says its director, Kadidjatou Coulibaly. 

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) has registered 41 girls in Mopti aged 15-18 who have turned to survival sex. “Of the 41 we registered, almost all were without their parents or without their husbands who they said had disappeared or been killed during the fighting,” said Aminata Dicko Sangaré, UNICEF’s protection project administrator in Mali. 

Coulibaly visits the brothels and houses where young women work, three times a week, trying to raise awareness of the health risks associated with sex work and to find women and girls alternative incomes. Most of them are single young women living away from their families. 

She said her workload soared following the Islamist occupation in April 2012, and has remained high. 

“I first heard about the rebels raping women in May, a couple of weeks after they occupied Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu. Almost immediately after we received the first group of young women.” 

Over the past year the number of women living in `maisons closes’ or brothels in Sévaré and Mopti has doubled, while in the street, in bars and some hotels, more sex workers are visible, said Coulibaly. 

At the end of 2012, staff at the local health clinic in Sévaré said HIV/AIDS was on the increase among blood donors, according to Sylvia Mollet, who works with the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in Bamako. 

Maimouna’s experience 

In April 2012, Maimouna*,  17, fled 570km south to Sévaré in central Mali, a week after Tuareg rebels - the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) – and then Islamists, occupied her home town of Gao. 

“I came here and there were so many men, mainly Malian soldiers who had fled when the rebels attacked the towns in the north,” Maimouna said. Soon they became her clients, she said. 

She now takes 3-5 clients a night to pay for her food, clothing and rent; on average she earns US$2 a night. “I do not want to do this, but I have no choice. It is really bad but this is the only way for me to get money at the moment,” she told IRIN. 

Single females without their parents and who have nowhere to stay are the most vulnerable, according to Danaya So. The conflict has separated many families, said the NGO’s project coordinator Marie Denou in Bamako, with husbands working in one town and wives and children in another, leaving them vulnerable. 

Many unaccompanied minors may not have told their parents how they will support themselves, and cannot expect any support from their family, said Coulibaly. “They say they work in the market or clean in peoples’ homes. If their families found out how they were making a living they would not be able to return home.” 

“The pressure on the young women to help support their family is high and it is not unusual for a mother or other female relative to push them into going onto the street,” said the Global Fund’s Mollet. 

Risks 

Many women do not identify themselves as sex workers and call the men they sleep with boyfriends, which can enable HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases to spread, said Mollet. “The man will argue he is a boyfriend and refuse to wear a condom,” she told IRIN. 

Danaya So convenes weekly meetings in the homes of sex workers to discuss the dangers of sexually transmitted diseasesand how to protect themselves. Waiting for the meeting to start, the young women, all in their teens and early twenties, keep busy gossiping, braiding each other’s hair and playing with their Chinese counterfeit smartphones. “My boyfriend bought me this,” said Fatima*, aged 20. “We sleep together and he gives me money to buy food and other things I need. Because he is a soldier he is at least paid, even if it is not enough.” 

UNICEF and NGO Catholic Relief Services will soon give cash transfers to displaced northerners who have encountered sexual or gender-based violence, to try to cover their basic needs. 

Though no one can say for sure, many believe the number of sex workers is expected to increase with the arrival of the international peacekeeping troops. There are already 6,000 foreign soldiers in Mali, and in the coming weeks some 5,000 more will arrive to support MINUSMA, the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission there. 

Many Malians are also growing increasingly vulnerable. People who were already struggling before the crisis began, are certainly worse off 14 months later,” said Mollet. “They have lost it all, maybe even their parents.” 

*not her real name

kh/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98161/Displaced-Malians-turn-to-survival-sex</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306051152570799t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SÉVARÉ/BAMAKO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - More displaced women and girls - some as young as 13 - are turning to sex work to get by in Mali where 14 months of occupation and conflict have forced 475,000 people from their homes in the north, according to NGOs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NGOs under pressure in Egypt</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240645560219t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.

Furthermore, the next couple of weeks are expected to see the approval of a new bill by Egypt’s upper house, the Shura Council, revising the laws covering NGOs - a revision that has been widely criticized by international and Egyptian human rights groups.

Egypt has up to 43,000 NGOs, according to the government.

The new bill, first proposed by Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi's Freedom and Justice Party and announced by the presidency on 29 May, exempts NGOs from taxes and customs (Article 11), but tightens government control of much of their activity, including funding and membership.

“This bill aims first and foremost to limit the few freedoms civil society organizations have,” Nehad Abul Qomsan, head of local NGO Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights, told IRIN. “It gives the government carte blanche to intervene in the work of NGOs in ways that stifle this work altogether.”

The new bill is designed to replace a 2002 law from the Hosni Mubarak era [ http://www.bu.edu/bucflp/files/2012/01/Law-on-Nongovernmental-Organizations-Law-No.-84-of-2002.pdf ] deemed restrictive by many of Egypt's NGOs.

The 2002 law was used in this week’s convictions of Egyptian and international NGO workers, alongside the 1937 penal code.

NGO funding

Many NGO workers had been hoping the new post-Arab Spring bill would ease some of the 2002 restrictions, notably on getting approval for foreign funding.

But the new bill reiterates (Article 13) this requirement, which in practice leaves NGOs vulnerable to long administrative delays.

Tarig Nour, the executive director of local NGO Tadamon, which works to promote the welfare of marginalized African refugees, was hoping this requirement would not be part of the new law.

“I have no problem with notifying the government about the funding my organization gets, but I have a problem with the time it takes for funding approval,” Nour said. “Most of the time approval takes a very long time, which weakens my credibility with donors.”

In 2010, Tadamon designed a programme to offer anti-avian influenza vaccines to African refugees, and the International Organization for Migration had agreed to fund it, but the government's funding approval took four months to come through. This meant that the programme was no longer viable because the winter, the peak of avian influenza infections, was already over.

A year later, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was unable to fund another Tadamon project to offer medical support to African refugees because of difficulties related to getting funding approvals.

“We were hoping the government would make things easier in the new law, not worse,” Nour said.

Coordination Committee

One of the key reforms in the bill is the creation of a Coordination Committee to supervise the work of NGOs - from registration to funding, internal laws, membership and type of activities.

The Committee replaces the 2002 law’s provision for the Ministry of Social Affairs (now the Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs) to approve (or not) NGO funding. The committee is made up of eight members, including one from the Homeland Security Agency and one from the intelligence agency, but no one from the NGO community.

The proposed 74-article bill [ http://www.youm7.com//News.asp?NewsID=1090288 ] (Arabic) requires NGOs to get approval for fundraising appeals (Article 11).

The bill also denies NGOs the right to participate in joint activities with foreign organizations without notifying the Coordination Committee (Article 12).

Reaction

In the strongest reaction to the draft law at the local level so far, 40 of Egypt's largest civil society organizations issued a joint statement [ http://www.cihrs.org/?p=6691&lang=en ] on 30 May, describing the law as an attempt by Morsi's party to “suppress” civil society.

“This is a restrictive law,” Gamal Eid, whose NGO Arabic Network for Human Rights Information was one of the signatories of the statement, told IRIN. “The people who drafted this law had only one thing in mind: total control over civil society organizations.”

Another NGO, the Arab Organization for Human Rights, has said the new bill contradicts the spirit of the Egyptian revolution [ http://www.aohr.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%82-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%B9-%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%B3%D8%B3%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%87%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A9.pdf ].

But supporters of the president say the reforms do not hinder freedoms. “The draft law widens the scope for the work of NGOs,” Bakinam Al Sharqawi, a Morsi aide told IRIN.

“If the Committee objects to anything in the work of the NGOs, it has to mention the objective reasons for doing this. I invite everybody to discuss this law calmly,” he added.

Public order

One of the requirements of the new draft law is for foreign NGOs to work within the framework of the needs of Egyptian society, public order and morals (Article 55).

“This can open the way for the prohibition of activities, any activities, if the government thinks they violate public order or morals,” said Gamal Abdel Gabir, secretary-general of Sudanese NGO The People of Sudan. “Our work is full of things that can easily be categorized as violating public order.”

The NGO offers support to Sudanese refugees living in Egypt. Gabir says whether the help he offers the Sudanese refugees can be considered a violation of public order or morals depends on the relationship Egypt has with the government in Khartoum.

“The same applies to other associations that offer help to refugees coming from countries, such as Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia,” Gabir said. “The government can easily close them down under the pretext that their activities violate public order.”

Under current laws, international NGOs need to make a formal request to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when planning an activity in Egypt, but according to Amnesty International the authorities do not respond, putting NGOs in an uncertain position.

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98162/NGOs-under-pressure-in-Egypt</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240645560219t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The conviction in Egypt of 43 NGO workers this week for working illegally has turned the spotlight on an increasingly restrictive environment for NGOs, including those in the humanitarian sector.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Politicians, military undermine Guinea-Bissau’s stability</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg" />]]>BISSAU 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The small West African country of Guinea-Bissau is slated to hold fresh polls later this year after yet another coup, but opposition to security sector reform (SSR) by some in the army, the manipulation of the armed forces by politicians, as well as the military’s interference in politics could jeopardize a return to stability, analysts say.</description><body><![CDATA[BISSAU 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The small West African country of Guinea-Bissau is slated to hold fresh polls later this year after yet another coup, but opposition to security sector reform (SSR) by some in the army, the manipulation of the armed forces by politicians, as well as the military’s interference in politics could jeopardize a return to stability, analysts say.

“There is an old guard within the military that does not wish to lose control of the armed forces. From their point of view, SSR is a serious threat to their power and therefore their sources of income. So whenever we are moving forward in the SSR process, sooner or later a military coup takes place,” said Paulo Gorjao, director of the Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS).

Just days before the 29 April 2012 presidential run-off, the army arrested and detained Prime Minister and poll front-runner Carlos Gomes Junior and the interim president. Coup leaders accused Gomes of undermining the military. Analysts say veteran army generals are loath to reform and come under civilian control. 

The army is dominated by the Balanta, the largest ethnic group. Balanta officers occupy most of the top military ranks. Gomes, of Portuguese-African descent, had defeated Kumba Yala, a Balanta, in the first round of the 2012 polls. 

“The army does not [meddle in politics] on its own. It [meddles] because some sections of the political elite manipulate it as they cannot get to power through peaceful democratic elections,” UN Special Representative José Ramos-Horta, the former Timor-Leste president, told IRIN.

“But it works both ways, particularly in a society with ethnic loyalties. If you have a politician who belongs to a particular ethnic group and that ethnic group has a strong influence in the army, it’s not so difficult to anticipate where that army’s allegiance lies…

“SSR will take time. It is a sine qua non for peace and stability in the country,” said Ramos-Horta.

Drugs trade

Guinea-Bissau’s political instability has also created attractive conditions for drug traffickers over the past decade. The country is one of the key transhipment points in West Africa for drugs heading to Europe from South America. 

Politicians and the military are involved in the cocaine trade and those who have dared challenge the traffickers have been killed or kidnapped, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime said in a February report [ http://www.unodc.org/toc/en/reports/TOCTAWestAfrica.html ].

While the country’s instability predates the drug trade, analysts say trafficking has had an influence on the political crisis.

“I believe that military instability and the coups are mainly explained by drug-trafficking since the control of the armed forces is crucial to control of the sources of income related to drug-trafficking. Moreover, drug-trafficking also explains why SSR is so difficult to implement,” Gorjao explained.

“So as long as we don’t act to curb drug-trafficking, Guinea-Bissau will be condemned to regular power plays within the armed forces, with the spillover effects that result from it.”

Donors stay away

Guinea-Bissau donors withdrew budgetary aid following the 2012 coup. The European Union (EU), Bissau’s main donor, has held back 60 million euros since 2010 due to the recurrent instability and has bypassed the government in supporting water, health, human rights and other projects.

“We cannot continue to give institutional assistance, more so budgetary aid, to people who are not [legitimately elected], who cannot manage the state budget and who are infiltrated by drug traffickers,” EU delegation chief in Guinea-Bissau Joaquin Gonzalez-Ducay told IRIN.

“The country continues to be governed by an army involved in drug-trafficking and a puppet government incapable of advancing a political agenda,” he said.

Pressure on government finances has been added to by pay rise demands from the civil service and the military, the World Bank said in an April report [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/guineabissau/overview ]. Budget support provided by the Economic Community for West African States and Nigeria is key to preventing possible unrest due to salary delays, it said.

“The regional support has been enough to support the functioning of the government apparatus but not for investment. If there is no investment there is no employment, no growth, just current expenditure,” said Alfredo Torrez, the International Monetary Fund representative in Guinea-Bissau. 

He called for the development of the private sector once the political crisis is resolved. “Everybody is waiting for a very clear message, a [political] road map. Once everything is in place, the opportunity for recovery is very high.”

Political impasse

The Party of Social Renewal (PRS) of former president Kumba Yala, the Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC) of ousted candidate Gomes, and other smaller parties, have held difficult negotiations on an inclusive government ahead of elections planned for November.

In May they agreed on the government’s composition, but it has not yet been formed and the parties have not yet agreed on the electoral commission chief or the election date. Some smaller parties have rejected the unity government framework.

“It marks progress definitely, but months of work should have been invested to conclude an agreement. There’s neither a new government nor an electoral commission. This is not a good sign,” said Vincent Foucher of the International Crisis Group.

He argued that Guinea-Bissau’s political and economic system of patronage - amid meagre resources - is one of the fundamental problems that have caused the country’s protracted crisis.

He also bemoaned regional inequalities: “There is a serious problem of economic development that is worsened by wide inequalities between the capital city and the rural areas over access to resources and public services,” he said. 

“The other problem is that political life is defined by the Balanta-backed PRS on one side and PAIGC - a machine to win elections despite deep internal divisions - on the other. This is an explosive combination.”

These fault lines are not currently being addressed, said IPRIS’s Gorjao. “Nothing is being done to tackle the root causes of the [2012] coup because nothing is being done at this stage regarding SSR and little is being done concerning drug-trafficking.”

The international community is looking to assist deeper reforms when a legitimate government is in power. But Guinea-Bissau analyst Seco Cassama warned: “We have never had problems during elections. It is after the elections that we have problems.”

ob/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98167/Analysis-Politicians-military-undermine-Guinea-Bissau-s-stability</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BISSAU 05 June 2013 (IRIN) - The small West African country of Guinea-Bissau is slated to hold fresh polls later this year after yet another coup, but opposition to security sector reform (SSR) by some in the army, the manipulation of the armed forces by politicians, as well as the military’s interference in politics could jeopardize a return to stability, analysts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rising Niger Delta oil theft threatens security</title><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306041209100740t.jpg" />]]>WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.</description><body><![CDATA[WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.

Thefts and vandalism of oil pipelines diminished in 2011 and 2012, partly due to the initial success of Oil Field Surveillance Limited (OFSL), which the government set up to monitor and report on oil theft but shut down in September 2012 after its head, ex-militant Ekpemupolo Tompolo, was sacked for allegedly not running the operation properly.

OFSL staff mainly comprised ex-militants and employed over 100 people at its height. It was part of the government’s 2009 amnesty programme to provide jobs for local youths. Some 27,000 Nigerians surrendered their weapons and signed up to the amnesty programme which included vocational training, and a fixed-term US$410 monthly salary.

Locals had complained to the government that OFSL was poorly managed, spending money on ghost workers, jeeps and other equipment. Many had disapproved of the programme, seeing it as a means of paying off criminals.

Isitoah Ozoemene, a political science lecturer at the State College of Education in Niger Delta oil town Warri, told IRIN: “The security they are talking about involves using ex-militants previously involved in vandalizing oil pipelines, giving them free money to do anything, and saying they are patrolling oil facilities. We have a government that compensates criminals, so more criminals come forward.”

Others say OFSL was the best solution for a bad situation: Only by giving youths jobs, will criminality abate, and as locals, they know the area and situation better than outsiders.

Julius Malam-Obi, former OFSL head of operations in the Isoko South local government area of Delta State, told IRIN oil theft has shot up in Isoko South since OFSL disbanded. His crew of 75 people used to go into the creeks on two-week shifts to search for oil bunkers and illegal refineries, which they would report to the authorities, he said.

Oil thefts have prompted corporations Shell, AGIP and Eni to close down operations in some parts of the region in March, and none have yet fully resumed their operations. According to the managing director of the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), the enterprise was losing an average of 60,000 barrels of crude oil per day (out of an estimated total production of 150,000 barrels) to oil bunkering, which represents a surge since January 2013.

Military attempt crackdown

Since September 2012, the military Joint Task Force (JTF) has controlled oil survey operations across the region. JTF media coordinator Lt-Col Onyema Nwachukwu said so far in 2013 they have arrested 498 people and seized 18 boats.

“These arrests reflect our unrelenting effort to eradicate oil theft while making the illegal business increasingly unrewarding and frustrating for perpetrators by scuttling their apparatus,” he told IRIN.

In 2012 they arrested 1,945 suspects and destroyed 4,349 illegal refineries, 133 barges, 1,215 open boats, an unspecified number of illegal fuel dumps and tankers, over 5,500 surface tanks, and 36,000 drums of illegally refined products, he added.

But despite these efforts, thefts continue to soar. So many people benefit from the theft - from locals and low-ranking soldiers to local politicians and top political and military men - that it is almost impossible to stamp out, said Jackson Timiyan, a community leader in oil-rich Gbaramatu Kingdom of Delta State.

Corruption rife

There are high levels of collusion between security forces, residents and oil workers in oil theft, say environmentalists and community activists.

All these groups make deals with oil theft cartels, including the JTF and the navy, said political science lecturer Ozoemene. “We have a very corrupt regime. JTF is made up of lowly paid officers and everybody wants to catch up with oil wealth.”

JTF’s Nwachukwu denied the allegations and said whoever had concrete evidence should bring it forward. JTF lacks the manpower required to control over 6,000km of pipelines simultaneously, he added.

Locals say ex-OFSL members are now returning to criminality. Jackson Timiyan explained why: “These youths are from the underdeveloped communities and they think these oil facilities are their own and [they] must be part of it, and since the government is not giving them enough reasons they will think that government is exploiting them,” he told IRIN. Others have turned to piracy, he said.

This spells danger, which residents are all-too familiar with, following years of violence from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and other militant groups. Some 1,000 people were killed and 300 taken hostage in the Niger Delta in 2008.

Meanwhile, locals continue to endure polluted water, poor schools and a seriously impaired healthcare system, despite years of campaigning. Agriculture is the mainstay for most residents, yet extraction, exploitation, oil spills and gas flares have decimated much of the delta, killing fish and ruining ecosystems, say environmentalists.

Rather than clamping down on ex-militants, they should be further empowered not only to track criminality but also to make money from oil legitimately, said Ozooemene. “Nigeria is the sixth largest oil producer in the world and has a reputation of being unable to refine crude oil… Where is the sense that it produces it and then has to later import the refined product? These persons should be employed to do the job,” he said.

While such a strategy appears unlikely to be implemented any time soon, what is clear is that continuing alienation, corruption, environmental degradation and unemployment could further boost insecurity in the delta region.

hu/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 04 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98155/Rising-Niger-Delta-oil-theft-threatens-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306041209100740t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WARRI/DAKAR 04 June 2013 (IRIN) - Oil theft - known as bunkering - in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region is soaring following a brief lull, leading residents and community leaders once again to call on the federal government to do more to address the area’s chronic under-development.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Developing countries see hidden cost in food price hikes</title><pubDate>Mon, 03 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210191203560379t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 03 June 2013 (IRIN) - When food prices rise, poor people in developing countries not only change or reduce their diets, they are also more likely to engage in riskier but better paid occupations such as mining and prostitution, according to a new report.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 03 June 2013 (IRIN) - When food prices rise, poor people in developing countries not only change or reduce their diets, they are also more likely to engage in riskier but better paid occupations such as mining and prostitution, according to a new report.

Squeezed, jointly published by the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) and Oxfam, also reports that the increased strain on families brought about by price hikes is accompanied by a rise in domestic violence and alcohol and substance abuse [ http://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/rr-squeezed-food-price-volatility-year-one-230513-en.pdf ].

“The failure of wages to keep up with rising food prices is putting a strain on family relationships. For many men, the inability to be the family breadwinner is a real source of stress and can lead to conflict and violence within households. Parents’ inability to invest in the futures of their children is also a major source of stress,” Richard King, policy research advisor at Oxfam and co-author of the report, told IRIN.

The report noted that while there is optimism about rising wages, these have failed to keep up with the pace of food price hikes and inflation.

“People are working harder over longer hours, and their wages are not keeping pace with inflation, so they have to adapt wherever, and however, possible,” said the report. 

Social changes

Women, in particular, have borne the brunt of burgeoning food prices, with many of them having to juggle both domestic chores and work to feed their families. In Zambia for example, female nurses and teachers have had to moonlight as street vendors to supplement their incomes, while in Kenya, some young mothers were forced into prostitution to make ends meet, the report said. 

According to Naomi Hossain, a research fellow at IDS and a co-author of the report, the need to earn cash to buy food is quickly replacing the importance people put on social relationships. 

“As families increasingly struggle to earn enough to eat, we are seeing how money is becoming more important than relationships, to the point that the social implications are potentially alarming. Policymakers need to catch up,” she said.

“Uncertain and relatively high prices mean prioritizing earning the cash needed for food above all else… Global food policymakers need to check their assumptions about adjustments to food prices, and decide whether they want the kinds of societies where cash matters above all else,” Hossain wrote in a recent blog post [ http://participationpower.wordpress.com/2013/05/23/squeezed-how-are-poor-people-adjusting-to-life-in-a-time-of-food-price-volatility/ ].

And Oxfam’s King said, “People are becoming more individualistic, and reciprocal sources of support that people tend to rely on are becoming strained. There is rising stigma and uneasiness attached to turning to neighbours for help, in the knowledge that the same will be expected in return.”

According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organization, poor families were more likely to marry off their daughters so that they there would “one mouth less to feed”. In rural Bangladesh, a Tufts University study [ http://www.fasebj.org/cgi/content/meeting_abstract/24/1_MeetingAbstracts/104.1 ] found that women in households with lower food security reported experiencing “psychological abuse, and about half of women reported physical abuse from their husbands”.

The Overseas Development Institute reported [ http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8339.pdf ] that initial mechanisms for coping with higher food costs - including cutting back spending on expensive foods, borrowing to cover costs of living, and finding ways to work and earn more - were  quickly followed by signs of distress, such as “sales of assets, beginning with consumer goods, with land, tools and livestock, sold only after that buffer was exhausted.”

IDS’s Hossain accuses policymakers of being blind to the social changes brought about by food price hikes. Instead, they fixate on “changes they can measure,” she said.

Agriculture suffering

Agriculture as an economic venture has also suffered. While a hike in food prices should ideally inspire more people to engage in agriculture to produce more food, the result, according to the joint IDS-Oxfam study, has been the opposite.

“Instead of flocking to farming as prices rise, the view of agriculture is that it has become much less reliable over the past few years as a result of uncertainties related to input costs, returns and the effects of climate change. People are turning to more lucrative yet dangerous occupations instead - gold mining in Burkina Faso, for example. Education is seen as a ticket off the farm, and agricultural aspirations are rare,” Oxfam’s King said.

The study recommends, among other things, improved social protection policies to address the vulnerability of the poorest people, including cash transfers or subsidies. Improved management of food reserves and regulation of the international grain trade is also needed. Steps to make agriculture a more reliable vocation should also be taken, such as investing in training, technology and sustainability.

ko/rz
]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 03 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98151/Developing-countries-see-hidden-cost-in-food-price-hikes</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210191203560379t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 03 June 2013 (IRIN) - When food prices rise, poor people in developing countries not only change or reduce their diets, they are also more likely to engage in riskier but better paid occupations such as mining and prostitution, according to a new report.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Reshaping the fight against poverty</title><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305071021100738t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - After nine months of consultations, the UN High Level Panel on determining the world’s post-2015 development agenda has issued a report calling for a path to sustainable development which will transform the lives of the very poorest.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - After nine months of consultations, the UN High Level Panel on determining the world’s post-2015 development agenda has issued a report calling for a path to sustainable development which will transform the lives of the very poorest.

Set up by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and co-chaired by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and UK Prime Minister David Cameron, the Panel, in its report, elaborates a vision of how the world should develop and grow after the expiry in 2015 of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

While praising the achievements of the MDGs, the Panel said they had failed, among other things, to reach out to the very poorest and most excluded people; to highlight the devastating effects of conflict and violence on development; and promote sustainable patterns of consumption and production.

Spurred on by the central idea to eradicate poverty by 2030, the Panel also said development needed to be driven by five transformative shifts: Leave no one behind; put sustainable development at the core; transform economies for jobs and inclusive growth; build peace and effective, open and accountable institutions for all; forge a new global partnership.

The Panel recommends that almost all targets should be set at the national, or even local, level to account for different starting points and contexts. 

Better focused?

Debby Guha-Sapir, director of the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters, told IRIN: “What is particularly encouraging is that it sticks its neck out and chooses priorities, instead of an all-inclusive menu that is virtually impossible to monitor, much less implement. The indicators listed are much more specific and better defined than the first phase of the MDGs and will therefore not only be actionable but also measurable. I was particularly heartened to note that comparable indicators, metrics and data are clearly mentioned which means we can look forward to more rigorous attention being paid for better data.”

On which topic the report’s executive summary calls for “a data revolution for sustainable development, with a new international initiative to improve the quality of statistics and information available to citizens. We should actively take advantage of new technology, crowdsourcing, and improved connectivity to empower people with information on the progress towards the targets."

“Targets will only be considered `achieved’ if they are met for all relevant income and social groups.”

For instance, on setting a universal goal to eradicate poverty, the Panel suggests each country could set its own target to bring the number of people living on less than US$1.25 a day to zero and reduce by x percent the share of people living below that country’s 2015 national poverty line. Each country would also set a target to increase by x percent the share of women and men, communities and businesses with secure rights to land, property and other assets; cover x percent of people who are poor and vulnerable with social protection systems; build resilience and reduce deaths from natural disasters by x percent.

jk/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98136/Reshaping-the-fight-against-poverty</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305071021100738t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - After nine months of consultations, the UN High Level Panel on determining the world’s post-2015 development agenda has issued a report calling for a path to sustainable development which will transform the lives of the very poorest.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: AU prepares its shock troops</title><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305131245260795t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - A newly sanctioned African Union (AU) force for quick deployment in conflicts such as in Mali is being promoted as a stop-gap measure ahead of the planned formation of the “rapid deployment capability” (RDC) African Standby Force (ASF).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - A newly sanctioned African Union (AU) force for rapid deployment in conflicts such as in Mali is being promoted as a stop-gap measure ahead of the planned formation of the “rapid deployment capability” (RDC) African Standby Force (ASF).

Unlike the ASF, which will also have policing and civilian duties, the African Immediate Crisis Response Capacity (AICRC) force will have “a strictly military capacity with high reactivity to respond swiftly to emergency situations upon political decisions to intervene in conflict situations within the continent,” Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, chairperson of the AU Commission, said in her recent report [ http://cpauc.au.int/en/content/report-chairperson-commission-operationalisation-rapid-deployment-capability-african-standby ] to the AU summit in Addis Ababa.

While the AU’s failure to resolve crises in countries like Côte d’Ivoire, Libya and Mali has been a source of embarrassment to the continent-wide body, the AU Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) is widely regarded as a success, with the annual US$500 million running costs bankrolled by international partners [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4786/Soldiers-Stories ].

AMISOM provides “pride” for the AU, according to analysts, as African forces at the cost of significant lives (some estimates say thousands), were able to achieve what a far better equipped US force failed to do in Somalia - bring about an opportunity for peace.

Spurred into action

Dlamini-Zuma said in her report Mali was a spur for the AICRC’s formation and it was “obvious” an African military force with an RDC would have meant the French military intervention would not have been “the only recourse”.

Solomon Dersso, a senior researcher at the Addis Ababa office of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) [ http://www.issafrica.org/ ], a Pretoria-based think tank, told IRIN Mali interim president Dioncounda Traoré’s reaching out to former colonial power France for military assistance to counter the Islamist rebels “left a bad taste in the mouths of many people here [Addis Ababa and AU headquarters] and led to discussions at the highest level of the AU.”

According to Dlamini-Zuma, the AICRC will be drawn from a “reservoir of 5,000 troops, with operational modules in the form of tactical battle groups of 1,500 personnel that can be deployed rapidly… which must have a minimum initial self-sustainment period of 30 days”.

The report said the AICRC would have three tactical battle groups, comprised of three infantry battalions of 850 troops each, an artillery support group and light armour elements, as well as an air wing of 400 troops, which would include strike aircraft and helicopters and logistical support, including strategic airlift capabilities. The unit would have a “10-day notice of movement”.

The force headquarters will have a nucleus of 50 staff and AICRC duties would range from “stabilization, peace enforcement and intervention missions; neutralization of terrorist groups, other cross-border criminal entities, armed rebellions; and emergency assistance to Member States within the framework of the principle of non-indifference for protection of civilians,” Dlamini-Zuma’s report said.

Lamamra Ramtane, AU commissioner for peace and security, said in a statement [ http://summits.au.int/en/sites/default/files/21ST_AU_SUMMIT_-_PRESS_BRIEFING_OF_COMMISSIONER_PEACE_AND_SECURITY[1].pdf ] that troop contributions to the AICRC would be on a voluntary basis by member states and those countries participating would finance the AICRC so it could “act independently”.

On the face of it, the AICRC looks like a prototype of the ASF, except there appear to be slight differences in the way the two forces can be deployed. Lamamra said: “Command and control [of the AICRC] will be ensured by the AU Peace and Security Council upon request of a Member State for intervention.”

The ASF mandate under the Constitutive Act of the AU adopted in 2000, is a complete break from its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity, which adopted a philosophy of non-interference in member states. The Act gave the AU both the right to intervene in a crisis, and an obligation to do so “in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”.

Clayson Monyela, spokesperson for the South Africa foreign affairs department, told IRIN the AU remained committed to the ASF, and although any AICRC deployment was conditional on a government’s invitation, “there may be exceptional circumstances” where the force could intervene in the absence of such a request.

Ad hoc forces

Outside of AU and UN missions, African military operations have favoured ad hoc forces, such as the four-country force ranged against Joseph Kony’s Lord Resistance Army (LRA) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95426/security-a-quick-reaction-force-moulded-by-africa-s-circumstances ].

The advantage of ad hoc forces, Sivuyile Bam, the AU Commission head of the Peace and Support Operations Division, told IRIN last year, was that it used the lead nation concept and was more direct, rather than dealing in the political intricacies of the ASF. “A country can go to the AU [with the ad hoc system] and say I have got a battalion. I will deploy it tomorrow.”

Bam envisaged a “combined system for the next 5-10 years. The ASF system is maturing and taking time to develop and still relying on the lead nation [ad hoc] concept. So when there is a need for an operation - send out a note to the (AU) member states saying `I need soldiers, please help me out’.”

The AICRC is framed as a “temporary arrangement”, the ISS’s Dersso said, but “once it gets a life it may take a different course altogether, depending on its success,” and may evolve from an ad hoc force into a “fully fledged unit” at the disposal of the AU.

Some analysts have argued that a functioning, efficient and well equipped ASF may still lack the capacity to simultaneously operate in places like South Sudan, the Sahel and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

If and when the ASF eventually materializes, troop contributions to the five stand-by brigades will be based on Africa’s five regional economic blocs with each supplying about 5,000 troops, 720 police officers and 60 civilian members (e.g. human rights advisers, political affairs and public information officers) - and each regional bloc’s brigade will be placed on a six month rotational standby every two years to be available for rapid deployments.

The ASF will fulfil a range of functions, for example, supplying troops for attachment to a regional military, political or UN mission; or it may deploy a regional peacekeeping force within a 30-day timeframe, or 14 days in “grave circumstances”, such as genocide.

Question marks over military capacity

An urgent need for quick reaction forces was highlighted in a recent ISS report [ http://www.issafrica.org/iss-today/the-future-of-intra-state-conflict-in-africa ] that said “the risk of instability and violence [in Africa] is likely to persist and even increase in some instances.”

Drivers of conflict cited by the report included: the fact that “many states were trapped somewhere in between autocracy and democracy;” the “bad-neighbourhood” syndrome resulting in the effects of conflict spilling across borders; and post-conflict states lapsing back into “repeat violence”.

The imminent deployment of a 3,000-strong “robust, highly mobile” intervention force - comprising troops from Malawi, South Africa and Tanzania - under the masthead of SADCBrig (Southern African Development Community Brigade) to “neutralize” armed groups in the eastern DRC under UN Resolution 2098 has a stronger resemblance to the AICRC’s mandate rather than to the ASF’s, as it will comprise a combat force without any civilian or policing appendages [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97999/is-more-force-in-the-drc-more-of-the-same ].

However, deployment of the intervention force in DRC is being delayed by a combination of factors, including an increasing scarcity of available heavy air lift aircraft, and a paucity of landing strips capable of handling them, Helmoed-Romer Heitman, a senior correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly, told IRIN.

“How do you deploy quickly if you don’t have heavy airlift?” he asked. African militaries were chartering aircraft “as usual”, but relied on former Soviet logistical aircraft, such as Antonovs, which were becoming obsolete, he said.

South Africa ordered eight Airbus military A400m transport aircraft in 2005 at a cost of about US$1 billion, but later cancelled the order citing financial constraints and associated cost increases, and was reimbursed the $407 million down-payment in December 2011 by the European aircraft manufacturer. The transport aircraft were expected to enter service in 2013.

Heitman also questioned how the AU defined the concept of “quick reaction”, alluding to recent events in Bangui, the capital of the Central Africa Republic (CAR), that saw the botched deployment of South African troops in support of CAR President Francois Bozizé. Thirteen South African troops were killed and two others died from wounds on their return.

“A lot can happen in 48 hours. Putting a paratroop battalion on the ground in 24 hours is a quick reaction,” he said.

go/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98139/Analysis-AU-prepares-its-shock-troops</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305131245260795t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2013 (IRIN) - A newly sanctioned African Union (AU) force for quick deployment in conflicts such as in Mali is being promoted as a stop-gap measure ahead of the planned formation of the “rapid deployment capability” (RDC) African Standby Force (ASF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Senegal looking more vulnerable to extremism, instability</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300931390165t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS).</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS) [ http://www.issafrica.org/publications/ecowas-peace-and-security-report/grand-angle-sur-le-radicalisme-religieux-et-la-menace-terroriste-au-senegal ].

Four Islamic brotherhoods dominate religious and political life in Senegal: the Qadiri, the Tijani, the Mouride, and the Layenne, each of them made up of leaders (or shaykhs) and followers (murids). In general, they are perceived as providing a barrier against the spread of fundamentalist dogma in the country, but the report says growing radical rhetoric is creeping in.

In the past, fundamentalists seeking to wield power in Senegal’s mosques pitted themselves against the brotherhoods, saying they needed to reform their form of Islam, said report author Bakary Sambe of the Centre of Religious Studies at the Université Gaston Berger de Saint Louis. But they soon realized this strategy would not work, and instead went for a strategic truce, he said, focusing on common causes such as a call to stamp out what they call "bad values" such as homosexulaity and the secular state.

Brotherhood  imams are increasingly asserting how “clean” and pure the form of Islam that they preach is, and thus they have taken on this reformist discourse, said Sambe.

According to the report/study, which involved researchers interviewing 400 Senegalese in the capital Dakar, its suburbs, and the towns and surrounding areas of Thiès, Mbour and Saint Louis, some 30 percent of interviewees said they had encountered the argument that they were not practising a true form of Islam.

Wahhabists (a conservative form of Sunni Islam) have allegedly criticized the brotherhoods for promoting the worship of individual imams - known in Senegal as marabouts - over worship of the Prophet Mohammed, said Sambe. In Thiès, for instance, many interviewees spoke of a mosque that did not support the right kind of Islam, and that worshipped men, over the faith.

“More and more, fundamentalist groups, such as Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb [AQIM], are tapping into national causes and giving them a religious spin, to create national ideologies - that is part of their new strategy,” said an imam in the Dakar neighbourhood of SICAP Baobab, who preferred anonymity.

While the majority of mosques shy away from fundamentalist preaching, the rhetoric has become more extreme in a significant minority, he said.

Crossroads

Senegal sits at a sometimes uncomfortable crossroads: It is both an important African member of Islamic networks, and at the same time a traditional ally of the West.

According to the report, Senegal has inherited its former colonizer France’s secular governance structure, yet 95 percent of its inhabitants are Muslims, and they are increasingly voicing concerns about the way the country is being run. While the brotherhoods have great influence in determining who gets into power in Senegal, their impact is often greater in other areas. For instance, while 90 percent of Senegalese children attend non-religious state-run or private schools, many thousands attend Koranic schools, run by marabouts, with an unregulated curriculum, and in many cases unknown funders.

“The idea of strict secularism in a 95 percent Muslim country does not necessarily fit comfortably,” said Sambe. “Many see the French-educated elites who have led the country, as having failed… They want an Islamic alternative.”

Many youths - at least 40 percent of whom are estimated to be unemployed - feel they have been failed by a political system that cannot provide jobs, yet they are also disappointed with the brotherhoods, and thus seek a more modern version of Islam.

“We met youths who were determined; who were prepared to plant bombs if they were asked to… This is new here, and it’s serious,” said Sambe, adding: “The brotherhoods must adapt to attract more youths.”

Radical discourse can appeal to a minority of these youths, who want to join a cause and feel they have few alternatives, said the Dakar imam.

Of course, there is a big difference between pushing for a more fundamental form of Islam, and a moving towards practising violent Jihad: the two should not be conflated, said participants at an Open Society of West Africa (OSIWA)-hosted seminar to launch the ISS report.

Mali spillover?

Nevertheless, given Senegal is a neighbour of Mali, and given it has “structural, institutional and geopolitical vulnerabilities, it could become a target of reprisals by radical Islamists who have occupied northern Mali,” said Col Djibril Ba, ex-second- in-command at the National Gendarmerie, at the seminar. Since the start of the Mali crisis, Senegal’s security and defence forces have been running a security early warning system to avert any instability, he said.

The detonation of two car bombs on 23 May in Niger - one near a military barracks in Agadez, the other in Arlit, the site of a French-run uranium mine, reportedly instigated by militant leader Mokhtar Belmokhtar - has rattled security forces across the region. Senegal, like Niger, plays host to France’s economic, military and diplomatic interests, and is contributing troops to the International Support Mission to Mali (MISMA), which could make it vulnerable as a target, said Col Ba.

Senegal’s porous borders with its neighbours - Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Gambia - and insufficient capacity and resources to sufficiently control these borders, create the conditions for trafficking and criminality of all sorts, including weapons, said Ba. “Even the USA, with countless highly sophisticated techniques and a newly erected border wall, cannot control its southern borders,” he said.

But not all are too concerned. Idrissa Diop, a researcher at the Ecole Normale in Dakar, reflected the views of many others IRIN spoke to. He is a Muslim and was seated beside his Christian friend and colleague from Kolda Region: “We live together here - he is my big brother, we share all our religious festivities. Religion should bring people together. The moment it starts separating people, there is something wrong. The kind of fundamentalism we see among certain groups in Mali could never be replicated here,” he told IRIN. “We wouldn’t tolerate it.”

ISS recommendations

ISS says more needs to be done to avert any trouble. It calls for an early warning security alert system to be set up, with religious groups, government ministries, security personnel and others involved to track and analyse incidents that occur.

It also calls on leaders to start a dialogue with religious leaders in Senegal to try to jointly limit the spread of extremist discourse in mosques and elsewhere.

The long-debated problem of how to better regulate what goes on in Koranic schools was debated at a Dakar seminar discussing the report’s findings.

Senegal’s police, military police (gendarmes) and army should work very closely together, exchanging information and intelligence on any security concerns, said Ba. The synergy between them needs to be improved both in Senegal, and among regional allies’ security and defence forces, he said.

aj/cb

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Incidents of concern in Senegal

October 2001 - A pro-Osama Bin Laden rally takes place at Dakar’s Big Mosque.
June 2007 - Arrest of suspected killers who had crossed Senegal and Gambia, and had been tracked by Mauritanian police and Guinea-Bissau security services.
May 2010 - Three presumed Jihadists are intercepted at Dakar international airport and extradited to Morocco.
November 2010 - AQIM threatens ex-President Abdoulaye Wade.
January 2011 - Prominent Imam Babacar Dianka is arrested.
February 2011 - Two people presumed to be members of AQIM arrested in the suburbs of Dakar.
April 2012 - AQIM calls on Muslims around the world to attack French interests because of the country’s military intervention in Mali.
July 2012 - Arrest in Dagana in the St Louis region of 10 people, seven of them Mauritanian and three Senegalese, suspected to be part of a terrorist network.
January 2013 - Minister of Foreign Affairs Mankeur Ndiaye said there were dormant terrorist cells in Senegal.
February 2013 - False bomb alert in Dakar.
10 March 2013 - A French school in the village of Boudouck in southern Senegal is set alight by villagers angered by its presence.

(Sources: ISS)

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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98122/Senegal-looking-more-vulnerable-to-extremism-instability</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305300931390165t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As violence rages in northern Nigeria, and international peacekeepers gear up to keep the peace in northern Mali, fears abound that Islamist movements will spread across borders, stoking instability elsewhere in the region, including Senegal which is not immune to the spread of extremist rhetoric, argues a just-published report by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Equity takes centre stage</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20059216t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As aid officials haggle over ways to reduce developing countries’ disasters risks, they are increasingly looking to target the inequalities that make some communities more vulnerable than others. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As aid officials haggle over ways to reduce developing countries’ disasters risks, they are increasingly looking to target the inequalities that make some communities more vulnerable than others.

These inequalities fell under the spotlight at the recently concluded Global Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction in Geneva, a meeting that considered a successor to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), the global plan to make the world safer from natural hazards, which concludes in 2015. The new action plan, the Hyogo Framework for Action 2 (HFA2) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/98058/the-making-of-the-hyogo2-disaster-prevention-framework ], is still under negotiation, and a key part of these talks has explored how to address inequality and discrimination.

There is “growing consensus” among NGO and UN agencies that tackling “common root causes - discrimination (social exclusion) on all sorts of bases (religion, caste, ethnicity, national origin, gender, age, etc.) - and unequal access to many kinds of resources, especially land grabs” has to be the core issue addressed by the post-2015 development agenda, noted disaster expert Ben Wisner told IRIN via email.

But Tom Mitchell, head of the climate change programme at the UK’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI), says addressing inequalities is not new; it was on the agenda when the HFA was being discussed in 2004. He says the fact that the issue is still alive reflects the failure of development strategies, such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to eradicate these inequalities.

“Back on the agenda”

NGOs like Oxfam and ActionAid, which have advocated for these issues to take centre stage, have raised the topic again at the Global Platform.

“Countries with higher income inequality have populations that are more vulnerable to climate change, natural hazards and conflict,” Debbie Hillier, Oxfam’s humanitarian aid advisor, told IRIN. The poorest communities often live in fragile environments like river banks, and in housing constructed with cheap building materials. They lack insurance to cover losses.

The Global Network of Civil Society Organisations for Disaster Reduction (GNDR), in its “Views from the Frontline 2013” monitoring programme, said that 57 percent of all the people it interviewed indicated their disaster losses are increasing. Among the poorest groups, 68 percent of people reported higher losses.

“There is real growing momentum on the inequality issue,” said Hillier. Besides eradicating poverty, she says, aid officials also want to “address the excessive wealth…  [which] entrenches the systems, power dynamics and institutions which keep people poor.” 

The focus on inequality “is starting to drive our thinking in every field - resilience, social protection, climate change,” she added. “This is starting to drip into the HFA2 discussion.” 

Harjeet Singh, ActionAid's international coordinator for disaster risk reduction (DRR) and climate change adaptation (CAA), said,” There is a growing recognition across all UN agencies that merely tweaking the system and policies won’t help anymore. We need to go back to basics and create conditions, particularly for [the] poor and excluded, to demand and enjoy human rights.” 

But the Global Platform “fell short” in promoting DRR as a right. "Unless we tackle the unequal and unjust power that creates inequalities and make people vulnerable, we cannot sustainably deal with the impact of disasters, climate change and conflict,” Singh said.

Kevin Watkins, the former head of the UN Development Programme’s (UNDP) Human Development Report, is making a case for equity-based development targets after the MDGs end in 2015.
He pronounced in a recent lecture, [ http://kapuscinskilectures.eu/wpcontent/uploads/2013/03/Kevin_Watkins_lecture.pdf ], “Today, inequality is back on the agenda.”

In a recent statement [ http://www.srfood.org/index.php/en/component/content/article/2833-equality-or-bust-for-post-2015-global-development-goals-un-rights-experts- ], UN human rights experts also called for a cross-cutting development goal on eliminating inequalities.

The High Level Panel (HLP) on the post-2015 development agenda is expected to release its report with its list of recommendations later today.

Focus on risk 

But the experts and activists at the Global Platform also called for bringing DRR to the development agenda. Risk was absent from the MDGs, say Mitchell and Hillier. DRR was included in the first draft of the HLP report, says Mitchell, but was missing in a subsequent draft.

“In particular, the risks from climate change, natural hazards and conflict need to be combined,” said Hillier. 

Wisner wrote: “A future set of DRR guidelines (what has been referred to as HFA2) should be coordinated or even integrated with re-cast MDGs, SDGs [Sustainable Development Goals], CCA initiatives (climate change adaptation) and support for skillful conflict management (PEACE).”

Data management

A statement from the GNDR says: “HFA2 needs a paradigm shift in order to bring community resilience at the heart of the framework.” It would like to see an emphasis on a “bottom-up approach.” 

It also called for the establishment of national databases on damage and losses, community capacities and resources. But accounting of data losses is fragmented at the moment, says ODI's Micthell. The global community lacks a common understanding of what a disaster is and what kind of loss should be accounted for.

This would require establishing a way to distinguish a disaster - an event that “overwhelms local capacity” - from “an accumulation of individual, small-impact events such [as] one basement flooded,” said Debby Guha-Sapir, director of the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED). For instance, she says, “a series of small road accidents added up is not the equal to a mass transport disaster, or endemic levels of disease is not same as an epidemic”.

ActionAid’s Singh points out that declaring an event a “disaster” continues to be a “political exercise in most countries. The use of data and accounting methods varies from country to country. On one hand, developing countries struggle to account for uninsured and indirect losses, mainly due to extensive risks from 'everyday disasters'. We are now also grappling with how to account and address the issue of non-economic losses (and damages) due to climate change impacts.”

ODI’s Mitchell says there is an urgent need to address this problem. 

jk/rz]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98130/Equity-takes-centre-stage</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20059216t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - As aid officials haggle over ways to reduce developing countries’ disasters risks, they are increasingly looking to target the inequalities that make some communities more vulnerable than others. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Beyond emergency needs in DRC</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report [ http://www.nrc.no/arch/_img/9676206.pdf ] by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.

“The chronic and extreme violence in the eastern DRC poses a stark challenge to traditional humanitarian ‘urgent response mode’ approaches. The humanitarian service machinery has become a virtually permanent fixture in the region, serving victims of multiple displacements and repeating cycles of violence for two decades… Protection in this conflict cannot be achieved solely by providing services to victims,” says the report.

For instance, it argues that in the Kivus, which have borne the brunt of the conflict, every community is at constant risk of conflict and displacement “until military and armed-group violence against civilians is brought under control.”

“There are no ‘durable solutions’ here without a change in the level of peace and stability, and changes in the destructive behaviour of the armed parties towards civilians,” the report noted.

Many puzzle pieces

In an interview with IRIN, Kyung wa-Kang, the deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), called for a “clear commitment from both political leaders and the international community to improve governance” and help bring “security and help achieve human dignity in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the wider Great Lakes region.”

The Congolese government has been accused of only half-heartedly implementing peace agreements with rebel groups.

“Rather than effectively implementing the 23 March 2009 peace agreement signed by the government and the CNDP (National Council for the Defence of the People), the Congolese authorities have instead only feigned the integration of the CNDP into political institutions, and likewise the group appears to have only pretended to integrate into the Congolese army,” International Crisis Group,  global think-tank, said in an October briefing [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/central-africa/dr-congo/b091-eastern-congo-why-stabilisation-failed.aspx ].

“The peace agreements that have been signed between the government and rebel groups provides for a real opportunity to push forward the agenda for lasting peace, but each party must be serious in ensuring it works and they do their part in making this fruitful,” Kang added.

In February, 11 leaders signed a UN-brokered peace accord aimed at ending the conflict in DRC and bringing peace to the wider Great Lakes region. “The agreement gives the people of eastern DRC their best chance in many years for peace, human rights and economic development,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon said during his recent visit to the region [ http://www.un.org/sg/offthecuff/index.asp?nid=2846 ].

In March, the UN Security Council passed a resolution setting up the first-ever UN peacekeeping brigade, whose mandate would include battling rebel groups in DRC and monitoring an arms embargo along with a panel of UN experts. It will observe and report on the flows of military personnel, weapons and equipment across the border of eastern Congo, including by surveillance aided by unmanned aerial systems.

Kang noted to IRIN, “Bringing lasting peace in the DRC will involve deepening democracy” and engaging all sides “involved the conflict”, saying the recently proposed 3,000-strong UN-backed intervention brigade should be seen only as “a part of a wider puzzle.”

Protection needs

The long-running conflicts in eastern parts of DRC have forced more than two million people to flee their homes. Thousands more have become victims of violence and abuse. In the last six months, the number of those displaced inside DRC  increased by more than 150,000 people, with most of the displacements being in North Kivu Province. The insecurity has further compelled an estimated 90,000 to flee into Burundi, Uganda and Rwanda over the same period, according to OCHA [ http://www.unocha.org/drc/reports-media/situation-reports ].

The international community, the NRC report argues, “has invested significantly in initiatives aimed at documenting protection needs - information gathering and early warning systems,” something OCHA’s Kang says might be threatened by the increasing crises in places like Syria, which continue to “suck donor funding and receive greater humanitarian attention.”

ko/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98131/Beyond-emergency-needs-in-DRC</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian response in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) should broaden beyond emergency needs to encompass underlying dynamics of conflict, according to a report by the international refugee NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Palestinians from East Jerusalem seek safety in Israeli citizenship</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty. 

“Look around you, this city will remain under Israeli control as long as I live,” said 40-year-old Anwar*, a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem who acquired Israeli citizenship. “As Palestinians in Jerusalem, we are facing discrimination in all fields. Israeli citizenship is the only chance available.” 

According to data the International Crisis Group (ICG) obtained from the Israeli Ministry of Interior, some 7,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem applied for Israeli citizenship between 2001 and 2010, two-thirds of them between 2008 and 2010 alone. 

According to a December 2012 ICG report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/135-extreme-makeover-ii-the-withering-of-arab-jerusalem.pdf ], a total of 13,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem have Israeli citizenship, although this number likely includes residents who came into town from other parts of Israel. 

The major reasons behind the citizenship applications are fears of losing residency or access to Jerusalem, the wish to travel more easily and the desire to grant a better future for one’s children, according to Palestinians interviewed, a community activist and the ICG report. 

“Most Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, regardless of whether they approve or disapprove of the trend, believe that the numbers applying for citizenship are likely to grow,” ICG writes, noting that other researchers have reported much higher numbers from the Ministry of the Interior. (For instance, journalist Danny Rubinstein was told that 12,000 Jerusalemites had applied for citizenship in 2008-2009 alone, ICG said.) 

An Israeli foreign ministry spokeswoman, Ilana Stein, said that everyone who meets the criteria - being a documented permanent resident of Jerusalem with no criminal record - can apply for citizenship, but that “security concerns can arise on individual cases”. According to the ICG report, about one-third of applicants were rejected. 

Insecure status 

Palestinians’ permanent residency status in Israel is conditional on proving their “center of life” lies within the Israeli-defined municipal boundary of Jerusalem, a precarious status that can be revoked under many circumstances, including living outside the municipal boundary for extended periods of time. Between 1995 and 2000, Israel revoked the residency status of some 3,000 East Jerusalem Palestinians in what the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs called “quiet deportation” [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_jerusalem_report_2011_03_23_web_english.pdf ]. It revoked another 7,000 Palestinian Jerusalemites’ IDs between 2006 and 2011, which contributed to the subsequent upsurge in applications for citizenship. 

In addition, some 50,000 Palestinians live inside the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem but are cut off from the city by the separation barrier. Becoming an Israeli citizen often calms their fears that they may lose access to the city altogether should Israel decide to redraw the municipal boundaries along the route of the barrier. 

Jerusalem mayor Nir Barkat expressed sympathy for such a plan in 2011, suggesting that parts of municipal Jerusalem that lie on the Palestinian side of the security barrier should fall under the Palestinian Authority’s jurisdiction rather than that of the municipality [ http://www.geneva-accord.org/mainmenu/gi-director-comments-on-barkat-s-plan-to-redraw-jerusalem-s-borders ].

A 2011 survey [ http://www.pechterpolls.com/east-jerusalem-palestinians-say-un-move-would-hurt-them-many-prefer-israeli-citizenship/ ] by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion found that nearly half of East Jerusalemites would prefer to become citizens of Israel rather than a new Palestinian state, “casting fresh doubts on the official Palestinian claim to the city”. “Even more remarkably”, the survey found, 42 percent said they would actually move to a different neighborhood if necessary to remain under Israeli rather than Palestinian authority. However, observers say such data should be treated with caution, given that Palestinian applicants may fear losing their residency if they do not show support for Israel, and given the overall low, if increasing, number of applicants [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/02/24/the_perils_of_polling_in_east_jerusalem ].

Anwar’s choice remains a taboo for most Palestinians. 

“When I applied some 10 years ago, some of my relatives cut all relations with me,” he said, lowering his voice whenever speaking directly about his application during an interview in a restaurant in East Jerusalem. “My uncle got angry and asked, ‘Did you forget to love your city and your country?’” 

“Some people believe that in order to stay in their city, it is safer to get Israeli citizenship,” said Xavier Abo Eid, a spokesman for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in the West Bank’s capital Ramallah, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). “But Israel aims at turning occupation into effective annexation, and that includes the people living in it,” he protested. “And Israel is doing everything possible to push Palestinians outside Jerusalem. They have suffered from Israeli policies of ID revocations, home demolitions, evictions and settlement construction.” 

Israel officially considers Jerusalem its “united capital” and regularly denies the discriminatory impact of its policies concerning the Palestinian population in East Jerusalem. Jerusalem mayor Barkat said in 2010, a year after the wave of ID revocations: "Never was Jerusalem as open for people to practice their religion freely as it is today." 

The PLO has produced an internal policy paper on the citizenship applications, but has not released it publically. 

No silver bullet 

Anwar said he used to face time-consuming visa procedures every time he wanted to visit family abroad using his Israeli travel permit. Before he was granted citizenship, he had to submit employment records and official invitations before every trip. “Now, I just get on the plane.” 

But becoming an Israeli citizen has not protected him from discrimination. The Israeli passport may make it easier to travel, Anwar said, but “I am still treated as a potential terrorist, while Jewish citizens just pass.” 

Despite the citizenship, he still has not succeeded in getting a permit to build new rooms in his home. Rights groups say those Palestinians living in in East Jerusalem struggle to get building permits, while Jewish settlements on the perimeter of the city are growing, cutting Palestinian East Jerusalem off from the rest of the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97676/Briefing-Beyond-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement ]. One such settlement is Giv’at HaMatos; its build-up would cut off Arab neighbourhoods in southern Jerusalem, like Beit Safafa and Sharafat, rendering them “Palestinian enclaves”, the ICG said, surrounded by settlements that, according to an international fact-finding mission commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council, adversely affect Palestinians’ freedom of movement, natural resources and safety [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ].

Inequalities between Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel span many fields of public life, and are enshrined in parts of the legal system and government practices [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95095/ISRAEL-Address-inequalities-facing-Arabs-says-ICG ]. Some 30 Israeli laws specifically privilege Jewish over Arab Israeli citizens in immigration rights, naturalization, and access to land and employment, among other things.

The inequality has even driven some Palestinians in Israel - including some with Israeli citizenship - to leave for Ramallah, often in search of an Arab-speaking, culturally Palestinian environment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96263/ISRAEL-OPT-Upping-sticks-and-heading-for-Ramallah ].

“If things don’t change soon, going abroad will be the only option left,” Anwar said. 

*not a real name

ah/ha/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98132/Palestinians-from-East-Jerusalem-seek-safety-in-Israeli-citizenship</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201306040914160040t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 30 May 2013 (IRIN) - Braving social stigma, many Palestinians in East Jerusalem have in recent years applied for Israeli citizenship to escape insecurity and the endangered status of their residency under Israeli occupation. But citizenship alone does not always save them from inequality and uncertainty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>