<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Comoros</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 17:34:03 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Digital jobs offer skills, promise to Africa&apos;s unemployed youth</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305281532240097t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Although Africa’s economy has expanded rapidly in recent years, it has not kept pace with the growth of its youth population or their need for jobs.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Although Africa’s economy has expanded rapidly in recent years, it has not kept pace with the growth of its youth population or their need for jobs. 

With almost 200 million people between 15 and 24 years old - a figure that is set to double by 2045, according to the African Economic Outlook’s (AEO) 2012 report [ http://www.africaneconomicoutlook.org/en/in-depth/youth_employment/ ] - the continent has the youngest population in the world. Yet despite the increasing percentage of Africa’s young people with secondary and tertiary educations, many find themselves unemployed or underemployed in the informal economy. Part of the problem, according to the AEO study, is a mismatch between the skills young jobs seekers have to offer and those that employers need. 

The world’s increasingly digitalized economy needs workers with the skills to capture and manage the vast amounts of data it generates. With appropriate training, such tasks can be performed anywhere in the world. Data generated by a high-tech company in Silicon Valley, for example, can be processed by youth with smartphones or tablets living in a slum in Nairobi, Kenya. This means that digital work could potentially alleviate the unemployment and poverty hampering development in many African countries.

Both the private and humanitarian sectors are starting to recognize this potential and find ways to harness it.

Skills for the future

The Rockefeller Foundation recently launched Digital Jobs Africa [ http://www.rockefellerfoundation.org/our-work/current-work/digital-jobs-africa ], a seven-year, US$83 million initiative to improve the lives of one million people in six African countries through digital job opportunities and skills training. 

Eme Essien Lore, the foundation’s Nairobi-based senior associate director, explained that having identified youth unemployment as one of Africa’s most pressing problems, the organization was looking for ways to help young people on the continent gain sustainable, long-term job opportunities. 

“The reason digital employment really rose to the top for us was because we saw the skills they get from these kinds of jobs as a springboard to other types of employment,” she told IRIN. “We know young people take time to figure out what they want to do. Also, we don’t know what the future labour market is going to look like. So we thought this was a very important sector because it develops skills they can use whether they stay in the digital economy or move into other sectors.” 

The six focus countries - Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Morocco and South Africa - share particularly high youth unemployment rates and have rapidly developing information and communications technology (ICT) infrastructures. Some, such as Nigeria and South Africa, have booming ICT sectors in need of labour, while others, such as Morocco, are well-placed to meet demand from Europe and the US, said Lore. 

Winnie Mwihaki, 24, is among 500 Kenyan youths from poor backgrounds recruited by one of the Rockefeller Foundation’s grantees - San Francisco-based non-profit Samasource. Globally, the company has connected an estimated 3,700 young people in nine countries to paying work and hopes to expand this number to 5,000 by the end of 2013. 

Samasource secures data- and content-processing jobs from its US-based clients, and then uses its specially developed software to break these large digital projects down into small computer-based tasks it calls “microwork”. This work is then distributed to local partners that are responsible for recruiting, training and managing employees. 

Unlike most companies in the business process outsourcing (BPO) and information technology outsourcing industry, Samasource only employs people living below the poverty line. Workers must also be between 18 and 30 years old, and preference is given to women, who are less likely to have access to formal employment. 

“Part of the criteria is that people need to be literate in English,” added Lauren Schulte, director of marketing and communications at Samasource. “They don’t have to have any computer skills. We can bring someone in with virtually no experience, and in a matter of weeks they can start doing small tasks on a computer.”

With her monthly salary of 13,000 shillings [$149], Mwihaki is able to assist her mother, who had been struggling to care for their family of six. “Because of the money I earn from here, I am now able to help my mother [and] to also be a breadwinner in the family,” Mwihaki told IRIN.

Mwihaki grew up in Korogocho, a sprawling slum in Nairobi, where crime is commonplace. She was unable to proceed to college after secondary school because her parents could not afford it.

“Now I will use part of what I earn from this job to sponsor myself through college,” she said. 

A new trajectory

Samasource is not the only company targeting disadvantaged people in low-income areas with digital employment. Another Rockefeller Foundation grantee, Digital Divide Data, operates on a similar principle and employs more than 1,000 people in Cambodia, Kenya and Laos. Both companies are considered pioneers of impact sourcing, which the Rockefeller Foundation defines as “the socially responsible arm of the BPO and information technology outsourcing industry”.

 A relative newcomer to the sector, and another Rockefeller Foundation grantee, is the Impact Sourcing Academy (ISA) in Johannesburg, South Africa. ISA combines a training and job placement programme with a fully functional call centre that gives its students the opportunity to obtain practical work experience while earning enough money to help support their families. 

“We’re not so much interested in just giving them a job as a call centre agent,” said ISA head Taddy Blecher. “We really want to make sure they’re doing part-time studies while they’re working, getting access to more knowledge and training so they can move into higher-level jobs.”

Once graduates are fully employed and earning a decent salary, they are encouraged to fund another student from a similar background. Using this model, the academy is already about 65 percent self-funded and aims to be completely self-funded in the future.

Blecher described the Rockefeller Foundation initiative as “a massive opportunity” for South Africa, given the need for skilled labour to work in its booming BPO sector and its 51 percent youth unemployment rate. “In a short period of time, you can bring a family out of poverty and put them on a whole new trajectory,” he told IRIN.

Opening doors

For now, evidence that impact sourcing really can lift families out of poverty is limited to the small studies the Rockefeller Foundation has conducted with Samasource and Digital Divide Data. “What we want to do next is really measure the impacts on a household level,” said Lore. “Anecdotally, we’re quite convinced, but we need to work on measuring over the next seven years.”

The Rockefeller Foundation does not stipulate a minimum wage that its grantees must pay, and the line between a living wage and an exploitatively low wage can be a fine one. “This is a sector where companies’ first priority is really around cost savings,” acknowledged Lore. “If you take the example of someone living in a slum, [a job like this] won’t get them into a nicer neighbourhood. But it might be able to buy food for the family and get younger siblings into school,” she said.

She added that the demand for young people with these skills is such that they are often poached by rival companies offering slightly higher salaries. “We’ve seen that when people move from these jobs, usually after about two years, they go on to better jobs. You rarely see people sitting in these types of jobs indefinitely.”

ks/ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98114/Digital-jobs-offer-skills-promise-to-Africa-apos-s-unemployed-youth</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305281532240097t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 28 May 2013 (IRIN) - Although Africa’s economy has expanded rapidly in recent years, it has not kept pace with the growth of its youth population or their need for jobs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice [ http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ].

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 [ http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ].

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ].

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

- A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

- Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

- Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

- Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Is Africa&apos;s maritime strategy all at sea?</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103250926300595t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable. 

Without a comprehensive strategy to police, patrol and promote the maritime economy and resources along its 42,000km coastline, Africa loses billions of dollars in revenue annually and leaves itself vulnerable to myriad criminal activities. 

“Africa remains the continent that suffers most from illegal and unregulated fishing, maritime terrorism, piracy and armed robbery at sea, poor legal and regulatory maritime regimes, illegal drugs, arms and human trafficking, a lack of effective communication and other technological maritime requirements, and last but not least, unsuitable ships and ports,” Annette Leijenaar, Head of the Conflict Management and Peacebuilding Division at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), a Pretoria-based think tank, said in a recent policy brief titled Africa Should Wake up to the Importance of an Integrated Maritime Strategy [ http://www.issafrica.org/iss_today.php?ID=1552 ]. 

A meeting on the Africa Integrated Maritime (AIM) strategy was held earlier this month in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. Leijenaar told IRIN, “It is the right direction, however, action is required through implementable plans that are well coordinated and have the political commitment of African leaders.” The AU will also address management of riverine systems, dams and wetlands. 

“Like the rest of the world, more than 90 percent of Africa’s imports and exports are carried by sea. If one includes the illegal market in military arms and logged forest products, Africa has a maritime economy estimated at US$1 trillion a year, representing 90 percent of its overall commerce,” the policy brief said. 

Of Africa’s 54 states, 38 are either coastal or island nations. Johan Potgieter, a former captain in the South African navy and senior ISS security sector researcher - referring to neglect of maritime opportunities and risks - told IRIN, “Sea blindness is our [Africa’s] biggest threat.” 

No defence 

Some 70 percent of the continent’s rapidly growing population - which currently stands at over one billion people - depend on fish, both inland and coastal, for protein, highlighting the importance of policing and managing the continent’s territorial waters. 

“I said to a politician, don’t look at what it’s going to costs you to run a navy. You need to say, ‘What is it going to cost me to feed this population when there are no more fish? Where I am going to get the food from?’” Potgieter said. 

An October report by the Environmental Justice Foundation, Pirate Fishing Exposed: The Fight Against Illegal Fishing in West Africa and the EU [European Union] [ http://ejfoundation.org/sites/default/files/public/Pirate%20Fishing%20Exposed.pdf ], observed, “Global losses due to Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) or ‘pirate fishing’ are estimated to be between $10 billion and $23.5 billion per year. West African waters are estimated to have the highest levels of IUU fishing in the world, representing up to 37 percent of the region’s catch.” 

Foreign trawlers have been known to illegally haul up hundreds of tons of fish per day for export to Europe, while local fishermen’s catch is typically limited to what they can bring up with 8m-long pirogues. 

Anti-piracy operations off the Horn of Africa in 2011 cost an estimated $6.9 billion, or about two-thirds the annual GDP of Madagascar, an island country that has no naval capacity to speak of. 

Potgieter said the relative success of anti-piracy operations off East Africa is having a “balloon effect of pushing the pirates further and further away [to], we suspect, the east coast of Madagascar, [which] is fairly unpopulated, and the pirates will find a safe haven there to set up bases.” 

Building and maintaining a navy is both a costly and politically fraught exercise. Navies operate out of the sight of the electorate and are easily used by opposition parties in “guns versus butter” debates. Additionally, the procurement of defence systems in Africa has been mired in corruption issues. The price of a naval vessel can start in the hundreds of millions of dollars, and keeping ships on operational duties often requires a compliment of three. The annual running cost for three 80m British Royal Navy patrol vessels is $32 million. 

Helmut Heitman, a defence analyst and correspondent for Jane's Defence Weekly, told IRIN that Mozambique does not have a naval capacity. The “Comoros has nothing. On the west coast [of Africa], there is very little.” 

Expanding navies 

But increasing piracy in the Gulf of Guinea has prompted several countries to acquire patrol vessels in a piecemeal fashion to bolster maritime capacity. Nigeria’s navy has requested the procurement of 49 ships and 42 helicopters over the next decade. Earlier this year, the country commissioned its first locally built 31m patrol craft, the NNS Andoni. 

Neighbouring Ghana acquired two former German Navy fast attack crafts in July, after commissioning four new Chinese patrol boats earlier in the year. Namibia brought in a 100m refurbished Chinese patrol vessel earlier this year, adding to a naval compliment that includes harbour and inshore patrol boats. 

There is also a growing trend towards aerial reconnaissance over the ocean, especially in West Africa, with Ghana and Nigeria acquiring aircraft for monitoring and addressing piracy. 

Heitman said, “It’s not just about buying ships. It takes three generations of officers to build up a competent navy. So 30 years [the 2050 AIM goal] is a reasonable timeframe. [However,] a ship without an aircraft is pointless. An aircraft without a ship is also pointless.” 

The use of unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, is also finding greater currency as an option for policing territorial waters. Potgieter said, “You don’t need a warship to fight a pirate... If you use a drone, you can have 18 to 24 hours of flight time. But it is not necessarily cheap.” The price tags for drones range from hundreds of thousands to tens of millions of dollars. 

“But you still have to send a boat out to make the arrest, and this is where the problem starts. If we detect something on the other side of Madagascar - collaboration becomes important - and maybe the French are better suited to help… But we have to start talking to one another,” he said. 

Aligning legislation 

Developing coastal security is one step toward protecting continental waters. Creating the required legislation for individual AU members states to cooperate on a continental level presents another set of time-consuming complications. 

“Maritime security and policing management is an inter-departmental/agency function that is extremely difficult to coordinate and achieve. Among other [issues], it requires good governance, an industrial infrastructure, technological competence, effective information-sharing mechanisms and political commitment. Few African countries, if any, meet these requirements,” the ISS policy brief said. 

Leijenaar said developing a domestic maritime strategy involves numerous government departments, from environmental affairs to tourism and defence, and these ministry’s first have to be aligned at a country level, then at a regional level and finally at the continental level. 

Each country has to sift through memoranda of understanding and protocols signed by each department and then change conflicting legislation, “a small task that can take five to ten years,” Potgieter said. “Then [to] get it through [each country’s] parliament - some of these things will take you ten years.” 

And that’s before countries can begin to address the issue of “hot pursuit” through neighbouring territorial waters. “Most countries will still not allow your ships to go through their waters unless you have permission in advance,” Potgieter said. 

“The importance of assuming collective responsibility for Africa's maritime domain (ADM) is essential - within national governments, regions and Africa,” he said. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96608/SECURITY-Is-Africa-apos-s-maritime-strategy-all-at-sea</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103250926300595t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COMOROS: Helping people recover from floods</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209100956270554t.jpg" />]]>PRETORIA 10 September 2012 (IRIN) - In April, the archipelago nation of Comoros was lashed by its heaviest rains in decades, uprooting families and destroying the crops and incomes of its poorest people. At a donor conference last week, the country, backed by the UN and the South African government, made an appeal for just over US$19 million to help the country get back on its feet.</description><body><![CDATA[PRETORIA 10 September 2012 (IRIN) - In April, the archipelago nation of Comoros was lashed by its heaviest rains in decades, uprooting families and the destroying crops and incomes of its poorest people. At a donor conference last week, the country, backed by the UN and the South African government, made an appeal for just over US$19 million to help the country get back on its feet. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95697/In-Brief-Rain-in-Comoros-brings-flooding-crop-damage-disease ] 

“The amount of money needed [for the country’s nine-month recovery plan] is rather small compared to disasters elsewhere,” said Sivu Maqungo, chief director of the East Africa desk in the South African Ministry of International Relations and Cooperation, which organized the donor conference for Comoros in South Africa. It should not be a problem to raise the requested amount, he added.

The five-day downpour in April was nearly equivalent to the country’s annual rainfall, flooding three islands and affecting 9 percent of the country’s population of more than 750,000 people.  Douglas Casson Coutts, the UN resident coordinator for Comoros, was emphatic that Comorians “are not looking for hand-outs. They want the knowledge that will help them protect themselves from any such future shocks.”  

He had been prompted to work on the appeal when five elderly mayors called on him soon after the floods, saying they wanted the know-how to never be taken by surprise again. 

The recovery plan will help set up a disaster risk reduction (DRR) strategy for the country.  The Comorians are no strangers to disaster; in 2005, the eruption of the Karthala volcano displaced between 180,000 to 250,000 people on the main island of Njazidja. Yet the country does not have a DRR plan in place. Moreover, the April floods destroyed the seismological surveillance equipment on Mount Karthala and damaged several meteorological stations, leaving the country even more vulnerable.  

South Africa is going to help Comoros with technical skills to set up a DRR strategy, said Maqungo. The island country is also seeking support from the University of South Africa to set up a long-term planning capacity in Comoros.  

Climate change and poverty  

Storms on the islands have been getting more intense and frequent over the last decade, said Col Ismael Mogne Daho, the director general of Civil Security, an agency established last year to respond to disasters. He blamed increasing weather severity on the changing global climate. 

Gary Eilerts, programme manager of the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), run by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), said in a study published in 2011 that the Indian Ocean was rapidly warming, drawing all the moisture off the African continent and causing heavier downpours over the ocean and the islands in it - like the Comoros islands. [ http://pubs.usgs.gov/of/2010/1199/ ]

One of the world’s poorest countries, Comoros has few natural resources to support its rapidly growing population. Almost 80 percent of Comorians depend on agriculture, which accounts for 40 percent of the country’s GDP. Most families get by with the help of remittances from 150,000 Comorians living abroad, who sent about $12 million home in 2006. 

Rural poor most affected 

 Most of the people affected by the floods in April are small-scale farmers, who depend on food and income from growing banana, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and rice. Some grow cash crops like cloves, ylang-ylang, vanilla and black pepper. 

The affected farmers are in their lean season, and agriculture in Comoros is not geared to withstand shocks, explained Coutts. Comorian farmers are usually besieged by several factors that hold them back, such as lack of seeds and agricultural tools, poor storage facilities, poor water management and infrastructure, and lack of credit services.  

Even before the April rains, most people in the country did not have enough to eat. Malnutrition among mothers and children under age five as the leading underlying cause of child mortality. Eleven districts out of 17 have a malnutrition rate of at least 10 percent, which, in the presence of aggravating factors such as destruction of crops, loss of livelihoods, income, affected health and water services, is considered by the World Health Organization to be a serious situation requiring nutritional support. [ http://www.unicef.org/nutrition/training/swf/S2L2/page14.swf ]  

The Early Recovery Plan seeks to create emergency employment schemes and micro-enterprises that target women in particular, restock of lost farm animals, and provide seeds and farming tools. The plan also aims to bring the World Food Programme to the islands, and to repair and rebuild water supply networks, schools, health facilities and houses.  

Donors at the conference expressed some concerns about how the funds and programmes would be monitored. UN’s Coutts explained that part of the plan, drafted with support from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), was to build capacity in Comoros.  “With that, we think transparency and accountability will follow,” he said. 

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96276/COMOROS-Helping-people-recover-from-floods</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209100956270554t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PRETORIA 10 September 2012 (IRIN) - In April, the archipelago nation of Comoros was lashed by its heaviest rains in decades, uprooting families and destroying the crops and incomes of its poorest people. At a donor conference last week, the country, backed by the UN and the South African government, made an appeal for just over US$19 million to help the country get back on its feet.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Domestic investment in HIV up but uneven</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291210050641t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 19 July 2012 (IRIN) - Many sub-Saharan African nations - traditionally the beneficiaries of international HIV funding - are gradually increasing their financial contributions to the fight against the virus, boosting the number of people on treatment to record highs according to a new UNAIDS report, Together We Will End AIDS, released on 18 July.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 19 July 2012 (IRIN) - Many sub-Saharan African nations - traditionally the beneficiaries of international HIV funding - are gradually increasing their financial contributions to the fight against the virus, boosting the number of people on treatment to record highs according to a new UNAIDS report, Together We Will End AIDS [ http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/campaigns/togetherwewillendaids/ ], released on 18 July. 

Low- and middle-income countries invested US$8.6 billion in the response in 2011, an increase of 11 percent compared to 2010, whereas the international community contributed $8.2 billion, a figure that has remained flat since 2008. The United States contributed nearly half of all international assistance for HIV/AIDS. 

"This is an era of global solidarity and mutual accountability," Michel Sidibé, executive director of UNAIDS, said in a statement [ http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/pressreleaseandstatementarchive/2012/july/20120718prunaidsreport/ ]. "Countries most affected by the epidemic are taking ownership and demonstrating leadership in responding to HIV." 

Increased local funding 

In several African countries, including Kenya, Namibia, Sierra Leone and Uganda, domestic spending on HIV/AIDS rose by more than 100 percent between 2006 and 2011. In Botswana, Comoros, Mauritania, Mauritius, the Seychelles and South Africa, domestic investment accounted for more than 70 percent of AIDS funding. 

The increases in funding allowed a record 6.2 million Africans to access life-prolonging antiretroviral treatment in 2011, compared to 5.1 million in 2010. The most impressive numbers in 2011 were seen in South Africa, which initiated 300,000 people on treatment, Zimbabwe (150,000) and Kenya (100,000). The recently released 2012 UN Millennium Development Goals report [ http://mdgs.un.org/unsd/mdg/Resources/Static/Products/Progress2012/noted English2012.pdf ] notes that Botswana, Namibia and Rwanda have achieved universal access to ARVs. 

Increased access to ARVs has also helped reduce new HIV infections, with research showing that the medication reduces the transmission risk of people living with HIV. According to UNAIDS, new HIV infections have declined globally by 20 percent since 2011. 

Since 2009, new infections in children have fallen by an estimated 24 percent. An estimated 330,000 children were infected with HIV in 2011, about half the number of those newly infected in 2003, the year considered the peak of the epidemic. 

But the increased spending has failed to close a large gap in global funding for HIV, estimated to reach $7 billion by 2015, which is significantly short of the $24 billion target set at the 2011 UN High Level Meeting on AIDS. UNAIDS says a "concerted effort by all countries is needed to scale up funding if this target is to be met". 

Not enough 

"It is not enough for international assistance to remain stable - it has to increase if we are to meet the 2015 goals," said Sidibé. 

In 2011, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria took the unprecedented decision of cancelling [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/94293/HIV-AIDS-Global-Fund-cancels-funding ] its 11th round of funding after donors failed to meet commitments, denting treatment programmes in many countries. 

"Globally we're finally past the half-way mark with HIV treatment, but that still means almost one in two people don't have access to the medicines they need to stay alive. The pace of HIV treatment scale-up and the funding needed to pay for it have both remained virtually stagnant over the last year," Dr Eric Goemaere, senior HIV/TB advisor at the medical NGO, Médecins Sans Frontières in Southern Africa, said in a statement in response to the UNAIDS report. "If we're going to reach all the people who need treatment, we have to double the pace of scale-up and double the funds." 

He pointed out that "In places where we work, we see how fragile the progress is that has been achieved over the last decade. Health ministries are working hard to implement the latest treatment recommendations and policies to get ahead of the wave of new infections, but they can't do it alone." 

Domestic spending by African governments has been uneven. In Malawi, which has an ambitious plan to put half a million people on ARVs by 2014, the treatment programme is almost entirely donor-funded - the government foots just five percent of its HIV bill - and the country's Global Fund grant comes to an end in 2014. 

"The government is committed to fighting HIV, but the economy is not good at the moment and we rely completely on donors. Our programmes are running very well, but without donor support we can't manage on our own," Stuart Chuka, national HIV/AIDS programme officer in Malawi's Ministry of Health, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Need for continued support

"The cost of the ARV programme is almost the same as the total annual national health budget… For our human resources for health, we already have a problem, but with the Global Fund money running out it is going to be quite difficult - the money had helped us hire and retain more workers," he said. 

Chuka noted that the country had adopted the latest UN World Health Organization guidelines to switch from the ARV, stavudine, to tenofovir (TDF) in first-line drug regimens, but insufficient resources meant not everyone could be put on the new drug. HIV-positive pregnant women, patients co-infected with HIV and TB, and those with severe reactions to stavudine are being prioritized. 

In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/95412/DRC-HIV-effort-needs-government-donor-commitment-to-succeed ], a major World Bank project closed in 2011 after six years, while UNITAID, an international health financing mechanism for paediatric and second-line ARVs, will end its funding to the DRC in December 2012. The US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) provides ARVs for prevention of mother-to-child transmission, but only for 18 months, after which patients are expected to be absorbed into the Global Fund's programmes. 

The Global Fund - the major donor to DRC's HIV fight - expects to put some 32,000 new patients on ARVs by the end of 2014, but at least 430,000 people need the drugs. Just 12.3 percent of people who need ARVs have access to them, and MSF warns that unless more money is invested, ARV coverage will remain below 25 percent in 2015. 

"One of the major problems is delays in seeking treatment - people in the DRC still pay between $15 and $25 for a CD4 test [a measure of immune strength]. At the MSF hospital in Kinshasa we are seeing at least one death per day - 50 percent of these are people who arrived 48 hours earlier - a clear sign of problems in HIV testing," said Thierry Dethier, advocacy officer for MSF in DRC. "Due to the shortage of international support, the government seems afraid to roll out its national testing programme, because it cannot assure HIV-positive patients of treatment." 

Agencies working in DRC are hoping to see the government allocate at least $7 million to HIV/AIDS in this year's budget, as well as increased spending on health, which has not exceeded 6 percent of the national budget in the last decade. 

"HIV prevention and treatment is needed for all, now and always," said UNAIDS' Sidibé. "I believe that together we will end AIDS. The question is not if, but when." 

kr/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95904/AFRICA-Domestic-investment-in-HIV-up-but-uneven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291210050641t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 19 July 2012 (IRIN) - Many sub-Saharan African nations - traditionally the beneficiaries of international HIV funding - are gradually increasing their financial contributions to the fight against the virus, boosting the number of people on treatment to record highs according to a new UNAIDS report, Together We Will End AIDS, released on 18 July.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Rain in Comoros brings flooding, crop damage, disease</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200812105t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 June 2012 (IRIN) - Some 65,000 people on the Comoros islands, or 8 percent of the population, were affected by flooding, power outages and an increased incidence of disease following heavy rains during the wet season that runs from November through to May.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 June 2012 (IRIN) - Some 65,000 people on the Comoros islands, or 8 percent of the population, were affected by flooding, power outages and an increased incidence of disease following heavy rains during the wet season that runs from November through to May.

Ingrid Nordström-Ho, based in Geneva and deployed by the UN the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) to assist in the emergency response, told IRIN: “The rains were unheard of. Even the very old people told me that they have never seen anything like it in their life.”

Senior humanitarian officials on the islands said in a 15 June report [ http://ochaonline.un.org/Default.aspx?alias=ochaonline.un.org/rosa ] that a further 80,000 people in the capital, Moroni, and surrounding areas had had water supplies interrupted, adding: “Distribution of chlorine tablets is a priority.”

Vanilla producers on the main island, Grand Comore, have also been badly hit, with an estimated 80-90 percent of crops destroyed, the report said.

Moroni power station’s output “continues to deteriorate and functions with only 3 MW, with a gap of 17 MW,” the report added.

On the island of Anjouan malaria cases had risen “particularly in the [eastern] region of Pomoni, where cases are multiplied by five compared to before the floods. There are also other cases of non-identified fevers,” the report said. 

go/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95697/In-Brief-Rain-in-Comoros-brings-flooding-crop-damage-disease</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200812105t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 June 2012 (IRIN) - Some 65,000 people on the Comoros islands, or 8 percent of the population, were affected by flooding, power outages and an increased incidence of disease following heavy rains during the wet season that runs from November through to May.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Donor fatigue forces WFP to cut refugee rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.

The cuts have already affected 16,000 refugees in Malawi’s Dzaleka camp who have been on half rations since March, while a further 120,000 refugees in Uganda began receiving half rations of cereals in May. 

According to WFP, another 100,000 refugees in Tanzania saw their maize rations cut by 50 percent starting from last week, and rations for some 54,000 refugees living in Rwanda are expected to be cut in August unless donors come forward with more funding.

“Even the full ration wasn’t enough,” said Sanky Kabeya, a 24-year-old resident of Dzaleka who spoke to IRIN at the end of March. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95259/EDUCATION-Online-learning-inspires-refugees ] “I haven’t taken breakfast this morning and many are in the same situation.”

Gustave Lwaba, another resident of the camp, said the usual monthly ration of 13kg of maize had gone down to 7kg, while rations of cooking oil, pigeon peas, sugar and salt had also been cut by half. "There are people in the camp who rely on relatives who've been resettled," he said. "The rest really starve because the rations can't last a month."

Michelle Carter, country director for the Jesuit Refugee Service in Malawi, which runs a number of educational and other programmes in the camp, said the cuts were “clearly leading to a fair amount of hunger… I know children are coming to school hungry,” she told IRIN. 

“The food is only lasting two weeks and if they’re on their own it’s much worse because they can’t combine rations.”

Noting that only a very small percentage of the refugees had any source of income, she said single mothers, unaccompanied minors and the elderly and disabled had been particularly hard hit by the reduced rations.

A protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Malawi, Gavin Lim, said his agency planned to carry out an assessment in the coming months to determine the full impact of the ration cuts but that reports of more women in the camp turning to survival sex were already coming in.

Difficult to become self-reliant

Most countries in southern and eastern Africa have an encampment policy for refugees which restricts their freedom of movement and reduces their chances of becoming self-reliant. Some earn a small income running informal businesses outside the camps but competition with often equally impoverished locals is fierce and has led to outbreaks of violence. 

In May, a number of refugees who were selling goods at a small trading centre outside Dzaleka were assaulted by local traders who accused them of undermining their businesses. According to Carter, the Malawian government plans to withdraw trading licenses for refugees from July.

Many of Dzaleka's residents have lived in the camp for over a decade. Indeed, an increasing proportion of refugees today live in what UNHCR describes as "protracted" exile (in 2011, more than seven million refugees had lived outside their country for more than five years). Donors are increasingly reluctant to shoulder the burden of feeding these long-term refugees.

Commenting on the funding shortfall, WFP spokesperson for east and southern Africa David Orr said: "There is inevitably some donor fatigue regarding longstanding or protracted refugee loads; these funding issues affect more than just food."

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>REFUGEES: Moving out of the shadows</title><pubDate>Thu, 31 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists. 

“There are robbers who take advantage of the dark to rob people of their phones,” said Ifo Camp resident and freelance journalist Moulid Hujale. “Even when there’s a full moon, there’s less crime.”

For many households who cannot afford candles or kerosene lamps, let alone a generator, the only source of light is that produced by cooking fires. But firewood is an increasingly scarce and contentious commodity in an arid region where an ever growing refugee population has been competing with locals for dwindling natural resources since the first camp was established there in 1991.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) trucks in firewood at a cost of US$600,000 a month, but only enough to meet about 30 percent of each household’s monthly needs, forcing refugee women to walk up to 10km outside the camps to gather wood for cooking. These excursions expose them to the risk of violent attacks from resentful locals and even other refugees. 

“The incidents of gender-based violence against them are quite common,” said Njuki Venanzio, an associate environment officer with UNHCR based at Dadaab. “Our protection colleagues document about three cases per week.”

Even inside the camps, levels of sexual and gender-based violence have increased significantly in the past 18 months as the camp’s population has swelled and poor lighting has made new arrivals living on the outskirts of the camp particularly vulnerable. [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/93682/KENYA-SOMALIA-Refugees-at-risk-of-sexual-violence ] 

Although the scale of Dadaab’s camps have magnified its security and environmental problems, refugee camps all over Africa face similar challenges. Seventy-two percent have no electricity (while only 30 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's general population has electricity) and many are located in fragile environments where wood is in short supply or completely unavailable. 

The area around Dzaleka Camp in Malawi is so heavily deforested that refugees often resort to selling a portion of their monthly food rations to buy firewood or charcoal, while women living in Touloum Camp in Chad say they spend four days a week searching for firewood. 

Eco-friendly technologies

A UNHCR initiative to bring solar-powered lights and fuel-efficient stoves to 920,000 refugees in Africa over the next three years could address many of the security, environmental and education challenges faced by refugees if donors can be persuaded to come up with the necessary $15 million in funding. 

The Light Years Ahead Initiative [ http://www.unhcr.org/4c99fa9e6.pdf ] has already been piloted in seven African countries with good results, according to Amare Egziabher, a senior environmental coordinator with UNHCR in Geneva. 

“We’ve had very positive feedback from the field,” he told IRIN. “Many believe it lowers the incidence of crime, and also gender-based violence for women and girls.” 

The initiative also has the potential to lower drop-out rates at camp schools. Children who lack light to do their homework in the evenings tend to fall behind with their studies, while girls often miss classes while helping their mothers collect firewood.

At Dadaab, the pilot phase of the project has already brought solar-powered lanterns to 140 schoolchildren preparing for exams and street lights to several areas of Hagadera Camp identified by residents as particularly unsafe at night. 

“It has had a major impact on security in those few areas,” said Venanzio. “But we’re talking about a camp with over 120,000 refugees so the coverage has been small.”

Each solar lantern costs $39 while a solar street light that can make a neighbourhood safer for up to 300 refugees costs $1,200. 

“So far we’ve had some promises of funding but nothing concrete yet,” said Venanzio.

Saving fuel, saving the environment

The fuel-efficient stove favoured by UNHCR is called Save80 because it uses up to 80 percent less wood than cooking over a traditional stove, but several NGOs and agencies working at Dadaab are distributing different types of energy-saving stoves. They have so far managed to reach about 48 percent of the refugee population, but as kerosene has been deemed too expensive and ethanol in too short supply, all of the stoves distributed still use firewood.

“We need something more sustainable,” conceded Venanzio. “There is a lot of environmental degradation within a 10km radius of the camps and the Kenyan government is insisting that we look for a viable alternative [to wood] soon.”

Increasing local production of ethanol from sugarcane is one option. Another is finding entrepreneurs willing to produce sufficient quantities of fuel briquettes from agricultural by-products like coffee or risk husks. 

In the meantime, UNHCR’s environmental management programme is distributing free saplings to refugee and host communities in an effort to reforest the area. “But the environment here is very dry so the survival of the trees is a bit challenging,” said Venanzio. 

Awareness-raising campaigns aimed at teaching refugees how to use firewood more economically, recycle garbage and grow vegetables using waste water are also aimed at mitigating the camps’ impact on the local environment but Venanzio said the programme struggled with insufficient funding. “Environmental programmes get a very small budget compared to other sectors that are considered life-saving like water, food, health,” he explained.

Private donors including churches and corporations gave $1.4 million towards the Light Years Ahead Initiative in 2011, but “we still have a long way to go,” admitted Egziabher. “The demand is so high.”

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95558/REFUGEES-Moving-out-of-the-shadows</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MADAGASCAR: Low HIV prevalence has its own challenges</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106131237540870t.jpg" />]]>ANTANANARIVO 21 May 2012 (IRIN) - Madagascar has a low level of HIV prevalence, and managing its AIDS programme should present no major difficulties. But the apparent advantage of a low infection rate, combined with the ongoing political crisis, has brought its own challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[ANTANANARIVO 21 May 2012 (IRIN) - Madagascar has a low level of HIV prevalence, and managing its AIDS programme should present no major difficulties. But the apparent advantage of a low infection rate, combined with the ongoing political crisis, has brought its own challenges. 

Madagascar, and the neighbouring islands states of Comoros, Mauritius and Seychelles, are anomalies in the context of HIV/AIDS in Africa. Prevalence is very low - around 0.37 percent, or 24,000 confirmed cases - and restricted to a few sections of the population. 

Recent research has revealed that the groups most infected are men having sex with men (14 percent), intravenous drug users (7 percent) and prison populations. HIV prevalence among female commercial sex workers is relatively low. 

The UNAIDS Inter-Country Coordinator, Dr Mamoudou Diallo, says the low prevalence makes it a challenge to carry out a concerted national programme. "In the Indian Ocean islands, HIV and AIDS is a condition very few people have seen. It's not like the African mainland, where everyone knows someone who has it. As a result, many people here are not convinced of the danger of AIDS. This includes the leaders." 

Getting antiretroviral (ARV) drugs to the 472 patients who need them is not easy, and recent stock-outs have sometimes left patients without treatment for months, exposing them to the risk of developing drug-resistance. 

The Malagasy Ministry of Health and its private sector distributor, Salama, have problems placing orders because suppliers are not interested in providing small quantities, making it difficult to keep adequate supplies of ARVs in stock. "We try to use a supply station in Denmark and place the order through UNICEF [UN Children’s Fund]," Diallo told IRIN/PlusNews. The expensive drugs can't be given to patients for months in advance and must be held in stock. 

One possibility being explored is putting in place a central purchasing mechanism for the four Indian Ocean countries. This facility would fall under the oversight of the High Level Partnership Forum, which is expected to be set up after discussions with the Indian Ocean Commission, an inter-governmental cooperation group. 

The forum would include Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Ministers of Health; Networks of people living with HIV, support groups, and various financial partners. 

Donors warn that although the spread of HIV/AIDS in Madagascar has been limited until now, the potential for an epidemic still exists. The country’s growing industries, mining, and tourism are all potential sources of rising HIV infection, while its young people are among the groups most vulnerable to HIV infection. 

Madagascar's 2008/09 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), notes that more than half of the young men and women 15 to 24 years of age had their first sexual encounter before the age of 18. Nearly one out of five young men had more than one sexual partner in the past year, but only 8.8 percent used a condom. In the adult population the percentage of condom use was even lower: 7.4 percent for men and 7.6 percent for women. 

Diallo sees a real but hidden threat of escalating HIV/AIDS infection in this behaviour. "Since men having sex with men is not accepted in Malagasy society, a third of these men are also married, potentially passing the virus on to wives and the wider society," he said. 

Low condom usage has already caused one of the highest rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the world: syphilis prevalence is as high as 4.4 percent among pregnant women and 12.1 percent among female sex workers, according to government figures. "We need a system of vigilance, and to carry out a prevention plan to help fight HIV at every level and with everyone involved," Diallo said. 

But AIDS prevention work has been complicated by the political instability of the last three years. Madagascar last carried out a national AIDS prevention plan during the administration of President Marc Ravalomanana. 

In early 2009, Andry Rajoelina, the opposition leader and mayor of Antananarivo, the capital, ousted Ravalomanana but the move was widely condemned and donors halted all but the most basic humanitarian funding. Promised elections have yet to be called and although funding has improved, the levels remain low. 

The National AIDS Control Committee (Conseil National de Lutte contre le SIDA - CNLS) is attached to the President's Office and facilitated by international donors. Work is now mostly done by the Forum of Partners, which operates under the CNLS with participation by the UN, international donors, civil society and the private sector. 

"[Around] 90 to 95 percent of all AIDS-related work is financed from abroad, while this should be about 60 percent. However, the ministers here don't have AIDS on their agenda," said Diallo, who is looking for funding to improve and expand HIV/AIDS data collection. 

"It's hard, because other countries have millions of patients, and here there are 826 monitored people living with HIV, of whom 472 are treated. But on the other hand, studies on the low prevalence reasons here can help everybody." 

ar/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95487/MADAGASCAR-Low-HIV-prevalence-has-its-own-challenges</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106131237540870t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ANTANANARIVO 21 May 2012 (IRIN) - Madagascar has a low level of HIV prevalence, and managing its AIDS programme should present no major difficulties. But the apparent advantage of a low infection rate, combined with the ongoing political crisis, has brought its own challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95459/FOOD-Power-to-the-people</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94372/CLIMATE-CHANGE-Durban-or-bust-the-Trans-African-Caravan-of-Hope</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93991/FOOD-Rumpus-over-GM-food-aid</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92550/FOOD-Home-grown-nutrition-research-for-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Opposition building to Great Green Wall</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti. 
 [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] 
 
 An estimated 10 million people faced severe food shortages due to recurrent drought and climate change in the Sahel region last year. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=34840&Cr=Africa&Cr1=hunger ] In Niger alone, the famine in 2010 left half the country’s population needing food aid and one in six children suffering from acute malnutrition. Some villagers in Niger described 2010 as worse than the 1973 drought that killed thousands of people, according to Malek Triki, West African spokesperson for the World Food Programme (WFP). [ http://www.wfp.org/content/aid-workers-warn-famine-disaster-niger ] 
 
 The Great Green Wall (GGW) project, originally proposed by Burkina Faso’s Marxist leader Thomas Sankara in the 1980s, was later resurrected by former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo in 2005 before receiving approval by the African Union in December 2006. In June 2010, 11 countries involved signed a convention in Chad to further the development of the project, but the plan remained on standby until February when it was officially approved at an international summit in Bonn, Germany. 
 
 During the summit, the Global Environment Facility (GEF) [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/whatisgef ] set aside US$115 million to fund the wall. Mohamed I Bakarr, a senior environment specialist with GEF, told IRIN the wall “is in reality a metaphor to reflect the vision of African leaders for an integrated land-use system that addresses environment and development needs across all affected countries”. The GEF foresees the wall adopting a “mosaic” of “sustainable land-management systems with stakeholders, including grassroots communities, in all 11 countries implementing options that are appropriate to the local context”. 
 
 The plan entails each country implementing its own land, water and vegetation-management projects on up to two million hectares of land, under the framework of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] Monique Barbut, CEO of the GEF, said in a statement it would not fund “an all-out tree-funding drive from Dakar to Djibouti”, but rather, would allocate the funding according to national priorities, which have yet to be finalized. In a paper adopted by the Sahara and Sahel Observatory (OSS) in 2008, alleviating poverty is said to be one of the wall’s principal objectives. 
 
 The paper outlines national and regional objectives, including consolidating and expanding existing greenbelts of trees, conserving biodiversity, restoring and conserving soil and promoting income-generating activities, as well as carbon capture and storage of 0.5-3.1 million tons of carbon per year. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/donnees/Concept_Note.pdf ] 
 
 Indigenous communities "threatened" 
 
 The project has faced opposition, despite its stated commitment to combating drought and desertification, which have exacted a heavy toll on the region as a whole. Wally Menne, a member of Timberwatch, the African NGO focal point for the Global Forest Coalition, told IRIN the organization was sceptical. “In our view it seems poorly conceived in terms of both ecological and socio-economic considerations. Its chances of being a success could be limited, and it may even cause more harm to the environment,” he said. The Global Forest Coalition campaigns for the rights of indigenous and forest people and for socially just policies. 
 
 Menne added that the inclusion of carbon sequestration activities and the potential future development of REDD projects (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) as components of the GGW would require converting suitable land within the belt to fast-growing foreign species of monoculture tree plantations and carbon sinks opposed by many indigenous groups in the Sahel. Growing plantations would also require displacing people living on land earmarked for the GGW and would lead to further depletion of scarce water sources. 
 
 A concept paper on the kinds of vegetal species to be included in the GGW states that the wall will run through both inhabited and uninhabited areas, but will be located in areas where the average annual rainfall is higher than 200mm. It also stated that the only species to be adapted to the wall would be "primarily those that are found, live and develop there". [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/donnees/especes_vegetal.pdf ] 
 
 However, in a statement to the Indigenous People’s of Africa Coordinating Committee, IPACC, Sada Albachir, director of Association Tunfa, a Tuareg human rights group in Niger, said that “international agreements in the past introduced alien invasive species into the Sahara, without tackling the root problems of poor governance, dangerous uranium mining, and a failure to conserve biodiversity and water security in the arid region. I think the idea of planting a Green Wall across Africa is not to be entertained by indigenous people living in the proposed sites, unless the project has been studied in collaboration with them and they are also involved in the implementation.” [ http://www.ipacc.org.za/eng/news_details.asp?NID=276 ] 
 
 The programme coordinator for the OSS, Jihed Ghannem, told IRIN such concerns were baseless. “The full participation of communities is essential,” he said. 
 
 Timberwatch’s Menne told IRIN: “In my experience, ‘consulting’ local communities usually means misinforming them about the potential impacts of a project by exaggerating how they will benefit, whilst neglecting to inform them of the negative impacts. When they say that local communities will be an integral part of the project, it normally means that they will be used to provide cheap labour.” 
 
 Part of the GGW concept plan includes a section on “Food for Work” designed to recruit unemployed workers in each country to help with the planting of the greenbelt in the Sahel. According to OSS, under the scheme, “members of the communities assuming responsibilities are paid in part at the time of planting. The remainder is paid two years later on the basis of the plant growth scale.” The plan also indicates that private businesses, including “initiators of safari parks, modern farming, ecotourist sites” will find “some economic opportunities” in the wall. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/objectifs.php ] 
 
 Menne said the wall could be a useful tool to combat desertification only if “viewed as an exercise in adaptation, rather than as an opportunity for climate change mitigation and making money from CDM/REDD carbon offsets as presently envisioned”. 
 
 According to Khadija Hassan*, representative of an indigenous people’s organization, the GGW might also interfere with migration patterns of pastoral communities and instead should incorporate ancestral systems of land management. “It would be best to protect what already exists in the region, stop the felling of trees in valleys and oases, repair damage caused by climate change, educate communities about REDD and restore livestock that has been lost,” she said. “I find the project is good, but too ambitious.” 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 zm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92422/AFRICA-Opposition-building-to-Great-Green-Wall</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COMOROS: Government wage bill ballooning</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011160939420206t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - The convoluted transition of the Comoros presidency could push the government’s wage bill to more than three-quarters of its revenue, &quot;exceeding [its] budgetary capacity&quot;, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) said in a statement after a recent mission to the Indian Ocean archipelago.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - The convoluted transition of the Comoros presidency could push the government’s wage bill to more than three-quarters of its revenue, "exceeding [its] budgetary capacity", the International Monetary Fund (IMF) said in a statement after a recent mission to the Indian Ocean archipelago. 
 
 Presidential elections were held in December 2010, and won by the former vice-president of Comoros, Ikililou Dhoinine, who will be sworn into office on 26 May 2011. 
 
 The long transition period is a consequence of reforms to the governance system, regarded as one of the world's most complex, even though the population of Comoros is only about 800,000. 
 
 In 2001 Comoros adopted a new constitution, known as the Fomboni Accords, designed to put an end to a history of more than 20 coups and secession attempts since the archipelago gained independence from France in 1975. 
 
 The accords provided a semi-autonomous government and president for each of the three islands - Grande Comore, Moheli and Anjouan - with a rotating presidency for the over-arching Union government. 
 
 Four separate parliaments and presidents and many other prerogatives made governing the islands very expensive - some estimates had put administration costs for one of the world's poorest countries at 80 percent of the central government's annual budget. 
 
 According to the African Economic Outlook (AEO) website, there are no official estimates for unemployment in Comoros; "underemployment is likely to be the norm, however, as little formal employment is available outside the public sector". About 45 percent of the population live on US$1 day or less. 
 
 An "untended consequence" of the political accords had been the holding of elections every year, because the parliaments and presidential terms of the islands were not synchronized, and terms of office also differed, the UN Resident Coordinator in the Comoros, Opia Kumah, told IRIN. 
 
 Harmonization of elections 
 
 The 2010 poll harmonized elections. Without this, starting in 2011, there would have been "elections every year until 2019", Kumah said. 
 
 Apart from the costs and disruption of election days, government officials engaged in campaigning for their respective parties months ahead of voting, which reduced government efficiency and raised political tension. 
 
 The island president of Anjouan agreed to serve only half his five-year term, while the other two island leaders cut their terms of office by 18 months, allowing all periods of office to run concurrently in future. 
 
 Kumah acknowledged "the courage" of the country's politicians for "sacrificing" their terms of office, allowing the country to navigate a tricky part of its political evolution. 
 
 Tension rose in Moheli in early 2010 because the islanders believed they would miss out on the rotating Union presidency, which had previously been held by Grande Comore and Anjouan in turn. 
 
 A compromise was reached with Moheli citizens - the presidential election would be held in 2010, and the five-year presidency of outgoing Union of Comoros President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi would end between 1 January and 1 June 2011. 
 
 Note of caution 
 
 The next parliamentary elections are scheduled for 2014, and island governor and presidential polls will be held in 2015. The system of rotating the national presidency between islands will continue. 
 
 Comoros expenditure on both health and education in 2010 was about 5.9 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and in 2011 is expected to increase to 6.1 percent. 
 
 The IMF estimates that remittances account for more than 25 percent of the island's GDP, however, such high levels of transfers "have helped secure much higher imports than permitted by a narrow export base, but failed to boost domestic economic activity." 
 
 After the IMF’s third review - between 19 March and 2 April 2011 - of its economic programme supported by the Extended Credit Facility (ECF), the IMF Mission Chief for Comoros, Mbuyamu Matungulu, said in a statement that growth had increased marginally from 1.8 percent in 2009 to 2.1 percent in 2010, but inflation rose by nearly 7 percent, mainly due to higher import prices for food and fuel. 
 
 "Nevertheless, the long election and transition period appears to have weakened the focus on reforms. Besides an erosion of recent improvements in managing the wage bill, this has caused an accumulation of payments arrears, as well as delays in the reform of public enterprises,” he said. 
 
 "Without an urgent change in wage policy, the wage bill could reach 11 percent of GDP in 2011, absorbing 76 percent of government revenue, exceeding Comoros' budgetary capacity,” Matungulu warned. 
 
 go/he 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92424/COMOROS-Government-wage-bill-ballooning</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011160939420206t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - The convoluted transition of the Comoros presidency could push the government’s wage bill to more than three-quarters of its revenue, &quot;exceeding [its] budgetary capacity&quot;, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) said in a statement after a recent mission to the Indian Ocean archipelago.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COMOROS: Missing guns delay demobilization process</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011161034330410t.jpg" />]]>MUTSAMUDU 31 January 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of weapons used in a revolt on Anjouan, one of three islands in the Comoros archipelago, remain unaccounted for, causing the government to change its strategy for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration.</description><body><![CDATA[MUTSAMUDU 31 January 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of weapons used in a revolt on Anjouan, one of three islands in the Comoros archipelago, remain unaccounted for, causing the government to change its strategy for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration. 
 
 Some of the more than 300 small arms - from pistols to assault rifles - issued by the state to Anjouan's Forces De Gendarmerie d'Anjouan (FGA), part of the national army, were turned against the Comorian national government by Mohamed Bacar when he refused to step down as President of Anjouan in June 2007 after disputed elections. 
 
 A seaborne landing by African Union (AU) troops in March 2008 ended his illegal nine-month tenure. 
 
 Each island has a semi-autonomous government, a separate parliament and its own president as well as many other prerogatives, with rotating presidency in the over-arching Union government. Replicating the system on each island can cost up to 80 percent of the central government's annual budget. 
 
 The system was designed to end the instability that had caused more than 20 coups and secession attempts since independence from France in 1975, earning Comoros the title of the "coup-coup islands", but island presidents have since been downgraded to governors, and legislatures to councils, to contain costs. 
 
 Economic benefits 
 
 The National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (PNDDR), implemented by the government with the support of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and funded by the UN Peacebuilding Fund, estimated there were about 400 small arms on the island, some belonging to the state military and others thought to have entered the island illegally. 
 
 By the close of 2010, six months after the PNDDR began in June 2010, "Three weapons have been received: an assault rifle, a pistol and a hand grenade," and it was unclear whether these weapons had been used by Bacar's forces to enforce their illegal rule, said Celestin Sikuli, head of PNDDR field operations in Anjouan. It was not the role of DDR to "investigate" where the missing weapons were. 
 
 The programme was viewed as a direct path from disarmament to reintegration, but the missing weapons have stalled the process, leaving ex-combatants unable to enter reskilling programmes and derive the economic benefits. 
 
 One Anjouan resident, who declined to be named, said this was causing "increasing anger" among soldiers who had sided with Bacar, while at the same time the government is committed to recovering the missing weapons. 
 
 Demobilization and the transition to civilian status is acknowledged in a joint certificate issued by the government and UNDP, allowing ex-fighters to enrol in reintegration projects such as agriculture, carpentry, welding, mechanics and computer training. 
 
 The PNDDR would also provide economic reintegration support to victims of the crisis, to avoid the perception that perpetrators were being rewarded and victims forgotten. 
 
 DDR was a "voluntary process". So far about 350 people had registered, including members of the FGA, Sikuli told IRIN, and 155 victims, who had cited a variety of abuses from beatings to the destruction of property. 
 
 Weapons recovery not essential 
 
 "The condition of DDR [imposed by the Comoros army] is that you can't begin reintegration until arms are surrendered,” said Anliyat Mze Ahmed Abdallah, UNDP's DDR programme officer based in Moroni, capital of Grand Comore, the largest island in the archipelago. 
 
 “It is up to government to decide whether there can be disarmament without submitting a weapon... It's a complex situation," she told IRIN. 
 
 In a change of policy, Comoros minister of state and director of cabinet to the president, Ahmed Ben Said Jaffar told IRIN in a statement that "the disarmament and demobilization programme in Anjouan should be carried out simultaneously. So far, the disarmament process has not been fully successful, but there is no intention to forego the process." 
 
 "There is an increasing recognition that only a few weapons are actually recovered during the initial disarmament phase," said Glaucia Boyer, a DDR specialist at the UNDP's Crisis Prevention and Recovery Unit, based in Geneva, Switzerland, and one of the architects of the Anjouan process along with Comorian national stakeholders. 
 
 DDR processes did not always follow a straight line. "It is only when confidence is built [that] ex-combatants are sustainably reintegrated, and [then] have no reason to go back to war, that weapons recovery programmes succeed," she told IRIN. 
 
 The 400 weapons on Anjouan was an estimate, increased by possible illegal weapons entering the island during the crisis - the actual number determined by the military was 324, Boyer said. 
 
 "It is difficult to … [determine] what could be considered a successful disarmament - perhaps the recovery of 200 weapons [of the estimated 400] - as I also heard testimonies of many weapons having ended up in the sea when Bacar's soldiers did not want to leave evidence behind [of their revolt]. 
 
 AU scattered rebels 
 
 AU troops landed on Anjouan on 28 March 2008. Bacar's forces fired a few shots, but a former FGA member told IRIN this was to facilitate his escape to Mayotte, a neighbouring French island. 
 
 Bacar's estimated force of about 900, composed of the FGA and local recruits, were scattered by the AU's military action. He and about 20 of his entourage found refuge in Benin, West Africa, while as many as 200 rebels fled to French-controlled Mayotte. The rest are thought to be on Anjouan and the two other Comorian islands, Moheli and Grand Comore. 
 
 Outgoing Union President Ahmed Abdallah Sambi, whose home island is Anjouan, has said he would consider offering Bacar amnesty, subject to approval by the legislature, but this has yet to be proposed or discussed. 
 
 Lieutenant Missubahou Attoumane, 56, who joined the FGA in 1978, told IRIN that whoever had a weapon had surrendered it to the AU troops. He viewed the revolt as "a political misunderstanding between Bacar and Sambi." 
 
 "I have been accepted back into the community and I regularly play cards and dominoes on the streets," he said. "I do not believe that the 400 weapons are missing. We did not want to fight and me, as an officer, did not carry a weapon," he told IRIN. 
 
 Attoumane said he was arrested and jailed for four months after the AU troops landed. Most of the weapons had been stored at the "Pentagon" - a nickname for Bacar's military headquarters on Anjouan - and were "recovered by the AU", and that this had been overseen by Comorian soldiers who were part of the AU operation. 
 
 Fatima Maurice, 29, a mother of four and a former FGA detective who was incarcerated for a month, said Bacar had disarmed most of the men under his command ahead of the AU military action, and only a "trusted few" had kept their weapons. 
 
 "I understand why government won't accept disarmament without weapons, but we were imprisoned, and when we were released the government knows we did not have the weapons," she told IRIN. 
 
 Maurice and Attoumane both denied reports of human rights abuses during Bacar's illegal rule. "Like all police in Africa, they can become a bit rough at times. But systematic beatings and torture - I never saw that or participated in any such things. It is part of the political game to try and tarnish the image of opponents," Attoumane said. 
 
 Non-payment 
 
 They alleged that the missing weapons provided a convenient excuse for the Comorian government to withhold outstanding salaries and pensions for ex-FGA members. 
 
 Maurice said the government had not paid her for 29 months - since joining the FGA in 2003 and up until March 2008 - but the island had been in revolt for only nine of those months and she had been paid a wage at the beginning of the rebellion. 
 
 "The government does not pay anyway - they pay when they want to. I can accept demobilization, but I will continue to claim my salary. We don't have a choice. I am jobless and powerless." Maurice now works as an informal trader to support her children, aged two, six, eight and 16. 
 
 Attoumane, who has two wives and 12 children aged from five months to 19 years, said God and his relatives were providing, "But how long must we wait until there is a violent reaction?" He received no official document terminating his employment with the FGA, and is claiming 17 months' back-pay. 
 
 "I spent 30 years in the military and of course I am expecting a pension. I was on a salary of 300 euros (US$400) a month, and after 30 years service I expect between 75 and 100 percent of my salary [as a pension]." 
 
 Ahmed Ben Said Jaffar, the minister of state, told IRIN: "There are many problems, and we are trying to solve them, case by case." 
 
 He said about 50 former "militia" loyal to Bacar had been taken back into the military and "another 50 more will be reintegrated soon." Among those being reintegrated were those who had served since the 1970s in the armed forces. Issues surrounding pensions and salaries were also being addressed. 
 
 He said it was hoped "their reinsertion will encourage them to be fully cooperative in the disarmament process." 
 
 go/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91790/COMOROS-Missing-guns-delay-demobilization-process</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011161034330410t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MUTSAMUDU 31 January 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of weapons used in a revolt on Anjouan, one of three islands in the Comoros archipelago, remain unaccounted for, causing the government to change its strategy for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Serious about food</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency. 

Shortly after Malawian president Bingu wa Mutharika became AU chair in 2010, he announced a plan to make Africa food secure in the next five years. 

Martin Bwalya, head of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) said the AU’s seven-year roadmap to put the spotlight on farming so as to promote food security and economic growth, and reduce poverty, had been set in motion five years ago. 

By the end of 2010, the agriculture development plans of 18 African countries had undergone a rigorous independent technical review and were being rolled out. 

Over 60 percent of Africa’s people live in rural areas and most depend on farming for food and income. Agriculture contributes between 20 percent and 60 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) to national coffers. 

In a document called The African Food Basket, Mutharika spelt out the details of his plan, which requires countries to allocate a substantial portion of their budget to agriculture, provide farming input subsidies, and make available affordable information and communications technology. 

This would be possible with the help of a new strategic partnership between countries, donors, aid agencies and the private sector. 

CAADP, initiated in 2003, covers all the main aspects of Mutharika’s plan, including the commitment to devote at least 10 percent of their budgets to agriculture. 

Under the programme, countries draw up comprehensive investment plans that include the four CAADP pillars: sustainable land and water management; improved market access and integration; increased food supplies and reduced hunger; and research, technology generation and dissemination. 

“We expect the countries to contribute at least 10 percent of the annual expenditure budget demonstrating local ownership and responsibility…”, said Bwalya. 

He added while development aid financing remained important, it was also crucial that countries consider measures to attract direct private sector financing to agriculture.

Uganda, one of the 18 states to undergo the review process, has accounted for about 65 percent of its funding requirements from its own budget. 

The AU’s development agency, the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which runs CAADP, helps countries to mobilize funds. 

Is achieving food self-sufficiency in five years a realistic goal? It would be a tough call said Ousmane Badiane, director for Africa at the US-based International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). 

He noted that the AU had 53 members with varying degrees of agriculture investment, development and needs, and some countries did not have the structural capacity to reach the target of food self-sufficiency for many reasons including civil conflicts. 

Going regional 

A more realistic option, Badiane said, would be for countries with the potential to improve food production to produce enough to feed their less productive neighbours. This called for expanding regional trade and investment in transportation, including ports, railways and highways linking countries. 

AU members have begun to take regional economic integration “seriously”, noted Calestous Juma, professor of international development at Harvard University in his recently released book, The New Harvest. 

He lists regional markets as one of the three opportunities that could fortify Africa’s food security against the rising threat of climate change. 

There are at least eight Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community (EAC) “that are recognized by the AU as building blocks for pan-African economic integration”. However, “regional cooperation in agriculture is in its infancy and major challenges lie ahead." 

Regions could become food secure “by capitalizing on the different growing seasons in different countries and making products available in all areas for longer periods of time”, he wrote. 

Both Mutharika and CAADP emphasize the development of regional markets. Mutharika listed 12 regional trade corridors identified by the various RECs and suggested the AU draw up an institutional framework for each corridor. 

Science and technology 

In his book Juma lists advances in science and technology as another factor that could propel Africa towards food self-sufficiency, and called for more investment in the creation of regional hubs of research and innovation. 

Research is being carried out by groups created under NEPAD, such as the Biosciences Eastern and Central Africa Network (BecANet), which has been leading research on food crops, including banana, teff, cassava, sorghum and sweet potatoes. More investment in networks, especially agriculture-related ones, could produce far-reaching results. 

Subsidies 

Underuse of fertilizers has often been cited as a major cause of low production in Africa. Only four countries – Egypt, Malawi, Mauritius and South Africa – have exceeded the 50 kg per hectare target set by the AU, Mutharika noted in his plan. 

Fertilizer use in Africa accounts for less than 10 percent of the world average of 100 kg per hectare, “Just five countries (Ethiopia, Kenya, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria) account for about two-thirds of the fertilizer applied in Africa,” Juma said. 

Mutharika, who promoted the provision of subsidised fertilizer in Malawi, makes a strong case for this approach. At present 19 African countries are implementing various programmes providing fertilizer. 

Juma sees leaders like Mutharika, who has prioritized food security as the third factor that could set Africa on the path to food security. The Malawian government devotes 16 percent of its national budget to agriculture. 

Yet IFPRI’s Badiane sounded a note of caution on subsidies and cited the case of Senegal. After independence the West African country put in place an agriculture subsidy programme in the 1960s that was even more comprehensive than Malawi’s. “It had a dramatic effect on agriculture in Senegal, but by 1979 one of its [agriculture] agencies had worked up a deficit amounting to 98 percent of the national budget.” 

Carefully managed subsidies, run for a short term, and aimed at strengthening existing markets and agricultural infrastructure, were a lot more effective, he said. 

The Rwandan government provided free fertilizer to farmers for four years after 1994. In 1998 it wanted to hand over importing and distribution to the private sector, which unfortunately lacked capacity, so the government continued to procure and import fertilizer but left distribution and selling to the private sector. 

Since then, aid from financial institutions has helped the private sector build capacity to import, and at least 20 bodies now import several hundred tonnes of fertilizer, Badiane said. 

Way forward 

The AU’s plans for agriculture also tackle other major issues affecting food security, such as irrigation (only four percent of Africa’s crop area is irrigated, compared to 39 percent in South Asia); improving soil fertility (more than three percent of agricultural GDP in Africa is lost annually as a direct result of soil and nutrient loss); post-harvest storage loss (sub-Saharan Africa loses about 40 percent of its harvest per year, against one percent in Europe); setting up databanks to share early warning information and energy. 

There is a high level of engagement between countries on agriculture. “They meet regularly and we support them in building evidence-based information,” CAADP’s Bwalya noted. 

If they stayed the course in implementing CAADP, Badiane said in five years a large number of African countries, if not food secure, would be in a much better position to feed themselves. 

jk/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91547/AFRICA-Serious-about-food</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2010</title><pubDate>Fri, 31 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005190857270708t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 December 2010 (IRIN) - The crises in Zimbabwe and Madagascar were a major focus of IRIN’s Southern Africa coverage, though riots over food and fuel prices in early September 2010 in Mozambique managed to grab the headlines for a while.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 December 2010 (IRIN) - The crises in Zimbabwe and Madagascar were a major focus of IRIN’s Southern Africa coverage, though riots over food and fuel prices in early September 2010 in Mozambique managed to grab the headlines for a while. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90618 ] 
 
 Civil rights activists warned of a possible surge of violence if elections - hinted at by President Robert Mugabe - go ahead in 2011. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90852 ] Major donors have said that if elections are not free and fair the level of their engagement and support will be affected. [ http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2010/12/153649.htm ] [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91461 ] 
 
 Donor support to get essential services up and running after the devastating cholera outbreak of 2008/2009 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87828 ] is paying off. IRIN reported health services had improved but poor salaries have kept staff morale low. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91283 ] 
 
 With a poorly paid civil service, allegations of corruption are commonplace. IRIN took a closer look at the ability of ordinary Zimbabweans to access identity documents and found that a passport could cost up to US$300. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90953 ] 
 
 Zimbabwean migrants in neighbouring South Africa were desperate to get hold of passports as the government announced it would resume deportation of undocumented Zimbabweans from 1 January 2011. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?Reportid=90391 ] At least a million Zimbabweans are estimated to be living in South Africa and were victims of xenophobic attacks. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=88052 ] 
 
 Madagascar 
 
 The prospects for the Indian Ocean island state of Madagascar - now run by former radio DJ Andry Rajoelina who seized power from President Marc Ravalomanana in 2009 with the backing of the army - worsened when some soldiers attempted to seize control in November 2010. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91128 ] The coup attempt coincided with a referendum on constitutional reforms which made Rajoelina eligible to stand for election. 
 
 Donors suspended all but emergency assistance to the financially dependent country of 20 million people after Rajoelina took office, and the USA ended the preferential access enjoyed by Madagascar's textile industry to its markets under the African Growth and Opportunities Act. This has had a devastating impact on livelihoods. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88224 ] 
 
 IRIN also wrote about how Madagascar's transitional government was beginning to export illegally harvested precious hardwoods to generate revenue. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=87978 ] 
 
 Nosy Be, an island off the northwest coast of Madagascar, was the focus of an IRIN report on community efforts to combat sex tourism. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91197 ]
 
 Angola grabbed the spotlight when it continued to violently expel Democratic Republic of Congo nationals from its territory. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90906 ]. The Cabindan separatist movement in Angola denied that the conflict had ended (interview with IRIN). [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89930 ]. 
 
 Women's rights in Swaziland received a setback when its highest court reversed a ruling which allowed married women to register property in their own name. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89510 ] 
 
 Other IRIN reports covered the increasing strains on a century-old, five-nation Southern African Customs Union funded largely by 1.15 percent of South Africa's gross domestic product; [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90208 ] social transfer programmes which help to reduce poverty in Africa; [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90514 ] and World Bank cash transfers in Malawi indicating that unconditional transfers can have the same effect as conditional transfers. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=90045 ] 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91506/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Pick-of-the-year-2010</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005190857270708t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 December 2010 (IRIN) - The crises in Zimbabwe and Madagascar were a major focus of IRIN’s Southern Africa coverage, though riots over food and fuel prices in early September 2010 in Mozambique managed to grab the headlines for a while.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COMOROS: The battle against malaria lies in the balance </title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011160953050988t.jpg" />]]>FOMBONI 03 December 2010 (IRIN) - On arrival in Moheli, an island in the Comoros archipelago, you have to prove that you are taking, or have taken, anti-malarial drugs, otherwise you will have to swallow a pill provided by the authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[FOMBONI 03 December 2010 (IRIN) - On arrival in Moheli, an island in the Comoros archipelago, you have to prove that you are taking, or have taken, anti-malarial drugs, otherwise you will have to swallow a pill provided by the authorities. 
 
 The precaution is part of a three-year campaign sponsored by the governments of Comoros and China to control or even eradicate the mosquito-borne disease by eliminating the parasites that cause malaria from the population, thereby preventing transmission of the disease. 
 
 Mosquitoes feed off an infected host, ingesting the gametocyte forms of the parasite, which then transform into infectious sporozoites and are transferred to the next human hosts when the infected mosquito bites them. 
 
 In Africa the most dangerous and prevalent malarial parasite is Plasmodium falciparum. Symptoms of the disease include fevers, vomiting, diarrhoea, anaemia, convulsions and muscle spasms, and appear about 10 days, but often longer, after a human host has been infected. 
 
 Rachadj Attoumani, who is responsible for Moheli's malaria surveillance, told IRIN that there has not been "one recorded death from malaria [on the island] ... whereas before about two or three people died each month," since the campaign began in October 2007. 
 
 The main components of the project are the mass distribution of anti-malarial drugs produced by the Chinese pharmaceutical company, Artepharm, a DDT spraying campaign, and insecticide-treated nets - which now cover 90 percent of the island's beds - provided by the World Health Organization. 
 
 Moheli has about 42,000 people, of whom about 82 percent have taken anti-malarial drugs; those who have not were either not on the island, or had refused, Attoumani said. 
 
 The drug campaign required "sensitization" of the recipients, but many, including Attoumani, had experienced debilitating and recurring malaria, and the opportunity to rid their systems of it had provided the incentive. 
 
 The medication is a formulation based on artemisinin and piperaquine that the producers say on their website "has a synergistic effect which reduces the infectivity of the [malarial] gametocytes and clears the gametocytes in their early stage, therefore blocking malaria transmission." 
 
 There has been concern about the anti-malarial drug from some quarters, as it has not been subjected to any rigorous scientific peer review. 
 
 The roll-out of the course of medication island-wide - assisted by a team of 11 researchers from China's Guangzhou University of Traditional Medicine - began with two tablets administered in the first 48 hours, a single dose on the tenth day, and then at intervals of ten days for the next six months. 
 
 Children between the ages of one and seven years were given the drug in a soluble granular form, but babies and pregnant women were excluded from the campaign. 
 
 Surveillance ahead of the project found that rates of infection varied across the island, but all leant towards endemic levels. Ndremeani had the highest rate of malarial parasites - 94 percent of the villagers were infected - in Hagnamoida 48 percent were infected, but in Fomboni, the island's capital, only about 10 percent of the people were infected. 
 
 In the immediate aftermath of the mass drug programme, malarial parasites were reduced to 0.5 percent among the population, and were currently hovering around 1.5 percent, Attoumani said. 
 
 Islands as anti-malarial experiments 
 
 Islands have often been seen as ideal for malarial elimination because population movements are limited and the land mass is isolated, and a range of approaches have been tried. 
 
 The Mediterranean island of Sardinia, where malaria is thought to have arrived in 502 BC during the Carthaginian conquest, has been known since classical times as the "unhealthy island". Between 1946 and 1950 the Rockefeller Foundation spent millions of dollars on trying to eradicate mosquitoes - the vector for the disease - by spraying 267 tons of DDT. The experiment did eliminate malaria, but the stated objective of ridding the island of mosquitoes was not achieved. 
 
 On the neighbouring French island of Corsica a multi-pronged approach was adopted. Marshland was drained and now delivers 60 percent of the island's agricultural production. Systematic DDT spraying campaigns were carried out, coupled with the large-scale distribution of the anti-malarial medication, quinine, and the introduction of Gambusia fish, which feed on mosquito larvae, led to the eventual eradication of malaria. 
 
 Mauritius was exposed to the mosquito-borne disease in 1865 and two years later experienced an epidemic that killed between an eighth and a quarter of the population in a calendar year. After a long campaign of indoor spraying, the island was declared malaria-free by the World Health Organization in 1973. 
 
 Aneityum, one of the 80 inhabited islands of Vanuatu in the southwest Pacific, successfully eliminated malaria using a similar approach to what is being tried in Moheli. 
 
 During a period of about two months in 1991 the entire population of 718 people were administered weekly doses of chloroquine, pyrimethamine/sulfadoxine (Fansidar) and primaquine, and all slept under insecticide-treated nets. A monitoring programme over the next nine years recorded only two instances of malaria, both a consequence of infections from outside of the island. 
 
 Risks of re-infection 
 
 However, the scale of the Moheli experiment sets it apart from the experience of Aneityum Island, but reducing the malarial parasite on the Comorian island is not without risk. 
 
 Attoumani said when people had malarial parasites there was also a level of immunity, but after treatment this immunity tailed off, and should "someone be infected with malaria, the symptoms will develop quickly". 
 
 In the 1940s and ‘50s the French colonial government in Madagascar began a DDT spraying and disease monitoring programme to control malaria in the highland regions of the country, but in the 1970s, more than a decade after independence, this came to a halt. A malaria epidemic subsequently broke out in the area and is estimated to have killed 40,000 people in five years. 
 
 In 11 of Moheli's 26 villages, monitoring laboratories staffed by single operators with a few months’ training, who are paid US$20 a week, take blood samples and rapidly diagnose any malarial parasites with the aid of a microscope. 
 
 Benechieq Chema, 28, studying for his baccalaureate, is on call every day in the laboratory in the village of Wanani, with a population of about 2,500 people in a banana, cassava and potato farming area about 20 km from Fomboni. He told IRIN that "maybe a couple of people will come", complaining about a fever and want to be tested for malaria. 
 
 "If someone tests positive [for malaria], which is very rare, I immediately give them [anti-malarial] medicine, as well as their family, and then inform [Fomboni] about the case," he said. 
 
 However, it is the friends or family returning to Moheli from visits or work on the neighbouring Comorian islands of Anjouan and Grand Comore, where malaria remains at high levels, that pose the greatest risk of an outbreak. 
 
 Nationwide roll-out? 
 
 Although the two main points of entry, the airport and seaport, have strict malaria controls in place, an aid worker who declined to be named, told IRIN that in reality "you cannot hermetically seal the island". 
 
 Comoros is a nation of seafarers and it is not unusual for people to arrive on Moheli on small fishing boats without going through a formal point of entry. A Moheli resident who preferred to remain anonymous told IRIN that occasionally the officials were not at their posts when a plane or ferry arrived. 
 
 Attoumani said the key to sustaining very low rates of malarial infection on Moheli, or even eliminating the disease, was the other two islands in the archipelago. 
 
 The government of Comoros is encouraging better transport links between the islands as a way of fostering greater national unity because the three-island nation has endured more than 20 coups and secession attempts since independence from France in 1975, but this also increased the risk of malaria transmission between the islands. 
 
 Attoumani said China had dispatched medicines and microscopes to the Comoros for the roll-out of the initiative on Anjouan and Grand Comore - which have much larger populations - but the Comoros government did not have the financial resources to pay staff for the monitoring component of the programme. 
 
 go/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91276/COMOROS-The-battle-against-malaria-lies-in-the-balance</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011160953050988t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">FOMBONI 03 December 2010 (IRIN) - On arrival in Moheli, an island in the Comoros archipelago, you have to prove that you are taking, or have taken, anti-malarial drugs, otherwise you will have to swallow a pill provided by the authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Going rural and green</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Oct 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006301631390484t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2010 (IRIN) - As rural Africa experiences an increasingly moody climate which will erode resilience, drive up hunger and threaten economic growth, it is time countries got serious about development, participants at the seventh African Development Forum in Addis Ababa were told.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2010 (IRIN) - Rural Africa needs to wake up to climate change, which is threatening food security, people’s resilience to cope with natural disasters, and economic growth, participants were told at the Seventh African Development Forum which ends in Addis Ababa today. 
 
 Africa’s Rural Futures (RF) programme, an initiative of the African Union’s New Partnership for Development (NEPAD) and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), sets out plans to boost rural development, and is an attempt to adapt to the impact of climate change. 
 
 At the same time, organizations such as the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Bank are backing the UN’s Green Economy Initiative, [ http://www.unep.org/greeneconomy ] which is more focused on mitigation. 
 
 In his address, Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, NEPAD’s chief executive officer, called RF a “new way of thinking about development”. 
 
 But is it new? At a policy level, Lindiwe Sibanda, head of the Food Agriculture and Natural Resources Policy Analysis Network, a think-tank [ http://www.fanrpan.org/ ] explained: “Well, what they are talking about is integrated rural development with agriculture as the driver. It will get all the ministries to look at their sectors with a rural lens. It moves beyond the sectoral approach.” 
 
 This would do agriculture in Africa some good, she hoped. “Development of agriculture has suffered because of the sectoral approach.” Departments of transport, infrastructure and agriculture have not worked in consort in many countries, affecting food production and supply. 
 
 In a bid to revive their failing rural economies, some developed  countries have been running RF programmes for some years. WWF, which has been involved in some of these programmes, had been looking at an initiative to improve rural livelihoods with a link to improving biodiversity in Africa, when they found NEPAD. 
 
 Urbanization 
 
 The RF programme is guided by the fact that 60 percent of the population in Africa is rural, though UN projections indicate that the number of urban dwellers is likely to treble over the next four decades. 
 
 “Urbanization is a part of the natural evolution of a society, but what conditions will these new urban dwellers live in - slums?” asked Estherine Lesinge-Fotabong, NEPAD’s programme implantation head. 
 
 By providing new impetus to agriculture, the RF programme also hopes to create jobs, absorb the growing population, and tackle food security and gender empowerment. Most subsistence farmers in Africa are women. 
 
 Fine-tuning 
 
 RF was launched at the Forum, but is still being fine-tuned and currently at a “strategic document stage”. It envisages a two-year period of consultation with countries and civil society across Africa. 
 
 RF talks about developing linkages between local and regional markets, but stops short of any connections to industry. “That is its shortcoming, but the programme is still evolving,” said Mersie Ejigu, head of the Partnership for African Environmental Sustainability, an international NGO. [ http://www.paes.org/about/mstatement.htm ] 
 
 Ejigu, a development economist and former minister of development and planning in the Ethiopian cabinet, added: “I am not saying we need to have big investments in massive agro-based industries. It could be small-scale, home-based industries but when you are looking beyond agriculture and adding value, you have to look at processing the primary product.” 
 
 Donor-dependent 
 
 But money, and especially donors, decide the future of any programme in Africa, said Mamadou Cissokho, honorary president of the Network of West African Farmer and Producer Organizations. “African countries need to bring their own money to the table - then only will they be able in a position to decide what development path or programmes they want to implement.” 
 
 This concern was also voiced by WWF’s Gabriella Richardson-Temm: “We are happy with the way this is shaping up and that Africa wants to design their own programme - but then donors, who bring in the funds, come with their own sets of conditions.” 
 
 RF could also be one of the components of the UN’s Green Economy Initiative, which is assisting governments to “green” their economies by reshaping policies to ensure growth on the basis of non-fossil fuel-based energy, backed by sustainable agriculture (with the help of investments in clean technology and public transport that runs on renewable energy). It also focuses on greening other sectors such as waste management and water services. 
 
 “You don’t want us to grow,” said a participant when UNEP’s Achim Steiner spelt out the initiative. Coal is still the cheapest source of energy in developing countries. Another said: “But Africa is already green - most of our people use biomass to produce energy.” 
 
 But you need money to access these alternative green technologies, pointed out Moussa Ould Hwedna, a technical adviser to Mauritania’s Ministry of Water and Sanitation. “Ours is a dry country and we need solar power to pump water from underground and the cost of solar energy is prohibitive.” 
 
 “We would like to adopt these technologies but developed countries should look at making it cheaper for us,” he added. 
 
 This is one of the issues at the UN climate change talks, the next round of which will take place in Mexico later this year. 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90786/AFRICA-Going-rural-and-green</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006301631390484t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2010 (IRIN) - As rural Africa experiences an increasingly moody climate which will erode resilience, drive up hunger and threaten economic growth, it is time countries got serious about development, participants at the seventh African Development Forum in Addis Ababa were told.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Thinking big on climate change modelling</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Oct 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008080613t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 13 October 2010 (IRIN) - If African countries had had the capacity to do climate change projections, their data could have been fed into the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) assessments for the continent, said Richard Odingo, former vice-chair of the IPCC at one of the discussions ahead of the Seventh African Development Forum.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 13 October 2010 (IRIN) - If African countries had had the capacity to do climate change projections, their data could have been fed into the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) assessments for the continent, said Richard Odingo, former vice-chair of the IPCC at one of the discussions ahead of the Seventh African Development Forum. [ http://www.uneca.org/adfvii/about.asp ] 

The IPCC is still recovering from its controversial warning about the impact of climate change on food production in Africa, cited in its synthesis report. The warning turned out to have been based on a non-peer reviewed academic paper for three North African countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88400 ]

The warning said that since most agriculture in Africa is rain-fed, climate change, which is affecting vital rainfall patterns and pushing up temperatures, could halve crop yields in some countries by 2020.

“Africa should think big and do their own climate change modelling to forecast projections,” said Odingo, as climatologists and meteorologists brainstormed on measuring climate change at the Forum being organized by the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).

Better climate data will help countries prepare for soaring temperatures and natural events such as droughts, floods and storms set to become more intense and frequent as the impact of climate change unfolds. "There are gaps in our information collection," he said.

Climate modelling initiatives launched in Africa in collaboration with universities in the West were not "good enough", Odingo told IRIN.

To assess the impact of climate change, climatological data spanning at least 60 years is required. But countries in Africa have often had to shut down weather stations because of a lack of funds or political strife.

Amadou Gaye, head of the Laboratory of Atmospheric and Ocean Physics at Dakar’s University Cheikh Anta Diop agreed. Gaye, who was one of the authors of the IPCC’s last assessment, said it would be easier for Africa to do projections on a large scale than prepare country-specific models. “We could start with that.”

Obstacles

Some experts at the meeting said they lacked money to build capacity to collect and analyse climate data.

Sound climate data was the starting point in developing a climate change model, said Mxolisi Shongwe, Swaziland’s national climate change coordinator. “And the quality of data varied across the continent.”

But there were other stumbling blocks. “And when you have data, often departments within government are unwilling to share the information,” he told IRIN.

Any modelling also needs to be validated by an authoritative body to make improvements. “But again few government agencies involved in data collection open themselves up for scrutiny.” Shongwe added that South Africa was an exception in the continent. “All the government sectors [in South Africa] not only share their data but also open themselves up for scrutiny by the academics [climate change experts] at the University of Cape Town.”

ClimDev Africa

Gaye added that the continent perhaps needed to look towards the Climate Information for Development Needs: An Action Plan for Africa' (ClimDev Africa), a programme aimed at improving weather data analysis, which was started in 2005.  

Recognizing the need to bring Africa on board, the action plan was put together for the continent with the help of the Global Climate Observing System, which in turn is a combined initiative of several UN agencies and the International Council for Science (ICSU). The other sponsors of the Africa plan were UNECA and the African Union Commission. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72380 ]

The programme is officially being launched at the Seventh African Development Forum on 13 October. “It is a massive programme. We have had to develop strategy and terms of reference for the staff and then do the recruitment itself,” said Josué Dioné of UNECA, explaining the delayed launch. Dioné, who heads the Food Security and Sustainable Development section at UNECA, was one of the prime movers for ClimDev. “It is not that we are not working - we have already put US$30 million into the regional climate forecasting centres in Africa.”

CimDev also helped Africa develop its position at the UN climate change talks.

In a programme spread over 10 years, ClimDev Africa will support efforts to establish or upgrade weather observing systems to fill data gaps, expand capacity for analysing and interpreting data, and strengthen existing African climate institutions. 

The programme also includes a climate policy centre, which will help governments draw up strategies to mitigate and adapt to the impact of climate change. 

The Forum, which is focusing on dealing with climate change for sustainable development, will end on 15 October. 

jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90751/AFRICA-Thinking-big-on-climate-change-modelling</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008080613t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 13 October 2010 (IRIN) - If African countries had had the capacity to do climate change projections, their data could have been fed into the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) assessments for the continent, said Richard Odingo, former vice-chair of the IPCC at one of the discussions ahead of the Seventh African Development Forum.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: &quot;Encouraging&quot; drop in maternal deaths</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 Sep 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20038203t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 September 2010 (IRIN) - The proportion of women in sub-Saharan Africa who died because of pregnancy fell by more than a quarter between 1990 and 2008, according to estimates released on 15 September. </description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 September 2010 (IRIN) - The proportion of women in sub-Saharan Africa who died because of pregnancy fell by more than a quarter between 1990 and 2008, according to estimates released on 15 September. 
 
 In 1990, the maternal mortality ratio (MMR - expressed in deaths per 100,000 live births) was 870 in sub-Saharan Africa, the worst rate of any region in the world. In 2008, it was 640, according to data published jointly by the World Health Organization (WHO), UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) and the World Bank. 
 
 Globally, the ratio fell by 34 percent, from 400 to 260, states the report, Trends in Maternal Mortality, noting that this represented an annual decline of 2.3 percent. This is less than half the reduction needed to achieve the fifth Millennium Development Goal (MDG), which concerns maternal health. 
 
 “There was a 26 percent reduction in maternal death rates in sub-Saharan Africa and this data is encouraging," Thoraya Ahmed Obaid, executive director of UNFPA, told IRIN. 
 
 "We welcome and are thrilled by the decline, which shows that interventions are working. There are increasing efforts in countries to train more midwives, provide family planning, and strengthen hospitals and health centres to provide care to pregnant women. But we need to do more and increase community engagement. There are still 1,000 women [across the world] who die every day in childbirth, and more than 200 million women with an unmet need for family planning," Obaid said. 
 
 Data were collected in 172 countries, but only 63 provided complete information from civil registration systems and good attribution of causes of death for the estimates. 
 
 “Maternal deaths are more often misclassified than other [deaths], not only because they are easily confused with deaths due to other causes, but also because health institutions may prefer to attribute them to other causes, due to the stigma of inadequate treatment associated with maternal death,” Lale Say, monitoring and evaluation officer with the Department of Reproductive Health and Research at the WHO, told IRIN. 
 
 “Even in the best civil registration systems in the world, it has been found that maternal death can be substantially under-reported,” Say added. 
 
 cp/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90490/HEALTH-quot-Encouraging-quot-drop-in-maternal-deaths</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20038203t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 September 2010 (IRIN) - The proportion of women in sub-Saharan Africa who died because of pregnancy fell by more than a quarter between 1990 and 2008, according to estimates released on 15 September. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>