<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Conflict</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 17:30:40 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>KENYA: Clashes highlight dangers of devolution</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030927370598t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions. 

The main two pastoralist communities involved, the Borana and the Gabra, have a long history of sometimes violent competition over resources.  But by many accounts, an unintended consequence of Kenya’s new devolutionary constitution has raised the stakes considerably. 

The prospect of real political and budgetary power - concentrated since independence in distant Nairobi - rather than water, pasture and cattle-raid vendettas, now drives the violence. 

“Every conflict in 2012 will have political and ethnic implications and can therefore not be treated as normal criminal activity,” Mzalendo Kibunjia, chairman of the National Cohesion and Commission (NCIC), said in a recent statement [ https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=172600292840170&id=133856426714557 ]. 

The NCIC is a government entity set up in 2008 to eliminate ethnic discrimination and promote inter-communal reconciliation. 

“The conflicts in northern Kenya must be treated as electoral related and not be dismissed as conflict over water, pasture and cattle rustling. 

The NCIC has established that the ongoing violent conflicts [in Moyale and Isiolo http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94312 ] are politically motivated in anticipation of the 2012 elections,” Kibunjia said. 

However, presidential, legislative and local elections might not be held until early 2013 according to a recent High Court ruling. 

The Kenya Red Cross added: [ http://www.kenyaredcross.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=251&Itemid=124 ] “The trigger of the current conflict is allegedly competition over positions in the county government structures as designated in the new Kenyan constitution and land-related issues.” 

Incitement  

The spate of sporadic clashes is thought to have been sparked by a single killing in early November just across the border with Ethiopia.  

Since then, political leaders from each community have allegedly incited violence against the other, regardless of whether those members are combatants. 

“Different communities used to share mixed schools, mixed waterholes, mixed shopping centres, mixed everything. Now they can’t be on the same street together,” said one aid worker, who recently visited the town. 

Several political leaders, including a former member of parliament, have been arrested on suspicion of fuelling the increasingly generalized conflict. 

“Here, a politician can kill his opponents, it happens every [election] year, but not a single politician or trader known to have planned and killed people has ever been convicted,” Aba Dika, an elder in Moyale, told IRIN. 

However, Eastern Province Police Commander Marcus Ochola told IRIN such impunity was on the way out. 

“I am confident our officers, who are still collecting additional evidence, will support strong cases against those responsible for these skirmishes,” he said. 

Another police official said detectives were investigating reports that some suspects had used social media to incite violence and congratulate kinsmen when prominent members of rival communities had been killed. 

Aid workers who visited Moyale said hundreds of houses had been burnt and that crops, livestock and property had been destroyed. 

There have also been reports of shortages and increasing food prices due to the interruption of transport and the closure or destruction of shops. 

Thousands of people – insecurity has prevented an accurate assessment - have been displaced from their homes, with many fleeing into southern Ethiopia.

The Red Cross estimates that 9,500 families – some 57,000 people – have fled, 60 people have been killed and more than 1,000 houses burnt. 

The worst-affected areas include the settlements of Heilu, Kinisa, Buthye, Bori, Mansile, Illadu, Manyatta and Odda. 

Traumatized  

“The extent of displacement now and the indiscriminate targeting of the violence – women, children and older persons, any member of the [rival] community has been killed – have left people really traumatized,” said one humanitarian official, who asked not to be named. 

“The fear is that between now and elections [we] will see displacement and returns, displacement and returns, with nothing really in balance. There won’t be much room for manoeuvre until some sort of political solution is agreed upon. 

That seems very far away right now, from what we have seen,” he added. “It’s not easy to arrange peace meetings when the parties are so mistrustful and fearful of the other’s intentions. Willingness and commitment are not there at the moment, it seems. Willingness to cease hostilities has been very low. It’s quite tragic,” said the aid worker.

Education blow Education has been badly affected in Moyale, with 18 of the area’s 31 schools yet to reopen after the Christmas break and many school-age children among the displaced, either in Ethiopia or in makeshift camps. 

Livestock trader Abduba Wario said his income had dried up because the town’s livestock market was closed and he had been unable to send his two daughters to school in the central Kenyan town of Meru. 

"It's risky, no trucks are available. I appeal to the government and NGOs to provide all school-children with transport and police escorts for learning in other parts of the country," he said. 

The state of education facilities serves as an important indicator of the wider security climate, according to the aid worker. 

“Children returning to school is the first step in terms of reconciliation, a return to normality. If it is safe for children to go to school it is also safe for health workers and others to return to their posts,” he said. 

Amid reports that leaders of warring communities have mobilized across the porous border, Kenyan security forces are working with those from Ethiopia. "We are liaising with our counterparts in Ethiopia to trace the fighters who fled when Kenyan security officers were deployed to quell the fight,” said a security official, who asked not to be named.  

na-aw-am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94789</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030927370598t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CAMBODIA: The impact of truth-seeking on mental health</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202021632230167t.jpg" />]]>PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”),  the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison.</description><body><![CDATA[PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”), the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison. 

This ruling overturned a 2010 sentence of 35 years, which civil party lawyers had appealed. 

Mental health experts are monitoring the impact of such rulings and the entire judicial process on survivors due to the particularities of this tribunal; its rules grant them a larger role than in any previous international criminal tribunal, prompting longstanding questions about whether truth-seeking hurts or heals war wounds. 

In addition to testifying as witnesses to corroborate the prosecution’s case, survivors of Cambodia’s 1975-1979 genocide can also share their suffering with the court as “civil parties” entitled to “collective and moral reparations”. 

“You have two camps, those who say justice can magically heal and others who say there is a risk of re-traumitization, which requires extraordinary measures be taken to protect victims [during proceedings],” said Jeffrey Sonis, a medical researcher from the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, who has specialized in the psychosocial consequences of human rights abuses, and mechanisms to promote justice following conflict. 

With support from the US National Institutes of Health, Sonis interviewed 1,800 people in all 24 of Cambodia’s provinces in 2009 and again in 2010, before and after Duch’s trial, to learn whether and how the trial affected survivors’ mental health. 

While unable to discuss his findings before publication, he said they fell between the two extreme views of how justice-seeking mechanisms may affect health. 

In earlier research published in 2009, Sonis found that although most of the 1,000 Cambodians he interviewed hoped the trials would promote justice, 87 percent of those older than 35 believed the trials would bring back painful memories. 

Double-edged sword 

“The trial is a double-edged sword,” said Sotheara Chhim, a psychiatrist and executive director of one of the few local NGOs devoted to mental health,Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO), and an expert witness called before this tribunal for mental health matters. 

“It may be both catharsis and re-traumitization.” 

When survivors retell their stories, listen to others as well as lawyers for the former Khmer Rouge senior cadre, painful memories and emotions may resurface, said Sotheara. But this “dark period” should not last long, he added. 

“But after that, I think they found that the process of testifying had a therapeutic effect. A lot said [that] after testifying, they became relaxed like they [had] let go of a heavy load [they had carried] for a long time.” 

The “bad feelings” can come back, said Sotheara, for example, when an undesired verdict is pronounced, but this is “the normal path in the process toward justice, which is not easy and [can be] a bumpy road”. 

One out of four people who participated in Duch’s first trial reported “quite a bit” or “very much” negativity, such as disappointment and anger, following the announcement of the first verdict, according to a study published in 2010 by the Berlin Centre for the Treatment of Torture Victims, in collaboration with TPO. 

Civil parties 

On 26 July 2010, judges sentenced Duch to 35 years’ imprisonment for crimes against humanity, minus five years for the time he was illegally jailed by the Cambodian military court. Because he had already served 11 years in detention, he would have had less than 19 years to serve of his sentence. 

The verdict also rejected 24 survivors’ applications to be included as civil parties, due to a lack of evidence proving they were affected by the crime. 

After recognizing a photo of her uncle during a 2008 visit to Tuol Sleng, where she said he had been detained and executed, Hong Savath, 47, tried to join the case against Duch. 

But in rejecting her application, judges said “neither this photograph nor any documentary evidence was provided as proof of her uncle’s detention at S-21 [Tuol Sleng]. Party [Hong], who was 11 years of age when her uncle disappeared, has also not provided evidence of any special bonds of affection or dependency in relation to her uncle.” 

Her lawyer, whose work is funded by the German government, appealed. 

Gang-raped by the Khmer Rouge – her oldest son is now 31 – and forced to witness her parents killed by bayonet, Hong fell into depression after the July 2010 verdict. “I felt surprised and sorrow I was not selected,” she told IRIN. 

Days before the 3 February court appeal verdict announcement, Hong said she feared the worst of her depression would return in the courtroom. “I am worried Duch will deny his guilt. I am afraid I will lose control. I do not know if I can bear the intense emotion.” 

On appeal, the court accepted her application to be a civil party. 

When asked why she risked rejection and depression repeatedly to join the cases against the Khmer Rouge, she told IRIN: “I am the only survivor in my family and want to show this suffering to the world, especially the UN.” 

Those sharing this conviction may be plentiful, but relatively few of the genocide survivors who are still alive are participating, noted a recent publication by the local Documentation Centre of Cambodia (DC-CAM) on trauma psychology. 

Opting out 

As of May 2010, 8,200 people had applied to join the court’s first two cases. 

“What can the court really do for us?” said Nyrola Ung, 58, who chose not to participate. 

She lost her husband and more than 100 other family members. After escaping to neighbouring Thailand in 1980, and then seeking asylum in the US, she returned to Cambodia last year in an attempt to visit the location where she escaped death and to confront her loss. 

Sareth Mon, 58, also based in the capital, said she did not have time. A mother of two at the time the Khmer Rouge took her husband away in 1979, she lost her one-month-old baby when she could not produce any more breast milk to keep her alive. 

“It is good to have trials, but it seems like a long time ago. The trial can relieve suffering – some people lost their entire families. I know I have a right to tell my story to the court, but I cannot attend because I am busy raising a family.” 

One of the first to submit a testimony to the court, Theary Seng, 40, withdrew as a civil party in late 2011, calling the trials “a political farce” that risked raising expectations and harming an already, as she put it, “cynical public”. 

A US-trained lawyer trying to set up a civic education NGO in Cambodia, Seng was orphaned at eight when her mother was killed in Svay Rieng Province bordering Vietnam. 

Reparations 

For “collective and moral reparations” (because court rules do not allow financial reparations), the court had granted survivors’ requests to compile and distribute Duch’s apologies and “statements of remorse” - but not a state apology, construction of memorials, free healthcare, preservation of former torture sites or a national commemoration day, stating that civil party lawyers had provided insufficient detail, or the request fell outside the court’s jurisdiction. 

This decision was upheld on 3 February, as judges explained how the court as a “unique system” cannot grant anything that requires government input. 

In a 2010 analysis of 4,000 survivors’ official complaints at the court, 18 percent requested medical services, 16 percent improved infrastructure, 16 percent school construction, 12 percent individual reparations and 13 percent religious ceremonies, according to the DC-CAM. 

But even without reparations, eight out of 10 Cambodians surveyed nationwide in 2008 and again in 2010 by the law school at University of California Berkeley said it was important to know the truth and that national reconciliation was impossible without more information gleaned from the trials. 

And while it hurts to listen to testimonies and see history rehashed in the media, graduate management student at Pannasastra University, Ok Pirum, 25, said: “If I had to choose between the pain of knowing and no pain from not knowing, I would choose pain.” 

pt/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94790</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202021632230167t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”),  the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The LRA - not yet a spent force</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts. 

The LRA is seen as being in “survival mode”. It has a lightly armed 250-strong militia dispersed across a territory half the size of France, and uses “terror” tactics to subdue local populations and is facing a coordinated response from the armies of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Central African Republic (CAR), South Sudan, Uganda and the USA. 

In recent weeks African Union (AU) special envoy for affairs relating to the LRA Francisco Madeira, and the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General Abou Moussa have toured Kinshasa, Bangui, Juba and Kampala to discuss regional military cooperation, following authorization from the AU Peace and Security Council in November 2011, with the support of the UN, for them to deal decisively with the LRA. 

Ashley Benner, a policy analyst at the Enough Project [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] - a US NGO lobbying for an end to mass atrocity crimes - told IRIN: “The proposed AU intervention force will consist of approximately 3,500-5,000 troops from the four affected countries. The mandate and goals of the mission are to end the LRA, protect civilians, and lead to security and stability in the affected countries.” 

The USA has deployed about 100 military advisers - they carry weapons for self-defence only - to assist the region’s military forces, but Benner said this would not be sufficient. 

“The advisers need to be bolstered by more capable troops, greater intelligence and logistical capabilities, including helicopters, improved collaboration between regional forces, and increased efforts to encourage LRA members to leave the group,” she added. 

Sandra Adong Oder, a senior researcher at the conflict management and peacebuilding unit at Pretoria-based think-tank the Institute for Security Studies, told IRIN the same military actors involved in previous and failed attempts to eradicate the LRA were involved in the AU initiative, and asked: “It [the initiative] may be doing more, [but] is it any different?” 

Top priority? 

The LRA was also not a top priority for the four affected countries: Kony’s forces, were no longer operating in Uganda; they were more than 1,000km from Kinshasa and so not seen as a key security issue for the DRC; they are not threatening any economic interests or political constituencies in CAR; and South Sudan was grappling with more urgent security considerations, said Oder. 

In a research note entitled The AU’s Regional Initiative Against the LRA: Prospects and Implications [ http://www.iss.org.za/iss_today.php?ID=1420 ] published on 30 January, Oder said: “The regional intervention force… is based on some assumptions that the LRA is an easy problem to solve, and that the insurgent group’s threat capability has been reduced. This may prove to be a grave mistake… 

“The new force should therefore not merely improve on existing military operations, but needs to refrain from merely duplicating operational structures and techniques that do not work, while at the same time leaving the military command in the hands of national governments, which could fuel suspicion and intraregional tensions within the alliance, which in turn could severely limit cooperation and coordination - and hence the AU’s overall ownership of the mission… 

“This time round, the consequences of another failure will be prohibitive, in the sense that once committed, the AU mission would then have to use all necessary force to avoid failure, and would be under immense pressure to escalate military involvement to ensure success,” the note said. 

The International Working Group on the LRA, in a World Bank June 2011 report entitled: Diagnostic Study of the Lord’s Resistance Army, [ http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/main?menuPK=64187510&pagePK=64193027&piPK=64187937&theSitePK=523679&entityID=000386194_20111103040219 ] written by Philip Lancaster and Guillaume Lacaille, said: “It should be remembered that the LRA only has to survive to succeed… 

“As long as it [the LRA] is present, it is capable of generating insecurity in the region. To survive, it needs only to avoid, as much as possible, direct contact with superior armed forces and continue to resupply itself from vulnerable civilians. As long as it retains the freedom to choose the time and place of its attacks, it retains the tactical and strategic initiative,” the World Bank report said. 

In the past month, LRA Crisis Tracker, [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ] a real-time mapping platform for crimes committed by Kony’s forces, has attributed six deaths and 14 abductions to the armed group. 

Ugandan leadership? 

Uganda, the regional military power, is expected to take the lead role in the military operations by virtue of its acknowledged professionalism compared to the region’s other forces, and its close working relationship with US forces over the past few years, although its dominance in an intervention force could increase regional tensions, especially between Kampala and Kinshasa: Last year DRC President Joseph Kabila asked his counterpart Yoweri Museveni to halt operations in his country against the LRA by the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), and it is unclear how this impasse will be resolved. 

Oder said although the Ugandan army was “overstretched” with its commitments to the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), it had a personnel score to settle with the LRA, after previous encounters had exposed the “weaknesses, corruption and competences” of the UPDF. “It’s about saving face and pride,” she said. 

A 2 February 2012 Enough Project report entitled Ensuring Success: Four Steps Beyond US Troops to End the War with the LRA [ http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/ensuring-success-four-steps-beyond-us-troops-end-war-lra ] by Sasha Lezhnev, said Uganda’s best troops were in Somalia and it did not have any bases in the DRC. “Some 90 percent of LRA attacks over the past six months have taken place in [DR] Congo… The shortage of troops is also hurting civilian protection efforts, which are in urgent need of a boost.” 

Skilled bush fighters 

The bush fighting skills of LRA fighters have been masked and overshadowed by their reputation as a ragtag bunch of bandits, marauding and raping, reliant on abducted children brainwashed into soldiering under Kony, and with an absolute disregard for human rights. The LRA is responsible for thousands of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people across the four-country region. 

“We have ample evidence from reports of the past 20 years that the LRA are a force to be reckoned with. Ruthless as they are, their tactics are well adapted to the terrain and the nature of the forces they face,” Philip Lancaster - former head of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration division of the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC), the predecessor of the current UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the Congo - said in an August 2011 article entitled the Lord’s Resistance Army and Us. [ http://congosiasa.blogspot.com/2011/08/guest-blog-lords-resistance-army-and-us.html ] 

“The LRA make deliberate use of terror to tie up military forces and survive by hit-and-run attacks that are well-planned and flawlessly executed,” he wrote. 

LRA fighters value reconnaissance, are skilled in ambush techniques and the evasion of air surveillance, are trained in both irregular and regular forms of warfare and have adapted to different climatic regions from rainforests to arid wastelands. “Their extraordinary ability to survive, even when constantly on the move, gives LRA fighters an edge over all pursuing armies,” the World Bank report said. 

The notion that the LRA’s estimated 250 fighters and their dispersal into small cells indicates weakness, is misleading, the World Bank report said. “While the LRA has been weakened over the past two years, it is premature to regard them as lacking capacity, since the number of the core fighters is not much lower now than what it has been throughout the years.” 

The response to any concerted military effort against them is likely to be accompanied by the LRA’s “very crude way of operating” in using civilians as targets, Oder said. 

Civilian protection 

The Ugandan 2008 offensive against the LRA, Operation Lightning Thunder, resulted in a sharp rise in the number of LRA attacks on civilians, rather than a drop-off: There were two successive Christmas massacres in 2008 and 2009. 

“These events, particularly the massacre of December 2009 in the Makombo area of Haut Uélé, DRC, provoked questions about the wisdom of offensive operations against the LRA without adequate accompanying measures to protect civilians in the area of operations,” The World Bank report said. 

“The military response from UN peacekeeping and national forces has been totally inadequate insofar as they focus on providing limited static defence of a small number of civilian settlements. The LRA just find the ones that aren’t protected. Since none of the armies deployed have a policy of pursuit after attack, the LRA consistently escape with loot and abducted recruits,” says Lancaster’s article. 

“A major component of the military operations to apprehend Kony and his senior leadership should be civilian protection,” said Benner. 

Kony, an indicted war criminal, has also received an unexpected boost from the undermining of Uganda’s Amnesty Act with the trial of former LRA commander Thomas Kwoyelo, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93377 ] which “is further worsening chances that LRA fighters will come out; the case has sparked fear of prosecution among the LRA ranks,” the Enough Project report said. 

The UN Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (UNDDRR) exercise has been viewed as a major weapon in deconstructing the LRA through its propaganda campaign to encourage defections. 

The Enough Project report quoted a former LRA captain who had defected from the armed group. “I spent 18 years with Kony. The only thing that can be effective now against the LRA is the gun. Don’t leave the UPDF alone - the international community should step in. US advisers won’t be effective, though. You need joint troops from other countries. Kony doesn’t fear the US advisers because he knows the number [of Ugandan troops and US advisers] now is small. One LRA unit can defeat 10 UPDF units.” 

go/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94794</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NEPAL: Fears of violence during expected Kathmandu squatter eviction</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202020816160388t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - A Nepalese government development plan for Kathmandu could lead to violence as the authorities seek to evict thousands of landless squatters, activists say.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - A Nepalese government development plan for Kathmandu could lead to violence as the authorities seek to evict thousands of landless squatters, activists say. 

“We are ready to kill ourselves to stop government bulldozers. This is a life or death situation,” said Saru Magar, a landless squatter, who has been living at Bansighat settlement in the city centre for over 30 years. 

“Where can we go?” asked Indra Prasad Timilsina in frustration. “We have no place to live.” 

“We are extremely worried for the families, especially the children, women and the elderly people. They have absolutely nowhere to go,” said urban poverty expert Lajana Manandhar, director of NGO Lumanti Support Group for Shelter, [ http://www.lumanti.org/ ] which has been providing legal support to the squatters. 

The development plan envisages clearing a large area and the demolition of a number of buildings, including clinics and petrol stations. 

Some 40 squatter settlements with an estimated population of over 20,000 are being targeted, mostly along the city’s riverbanks, according to Lumanti. The squatter-migrants have been moving to the city from impoverished rural hill areas since the early 1950s. 

Things appear to be coming to a head after the Supreme Court ruled on 27 January against the squatters, prompting the authorities to ready their bulldozers; thousands of police have been mobilized for an eviction which could take place any time now. 

“This is winter time and it’s very cold in the capital. The government has ruthlessly picked such a time to evict the squatters to make them homeless,” said Sabin Ninglekhu Limbu, a University of Toronto researcher specializing in squatter settlement issues. 

The government’s eviction plans are a violation of internationally recognized human rights and fail to follow UN principles and guidelines on rights to adequate housing, Limbu added. 

“The government should immediately suspend the evictions until it can ensure that the relocations of squatters are respected,” said Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/01/20/letter-deputy-prime-minister-re-impending-forced-evictions-squatter-settlements-bagm ] on 20 January. 

Meanwhile, the squatters, many of whom cannot sleep in anticipation of the eviction, have begun preparing for the worst. 

“It has been a nightmare for all of us as we fear being homeless any time… We fear for the children and the elderly,” said Siva Prasad Sharma, president of local community group United National Squatters Front. 

Newspaper announcement 

The government has not issued eviction notices to the squatters, but has placed an announcement in the newspapers warning that the eviction will take place, he explained. A three-month rent subsidy, but no alternative accommodation, has been offered. 

“The government hasn’t even bothered to verify how many are actually very poor and what their situation will be once they are evicted. This issue is not a priority for the government,” said Lumanti’s Manandhar. 

“This eviction without any relocation plan is ridiculous. The issue could be dealt with easily without agitating the squatters who are ready to take up arms to fight the government,” former mayor of Kathmandu Keshab Sthapit told IRIN. 

When Sthapit ordered the destruction of over 150 squatter homes in the city’s Bishnumati area in 2001, Kathmandu Metropolitan Office and Lumanti purchased government land and built houses for each family verified as landless squatters. There is a lot of disused land, but no-one in the government seems interested in relocation, he added. 

nn/ds/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94778</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202020816160388t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - A Nepalese government development plan for Kathmandu could lead to violence as the authorities seek to evict thousands of landless squatters, activists say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: SGBV on rise in Hargeisa IDP camps</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202011314090053t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region. 

"Numbers of the displaced have increased in recent months, with many families coming to town to escape drought; lack of a police presence within the camps and inadequate lighting have contributed to the increase in some of these cases," Shukri Osman Said, an SGBV coordinator for an NGO, Comprehensive Community-Based Rehabilitation Somaliland (CCBRS), told IRIN at the Stadium IDP camp in Hargeisa.  

The Stadium IDP camp, home to an estimated 5,000 families (30,000 people), is one of several IDP camps in Hargeisa where humanitarian organizations such as CCBRS have ongoing programmes aimed at addressing SGBV among vulnerable communities. 

According to Said, CCBRS has been running the SGBV programme in the IDP camps since 2006 with funding from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. 

"On average, CCBRS handled between 15 and 20 cases of SGBV per month; however, we have noticed that the cases of domestic violence have increased dramatically; in 2011 alone, we had over 500 cases of domestic violence," Said told IRIN. 

"Our SGBV prevention programme has helped somewhat because the SGBV cases have started reducing; our concern is the rise in domestic violence, which is mostly due to men not coping well with economic hardship and ending up venting their frustration on their wives." 

The CCBRS programme, she said, had a component targeting those with physical disabilities and provided orthopaedic aids - such as wheelchairs - to some of the affected IDPs. SGBV coordinators from CCBRS also made home visits for physiotherapy sessions, provided counselling and psycho-social support and referred those requiring specialized treatment and/or legal aid to relevant institutions. 

"Most of the victims of SGBV are poor and cannot afford treatment in private hospitals; some cannot even afford the transport to public hospitals, so we help by referring them to the Sexual Assault Referral Centre in the main hospital in Hargeisa," Said told IRIN. 

"We also refer those requiring legal aid to organizations that help women seek justice." 

Hawo Yusuf, a member of the management committee at the Stadium IDP camp, said the committee supported SGBV survivors by helping them be accepted by society. 

"We help construct shelter for those in need of a place to stay, especially those who become pregnant; we help by tracking and [apprehending] the perpetrators, although our efforts are frustrated when these people are freed without being charged with any offence." 

Livelihood projects 

According to UNHCR Somaliland, Hargeisa is home to approximately 85,000 displaced people who have fled their homes mostly from south and central regions of Somalia, due to various reasons, including drought, limited livelihood opportunities and increased violence. 

"IDPs often live in difficult conditions, more often than not with limited access to basic facilities such as adequate healthcare, good shelter and clean water and sanitation amenities, ample security as well as employment opportunities," the agency said. 

"UNHCR engages IDPs in Hargeisa in various projects like solar lighting or animal husbandry that will equip them with the necessary skills to start up their own businesses and provide a better life for their families." 

CCBRS is implementing an income-generating project, funded by UNHCR, aimed at empowering woman in the IDP camps. Started in 2008, the project has helped transform the lives of the IDPs by providing them with better livelihoods. 

Fouzia Hassan, mother of eight and one of the beneficiaries, told IRIN: "All my children are now in school, thanks to the US$600 grant I received to boost my bread-making business. My business has expanded and I now make between 55 and 65 loaves a day, something I could not have dreamt of doing before the start of this project." 

Hassan said she can now take care of her family better: "I can meet their medical bills, I have built a latrine for the family's use and I have installed a water tank, this is now my home. It has changed my life and my family's." 

js-ah/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94775</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202011314090053t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Key West Bank settlement outpost slated for evacuation</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now. [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/migron-petition ] 
 
“The prime minister is trying to implement the court’s decision peacefully,” by reaching an agreement with the Migron settlers which would include moving them from their homes to new housing on adjacent Israeli “state land”, Mark Regev, spokesperson for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, told IRIN.
 
According to the court’s ruling of 2 August 2011, the outpost is on privately-owned Palestinian land.
 
“If there is illegal construction on private land, it has to come down,” said Regev. Any agreement the prime minister reaches with the settlers will be put before the court, he added.
 
There are 18 cases regarding outposts, including Migron, before the high court, according to Peace Now, an Israeli pressure group which campaigns for a politically negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several have been going on for years.
 
Peace Now began petitioning the high court to pressure the Israeli government to take action against the “illegal” outposts, which occupy about 1,620 hectares of West Bank land. About 16 of the outposts are on nearly 100 percent Palestinian land and an estimated 22 are on at least 50 percent Palestinian land, according to Peace Now.
 
“During 2011, the state informed the court of its intention to officially establish 11 new settlements by legalizing `illegal’ outposts, which are home to some 2,300 settlers in 680 structures,” said Lior Amihai of Peace Now’s settlement watch team in Jerusalem. Since the petition was filed there has, however, been little building of outposts on private Palestinian land, said Amihai.
 
“Settlement” is the term used to denote Israeli civilian communities built in territory conquered by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, now called the West Bank by Palestinians and the international community, and known to Israelis as Judea and Samaria.
 
Outposts are settlements built without official Israeli government blessing, typically after the mid-1990s. There are about100 outposts to date, many of which were supported by the Israeli government. [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Law/Legal+Issues+and+Rulings/Summary+of+Opinion+Concerning+Unauthorized+Outposts+-+Talya+Sason+Adv.htm ]
 
In 2003 the government of Ariel Sharon (in which Netanyahu was a senior minister) adopted the road map peace plan, which required Israel to "immediately dismantle" all outposts established after March 2001, including Migron. 
 
Settlement expansion in the West Bank accelerated in 2011. There were 1,850 new “building starts” for housing units (excluding East Jerusalem), an almost 20 percent increase on 2010, says the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_the_humanitarian_monitor_2012_01_19_english.pdf ]
 
Various initiatives by the Israeli government in 2011 were aimed at “legalizing” unauthorized settlement outposts built on private Palestinian land, reports OCHA.
 
About 300,000 Israeli settlers live in the West Bank - out of the West Bank’s 2.5 million people - according to UN estimates, while a total of 500,000 settlers live in occupied Palestinian land. Of these, about 4,000-5,000 settlers live in outposts, according to Peace Now.
 
Humanitarian concerns
 
The Migron settlers announced this week that talks with Israeli Minister Without Portfolio Benny Begin are under way with the aim of legalizing the outpost. Many community members are motivated by religious beliefs that they are entitled to the land.
 
About 322 Israeli settlers live in Migron, one of the largest outposts, which has 14 permanent structures and 56 caravans on about 36 hectares east of the West Bank city of Ramallah.
 
Spokesperson for the Migron community Aviela Deitch told IRIN that when the community was established in 1999 residents were led by the government to believe that they had legal rights to purchase the land.
 
The community is concerned they will not be relocated in a humane manner, says Deitch, noting the issues - some ongoing - surrounding the 2005 settler withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92358 ]
 
Three homes in Migron were destroyed by the Israeli authorities on 5-6 September 2011.
 
“Troops arrived with no forewarning in the middle of the night, without any paperwork, refusing to look at the homeowners’ paperwork, and destroyed three family’s homes," said spokesperson Deitch. “In one home, where five children aged 2-10 were sleeping, troops wearing face masks and carrying shields burst through the windows, terrifying the children.”
 
Families were given no alternative housing by the government, and many personal belongings from the home were destroyed, said Deitch, estimating the total loss at nearly US$300,000. 
 
Spokesperson for the Israeli Police Micky Rosenfeld told IRIN these decisions are in the court’s hands. “They are living there against Israeli law; no one has to tell them in advance to leave,” he said.
 
However, according to the Israeli government-commissioned Sasson Report, [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/Sasson_Report_EngSummary_0.pdf ] millions of shekels of public funds were invested illegally in the outpost, for example, to connect homes to the water and electricity network.
 
The transfer of settlement blocs in the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority (PA) will be essential to any final-status peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians, and the creation of a future Palestinian state.

Settler violence, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_01_20_english.pdf ] including “price tag” incidents by Israeli settlers continues to affect Palestinians’ lives and livelihoods. 

The “price tag” strategy emerged during 2008, in which groups of settlers would exact a “price” against Palestinians and their property in response to attempts by the Israeli authorities to dismantle “unauthorized” settlement outposts,” reports OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_fact_sheet_2009_11_15_english.pdf ]

“We are seeing a general increase in price-tag attacks, and it is the Israeli army’s responsibility to protect Palestinian civilians,” said Amihai, from Peace Now, warning that attacks will increase if Migron is dismantled.
 
es/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94776</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: UN calls for access to the needy</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia's Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country's food security. 

"Over the past couple of months, ICRC distributed food to over one million Somalis in crisis; leaving so many vulnerable Somalis without food will endanger their lives and could also result in pushing a large number of people back into famine, reversing any gains made," Mark Bowden, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, said. 

"We appeal to all factions in Somalia to allow humanitarian actors to reach people most in need, wherever they are."  The ICRC was one of the last aid agencies operating in areas under Al-Shabab’s control. 

In a statement [ http://somalimidnimo.com/salafi/2012/01/al-katai%e2%80%99b-media-presents-new-statement-from-%e1%b8%a5arakat-al-shabab-al-mujahidin-%e2%80%9cclosure-of-the-international-committee-of-the-red-cross-icrc%e2%80%9d/ ] on 30 January, the group accused ICRC of "repeated distribution of expired food and false accusations". 

Al-Shabab said its Office for Supervising the Affairs of Foreign Agencies (OSAFA) "has decided to terminate the contract of ICRC permanently". 

A local journalist, who requested anonymity, said Al-Shabab was angered by the decision of ICRC to suspend its humanitarian activities on 12 January in Al-Shabab-controlled areas after its aid deliveries were blocked.  

In November 2011, Al-Shabab banned 16 aid organizations, including several UN agencies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".   

Somalia is still in the throes of a major food crisis, classified as famine in some regions. A civil society source in Mogadishu said the latest move "will be a setback for the recovery from the drought and famine. The timing is bad for those who are in need and those who were receiving seeds to plant."

An aid worker, who declined to be named, told IRIN a new approach was needed to deal with Al-Shabab.  

The aid worker said Al-Shabab was under a great deal of pressure from Kenyan and Ethiopian troops. Both countries’ forces have entered Somalia and captured Al-Shabab-controlled areas. 

"They [Al-Shabab] are seeing everything as an attempt to destroy or harm them." The aid worker said force alone would not work. 

"Maybe it is time to open channels of communication, preferably by the international community. Surely, if they [international community] can talk to the Taliban, they can talk to Al-Shabab to save lives." 

ah/js/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94768</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN-UGANDA: Economic migrants battle xenophobia</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg" />]]>JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan's largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba's booming post-war economy.

There are about one million Ugandans living in South Sudan, according to the Kampala City Traders’ Association (KACITA). But life is not easy for the Ugandan traders who supply South Sudan with many essential goods.

On a side road at the market, a Southern Sudanese policeman wearing orange fatigues strikes a passing Ugandan with his rubber whip a few times, seemingly without any provocation. The Ugandan winces and then continues on his way.

Watching the incident from a small Ugandan-owned restaurant in the market, Ugandan migrants say such incidents - and much worse - are not uncommon. They say they have been beaten, arrested without cause and faced a plethora of other forms of harassment by Southern Sudanese security forces.

Hassan has been living in Juba for three years, selling used clothes. He has lost count of the number of times he has been beaten by security forces. “They come and ask you where your immigration [papers] are, and even if you have [them], they take you to the police without any [reason]. They beat you and tell you, ‘Bring money!’”

Just that day, says Hassan, Southern Sudanese police tried to extort money from him. “They beat me and they asked me, ‘Where is your money? Why are you working here, we don’t want you to work here, go back to Uganda.’”

Suing the government

KACITA spokesman Issa Sekkito said he and the Ugandan Ministry of Trade had compiled a list of more than 100 Ugandans claiming compensation from the government of South Sudan for harassment, confiscation of goods and property, failure of the government to pay for goods and services provided and in some cases, injuries and loss of life.

“We talked about people drowned in the River Nile, killing, raping of women, torture... Some people are lame now because of the problems they got. The brutality in some cases left their lives unrecoverable.” Ugandans are seeking US$48 million in compensation from the government, he said.

“Isolated Incidents”

Elizabeth Majok, Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Commerce in South Sudan, did not deny that such incidents may have occurred. But she said any harassment faced by Ugandan traders was the result of misconduct by individuals, and not institutional or systemic failure.

“You will not rule out one-to-one cases and this can happen even with Southern Sudanese. But if there are thousands of Ugandans and one faces certain incidents, which are isolated, it shouldn’t be [taken] like it is happening to everybody.”

Majok said the Ugandans who came to South Sudan were met with generally favourable business conditions and were not systemically discriminated against. “The whole market is being controlled by foreigners, from retailers to wholesalers to importers - everybody. And there is no discrimination. They are being given licences like locals and being facilitated by the Bank of Southern Sudan,” she said.

Military history

But this is not the first time security forces in South Sudan have faced allegations of human rights abuses against civilians. Boutros Biel, head of the South Sudanese Human Rights Society for Advocacy, said he had recorded incidents of killings, rapes, arbitrary arrest and torture.

“Generally, the security [forces’] behaviour is not only problematic to the foreigners but to the nationals themselves,” he said.

Biel said he believed that abuses by security forces stemmed from South Sudan’s history. Many of the security personnel in the new nation were formerly soldiers in the rebel army that fought for liberation from the North. “In the military background in the South, there was no mercy in dealing with your enemies... A person with a gun was more powerful [than a person without],” said Biel, explaining that many in the security forces take advantage of that fact and violate the rights of civilians.

Prejudice

Though human rights violations by security forces in South Sudan may happen to both foreigners and nationals, there is a strong undercurrent of xenophobia against Ugandans, according to Fred Ssenoga, spokesman for Joint Action for Redemption of Ugandan Traders in Sudan.

Ssenoga said that when intervening on behalf of Ugandan traders in Juba he was often met with prejudice. “I go to the police and they say, ‘If you had not come here, would you have faced problems?’... When [Southern Sudanese] see Ugandans participating in [the economy] they think they are taking over their work.”

However, despite this xenophobia and harassment, Ugandan migrants are likely to keep going to South Sudan for the financial rewards. As Hassan, the clothes vendor, said, “I get more money than those who stay [in Uganda]. I have already built a big house in Uganda with the money I have got here.”

je/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94755</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SLIDESHOW: Living on the edge in Kenya&apos;s Turkana region</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya's vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.

On their own, meagre average annual rainfall of between 300mm and 400mm and frequent droughts pose surmountable challenges. In the past, the predominantly livestock-raising population was able to travel far to find browse and water; a sustainable, cyclical livelihood.

However, access to such greener pastures is now curtailed by agricultural development, out-of-bounds national parks, and the prevalence of small arms in the wider region.

View the slideshow
AccordingThere is little to fall back on. Infrastructure - roads, electricity, water supplies, schools, sanitation facilities, health centres, communications, social services and media access - are at best inadequate, if not virtually absent. Political clout is negligible. Poverty levels are at least 20 percent greater than the national average.

Insecurity, nomadism, and the sheer vastness of the remote region - it covers some 70,000 sqkm - have greatly limited intervention by government agencies and international partners.

All these factors contributed to malnutrition rates that topped 37 percent in some areas during the extreme drought of 2011. Food insecurity is permanent; many in Turkana have depended on food aid since before Kenya gained independence in 1963.

Related Reports

Drought exacerbates conflict in Turkana [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]
Illiteracy hampers treatment programmes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93324 ]
Turkana reels from severe drought [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93210 ]
The dangers of pastoralism [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94739</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
es/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Building a blood bank</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251109040186t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - A small fridge in the corner of Juba Teaching Hospital’s laboratory is the only blood bank in South Sudan, the world’s newest nation with some of the worst health statistics in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - A small fridge in the corner of Juba Teaching Hospital’s laboratory is the only blood bank in South Sudan, the world’s newest nation with some of the worst health statistics in the world. 

Health workers say a lack of blood is the main cause of mortality at the country’s main but extremely under-resourced hospital, and they face the anguish of having to watch patients who could be saved die. 

“Sometimes they bleed until they die and we cannot do anything about it,” said Wani Mena, head of the hospital. “The first cause, the major cause, of maternal mortality in our department is bleeding,” said Chuol Kuma, an obstetrics and gynaecology consultant. 

While the rest of the hospital is sometimes left for days without power due to frequent cuts, capacity to keep more blood is hampered by only having a small fridge in the laboratory - the only room with a back-up generator. 

“The blood bank we have is a very small refrigerator. It only takes around 50 units of blood. This is not enough,” Kuma said. 

A 20-year-old mother of two recently died after suffering complications from a late miscarriage. “She needed an immediate blood transfusion and she needed blood and then she got the blood late and died,” he said. 

This woman, like many others who enter the hospital, was already anaemic. 

“The need for blood is so great in this place because of injuries. Anaemia is one of the most common presentations to our hospitals, both of women who are pregnant and for those who have malaria... and sometimes they die from it,” said Mena. 

Fight for blood 

But most of the time, the small amount of blood in the family-sized fridge cannot be touched even in emergencies, as it has been donated for specific patients due for surgery. 

“Currently the system that exists is that somebody gets sick, relatives come and donate blood. That is not a good system. We should have a stock of blood that we can give to any patient in need of it, and immediately,” said Mena.

Cultural taboos and a lack of awareness about the risk-free benefits of giving blood also mean that getting relatives to give blood to save a life is often a struggle that staff do not win. 

“In some tribes, somebody cannot, for example, give blood to his in-law, or somebody cannot receive blood from a foreigner, things like that,” said lab supervisor Charles Stanley Mazinda. 

Other staff say families avert their eyes or want to know their loved one will make it before committing themselves. Amin Gerald, a nurse at Torit Hospital, about four hours’ drive from Juba, said he had come to give blood for his wife. 

He understands the importance of giving blood, but would not do it for a stranger. 

Gerald says he often comes across people who believe that giving blood will make them ill or weaken them, or that blood should never be mixed as it could kill the patient.  

But Mazinda said that when there is an emergency, people rush to the laboratory expecting blood, only to find it cannot be touched. 

Fighting fear 

Technician Charity Ritti said the laboratory used to divert blood to emergency patients whose relatives promised to donate afterwards, but when they did not come back, staff faced a backlash from donors.   

“The owners of the blood will come and quarrel and sometimes they even want to beat us,” she said. 

Ritti is concerned that often the bank only has one unit of key blood types, such as O-negative, but says changing people’s mindsets to build up reserves is extremely difficult. 

“They are afraid of donations - we have people coming here from Kenya, Uganda and Khartoum [Sudan] and giving blood... but our people here cannot face free donations,” she said. 

“Sometimes we screen them, then we say go and have breakfast and they never come back,” she said. 

Changing attitudes Hospital staff say awareness campaigns and better medical education are needed, among the huge challenges facing a nation where only 16 percent are literate and very few have access to health facilities. Even local doctors admit they too are scared to donate. 

“There’s just not a lot of cultural education about giving blood and still being healthy. I think in the US and UK and Europe we are very educated about that,” said Matthew Fentress, an American doctor working at Juba Hospital. 

In addition, Mazinda said getting people to the blood screening stage was a challenge, as people feared finding out they were HIV-positive. 

“Sometimes we screen some blood donors, and when they are [HIV-]positive, we tell them to go to the VCT centre down the road, but some of them don’t reach there [and flee],” he said.  

Bridging the gap The government is planning to build a national blood bank here this year that will hold up to 200 pints (113 litres). 

Meanwhile, doctors from the Harvard Initiative in Massachusetts have set up a “virtual blood bank” to try to beat storage and power problems. 

The bank is made up of a database of pre-screened volunteer donors who are willing to come in and replace a unit of their blood type. 

Fentress said this would free up blood for emergencies and when the hospital cannot get blood from patients’ friends and families. 

“Right now we’re really focused primarily on foreigners, as their attitudes are already changed,” he said. 

The hospital is advertising on the internet and in community centres, such as churches, until a government campaign hopefully ensures South Sudan’s first “real” blood bank is filled. 

“It is just the beginning and I hope it will succeed. But I think they need assistance from the communities. There must be medical education or health education for the communities so that they accept to come and donate freely so that we may have enough blood in our blood bank,” said Kuma.  

hm/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94719</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251109040186t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - A small fridge in the corner of Juba Teaching Hospital’s laboratory is the only blood bank in South Sudan, the world’s newest nation with some of the worst health statistics in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: High cost of child trafficking</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg" />]]>POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</description><body><![CDATA[POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.

“Trafficking in children is real,” said Gabon’s social affairs director-general, Mélanie Mbadinga Matsanga. 

“Gabon, for example, is considered an Eldorado and draws a lot of West African immigrants who traffic children.” Matsanga was speaking at a conference on preventing child trafficking held in Congo’s southern city of Pointe Noire.

The meeting was attended by delegates from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Gabon is primarily a destination and transit country for children and women, who are subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking; boys are forced to work as street hawkers or mechanics, states the US State Department’s human trafficking report for 2011. [ http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/164454.pdf ] 

Child trafficking is defined by the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children [ http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CTOC/index.html#Fulltext ] as the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of children for the purpose of exploitation. This definition is especially important in West and Central Africa where it often occurs with the consent of the parents and sometimes, of the children themselves, notes a UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) report [ http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/insight7.pdf ]. 

But a “near total absence of data” on the scope of the problem prevents media coverage of the issue, which is essential in influencing public opinion, noted the 2002 UNICEF report. A decade later, the problem persists. “It is hard to count the number of children [affected]. It is even difficult to talk [about them] because their attitude shows that [the children] themselves are convinced that the work they are forced to do is not normal,” Marianne Flach, UNICEF’s representative in the Congo, told IRIN.  

“The parents in the countries of origin do not even know what happens to their children in the countries of destination,” added Flach. 

Children and their families are ensnared by the empty promises of a better life, leading to the smuggling across borders every year of hundreds of thousands of children, denying them education, health, the right to grow up within a family and to protection from exploitation and abuse, say experts. 

Kidnapping on the rise 

In Cameroon, says the State Department report, trafficking operations usually target two or three children, such as when rural parents hand over their children to a middleman promising education or a better life in the city. 

But traffickers there are increasingly kidnapping their victims, as heightened public awareness means parents are giving away fewer of their children to middlemen.  

“Trafficking is nothing but abuse,” Marcelline Pambou Loubondo of the NGO Movement of Mothers for Peace, Solidarity and Development, told IRIN.  “The traffickers are looking for a better life. They want to get rich very fast, which is why they employ children.” 

The children are often forced to engage in petty trade day and night, lest they are beaten up, added Loubondo. 

The presence of local and foreign armed groups also poses a threat to children’s rights, as do burgeoning oil and mineral sectors. In the DRC, for example, armed groups continue to abduct and forcibly recruit men, women and children as combatants, labourers and sex slaves.  

A significant number of unlicensed Congolese artisanal miners – men and boys – are also exploited in situations of debt bondage by businessmen and supply dealers from whom they acquire cash advances, tools, food, and other provisions at inflated prices, and to whom they must sell the mined minerals at below-market prices, notes the State Department report.   

In Equatorial Guinea, children “…are believed to be exploited in Malabo and Bata where a burgeoning oil industry creates demand for cheap labour and commercial sexual exploitation”. 

According to delegates at the conference, source and destination countries need to form bilateral accords given the trans-border nature of trafficking. 

Weak law enforcement  

At present, those involved in human trafficking are not systematically targeted by law enforcement officials even as trafficking seems to undergo a “seemingly uncontrollable rapid expansion”, noted Congo’s Social Affairs Minister, Emilienne Raoul. 

In Gabon too, according to the US State Department report, the lack of enforcement of counter-trafficking laws has meant there have been no convictions, despite the arrest of more than 68 suspected trafficking offenders between 2003 and 2010. 

While trafficking is often associated with clandestine migration, the merging of these two issues has serious consequences, with trafficked children seen as young offenders rather than victims in need of special protection measures, notes the International Organization for Migration. 

“Human trafficking is a form of migration particularly detrimental to human rights,” added Robert Kotchani, a UN human rights official. 

But, “in the same manner that slavery ended, human trafficking can equally end”, said Viviane Tchignoumba Mouanza, a magistrate and president of the association of female jurists in the Congo. “It is a problem with the mentality, sensitization and reach of the law.”  

lmm-aw/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94721</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Authorities move to curb illegal gold-mining</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg" />]]>TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</description><body><![CDATA[TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.

The departments in question are Korhogo, Ouangolo, dikodougou, Boundiali, Ferkesse Dougou and Sienematiali.

Artisanal mining has grown over recent years and farmers are having more and more difficulty securing their land to plant crops, according to farmers and several high-level officials - including Zakade Antoine, agriculture director of Tengrela in the Savanes region of northern Côte d’Ivoire, and Aly Koné, regional director of the Ministry of Mines, Petrol and Energy.

Artisanal miners dig holes in the ground up to 20 metres deep, and often do not fill them in afterwards, said Koné Namakoro, 63, village chief of Tengrela. 

“Today we are having trouble growing rice and millet as our fields have been taken over by miners who are operating in cahoots with certain chiefs and landowners,” he said.

According to Antoine, millet and rice production in Savanes has declined over the past few years as artisanal miners expanded their operations; in some communes of Tengrela and the sub-prefecture of M’bengué in Korhogo region food security is worsening as a result.

The World Food Programme could not confirm this trend, though Deputy Country Director Ellen Kramer, said the practice can cause food prices to rise.

Alongside industrial-scale mining, artisanal gold-mining has been steadily expanding across Côte d’Ivoire over recent years, local officials told IRIN, mainly because of the sums involved. 

“People can expect up to 20,000 CFA (US$40) for one gram of gold, so that creates a passion for gold exploration,” an expert of the industry in the commercial capital, Abidjan, who preferred anonymity,
told IRIN. 

“It’s quite amazing: a camp can be set up quite fast… it’s like a village rising from the ground,” the expert continued.

Illegal profits

However, the vast majority of artisanal mining is illegal: miners must apply for a license to mine from the local authorities before they start digging, but the industry expert estimates 95 percent of artisanal mining goes ahead without such regulation. 

Ex-Forces Nouvelles rebels dominated the artisanal mining industry for years, an international mining expert who asked to remain unnamed, told IRIN. According to Ouattara Daouda, prefect of Savanes Region, when rebels took control of northern Côte d’Ivoire many of them colluded with village chiefs and landowners to exploit it for gold.

The mining expert backed this up: “In the north, rebels and people with money were ruling everything from the top… There is always a way to “arrange” things…. When the rebels were involved nobody could really say no to them.” 

Despite new leadership structures in the north, with some ex-rebels being absorbed into the national military, Forces Républicaines de Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI - now known as the Forces Armées Nationales de Côte d'Ivoire or FANCI) and ex- rebel representatives still control the bulk of the sector, said the mining expert.

But former rebel leaders IRIN spoke to in Savanes, said lots of “bandits” claim to be with FRCI in order to gain a claim on the industry - and this lies out of their hands. 

Regulation

On 11 January, eight departmental heads said they would crack down on the sector - banning all unregistered mining enterprises. 

This comes in the middle of an exercise that government authorities are doing to consult local chiefs, miners, farmers and others on how best to regulate the sector at the local level, with a view to improving the impact on local populations and on the environment. 

The national government is also working to reform the national mining code, which addresses both industrial and artisanal mining. 

Regulation, rather than banning artisanal mining altogether is the only sustainable solution, said Abidjan-based mining expert. “To be honest, they won’t be able to prevent people from looking for gold. People are hungry and unemployed…The government can’t stop them,” he told IRIN.

In the 1990s, liberalization of the gold-mining industry meant a downward shift in terms of environmental, human rights and transparency standards in many West African states as each tried to lure foreign investors, said Moussa Ba, West Africa coordinator for the extractive industries programme at NGO Oxfam America. Now governments need to come together to harmonize these standards upwards, he said.

There has been some progress: The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is working on a new mining code to apply to all its members; it hopes it will be passed in 2014. In 2009 heads of state passed a directive on mining, which shows high-level commitment, said Ba. 

In the meantime, civil society networks in Côte d’Ivoire need to work hard to keep tabs on the industry at all levels, said Ba. With artisanal mining growing steadily, and industrial-scale mining set to significantly increase between now and 2020, according to statements by President Alassane Ouattara, there is no time to lose. 

oa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94723</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Over 40 killed in sectarian clashes</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.

Yemeni independent news website Barakish.net [ http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=25171 ] has also reported on the fighting and deaths which occurred there over the past couple of days.

“Houthi gunmen continue to increase their dominance over several areas and mountaintop positions in the eastern parts of Hajjah in what they say is ‘their effort to liberate these areas from mercenaries [members of the pro-government Islamist Islah Party]’,” Sulaiman said. 

According to Abu Hamza Mohammed al-Sori, a Salafi leader, 40 of the dead are Houthis, and six are from his Salafi group, while more than 20 Salafis were injured, some of them seriously. 

Al-Sori said the clashes began in Dhu Holais village, in the eastern part of the governorate, after Houthi fighters attacked a villager during a religious dispute.

“Tribesmen from Hajour District [in the adjacent Sa’dah Governorate, where most Houthis are based] backed residents of the village [Dhu Holais] in their fight against Houthis, inflicting on them heavy losses in equipment and personnel,” he said. 

Dhaifallah al-Shami, a Houthi leader, said the clashes were still going on. He vowed they would “behead those mercenaries” who killed Houthis. “They don’t want to coexist peacefully with us. They receive support from the government and Saudi Arabia to kill us,” he told IRIN. 

Many members of the Salafi Sect hail from the Damaj area of Sa’dah Governorate, but thousands of others live in Hajjah Governorate. Their leader is Muqpil al-Wadie, based in Sa’dah, and they are staunch supporters of outgoing President Saleh. The Houthis on the other hand have been fighting for more autonomy from central government for a number of years.

Salafis in Damaj released a statement on 24 January saying that Houthis had killed 71 of their people and more than 168 others had been injured over the past two months (not counting the most recent clashes) in the governorates of Sa’dah, Hajjah, Amran and al-Jawf. 

ay/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94724</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC-CONGO: Refugee returns to start in April</title><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201001191323480511t.jpg" />]]>BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years.</description><body><![CDATA[BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years. 

An agreement on the voluntary repatriation beginning in April was reached during a recent meeting between officials from the two countries and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), in Congo’s capital, Brazzaville. 

A statement released after the meeting explained that by April the level of the Ubangui river, which separates the two Congos, will be high enough to allow navigation by the large vessels needed for the operation. 

“For this return to be effective, we need everyone to make an effort,” said Germaine Bationo, UNHCR’s deputy representative in DRC. “We are thinking in particular of donors in both the humanitarian and development sectors. 

We invite them to join us and invest in [DRC’s] Equateur Province [where inter-communal clashes rooted in resource conflicts prompted a large-scale exodus in late 2009 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87961 ] so that the refugees’ return is sustainable,” she said. 

The voluntary repatriation had been scheduled to start in April 2011 but was postponed for logistical and security reasons. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92712 ] 

During the Brazzaville meeting, officials from DRC said peace and security had improved in Equateur, a prerequisite for return expressed by 80 percent of the refugees, according to UNHCR. 

Some 11,000 of those who had fled Equateur have already returned there from Congo and the Central African Republic, the agency said, adding that some 100,000 people displaced internally in DRC had also returned home. 

lmm/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94712</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201001191323480511t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?”</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231001550169t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.  

Government and UN forces have failed to quell the ethnic violence that has reached a dramatic peak in recent weeks as a militia of up to 8,000 youths from the Lou Nuer, joined by some Dinka, attacked the minority Murle, exacting revenge for a long-standing vendetta over cattle that has turned increasingly deadly [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94673 ].  

Aid agencies and authorities in the newly independent nation, whose euphoric birth just six months ago united the nation after decades of civil war with Sudan, are increasingly concerned at the violent nature of attacks that have left mainly women, children and the elderly among the dead and injured as they could not run from attackers. Nyaluak Deng Awuol spoke to IRIN about her experience: 

“This child is my sister’s. She was killed in the attack with her other three children. 

“The Murle came and attacked the people. When they attacked, we escaped while they killed all the others. 

“They shot people with guns and killed people with knives. When they shoot someone and they are still alive, they have to finish them with a knife. 

“I have seen many people die, including my sister. “Those with children were killed. If you had three to four children, you could not run fast. Those without children could run faster, so those with several children died, and the old people. 

“I found my sister dead and this one child alive. 

“His mother had been killed with three children, and when I went looking for them, this one was still alive and sitting up, looking for someone. 

“The village has been burnt down and the people have been scattered. Even until now some people cannot be traced - it is a very big trouble. 

“They have killed people and they have stolen herds of cattle. “There is no protection - people in the village do not have guns, so they [attackers] just came in and killed people and took everything. “Those who attacked Duk Padiet are Murle army - they are the soldiers wearing the green uniform; it is revenge. 

“The ones who remain will die with anger. Some of them have even had their clothes taken. “People from my village are too weakened to [take] revenge. So many are dead. It is up to the government to think and act now. “But this child, who will look after him now?” 

hm/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94704</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231001550169t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Moving beyond violence in Jonglei</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba. 

At least 120,000 people have been affected by the violence, according to the UN’s latest assessment, which could easily rise. 

"The violence in Jonglei hasn’t stopped… our contingency plan for Jonglei could reach about 180,000 people," while half that number already need food aid, South Sudan’s UN Humanitarian Coordinator Lise Grande said on 20 January. 

Local officials have suggested "thousands" of people have been killed in the last few weeks, but this could not be independently confirmed and the UN said it was not possible to provide a count of casualties sustained over such a vast area in so short a time. 

In the hospital, Amon Lull Chop fans her four-year-old daughter Nyaduk, who was unable to keep up as the family fled an attack on the town of Duk Padiet in Duk County last week, which the government says killed more than 80 people. Another 70 or so died in similar attacks by members of the Murle community over the past two weeks. 

“She slept alone until I came back the following morning and I found the child, and her intestines were outside where they shot and stabbed her,” she says, pointing to a bandage stretching from Nyaduk’s navel up to her chest. 

These attacks came after about 8,000 Lou Nuer youths, reportedly joined by some of the country’s dominant Dinka group, marched in late 2011 on Pibor County, razing villages and killing and abducting woman and children. 

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) tracked the deadly column as it snaked its way towards Pibor town. But even with the support of 800 government soldiers, its 400 peacekeeping troops in Pibor town were greatly outnumbered so UNMISS could only advise civilians to flee into the bush or get behind protective lines in the town. 

Thousands of people like Lilkeng Gada took the advice and ran, but were hunted down in their hiding places. 

“We were going to hide from the Lou Nuer, and they came and found us,” she said. “We were just sitting down, and they came all of a sudden, and they shot us down. I fell on the floor and they left me, and one child ran, but two of my children and my husband were shot dead right there. 

“Now, I’m alone. I don’t know what to do now, how to bring up the children. We had cows and they were taken… I don’t know how we will survive.”
 
Targeting the vulnerable
 
Peter Nanou, on another hospital bed in Juba, with a cast on his leg from where he was shot, says he could not save his grandmother from the attack on his village near Pibor. 

“I was the one looking after her. When the Lou Nuer attacked I ran with my mother and my grandmother was left behind and shot dead,” he said. 

Aid agencies and the authorities have expressed shock at the number of women, children and elderly who have been killed or wounded in the attacks. 

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said half the patients it airlifted from an 11 January attack on Wek village, Uror County, were under the age of five. 

Most had gunshot wounds and had been beaten. According to the government, 57 people were killed and 53 wounded in Wek. 

South Sudan Red Cross volunteers are counselling about 150 unaccompanied minors in Pibor, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has tracked down parents of 109 children registered there. 

"I've seen at least 50 children that have been kidnapped by my people,” said a Lou Nuer aid worker who fled to the town of Akobo in early January. 

Conflict drivers 

In a country awash with small arms, decades of tit-for-tat livestock raids – some 80,000 cattle were taken over recent weeks - are often cited as the explanation for the clashes. But other conflict drivers are also in play. 

“The causes of the violence go beyond the retaliatory nature of cattle raiding in Jonglei state and touch upon broader issues of accountability, reconciliation, political inclusion, an absence of state authority, and development,” said Jennifer Christian, Sudan policy analyst for the Enough Project, in a 9 January statement. 

“The political and security-related isolation of the two communities has contributed to the rise of parallel authorities, and renders violence as one of the few mechanisms for addressing community grievances,” the statement added. 

According to the Sudan Council of Churches (SCC), social changes have also contributed to the violence. 

“There is a clear disconnect between the youth and both the traditional and political leaders. The tradition of youth respecting and listening to their elders has been lost. Without the youth's involvement, and their sense of ownership of the peace process, any attempt at peace will fail,” the council said in a 18 January statement. 

“Extremely young children are being ‘initiated’ into the hatred and killing, ensuring that it will continue into the next generation,” the statement warned. 

Stopping the cycle of violence 

On 19 January, UNMISS chief Hilde Johnson said that without a large government deployment to enforce a buffer zone, the UN’s 1,100 combat-ready troops in Jonglei  - half of all those deployed in South Sudan - would have to work “miracles” to stop the backlash of smaller attacks on remote villages. 

“The challenge with protection of civilians with the current [new kind of] counter-attacks means that the unpredictability of the attackers, the speed, the small groups they are moving in, makes it very, very difficult,” she said. 

Johnson also expressed alarm about the increasing use of messages threatening to “wipe out an entire ethnic group from the face of the earth,” warning they could further provoke “systematic ethnic violence”. 

Church-led mediation efforts were aborted without resolution in mid-December, when a scheduled peace conference was postponed indefinitely. 

“The church failed because it did not have government support,” said Joseph Giro Ading, visiting a Murle friend whose abdomen was torn to pieces when he was shot near his hometown Pibor.  

“If we keep on revenging, there will not be any solution to the problem; unless we come down [to Juba] and settle the problem in our area, Jonglei will be finished,” he said. 

On 19 January, the government announced it would disarm warring sides in Jonglei, using force if necessary. In the past, similar initiatives have met with limited, or temporary, success and were criticized by human rights groups for their excessive zeal. 

Earlier in January, a Nuer group – the White Army – warned that any new attempt to disarm it “"will lead to catastrophe". 

For the Enough Project, a broader strategy is necessary.  

“The delivery of basic services, provision of security, and establishment of rule of law by the government in Lou Nuer and Murle areas are critical toward ending inter-communal violence in the long term,” its statement urged. 

A view echoed by the SCC: “It is clear that under-development is a key driver of conflict in the area, and this is exacerbated by a perception that some communities are neglected. Development of the more isolated parts of Jonglei State must become a priority for government (eg roads), the business community (eg mobile phone networks) and the aid community.” 

Jonglei resident Ading drew a similar connection: “All those areas where there are attacks, there are no schools, there are no hospitals, there is nothing… they are just villages where cattle are kept,” he told IRIN.
 
“The government should open roads and schools to particular people who don’t even know their ABC. If they educate people who are illiterate, they will also know bad and good,” he said.
 
hm/am/mw

Also see: SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?” [ http://www.irinnews.org/hovreport.aspx?reportid=94704 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94706</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISPLACEMENT: Governments falling short on R2P, says new study</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.
 
“The key finding in this study is that the governments do not quite meet the benchmarks,” for adequate protection of IDPs, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of IDPs Chaloka Beyani told IRIN.
 
Yet, much more could be done, said Elizabeth Ferris, one of the authors of the study of 15 countries which account for 72 percent of the world’s 27.5 million people internally displaced by armed conflict, ethnic strife and other forms of violence.
 
“If you take IDPs seriously here are a lot of things you can do to make their lives better that won’t cost you a lot of money. It’s all about being determined and having political will,” she said on the sidelines of a meeting in Geneva where she presented the study entitled From Responsibility to Response: Assessing National Approaches to Internal Displacement. [ http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/reports/2011/11_responsibility_response_ferris/From%20Responsibility%20to%20Response%20Nov%202011doc.pdf ]
 
While the study does not rank the performance of the governments, Ferris said Colombia, Georgia, Kenya and Uganda clearly were heading in the right direction, while the Central African Republic, Myanmar and Yemen would get the worst marks. The other countries looked at in the study were: Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Turkey.
 
Nearly half the countries surveyed have adopted some preventive measures on paper, “but all 15 have fallen short of actually preventing displacement in practice,” the report says. “Moreover, many national authorities themselves have been the perpetrators of violence or human rights abuses that have led to displacements, and many states foster a culture of impunity for alleged perpetrators of human rights violations.”
 
Under international law, states bear the primary responsibility to protect persons within their borders and must provide special protection for IDPs because of their particularly vulnerable condition. The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] provide an advocacy and monitoring framework for the assistance and protection needs of IDPs.
 
The October 2009 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa (also known as the Kampala Convention) [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] aims, among other things, to “promote and strengthen regional and national measures to prevent or mitigate, prohibit and eliminate root causes of internal displacement as well as provide for durable solutions”.
 
“Ultimately only the state can provide lasting protection for IDPs,” the study says.
 
“The state’s exercise of its national responsibility for IDPs, therefore, must be the basis for an effective response to internal displacement. It is not a matter of navigating around the principle of national responsibility but of being guided by that principle and consciously gearing all efforts to achieve an effective response.”
 
While “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) is often discussed in terms of the role of the international community, the report says R2P emphasizes “first and foremost” the responsibility of governments to protect the populations within their borders.
 
“If national governments satisfy their responsibility to protect IDPs then R2P is being met at the national level. This study brings the linkage of R2P and IDPs to the fore,” said Beyani, who is also co-director of the Brookings-LSE project on internal displacement.
 
Lack of capacity, political will
 
“While there is broad consensus on the principle of national responsibility, governments may lack the capacity to address internal displacement, or the political will to respond effectively; and in many cases deliberately trigger internal displacement or at least condone the actions that cause it,” the study says.
 
“In Sudan, government forces, militia and rebel groups have committed egregious human rights violations, including against those already displaced, and have mounted attacks that have resulted in massive displacement.”
 
A government’s public acknowledgement of a displacement is a key first step in protecting and assisting IDPs, but is not always forthcoming, the report says, citing the case of Myanmar, where “the government does not acknowledge the existence of conflict-induced displacement”.
 
In Turkey, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal, the governments “have been reluctant at certain points to highlight the fact that their military operations had displaced large numbers of people or that they had been unable to prevent other armed actors from displacing large numbers of people.”
 
Collecting detailed data on displacements can play a key role in getting governments to act, said Kate Haiff, who heads the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre at the Norwegian Refugee Council. 
 
“In many situations, governments will not acknowledge displacement is taking place. With core data, with evidence you can open doors. It’s about getting evidence that we have displacement - these are the numbers and these are the issues people are faced with.”
 
Recommendations
 
The study recommends that governments make the issue of IDPs a political priority, designate an institutional focal point to provide assistance to IDPs, amend or adopt relevant legislation, devote sufficient funds, support the work of national human rights institutions engaging in IDP issues, ask for international assistance where necessary, and search for durable solutions with the participation of IDPs.
 
Of the 27.5 million IDPs uprooted by conflict and violence in more than 50 countries as of the end of 2010, 11.1 million were in Africa - including 4.5-5.2 million in Sudan, and 5.4 million in the Americas - mostly in Colombia. In South and Southeast Asia there were more than 3.5 million, in the Middle East, 3.9 million and in Europe and Central Asia 2.5 million. Millions more have been displaced by natural disasters of development projects.
 
pfm/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94690</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Southern Sudanese women face multiple risks - report</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051302100173t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The main threats to women in South Sudan derive from chronic deficits in health, economic opportunities, access to food and gender equality, rather than weapons, despite the prevalence of militias and armed conflict, according to the Small Arms Survey.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The main threats to women in South Sudan derive from chronic deficits in health, economic opportunities, access to food and gender equality, rather than weapons, despite the prevalence of militias and armed conflict, according to the Small Arms Survey. 

“In the home, the place where they should feel most secure, women face numerous threats,” states the report [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/pdfs/facts-figures/women-security/HSBA-threats-in-the-Home.pdf ]

 “One in seven South Sudanese women will die in pregnancy or childbirth.” A married woman of childbearing age is expected to become pregnant at least once every three years until menopause, it explained. Coupled with low contraceptive use amid polygamous unions, this increases the risk of disease.  

Women are also exposed to “endemic” domestic violence. With fathers in many communities traditionally enjoying automatic custody rights, the "risk of losing their children forces many South Sudanese women to remain in abusive marriages". 

Widows are especially vulnerable, due to a lack of public safety nets. “Do they want to hear about our suffering? What will they do with it?" asked a Member of Parliament interviewee. 

"If somebody like me who is an MP and a widow cannot get any support, what about those women in the villages who have nobody to speak for them?" 

Hunger is also a problem, with high food prices piling pressure on already struggling families, adds the report. 

aw/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94696</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051302100173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The main threats to women in South Sudan derive from chronic deficits in health, economic opportunities, access to food and gender equality, rather than weapons, despite the prevalence of militias and armed conflict, according to the Small Arms Survey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Koko Alan, &quot;I saw many people, women and children, being killed&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190823590283t.jpg" />]]>PIBOR COUNTY, JONGLEI 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Koko and his wife Akuer Alan lost everything in the recent dramatic escalation of ethnic violence in newly independent South Sudan. Up to 8,000 armed Lou Nuer youths came to his village of Tangyang, near Gumuruk, killing civilians and taking cows, women and children belonging to the Murle with them. The attackers were eventually driven back by the army on reaching Pibor town, where authorities had stationed troops to protect the local administration.</description><body><![CDATA[PIBOR COUNTY, JONGLEI 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Koko and his wife Akuer Alan lost everything in the recent dramatic escalation of ethnic violence in newly independent South Sudan. Up to 8,000 armed Lou Nuer youths came to his village of Tangyang, near Gumuruk, killing civilians and taking cows, women and children belonging to the Murle with them. The attackers were eventually driven back by the army on reaching Pibor town, where authorities had stationed troops to protect the local administration.

But elderly Alan lost his entire livelihood as up to 80,000 heads of cattle were taken as prizes in this deadly assault, while revenge attacks to recover loved ones and livelihoods have already killed an estimated 140 people.

“I lost all my cows - they took all my cattle - I had about 500,” he told IRIN.

“Now I am here because of food, and I’m staying here [Pibor town] because I don’t know what to do now.

“I saw many people, children and women, being killed. They have taken cows, they have abducted women and children. Many people were killed.

“They were shooting people, and if they got old men like me, they were slaughtering [them] - that is how they were killing.

“I was about to be killed - some of my children took me and hid me, that’s why I survived.”

Holding a young baby, Akuer said the fate of the minority Murle group now rested in the hands of aid agencies and authorities.

“Our survival now depends on the food brought to us. It took about two weeks to get here - we’ve been living off the wild fruits from these trees.

“When I was running, I saw some families losing children. I ran with some kids, and my husband helped me, but up to now there are some children we have not [rescued].

“I can’t tell if I will be safe to go back - maybe God will know.

“I need something to eat, clothes, things for cooking, jerry cans for getting water, even medicines for children who are getting sick.

“If the government can protect us, we will be ok, but we have lost most of our property.

“Our survival now depends on the food brought to us.

“If there is food we will survive, and saucepans and clothes, something to cover us.”

hm/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94673</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190823590283t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PIBOR COUNTY, JONGLEI 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Koko and his wife Akuer Alan lost everything in the recent dramatic escalation of ethnic violence in newly independent South Sudan. Up to 8,000 armed Lou Nuer youths came to his village of Tangyang, near Gumuruk, killing civilians and taking cows, women and children belonging to the Murle with them. The attackers were eventually driven back by the army on reaching Pibor town, where authorities had stationed troops to protect the local administration.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: People consider fleeing as violence increases</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.
 
The wave of attacks, carried out mainly by Sunni extremists from Al-Qaeda in Iraq against Shia communities, has alarmed many who fear the country could descend into chaos once more, with the government itself acknowledging it is not capable of ensuring security on its own.
 
The attacks also come as political factions are at loggerheads over how to reach a power-sharing deal. The Sunni community is complaining that it is being marginalized by the Shia-led government, which recently issued arrest warrants against Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi and other politicians for allegedly operating death squads. 
 
Many fear the current violence could send the country back to the days of 2006-07 when Shia-Sunni conflict left thousands of people dead and millions of others displaced. A few families have already packed their bags and others are contemplating leaving.
 
Here is how some Iraqis are feeling: 
 
Sultan Abdul-Latif Ibrahim, a 55-year-old father of six from the Shia Shabak minority in the northern province of Ninevah: “I lost 10 of my relatives since [the US-led invasion in] 2003... We used to live in the provincial capital, Mosul, for years with Sunnis and Christians. But in 2007 we were forced out of our houses by Sunni extremists who blew up our homes. Since then, we have been living in a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Mosul. Last Monday [16 January] our camp was attacked by a parked car bomb, killing eight people, including six of my relatives. I wish to die now rather than later. We can’t bear the hardships we are going through every day. We, the Shia, are facing constant threats by Sunni extremists who want to eliminate us and there is no place to go. I can’t afford to move with my family to another place.”
 
Hassan Abdul-Mahdi, a 35-year-old Sunni businessman and father of three from Baghdad: “Iraq today is just like Iraq after the toppling of the previous regime. There is one group that wants to dominate and impose its control on the country. Today, the Shia-led government and politicians who control the security forces have started to hunt down Sunni leaders and political figures to bite them one by one using different means... I’m contemplating leaving Iraq as the situation seems to be getting worse.”
 
Jandak Youssif, a 46-year-old Christian from Baghdad: “The situation is getting worse day by day, and the government doesn’t care about our suffering and needs. Our economy is stagnant; illiteracy and unemployment are prevalent; decent public services are not available; and people are leaving the country due to the security situation and religious discrimination. Christians are being attacked and no-one is campaigning for their rights. We are not seeing any improvement in any aspect of our life… My family is scattered in many parts of the world; my parents and brother are stuck in Syria waiting to be relocated to a third country. I have three sisters in Denmark, one in the Netherlands and two in Ninevah Province. Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world but we are the worst in terms of corruption, unemployment and illiteracy.”
 
Examples of recent violence
 
16 January: Two car bombs targeted a camp for displaced Shabak in the northern province of Ninevah and a commercial area in the central province of Babil, killing 11 and wounding 21. 
 
14 January: A bomb attack against Shia pilgrims in the southern province of Basra killed 53 and injured 130. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attack.
 
10 January: A wave of bombs and assassinations nationwide killed 10 people. The targets were government officials, security forces and Shia pilgrims. 
 
9 January: Three car bombs exploded in Baghdad, killing 17 and wounding dozens.
 
5 January: A wave of bombings targeted Shia Muslims in Baghdad and other provinces heading on foot to the revered city of Karbala to mark the anniversary of the death of Imam Hussein. Seventy-eight people were killed and more than 100 wounded.
 
22 December: A string of coordinated bombs tore through mainly Shia neighbourhoods in Baghdad, killing 69 and injuring nearly 200. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks.
 
18 December: The USA pulled the last of its combat forces out of Iraq, leaving only 200 for training and diplomatic protection.
 
sm/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94677</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Thousands remain displaced as fighting subsides in Moyale</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251241150045t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families displaced during weeks of fighting between two communities in the northern Kenyan district of Moyale have ignored pleas to return by government officials who say the situation has returned to normal.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families displaced during weeks of fighting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94535 ] between two communities in the northern Kenyan district of Moyale have ignored pleas to return by government officials who say the situation has returned to normal.

"Calm has been restored, we have not had a single incident of attack [lately], our intelligence personnel, local leaders are vigilant just in case any person or group plans to attack any group," Issaih Nokuru, the regional commissioner for Upper Eastern, told IRIN on 19 January.

Nokuru said police and the army had been deployed to the district and 24-hour patrols were ongoing. 
 
However, residents say tension remains high in the district. More than 15 settlements and grazing areas have been abandoned, they say. Some of the families have fled to Marsabit, Wajir and Isiolo districts, neighbouring Moyale.

Fighting between the Borana and Gabra communities began in December [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94585 ], mostly over control of resources such as water and grazing land but the conflict has also been linked to politics. General elections in Kenya, which frequently spark violence, are due later this year or early 2013.

Nokuru said plans were under way to help displaced families return to their homes, adding that they would be provided with food and shelter.

"We cannot talk of assisting people who are nowhere to be found, they need to go back to the villages to enable us to establish what they need so that we can make a request to the government and appeal to aid agencies for assistance," Nokuru said.

Regarding measures to curb the fighting, Nokuru said all home guards in the district had had their government-issued weapons confiscated following reports some had taken part in inter-communal clashes over cattle and pastureland, which claimed dozens of lives.

"A vetting process to recruit fresh new home guards and police reservists will be conducted by next week; we want a team from both communities who will help the police maintain security rather than cause trouble," he said.

Thousands of the displaced who fled across the border into Ethiopia have yet to return, local residents said. The fighting has also affected hundreds of Ethiopian pupils who attend schools in Kenya as many remain closed.

Wario Mohamed, a management committee member of Oda Primary School - on the outskirts of Moyale town - said thousands of people, including school-children, teachers and civil servants, were camped in Ethiopia's Oromia and Region 5 provinces.

"More than 8,000 people from villages, farms and grazing areas have fled to Ethiopia; some are still fleeing, nobody is going back home, apart from a few men who are returning to salvage their belongings which they left as they escaped," Mohamed said.

He said at least 3,000 Borana are camping at Kabana in Oromia region while an estimated 5,000 members of the Gabra are camped at Arballe in Region 5 province in Ethiopia.

These numbers could not be independently verified. In Addis Ababa, a spokesman for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) told IRIN: “Apart from the rumours that we hear, we don’t have any concrete evidence that suggests a large number of Kenyan refugees are coming to Ethiopia.

“But still we are planning to send a task force soon to see the situation for ourselves,” said Kisut Gebre Egziabher. 

Mohamed said most of those in Ethiopia were without food, tents and mosquito nets: "They have not received any assistance."

On the move

An official at the government's Arid Lands Resource Management Programme office in Moyale, who requested anonymity, said hundreds of families displaced from the rural areas of Moyale had moved to Moyale town, while more than 100 Gabra families had moved to Wajir North, Marsabit and Isiolo districts.

Mohamed Golicha, a local councillor, said many displaced Moyale residents had ignored a directive by the government to return to their homes, fearing more attacks.

"These [displaced] people have no homes to return to; their house were burnt, all the Borana homeguards were disarmed; our people are likely to be attacked if they go back, it's better for them to stay in Ethiopia and seek asylum," Golicha said.

Salat*, a resident of Oda in Moyale, said he had moved his family to Ethiopia and was afraid to get them back, saying they had been threatened with more attacks should they return.

"Our people are suffering, Ethiopia is only offering assistance to people in Kabana, our people [the Gabra], particularly the elderly and the children, are suffering, almost all of them abandoned their livestock after their house were burnt," he said.

Salat said those who had fled to neighbouring Wajir district were suffering the most as pressure was being put on them to leave the area.

Education hit

According to the Moyale branch of the Kenya National Union of Teachers (KNUT), some 34 public and 14 private primary schools have not opened, with hundreds of pupils and at least 450 teachers still displaced.

Adan Abkul Sabura, KNUT's Moyale executive secretary, said: "A total of 13,000 and 3,000 learners in both public and private primary schools remain displaced and out of school as a result of this conflict; some have lost their homes, some have lost relatives, belongings and many are traumatized. It is impossible for them to resume learning soon."

He added that four public and a private secondary school also remained closed, estimating that more than 2,000 students had fled with their families to Ethiopia or to live with relatives in Moyale town.

A civil servant from Moyale, who spoke to IRIN in Isiolo town, said members of his community had been threatened not to return to Moyale.

"I am a nurse and many of us, as well as many teachers, will not go back; it is obvious delivery of government services to the public has been disrupted, I will not go back," the civil servant said. "We have requested transfers out of Moyale or we shall simply resign."

*Gave only one name

na/js/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94681</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251241150045t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families displaced during weeks of fighting between two communities in the northern Kenyan district of Moyale have ignored pleas to return by government officials who say the situation has returned to normal.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NEPAL: Landmine victims need more help</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100647380890t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Activists in Nepal have accused the government of failing to provide adequate support for victims of landmines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Activists in Nepal have accused the government of failing to provide adequate support for victims of landmines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).  

Thousands of people were left crippled by landmines and IEDs in the decade-long armed conflict [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=11&reportid=33611 ] which ended in 2006 and left some 14,000 dead, said the Informal Sector Service Centre (INSEC), [ http://www.inseconline.org/ ] a human rights group.  

According to the Nepal Campaign to Ban Landmines (NCBL), [ http://nepal.icbl.org/ ] over 5,000 people were left physically disabled as a result of landmines or IEDs. 

“We have been advocating with the government to provide more long-term support and not just compensation to the victims. However, there has been very little response,” said anti-landmine activist and NCBL coordinator Purna Shova Chitrakar.  

Most victims, many of them farmers in rural areas, lost their regular source of income and were reduced to poverty because of their inability to continue working, said NCBL.  

Chitraka’s comments come more than six months after the UN [ http://www.mineaction.org/overview.asp?o=3968 ] declared Nepal mine-free - only the second country in Asia to be declared mine-free after China.  

Since 2009, the government has been providing compensation to all disabled victims in the form of cash through its Relief and Rehabilitation Unit run by the Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction (MoPR). [ http://www.peace.gov.np/index-en.html ]  

Under the scheme, recipients get a one-off payment of US$150-1,500, depending on the severity of the victim’s condition.  But while most victims have received compensation, many say the amount is barely enough to pay their medical bills, much less sustain their families.  

“What about after that? How do they continue supporting their families who depended on their breadwinner who is now crippled for life?” asked Bhagwati Gautam, who lost her leg when she stepped on a mine in 2002, and has since then been trying to pressure the government to help disabled people.  

“Real needs”  

“When you speak of support, we have to identify the real needs of the disabled individuals,” said Florent Milesi, country director for Handicap International. [ http://www.handicap-international.org.uk/where_we_work/asia/nepal ]  “Each individual will have a specific need and this can be possible [to establish] after a full assessment by a professional,” he added. 

“Sadly the research by the government has only focused on the number. There is nothing about their real needs,” said NCBL, citing social and economic rehabilitation as key in their ability to lead normal lives.  

“Giving compensation does not end the responsibilities of the government,” said activist Gautam.  Government officials declined to comment on the plight of the country's landmine victims, while repeated efforts to reach Shaligram Sharma, under-secretary of the MoPR, went unanswered.  

nn/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94663</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100647380890t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Activists in Nepal have accused the government of failing to provide adequate support for victims of landmines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GLOBAL: Fighting for the rights of child soldiers</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.

All sides to the Somali conflict have reportedly been recruiting children. An official working with an NGO that monitors the state of children in the country told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92249   ] that although the exact number of child soldiers was unknown, his group suspected between 2,000 and 3,000 children were in different armed groups.

Up to 300,000 children are still involved in more than 30 conflicts worldwide, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) [ http://www.unicef.org/emerg/files/childsoldiers.pdf  ].

In April 2011, the UN listed dozens of groups that continued to recruit or use children in its annual report on children and armed conflict [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/S2011250.pdf ] . This bid to “name and shame” countries into cooperating with the law has only a limited effect, however. While fewer children are being used as child soldiers today, it is thanks to conflicts having ended, not the practice of recruiting and using children.

“Despite some examples of progress, the bigger picture remains essentially unaltered: the recruitment and use of boys and girls by armed groups remains widespread,” according to the latest report by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers in 2008 [ http://www.childsoldiersglobalreport.org/ ].

Gender is no protection, as girls are recruited into armed groups or abducted for forced labour or sex. Age also proved no barrier; in Columbia, the FARC militia announced it would recruit all children over the age of eight, reported the UN Secretary-General in April 2011: “In one characteristic use of children, a child was used by FARC-EP to carry out an attack against a police station using explosives. The explosives were attached to the child and activated as he approached the police station, killing him instantly.” [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/colombia.html ]

Defenceless

“Many children have few alternatives to, or defences against, joining armed groups,” states the 2008 Coalition report. It cited poverty, discrimination and social exclusion, lack of access to education, and limited job prospects as some of the factors pushing minors to join armed groups.

Not all children associated with armed forces are used as fighters. Minors have been seen manning checkpoints, acting as scouts and guides in battles, running errands, cooking and cleaning for forces during the Côte d’Ivoire election conflict, [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93323  according to government social workers, UN agency and NGO staff, as well as direct testimonies from children. Social workers in Duékoué, in the west, told NGO Save the Children they saw children involved whom they estimated to be as young as 11  [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ]

Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, at 15, and tasked with quizzing local villagers about the movements of militia forces because of his knowledge of Kinyarwanda, an official language of Rwanda. He cannot remember how many skirmishes and battles he was involved in during his six years with them, but in July 2011 he managed to slip away and was brought to the demobilization camp in the eastern DRC city of Goma, in search of “a normal life”.  [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93737   ]

Suicide bombers

Children have also been made to carry explosives between Afghanistan and Pakistan, conduct military operations in the DRC, Philippines, Myanmar and Somalia, carry out arson attacks and collect kidnap ransoms in Haiti; they were used as suicide bombers in Iraq, according to the Secretary-General’s 2010 report, as well as Pakistan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=76701 ] and Afghanistan.

According to a Foreign Policy Association blog [  http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2008/02/13/the-continued-rise-of-the-child-suicide-bomber/ ]: “The use of child suicide bombers appears to be increasing, and while many children are educated and reared into this deadly fate, many are thankfully saved or removed before their actions have deadly consequences. Many have seen the images of infants and toddlers dressed in mock suicide bomber outfits in Palestine, and while they may not commit such acts when they grow up, their fate is one undoubtedly leaning towards violence.”

Laws not applied

There are various instruments outlawing the recruitment and use of children for combat in human rights law, humanitarian law, labour law and criminal law - but a chasm exists between these standards and their application. The Coalition report cites ineffective government and a lack of enforcement mechanisms as reasons why armed groups continued to operate with relative impunity.

Although child soldiers are used all over the world, the largest numbers are in Africa, despite the 1999 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the only regional treaty in the world that prohibits the use of child soldiers.


Most observers agree that the practice continues because children make for cheap and obedient fighters, easily frightened or brainwashed into compliance. The accessibility of light weaponry has also fed into the problem, making it possible for very young children to bear and use arms.

“Any country that has an active armed conflict can expect that troop-hungry commanders will use children to fill their ranks,” said professor, author and psychologist Michael Wessells in a United States Department of State webchat in June 2008 [   http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2008/June/20080613165714xjsnommis0.5646936.html  ]


But all agree that the most obvious reason armed forces take on children is because they can. Despite the regulations outlawing the practice, most of those who violate the conventions and international agreements are not prosecuted.

Children who have been displaced or separated from their parents, have limited access to education, or who have suffered an injustice or emotional abuse, are more vulnerable to recruitment, according to UNICEF.

Among other things, protection involves addressing these vulnerabilities, and identifying non-violent ways for them to contribute to their families and communities. Resources and capacity are particularly needed to extend education and vocational training, as well as to revive agriculture and provide other economic opportunities, according to the UN.

Demobilizing, reintegrating and rehabilitating children who have already participated in armed conflict is as difficult as protecting them. “Children who transition successfully into civilian life are less likely to continue the life of the gun, with its inherent dangers. However, instability in the post-conflict environment can put children at grave risk of re-recruitment and thwart their reintegration,” Wessells wrote in his 2006 book, Child Soldiers: from violence to protection.

The effects on children

Child soldiers are subject to ill-treatment and sexual exploitation. They are often forced to commit terrible atrocities, and beaten or killed if they try to escape. They are subjected to brutal initiation and punishment rituals, hard labour, cruel training regimes and torture. Many are given drugs and alcohol to agitate them and make it easier to break down their psychological barriers to fighting or committing atrocities.

 

Some speak of having been forced to witness or commit atrocities, including rape and murder. Others speak of seeing friends and family killed. Susan, 16, captures the brutalization children suffered at the hands of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda in the following testimony [ http://articles.latimes.com/2006/feb/24/opinion/oe-brooks24  ] :

"One boy tried to escape but he was caught. His hands were tied and then they made us, the other new captives, kill him with a stick. I felt sick. I knew this boy from before; we were from the same village. I refused to do it and they told me they would shoot me. They pointed a gun at me, so I had to do it… I see him in my dreams and he is saying I killed him for nothing, and I am crying."

“Fighting groups have developed brutal and sophisticated techniques to separate and isolate children from their communities. Children are often terrorized into obedience, consistently made to fear for their lives and well-being,” wrote the UN’s Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. “Sometimes they are compelled to participate in the killing of other children or family members, because it is understood by these groups that there is ‘no way back home’ for children after they have committed such crimes.” [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/childsoldiers.html  ]

Many child soldiers report psycho-social disturbances - from nightmares and aggression that is difficult to control to strongly anti-social behaviour and substance abuse - both during their involvement in war and after their return to civilian life. Others, who held high ranks and were feared and respected by other children, find it difficult to go back to classrooms or family dwellings where they are expected to be subservient.

For that reason, according to UNICEF, successful demobilization and rehabilitation programmes not only involve taking the guns out of children's hands but finding ways to reunite and resettle the children with their families and communities, and provide for their psycho-social care and recovery.

 

In Burundi, for example, the lucky ones among the country’s 3,421 former child soldiers who went through a demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) process returned to school but most languish in poverty, with little to do, officials told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92371    ].

Cyprien Ndayishimiye, supervisor of former child soldiers in Bubanza province, said the situation for many former child soldiers was "dangerous" as even those who underwent vocational training during reintegration had yet to find gainful employment or set up income-generating activities.

"Many have even sold the materials they got from the DDR programme, such as sewing machines for those who learned sewing, and planes for those who hoped carpentry would help them," Ndayishimiye said.

 

Tougher for girls

Girls - especially orphans or unaccompanied girls - are especially vulnerable because they are often sexually exploited, raped or otherwise abused, subjected to human trafficking and prostitution, and forced to be “wives” by other combatants. This, in turn, can result in physical and psychological trauma, unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS) and social stigmatization.

 

“Girls are mostly used by armed opposition groups, paramilitaries and militias, but they are also used by government forces,” wrote Dyan Mazurana and Khristopher Carlson in a paper for the UN. “Worldwide estimates suggest girls may account for between 10 to 30 percent of children in fighting forces.” [  www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/elim-disc.../EP.12%20Mazurana.pdf  ]

 

Girls returning from war are often stigmatized and ostracized by their communities, especially if they return with children. 

 

“Girl soldiers are exploited in all the ways that boys are and carry the added burden of gender-based violence,” wrote Wessells.

Girls in particular continue to be excluded from official demobilization, disarmament, repatriation, resettlement and reintegration (DDRRR) programmes, despite their special post-conflict needs.

 

For example, some 3,000 girl soldiers in Liberia were officially demobilized while as many as 8,000 were excluded or did not register, according to the 2008 Coalition report. In the DRC, only about 15 percent of the girls believed to have been involved in the conflict were officially demobilized as the national programme drew to a close.

 

For the girls who do not go through the official programmes, there is no formal support at all.

Society pays a high price

Military recruitment is not only harmful to the children themselves but to societies as a whole. Children's lost years of schooling reduce societies' human and economic development potential. The educational system is further damaged when violent attacks are aimed at schools. The UN reported in 2010 that such attacks are becoming a “significant and a growing trend”. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38343&Cr=children&Cr1=armed+conflict ]


Tensions may also be high between children returning from combat and those who stayed behind, especially when social support and reintegration programmes are aimed at ex-combatants, seeming to reward participation in violence.

Though child soldiers have committed and continue to commit some terrible crimes in wartime, they are still entitled, as children, to special provision and protection.

Besides criminal proceedings, “other, more age- and culturally-appropriate options exist, including truth and reconciliation commissions, community-based rehabilitation and reintegration programmes and the traditional practice of cleansing rituals”, wrote Radhika Coomaraswamy, Special Representative to the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. [ www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf  ]

There is no international consensus on the minimum legal age for criminal responsibility, said Coomaraswamy. International Criminal Court (ICC) Article 26 prevents the court from prosecuting anyone under the age of 18, but not because it believes children should be exempt from prosecution for international crimes, “but rather that the decision on whether to prosecute should be left to states”, says Coomaraswamy’s office   [   Working Paper Number 3: Children and Justice During and in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict, September 2011  ]. “[The] exclusion of children from the ICC jurisdiction avoided an argument between States on the minimum age for international crimes,” it noted. [   http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93900  ]

There are substantial challenges in healing and reintegrating children  [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/ddrforchildren.html ]  into their communities when they have been instruments of brutality and atrocities, and whole societies must sometimes be involved in communal healing and acceptance of the returnees.

Somehow, the differing needs for justice and the reintegration in society of former child soldiers have to be accommodated.

Progress update

The past decade has seen a steady commitment to ending the use and abuse of children in conflict, and a strengthened framework to protect minors and bring perpetrators to justice.

By 2010, 129 countries had signed up to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf   ] while 143 had also ratified it.

The Protocol outlaws recruitment of children under 18 years of age, obliges states to ensure that members of their armed forces under age 18 do not take direct part in combat, raises the minimum age for voluntary enlistment into armed forces to 16 years and includes specific measures requiring proof of a wish to enlist.

In 2006, integrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration standards were created, and the Paris Principles and Guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups were created in 2007 to protect children from being recruited, and helping those who already were. A 2009 policy directive mainstreamed the protection, rights and well-being of children affected by armed conflict within peacekeeping operations.

Local approaches to justice and reconciliation are increasingly playing a role in transitional justice strategies, building upon traditional norms to strengthen the protection of children in communities.

In addition, the UN says more attention is being paid to understanding the root causes of child soldiering in an effort to provide more insight into children’s vulnerability and decision-making. There is, for example, increasing recognition of the role that notions of masculinity play in enticing or coercing children into armed groups.

The UN Security Council passed resolutions 1539 in 2004 [   http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions04.html ] ; 1612 in 2005 [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions05.htm  ]; and 1882 in 2009  [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions09.htm  ], which together created a working group and a monitoring and reporting mechanism to systematically monitor, document and report on the recruitment, abduction, killing or maiming of children, rape and sexual violence, attacks on schools and hospitals, and the denial of humanitarian access. It also led to systematic listing of parties that recruited or used child soldiers, in the Secretary-General’s annual report.

This public humiliation may be effective:  in the last two years, five armed groups have signed special Action Plans with the UN, the first step in being de-listed from the annual report.

“However, the gap between what governments say and what they do remains wide,” says the 2008 Coalition report.

The UN does not monitor and report on every country where children are being used in fighting or these grave violations occur. For example, Côte d’Ivoire is not on the official list of countries monitored by the UN Security Council task force for recruitment of children, yet, as cited earlier, social workers told Save the Children they saw children involved with armed groups who they estimated to be as young as 11 [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ].

Other parties pledge to change but do not, despite the “naming and shaming” of the annual report. “More must be done to systematize and activate the full range of options available to the international community to ensure more robust action against recalcitrant violators,” said the Office for the Special Representative for the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict. “There are, for instance, 16 such persistent violators who have been explicitly named and listed by the Secretary-General for five years or more and the lack of action against them undermines accountability initiatives.”

And of course, national governments are only part of the problem. The Optional Protocol outlaws the recruitment or participation of anyone under 18 in insurgency groups and rebel forces, but “a wide array of armed groups – with diverse aims, methods and constituencies – continue to use children as soldiers and they have proved resistant to pressure or persuasion to stop the practice”, says the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers.

“Despite progress, the overall picture is one of armed groups that have ignored international law and standards, that renege on commitments, are resistant to pressure and persuasion, or have so far proved to be beyond the reach of efforts to end the involvement of children in conflict and political violence,” said the Coalition’s 2008 report.

Higher political profile

The UN said [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/workingtoendimpunity.html ]  national and international tribunals were setting important precedents in the fight to end impunity for grave child rights violations, serving as a deterrent for commanders and warlords all over the world and creating leverage for their compliance with international norms.  

Of the 12 individuals publicly indicted by the International Criminal Court at The Hague, seven have been charged with war crimes against children such as using child soldiers. They include Lord’s Resistance Army leaders Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti (since deceased) and Okot Odhiambo. Also on trial or in the pre-trial stage are cases against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, a militia leader from the Democratic Republic of Congo, who is on trial for recruiting children under 15. The ICC also has open cases on DRC commanders Bosco Ntaganda, Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui for their crimes against children.

The Special Court for Sierra Leone is nearly finished trying a case in The Hague against Liberia’s Charles Taylor for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including conscripting or enlisting children into armed forces or groups and using them to participate actively in hostilities. The trial of a former president is a strong message to the world that even leaders of nations are not beyond the reach of international law when it comes to protecting the rights of children.

Calls for future action

Tackling impunity remains a key priority for the international community. “Concerted emphasis must be maintained on fighting the impunity of perpetrators,” said Coomaraswamy’s office. 

It is also strengthening the data collection and reporting on sexual violence, in the hope it will allow for better identification of perpetrators and better analysis of trends on sexual violence against children. The proliferation of small arms is another issue that the UN would like to see addressed in order to make sure weapons do not end up in the hands of children.

In 2010, Coomaraswamy, with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children, UNICEF and the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, launched the Zero Under 18 Campaign: a two-year initiative to achieve universal ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict by 2012. The push is premised on the belief that the strongest defence against impunity for child rights violators is to have an international moral consensus that no child should take part in armed conflict - and a strong enforcement mechanism to back it up.

“I think the political will is there. What is lacking is the momentum, and that is what we hope to achieve in this campaign,” said Coomaraswamy.

Ending child soldiering remains a daunting challenge. “The military imperatives of the group and the political, economic and social factors that drive conflicts and cause children to enlist – often underpinned by local cultural attitudes towards the age of majority – can outweigh legal and moral arguments,” said the 2008 Coalition report.

The report analyzed 21 conflicts where children were used or deployed and found that children will “almost inevitably” become involved when armed conflict breaks out.

And no matter how strongly the international community pushes for stronger protection and decreased impunity, national laws have to reflect the same in order for change to take place.

Governments must also remember that the problem has deeper and more human roots than the conflict du jour. Because children are more likely to be drawn to armed groups if they have experienced human rights violations or other forms of violence, “governments and societies that fail to prioritize the promotion and protection of children’s rights – economic, social and cultural, as well as civil and political – share responsibility for driving children into the ranks of armed groups”, says the Coalition report. Understanding these deep-seated drivers of child involvement in conflict will be essential in devising a plan to protect them, and punish those who do not.

jb/mw/oa
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94657</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
