<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Economy</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 16:30:38 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>HEALTH: Malaria mortality &quot;underestimated&quot; </title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010851010191t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease. </description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease.

  Collecting data on malaria deaths is notoriously tricky; the countries where the disease is most prevalent have the weakest statistics. And even where causes of death were recorded, the researchers found many deaths were simply attributed to “fever” – probably malaria, but possibly not. 

In addition, a malaria infection is often a contributory cause of death along with other health problems.  However, after some complicated number-crunching, researchers, based at the Institute for Health Metrics in Seattle, believe they have produced the best estimates so far of how many people in the world die of malaria.  

The figures, published in the London-based medical journal, The Lancet, http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(12)60034-8/fulltext produced some surprises, principally because they are significantly higher than those issued last year by the World Health Organization (WHO) – more than eight times higher in the case of older children and adults in Africa, where most of the deaths occurred.

 The difference was smaller in the case of children under five, but the researchers said they believed malaria was a more important cause of death in under-fives than the 2011 World Malaria Report estimated, causing 24 percent of child deaths in Africa.  

Christopher Murray and his colleagues said they believed the fact that almost half a million extra deaths occurred in adults and older children each year had practical implications. “Traditional teaching in most medical schools argues that acquired immunity [in endemic areas] means that adults have clinical malaria, but are not likely to die from it.

 Inspection of the basic... data, however, clearly shows a substantial percentage of malaria deaths in individuals aged 15 years and over, even in endemic areas such as sub-Saharan Africa.”  In the light of this they suggest a shift of control strategies to pay more attention to all adults, not just women and children, in the distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets.  

The research also tracked malaria deaths through time, from 1980 to 2010. Global malaria deaths almost doubled between 1980 and 2004; child deaths in Africa almost tripled over the same period. The researchers suggest the HIV/AIDS epidemic and resistance to chloroquine as probable causes, along with an increase in population in malaria-endemic areas.  After that the number of deaths started to fall, although they are still not down to 1980 levels. 

The results of hard-fought campaigns, and the resources provided by the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, do show up in the figures. The authors say “the risk of malaria death in several countries that have scaled up control efforts, such as Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya and Ethiopia, has decreased between 2000 and 2010 figures”.  The reverses of the 1980s and 1990s signal the fragility of the gains in the war against malaria, and the researchers say this underscores the danger posed by the world economic crisis, and the slowdown in health funding. 

They conclude: “The announcement by the Global Fund [in November] that their next round of funding would be cancelled raises enormous doubts as to whether the gains in malaria mortality reduction can be built on or even sustained.”  Sarah Kline, executive director of Malaria No More UK, told IRIN this fragility of funding, especially from the Global Fund, was a big source of discussion and anxiety for the whole malaria community. 

“The total funding gap for malaria, from all sources, if we are going to meet our 2015 targets, is around US$3 billion a year, although we did have some positive announcements at Davos about extra funding from the Gates Foundation, and the governments of Saudi Arabia and Japan.”  The funding gap was also addressed by the Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf when she was elected to head the African Leaders' Malaria Alliance on 2 February, and urged African countries to step up their own funding for control campaigns and find innovative sources of finance to close the gap.  

eb/mw]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94796</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010851010191t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Global Fund shake-up signals new direction</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003121448070025t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a &quot;turning point&quot; for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a "turning point" for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption. 

Jaramillo, a former CEO of Spain's Sovereign Bank and special adviser to the Office of the Special Envoy for Malaria of the UN Secretary-General, was a member of an independent panel set up in March 2011 [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/highlevelpanel/compositon ] to investigate the Global Fund's fiduciary controls and oversight mechanisms after allegations of grant fraud in several recipient countries. 

Among other things, the panel recommended [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/documents/highlevelpanel/HighLevelPanel_IndependentReviewPanelOnFiduciaryControlsAndOversightMechanisms_Report_en ] the Fund strengthen its internal governance, improve its risk management and "get serious about results". 

The appointment of Jamarillo was quickly followed by an announcement by Global Fund executive director Michel Kazatchkine that he could not continue under "these circumstances" and that he planned to resign in mid-March. 

Kazatchkine, who has been with the Fund for 10 years, was reappointed as executive director for a second three-year term in January 2011. 

But soon after, the Fund's Office of the Inspector General began uncovering fraud among recipients in countries such as Mali, Mauritania and Zambia. As a consequence of this and negative reports by international media, donors, including Germany, Ireland and Sweden, suspended funding. 

Faced with declining donor support and a credibility crisis, the board endorsed a new strategy and announced the cancellation of its 11th round of grants at a meeting in Accra, Ghana, in November 2011. 

The board also reportedly [ http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2012/01/24/demission-de-michel-kazatchkine-patron-du-fonds-mondial-contre-le-sida_1633931_3244.html ] demanded Kazatchkine's resignation - but he refused. It then decided to appoint a general manager and reduce Kazatchkine's responsibilities. 

"When problems pile up and the buzz and press get so bad, it is inevitable that leadership will be held responsible. I suppose the Global Fund board decided that the costs associated with a leadership transition during a crisis are lower than the benefits from a fresh face and new strategy," Amanda Glassman, director of global health policy and research at the Centre for Global Development, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Fixing the Fund 

"The appointment of the general manager is a turning point for the Global Fund and hopefully in nine to 12 months the Fund will hire a new executive director with experience in managing large complex financial systems, who also completely understands the larger role that the Fund has to play," said Bernard Rivers, executive director of Aidspan, an independent watchdog of the Global Fund. 

Glassman believes that current features of the Global Fund's structure probably exacerbated the crisis. "The Fund's performance-based funding model relies on self-reports and a non-transparent decision-making process on disbursements... I am very worried about the current emphasis on audit and fiduciary oversight as the ‘solution’ to the misuse and corruption issues in low-income countries. 

“I would rather see the Fund tie money to measurable improvements in performance and forget about checking the receipts for every condom," she added. 

This has been backed up by the High-Level Independent Review Panel, which found that “the culture of the Global Fund has become one driven by the measurement of documentation, and not by health impact”. [ http://www.globalfund.org/en ] 

But for Asia Russell, director of international policy for activist group HealthGap, it all comes down to money - or lack of it. "Not because of alleged management issues, or a loss of confidence or any other red herring that has been raised - it was because there was not enough money; and that happened because donors said one thing during the most recent replenishment meeting at the UN in New York, but then did a totally different thing." 

The issue was not the credibility of the Global Fund, which has some of the most open and transparent mechanisms for identifying and responding to corruption and fraud - "much stronger than other bilateral funders, for example", Russell told IRIN/PlusNews by email. 

Funding pledges 

The Saudi government announced at end-January that it would provide US$25 million in 2013, while the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation gave a $750 million promissory note. But this still falls short of what the organization needs to meet its demands. 

"The leadership change could lead to increased efficiency and impact if key reform measures are taken and results (not spending) are measured more rigorously," Glassman suggested. 

In his resignation letter, Kazatchkine acknowledged that in the current economic climate, "the emergency approaches of the past decade are giving way to concerns about how to ensure long-term sustainability, while at the same time, efficiency is becoming a dominant measure of success”. 

Jamarillo's first day at the Global Fund is 1 February and he is expected to oversee a process of transformation recommended by the high-level panel that will move the Fund response from an emergency to a sustainable one. 

A lot is at stake: by 2010, the Fund was disbursing $3.5 billion annually. It was responsible for supporting about 40 percent of all HIV treatment in developing countries and much of the care in middle-income nations such as China and India. More than two-thirds of all global malaria prevention and treatment and three-quarters of all tuberculosis efforts now depend on it. 

Activists have already thrown down a challenge for the former banker. "First on his to-do list should be holding an emergency donor conference so that affected countries can apply for new grants and expand life-saving treatment this year," said Tido von Schoen-Angerer, executive director of the Médecins Sans Frontières Access Campaign. 

"To speak like a doctor, I am cautiously optimistic about the future of the Global Fund. The patient has had severe indigestion but there is a good chance of recovery," Rivers told IRIN/PlusNews. 

kr/kn/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94777</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003121448070025t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a &quot;turning point&quot; for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC: Alarm bells over poor funding for HIV treatment</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20066230t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). 

MSF recently launched [ http://www.msf.org/msf/articles/2012/01/85-of-aids-patients-deprived-of-treatment-in-drc.cfm ] a year-long advocacy campaign to raise awareness of the DRC's HIV crisis. 

"The problem is quite old in the DRC; the country has always been minimized by donors who have not seen it as a priority, mainly because HIV prevalence is relatively low at between 3 and 4 percent," Thierry Dethier, advocacy manager for MSF Belgium in the DRC, told IRIN/PlusNews. "But look at the indicators: more than one million people are living with HIV, 350,000 of whom qualify for ARVs [antiretrovirals] but only 44,000 - or 15 percent - are on ARVs." 

Dwindling funds 

Dethier said the main reason for the ARV crisis was the end of six years of World Bank funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88718 ] in 2011. International health financing mechanism UNITAID, which provides funding for paediatric and second-line ARVs, is also ending its funding to the DRC in December 2012; the cancellation of Round 11 funding by the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria is only likely to worsen the situation. 

Seventy-five percent of HIV funding in the DRC is from the Global Fund, 25 percent is from UNITAID through the Clinton Health Access Initiative - which provides funding for paediatric ARVs and second-line ARVS - and from the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which funds prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission. 

"The country is currently using funds from round seven and eight of the Global Fund; these funds are due to be consolidated but have also been cut - round seven by 30 percent... round eight may also be cut," Dethier said. "We expect that the consolidated funds will last through 2014, after which there is no funding for DRC." 

The DRC did not qualify for funding under the Global Fund’s ninth and 10th round. 

At risk 

According to the director of an NGO in the capital, Kinshasa, who preferred anonymity, funding problems mean many of his patients' lives are at risk. 

"In Kinshasa alone we have shut two out of the three health centres we used to run, a situation which leaves us [caring] for only 1,800 out of 3,000 people living with HIV," he told IRIN/PlusNews. "Today we are running the one remaining health centre for HIV-positive people by charging each of them US$5 per month. 

"When the funding was available patients could come for checking whenever they were feeling unwell... we do give them treatment but today we receive them once a month unless their health condition has deteriorated," he added. "We are now appealing to the government to intervene in filling the gap that Global Fund is leaving in funding interventions for people living with HIV." 

Dethier noted that there were also problems with HIV testing. "Since there is no treatment people feel it's pointless to test," he said. "As many as 15,000 people have tested HIV-positive and qualify for treatment but are not receiving it," he said. 

Outlook 

The Global Fund says it is reviewing a request for continued funding, and no life-saving programmes will be cut as a result of funding shortages. 

"In terms of future additional funding, Round 11 was cancelled and replaced by a transitional funding mechanism that will allow countries to apply for funding for essential services for continuation of prevention, treatment and/or care services currently financed by the Global Fund," said Marcela Rojo, Global Fund spokeswoman. "Countries that face significant programme disruption between January 1 2012 and March 31 2014 may apply for up to two years of funding. 

"This means that no recipient will be forced to suspend any essential services as a consequence of the round 11 cancellation," she added. 

According to Rojo, with Phase 2 funding, the country aims to scale up treatment to 67,000 people by end-2014. 

MSF's Dethier noted that other donors would have to step up their funding. 

"With funding from the Global Fund, only 15 percent of people have access to ARVs, so we need others to contribute and we need the existing partners - UNITAID and PEPFAR - to honour their commitments to the people they are already supporting and to expand their programmes," he said. "The government aims to have 160,000 people on ARVs by 2014, which means putting roughly 3,500 people on ARVs per month - with money, this can be done." 

kr/pc/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94781</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20066230t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Meningitis spreads as people scramble for vaccine</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</description><body><![CDATA[KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families. 
 
The Ministry of Health has declared the outbreaks in the departments of Kouto and Tengrela in the north as epidemics, and is providing free vaccinations in both locations through mobile health teams, with the help of the World Health Organization and UNICEF. 
 
Bacterial and viral meningitis are diseases which cause inflammation in layers of the brain and spinal cord, and the former has a high fatality rate. 
 
Residents of also-affected Saminkro in the centre of the country and Kani in the centre-west must pay US$5 each for a vaccination, or $3 if they come forward as a group. Ivoirians in these departments - and in surrounding areas - are lobbying the Health Ministry to bring down prices as many cannot afford to raise enough money to vaccinate their families.
 
“It’s a question of economics,” Jeremie Ipo, director of the district health centre in the village of Poungbè in Korhogo region, told IRIN. “We can only reduce the price of the vaccine as soon as there are enough people demanding it.”
 
The government recently abandoned the provision of free health care for all because of skyrocketing costs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94729 ] While birth deliveries and some immunizations for children under age six are still covered, meningitis is not included. 
 
Côte d’Ivoire is part of the meningitis belt of sub-Saharan Africa, which stretches from Senegal in the west to Ethiopia in the east. A 2009-2010 meningitis outbreak killed over 900 people and infected over 13,000 in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Nigeria. 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94783</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MADAGASCAR: The “less is more” philosophy of rice production</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311157000396t.jpg" />]]>TALATA 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ernest Rakotoarivony, 45, was teased by some members of the Talata community, a small town 30km north of Madagascar’s capital Antananarivo, after breaking with traditional rice cultivation methods and employing a technique taught to him by a Jesuit priest.</description><body><![CDATA[TALATA 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ernest Rakotoarivony, 45, was teased by some members of the Talata community, a small town 30km north of Madagascar’s capital Antananarivo, after breaking with traditional rice cultivation methods and employing a technique taught to him by a Jesuit priest. 

A decade ago the Dutch priest, Ed Mulderink, promised him that adopting the System of Rice Intensification (SRI) would substantially increase his rice yield, but warned it would also be more labour intensive. 

“When you replant the rice, you have very small plants, and they need to be planted individually in rows [with SRI]. The others [traditional rice farmers] just take bunches of plants, beat the roots against their feet to get the soil off, and replant them. It takes them one hour to replant their field, while it takes me two days. People don’t want to use that much time,” Rakotoarivony told IRIN. 

Other farmers were skeptical of the “less is more” approach to rice production. “They think that the more plants they put in the field, the more rice they’ll have. But the opposite is true. Even if they just used some parts of the method, like controlling the water, or not beating the plant roots, it would help,” he said. 

“There were people who laughed at me, until they saw the harvest,” said Rakotoarivony, who was approached by the priest when he was earning his living as a bread vendor. “The priest asked me to work with him, using SRI. So we worked on my family land together, and we managed to double the yield, just as he had promised.” 

During the lean season Rakotoarivony produces vegetables and now has enough cash to buy seed and fertilizer every three years. Although some of his family have adopted SRI, relatively few others in the area have, despite the best efforts of the priest preaching the benefits of the practice. 

Rice is the staple for Madagascar’s 20 million people, and the average annual consumption is about 102kg per person; about 75 percent of the population lives below the poverty line. 

Production has declined from 4.7 million tons in 2010 to 4.3 million in 2011 and prices have doubled in two years to about US$1 per kilogram. In the 1970s Madagascar was a rice exporter but has since become a rice importer, a consequence of outdated farming methods and poor infrastructure, but farmers still produce 80 percent of the country’s national rice requirement. 

Development of SRI 

The SRI method was developed in the 1980s by the French Jesuit priest Henri de Laulanié, who challenged accepted norms of rice production. Traditional farmers flood their rice fields and plant bunches of mature rice plants, while SRI farmers transplant young seedlings with greater spacing on soil that is moist but not flooded. Proponents of SRI claim this system uses 25-50 percent less water, requires 80-90 percent fewer seeds, and can sometimes double or even triple the yields. 

SRI has been promoted locally by NGO Tefy Saina (Change you Mentality, established by De Laulanié) and internationally, through the Cornell International Institute for Food, Agriculture and Development (CIIFAD). 

“The method has really taken off in Asia and is now practised in more than 30 countries. However, it has not been adopted on a wide scale in Africa or in Madagascar itself,” Winifred Fitzgerald, adviser to the Better U Foundation, told IRIN. 

The Better U Foundation, funded by the Canadian actor Jim Carrey, has assisted in SRI’s implementation and dissemination at grassroots, institutional and policy levels. 

However, there remains conjecture as to whether SRI methods are outpacing traditional methods. A 2005 report by Cornell University entitled Does the System of Rice Intensification Outperform Conventional Best Management? A Synopsis of the Empirical Record, says: “Aside from one set of experiments in Madagascar where SRI more than doubled rice productivity with respect to Best Management Practices, we found no evidence of a systematic or even occasional yield advantage of this magnitude elsewhere.” 

In Asian countries, these researchers found, there could even be a negative impact when the system is used, the report said. 

“This is a method that was discovered in the field, not in a laboratory. Some want to promote other systems. But I think that there is no competition. Some places are better for SRI than others,” said Better U adviser Rames Abhukara. 

A recent progress report of the Better U Foundation cites the results of an evaluation with its partner, Catholic Relief Service (CRS) - an international faith-based NGO working in the Vakinankaratra highland region of Madagascar. In a sample of 120 households out of 600 beneficiary families, the average yields with SRI were 3.28 tons per hectare, compared to 2.87 tons per hectare prior to the project’s implementation. The regional average of rice production is two tons per hectare. 

The study showed that families’ food stocks lasted on average 54 days longer as a result of their increased harvest, and helped to decrease vulnerability during the lean season. 

Resistance to change 

“For some farmers, they don’t see why they should change the way their fathers and grandfathers grew rice. To minimize risk, they may start practising SRI in one corner of the rice field,” Fitzgerald explained. “Others are interested in the method, but do not know how to start or have received insufficient training, so partners are working to address these gaps.” 

“We don’t tell them to do this. We tell them: If you think it’s useful, we can help you with it,” Abhukara added. 

At the institutional level, the Better U Foundation helped to create an association known as the Groupement SRI de Madagascar (GSRI). 

GSRI has 267 members, including local and international NGOs, research institutes and private sector entities. In June 2011, the Ministry of Agriculture included SRI in its national strategy for rice development for the first time. 

“We were also quite pleased that the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Olivier De Schutter, in his preliminary conclusions cited SRI as an important agro-ecological method that could contribute to the country’s food security,” Fitzgerald said. 

Apart from increased productivity for farmers, the method has environmental benefits, its proponents claim. With increased yields and improved incomes, there is less pressure for farmers to cut down forests for agriculture purposes. SRI also contributes to a reduction in greenhouse gases, especially methane, because the rice fields are not continuously flooded as in traditional rice cultivation. 

“Just producing more rice is not enough. For an effective SRI dissemination strategy, you have to consider the whole rice chain, such as farmers’ access to micro-finance as well as the storage, transportation and marketing of rice,” Abhukara said. 

ar/go/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94764</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311157000396t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TALATA 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ernest Rakotoarivony, 45, was teased by some members of the Talata community, a small town 30km north of Madagascar’s capital Antananarivo, after breaking with traditional rice cultivation methods and employing a technique taught to him by a Jesuit priest.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SLIDESHOW: Living on the edge in Kenya&apos;s Turkana region</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya's vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.

On their own, meagre average annual rainfall of between 300mm and 400mm and frequent droughts pose surmountable challenges. In the past, the predominantly livestock-raising population was able to travel far to find browse and water; a sustainable, cyclical livelihood.

However, access to such greener pastures is now curtailed by agricultural development, out-of-bounds national parks, and the prevalence of small arms in the wider region.

View the slideshow
AccordingThere is little to fall back on. Infrastructure - roads, electricity, water supplies, schools, sanitation facilities, health centres, communications, social services and media access - are at best inadequate, if not virtually absent. Political clout is negligible. Poverty levels are at least 20 percent greater than the national average.

Insecurity, nomadism, and the sheer vastness of the remote region - it covers some 70,000 sqkm - have greatly limited intervention by government agencies and international partners.

All these factors contributed to malnutrition rates that topped 37 percent in some areas during the extreme drought of 2011. Food insecurity is permanent; many in Turkana have depended on food aid since before Kenya gained independence in 1963.

Related Reports

Drought exacerbates conflict in Turkana [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]
Illiteracy hampers treatment programmes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93324 ]
Turkana reels from severe drought [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93210 ]
The dangers of pastoralism [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94739</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
es/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Coping with climate change</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding. 

In a review of its humanitarian operations (HERR), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/HERR.pdf ]
 the UK government was among the first donors to place resilience at the centre of its “approach both to longer-term development and to emergency response” and announced its intention to scale-up work on resilience. 

Aid experts and NGOs provide various reasons for the growing popularity and emergence of resilience as a concept. Some are sceptical. But they all agree it is a positive approach that will bring the worlds of development and humanitarian aid closer. 

What does resilience mean in the aid world? 

Some call it just another addition to the growing aid jargon. But mostly people call it a new approach, a “lens”, which has given new meaning to “sustainable development”. 

Maarten van Aalst, director of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre and co-ordinating lead author of the summary of the special report on Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change (SREX) produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2011 explains it thus: Under the conventional sustainable development approach, if a road had to be constructed in a rural area, benefits - such as the impact on the lives of the communities living alongside, creation of job opportunities from the maintenance of the road and development of markets for the farming community - would have been taken into consideration. 

This is what Peter Walker, a leading aid expert, calls the “linear” approach. The old development models “made projections into the future from recent trends and assumed that, all other things being equal, life would get better”. 

But with a resilience lens on, the government or aid agency responsible for the road will consider the possibility of external shocks or unexpected developments that might affect the road and people’s lives. “What if the area becomes prone to floods or if there is an earthquake, what if food prices increase because the contractors are better off than the local population? [These] would be some of the factors that the project would now consider,” explains Van Aalst. 

The SREX defines resilience as “the ability of a system and its component parts to anticipate, absorb, accommodate, or recover from the effects of a hazardous event in a timely and efficient manner, including through ensuring the preservation, restoration, or improvement of its essential basic structures and functions”. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94301 ]

A much simpler definition is offered by Simon Levine, a member of the Africa Climate Change Resilience Alliance (ACCRA), a consortium of NGOs and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), where he is a research fellow: “It is the ability [of people, systems] to maintain their well-being.” 

Paul Cook, Tearfund’s director of policy, says the climate change community in its efforts to integrate “resilience to climate change across all development sectors”, is seeking a definition of resilience or “strengthened development" that is broad and “ensures communities and ecosystems have the capacity to adapt to uncertain change”. 

Tom Mitchell, head of climate change at ODI and also an SREX co-ordinating lead author, agrees, suggesting that “the HERR’s decision to foreground resilience has helped to generate new conversations between those working on risks to development, meaning new connections are being made between conflict, disaster, financial and climate risk management that were not happening to anywhere near the same extent before the HERR came out. This can only be a good thing.” 

Why the focus on resilience now? 

Brian Walker, one of the world’s first resilience scientists, says the increasing realization that people are unable to control factors, such as earthquakes, or influence certain situations, such as long-running conflicts, or halt man-made climate change have forced them to consider this approach. 

“The world leaders and the global institutions we have at present are simply unable to slow down the changes in greenhouse gases, growing antibiotic resistance, ocean acidification, loss of forests, etc,” he wrote in an email to IRIN. 

The development and humanitarian community of the 1970s and 1980s were optimistic, believing that given enough time and money for innovation, all the problems in the world could be fixed, says Peter Walker, who heads the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University. But that optimism has been ebbing in the past few years, fuelled by unresolved conflicts such as in Afghanistan. 

“As we come to understand the complexity of systems more and as we have evidence that we control only a small part of how these systems evolve, planners’ goals shift from ‘forcing’ systems along a path they determine, to seeking ways to nudge systems into states that will withstand shock.” 

But others like Tom Bigg, a development policy expert at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), see the reason for the shift as partly political and to do with basic rights. He thinks the resilience approach is about looking for solutions within (a person, system or a country) that make it more empowering than the previous development approach where “people were passive victims for whom change was determined externally”. 

Richard Klein, a scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), who is leading the work on adaptation for the IPCC’s next assessment, says the increasing use of the word resilience “has to do with the positive connotation it has. ‘Enhancing resilience' sounds better as a policy objective than 'reducing vulnerability', although by and large they would involve the same activities.” 

Where does the concept fit into an aid system? 

The resilience theory developed in 1973 by Buzz Holling, an ecologist, exists in all disciplines – economists look at how markets reorganize themselves after shocks, political scientists consider how fragile countries recover after war and so on. The study of resilience is a multi-disciplinary science. 

It is difficult to trap resilience in a silo of its own, says ODI’s Levine. Its usefulness lies in the fact that it has built bridges between the worlds of development, relief and disaster risk reduction – as the goal of all these sectors is to produce individuals, communities, countries or any system able to withstand shocks, he said. 

Its application differs. 

Some view it as similar to the participatory, consultative approach - where existing communities’ capacity and expectations to cope and recover are taken into account when planning disaster risk reduction programmes. NGOs such as the Red Cross/Red Crescent have been working with this approach for the last few years. 

The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has developed projects that enhance resilience to disasters. For instance, in the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP) that covers 7.8 million people in Ethiopia by providing regular and predictable cash and food transfers, DFID has introduced a new risk financing mechanism. This allows the programme to expand in times of shock such as a particularly long dry season, for longer periods or to cover more people. 

In the past five years there have been increased efforts to integrate adaptation and disaster risk reduction as both "aim to reduce the impacts of shocks by anticipating risks and addressing vulnerabilities". IPCC’s SREX was an attempt to do that. Then there have also been efforts to integrate the two into development planning and practice, says Van Aalst. “Resilience is often used as a convenient umbrella concept that captures some of this integration.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85372 ]

Funding issues 

There is no separate funding for resilience. But a specific project within a single sector like the risk financing mechanism in Ethiopia’s PSNP could possibly find openings. DFID has started looking at it from a disaster resilience and conflict perspective. According to Tearfund’s Cook, “It will obviously be challenging to try to channel money for building up resilience across the whole range of sectors in a coherent way but, for us, it would seem counterproductive to establish stand-alone resilience initiatives,” he added. After all it is a concept that looks at things in totality. 

Partners in Resilience is a five-year project run in five countries which integrates risk-reduction, adaptation and environmental protection using resilience as an umbrella, bringing NGOs such as the Netherlands Red Cross, Care, Wetlands International, CORDAID and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre together. But the project raised the money by aligning its objectives with that of the Netherlands Development Aid – in this case it was poverty alleviation, civil society building and so on. 

The problems 

Van Aalst raises two concerns. The real problem around implementation concerns capacity and scale. “It is easy to run pilot projects and try to influence change but initiatives like these need to be scaled-up to make a difference. And if you want to scale-up you need capacity and you need to keep the objectives simple and not confuse people on the ground with yet another term." He suggested being realistic about the kind of outcomes sought from a project. 

The other problem was the word might hide the underlying causes of vulnerability, particularly inequalities, he said. "The causes of vulnerability are often closely related to development decisions that create vulnerability." For instance, the creation of urban slums in areas exposed to environmental risks such as river banks. 

Ultimately, as Klein points out, "I don't believe in the possibility of rationally calculating the optimal level of preparedness/adaptation/resilience of society. There is no such thing as zero risk; the level of risk a society is exposed to is a social and political decision." 

jk/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94714</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Authorities move to curb illegal gold-mining</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg" />]]>TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</description><body><![CDATA[TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.

The departments in question are Korhogo, Ouangolo, dikodougou, Boundiali, Ferkesse Dougou and Sienematiali.

Artisanal mining has grown over recent years and farmers are having more and more difficulty securing their land to plant crops, according to farmers and several high-level officials - including Zakade Antoine, agriculture director of Tengrela in the Savanes region of northern Côte d’Ivoire, and Aly Koné, regional director of the Ministry of Mines, Petrol and Energy.

Artisanal miners dig holes in the ground up to 20 metres deep, and often do not fill them in afterwards, said Koné Namakoro, 63, village chief of Tengrela. 

“Today we are having trouble growing rice and millet as our fields have been taken over by miners who are operating in cahoots with certain chiefs and landowners,” he said.

According to Antoine, millet and rice production in Savanes has declined over the past few years as artisanal miners expanded their operations; in some communes of Tengrela and the sub-prefecture of M’bengué in Korhogo region food security is worsening as a result.

The World Food Programme could not confirm this trend, though Deputy Country Director Ellen Kramer, said the practice can cause food prices to rise.

Alongside industrial-scale mining, artisanal gold-mining has been steadily expanding across Côte d’Ivoire over recent years, local officials told IRIN, mainly because of the sums involved. 

“People can expect up to 20,000 CFA (US$40) for one gram of gold, so that creates a passion for gold exploration,” an expert of the industry in the commercial capital, Abidjan, who preferred anonymity,
told IRIN. 

“It’s quite amazing: a camp can be set up quite fast… it’s like a village rising from the ground,” the expert continued.

Illegal profits

However, the vast majority of artisanal mining is illegal: miners must apply for a license to mine from the local authorities before they start digging, but the industry expert estimates 95 percent of artisanal mining goes ahead without such regulation. 

Ex-Forces Nouvelles rebels dominated the artisanal mining industry for years, an international mining expert who asked to remain unnamed, told IRIN. According to Ouattara Daouda, prefect of Savanes Region, when rebels took control of northern Côte d’Ivoire many of them colluded with village chiefs and landowners to exploit it for gold.

The mining expert backed this up: “In the north, rebels and people with money were ruling everything from the top… There is always a way to “arrange” things…. When the rebels were involved nobody could really say no to them.” 

Despite new leadership structures in the north, with some ex-rebels being absorbed into the national military, Forces Républicaines de Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI - now known as the Forces Armées Nationales de Côte d'Ivoire or FANCI) and ex- rebel representatives still control the bulk of the sector, said the mining expert.

But former rebel leaders IRIN spoke to in Savanes, said lots of “bandits” claim to be with FRCI in order to gain a claim on the industry - and this lies out of their hands. 

Regulation

On 11 January, eight departmental heads said they would crack down on the sector - banning all unregistered mining enterprises. 

This comes in the middle of an exercise that government authorities are doing to consult local chiefs, miners, farmers and others on how best to regulate the sector at the local level, with a view to improving the impact on local populations and on the environment. 

The national government is also working to reform the national mining code, which addresses both industrial and artisanal mining. 

Regulation, rather than banning artisanal mining altogether is the only sustainable solution, said Abidjan-based mining expert. “To be honest, they won’t be able to prevent people from looking for gold. People are hungry and unemployed…The government can’t stop them,” he told IRIN.

In the 1990s, liberalization of the gold-mining industry meant a downward shift in terms of environmental, human rights and transparency standards in many West African states as each tried to lure foreign investors, said Moussa Ba, West Africa coordinator for the extractive industries programme at NGO Oxfam America. Now governments need to come together to harmonize these standards upwards, he said.

There has been some progress: The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is working on a new mining code to apply to all its members; it hopes it will be passed in 2014. In 2009 heads of state passed a directive on mining, which shows high-level commitment, said Ba. 

In the meantime, civil society networks in Côte d’Ivoire need to work hard to keep tabs on the industry at all levels, said Ba. With artisanal mining growing steadily, and industrial-scale mining set to significantly increase between now and 2020, according to statements by President Alassane Ouattara, there is no time to lose. 

oa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94723</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Agriculture in a changing environment</title><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102140732020812t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Agriculture has been seen either as a cause or victim of global warming at the UN climate change talks over the past few years - something that has thwarted efforts to attract the investment it needs, say scientists.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Agriculture has been seen either as a cause or victim of global warming at the UN climate change talks over the past few years - something that has thwarted efforts [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83763 ] to attract the investment it needs, say scientists.

Some at the talks see a more dominant role for agriculture - an emitter of major greenhouses gases such as nitrous oxide and methane - in reducing global warming. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change estimates agricultural emissions account for 13.5 percent of all man-made greenhouse gas emissions. 

At the same time, poor countries want more money and better technology to help farmers adapt to the impact of climate change such as frequent droughts, flooding and increased salinity. 

“It is really a bad split for agriculture,” said John Beddington, the UK’s chief scientific adviser, and one of the authors of a paper calling for a more integrated approach, combining mitigation and adaptation efforts. 

The paper, published in the current edition of Science [ http://www.sciencemag.org/content/335/6066/289.summary ]with contributions from several scientists, calls for a better understanding of agricultural practices with the aim of delivering multiple benefits - reducing emissions, helping agriculture to adapt, and using limited resources (like water) efficiently. 

One model to emulate could be Denmark, where one of the world’s strictest agriculture control systems is in place - including, for example, the use of environmentally friendly practices such as substituting pig slurry (pig waste and water) for artificial fertilizers. The country has managed not only to reduce emissions from agriculture by 28 percent but also increase productivity. 

This kind of win-win agriculture would attract more funding from a wider range of sources, said Beddington. 

Climate change’s impact is likely to be greatest in low and middle-income tropical regions, where pressure will mount to produce more food because of population and income growth, says agricultural economist Christopher Barrett, who teaches at Cornell University. The global focus, therefore, has to be on helping agriculture in those regions adapt, and not just produce more or reduce emissions. “And that agenda needs to encompass post-harvest storage, distribution and transformation.” 

Despite growing support for an integrated approach to agriculture encompassing adaptation and mitigation efforts, policy actions have been slow to materialize in most countries and at the UN climate change talks, the paper says. 

A first step, say the scientists, is to get commonly agreed definitions of concepts like “climate-smart agriculture” and “sustainable intensification”, which integrate the two approaches. 

The authors of the paper include ecologist Bob Scholes of South Africa’s Council for Scientific and Industrial Research; Mohammad Asaduzzaman, research director of the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies; and Judi Wakhungu, executive director of the African Centre for Technology Studies in Kenya. 

“Climate-smart” 

The “climate-smart” concept as developed by the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) advocates practices which generate both adaptation and mitigation benefits such as the efficient use of organic fertilizers; the development of efficient seed systems which produce crops naturally resilient to climatic shifts; the harvesting of water for irrigation; the production of biogas from livestock manure; and greater reliance on forage from maize crops to feed animals. 

Such initiatives would not only improve food production but also reduce harmful gas emissions, says FAO. 

About 70 percent of agriculture-related emissions are associated with the manufacture and use of nitrogen-based fertilizers -in large part through the emission of nitrous oxide - according to a 2011 review by the UK Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC). [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1365-2389.2010.01342.x/abstract ]

The livestock sector generates 65 percent of human-related nitrous oxide, which has 296 times the Global Warming Potential (GWP) of carbon dioxide. Most of this comes from manure. 

Belching cows, goats and sheep emit 80 million tons of methane into the atmosphere every year. Though methane remains in the atmosphere for a short time (9-15 years), it has 23 times the GWP of carbon dioxide. Irrigated rice farming is another major source of methane emissions. 

Soil carbon sequestration 

But the “climate-smart” concept was given another interpretation at the Durban climate change talks in December: The World Bank announced it had launched a “climate-smart agriculture” pilot project in Kenya. The project (which is still running) aims to get small farmers to adopt agricultural practices such as low-tillage, which trap carbon in the soil in such a way that it is not re-emitted into the atmosphere (soil carbon sequestration). The carbon is then sold as credits in carbon markets. 

Think-tanks like the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP), and scientists at BBSRC, point out that sustainable agriculture can increase the sequestration of carbon in the soil but it is difficult and costly to measure. 

IATP’s senior policy analyst, Steve Suppan, said the very high transaction costs of converting Kenyan farmers’ work into carbon credits would be better spent on more rapidly adapting Kenya’s agriculture to climate change. 

“Because the project's transaction costs are nearly half of the project budget, the main project co-benefit is not for the farmers but for the carbon accounting methodology that the Bank wishes to sell globally.” 

Tosi Mpanu-Mpanu, Africa’s chief negotiator at the climate talks, who had been lobbying for a stronger presence for agriculture in the adaptation track, said they wanted predictable funds for agriculture, and not from shaky carbon markets, which in this case - for credits based on soil carbon sequestration - did not exist. “Our farmers will also be told to grow certain crops which sequester more carbon rather than what the farmers need, compromising their security.” 

NGOs like ActionAid warn of the possibility of “soil grabs” in developing countries by big business to offset their emissions. Mitigation cannot be the predominant objective of any project aimed at benefiting agriculture, said ActionAid’s Harjeet Singh. 

“Mitigation projects in agriculture need to begin in industrialized agriculture and land-clearing for agribusiness. The agro-ecological techniques of climate-smart agriculture should be deployed for adaptation, not in the service of carbon derivatives markets,” said Suppan. 

Beddington said linking “climate smart agricultural practices” with carbon markets was “unfortunate”. The Science paper he co-authored calls for unpacking the term in such a way that addresses concerns that it might be giving more weight to agriculture’s role in reducing emissions, rather than focusing on improving production and ways to adapt. 

Leslie Lipper, a senior environmental economist with FAO, said soil carbon sequestration is one example of an integrated approach but she was not against sourcing finance from carbon markets. “Identifying, crediting and financing mitigation co-benefits that can be generated from improving agricultural systems offers the potential to open a new and additional source of finance to help meet the investment gap” in agriculture. 

“Sustainable intensification” 

In agriculture, the term “sustainable intensification” as defined by FAO, refers to an increase in production either by using more inputs such as labour, land, time, fertilizer, feed or cash; or the maintenance of production at a certain level with the effective use of smaller amounts of fertilizer, or mixed cropping in smaller fields. 

“Sustainable intensification”, said Scholes, focused more on increasing production not by physical expansion but the efficient use of inputs. 

The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change [ http://unfccc.int/2860.php ] has called for views on agriculture within the climate change context to be submitted to its Subsidiary Body for Science and Technological Advice by 5 March 2012. 

jk/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94711</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102140732020812t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Agriculture has been seen either as a cause or victim of global warming at the UN climate change talks over the past few years - something that has thwarted efforts to attract the investment it needs, say scientists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SRI LANKA: Tea rich but nutrient poor</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191510030565t.jpg" />]]>COLOMBO 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Tea in Sri Lanka is one of the country&apos;s biggest cash crops, but families working on tea estates are among the nation&apos;s poorest in terms of earnings as well as nutrition, say experts who back regional approaches to tackle nutrition disparity.</description><body><![CDATA[COLOMBO 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Tea in Sri Lanka is one of the country's biggest cash crops, but families working on tea estates are among the nation's poorest in terms of earnings as well as nutrition, say experts who back regional approaches to tackle nutrition disparity. One in every five children younger than five is malnourished nationwide and one in six newborns has a low birth weight, one cause of infant deaths, according to a recent study from the Colombo-based Institute of Policy Studies (IPS). [ http://www.ips.lk/research/highlights/highlight_archive/2011/december/policy_brief_english.pdf ]

But the situation is worse for children of tea estate workers, with one in three classified as underweight and 40 percent of babies born with too-low weight, IPS noted.  

Ramasamy Ramakrishnan, 46, a tea estate worker and father of five, and his wife, who is also a tea harvester, earn US$130 monthly to support a family of seven, including five school-aged children. "It is difficult. We survive somehow. But I cannot find any other job," he told IRIN.  

His family is among the one-and-a-half million people - or some 5 percent of Sri Lanka's 21 million population - who work in the tea sector, according to government estimates. The most recent national poverty study conducted in 2009-2010 noted that 11.4 percent of these families lived below the national poverty line of 3,028 Sri Lankan rupees per month, or roughly $27. [ http://www.statistics.gov.lk/poverty/PovertyIndicators2009_10.pdf ]  

Income nutrition cycle  

Household income plays a major role in determining nutrition levels of under-fives, with those among the country's poorest 20 percent three times more likely to be malnourished as those in the richest quintile, noted IPS.  

In the government's most recent demographic and health survey (DHS) conducted in 2006-2007 [ http://www.statistics.gov.lk/social/DHS%20200607%20FinalReport.pdf ] some 17 percent of under-fives surveyed were stunted - a sign of chronic malnutrition and lack of nutrients.  

Nuwera Eliya District - 150km south of the economic capital of Colombo - and the adjoining Badulla District, which both have large tea plantations, recorded the highest stunting rates nationwide that year, 44 and 33 percent respectively.  

Angela de Silva, a lecturer at the University of Colombo's Faculty of Medicine and vice-president of the Nutrition Society of Sri Lanka [ http://www.nutritionsocietysrilanka.com/ ] said poverty and poor living conditions created an inter-generational cycle of malnutrition.  

"The disadvantaged kid grows up to be a disadvantaged mother, often with early marriage, teenage pregnancies or starting off pregnancy with both micro- and macro-nutrient malnutrition; in turn she has a low birth-weight baby and poor pregnancy outcomes."  

Regional approaches  

Sri Lanka's government has programmes that promote exclusive breastfeeding in the baby's first six months [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85570 ] - recommended by the World Health Organization to boost a child's lifelong nutrition - and provide nutrients and supplements to vulnerable populations, including pregnant women, breastfeeding mothers and infants, in government clinics.  

There are plans to "fine-tune" this breastfeeding promotion to target regions where malnutrition is high, said De Silva.  

Education levels and mothers' knowledge about basic healthcare play a major part in determining their children's nutrition levels, said Kumari Navaratna, a senior health specialist at the World Bank's Colombo office.  

"The primary caregiver for a child is the mother and evidence again and again is showing that if the mother is knowledgeable on appropriate feeding and caring practices, she is able to provide the best care to the child."  Regional targets  

The Nutrition Society of Sri Lanka and Ministry of Health have advised taking into account regional economic and nutrition disparities as well as varying knowledge levels when tackling malnutrition. [ http://www.icmr.nic.in/ijmr/2009/november/1121.pdf ]  

Since May 2011 the government's National Nutrition Council has established a multi-sectoral pilot project in areas with high malnutrition, including Nuwera Eliya District.  

District health, agriculture and livestock departments are designing regional nutrition interventions, including growth monitoring programmes and child-friendly clinics.  

Government welfare policies dating back to independence in 1948 have largely failed to achieve long-term nutrition improvements, said Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, head of the Point Pedro Institute of Development [ http://pointpedro.org/ ] in Sri Lanka and research fellow at Monash University in Australia.  

"Government welfare policies should focus on the quality of outputs rather than the quantity of inputs, which has been the case hitherto."  To tackle malnutrition, policies have focused on handouts, such as nutritional supplements, without considering vulnerable groups' needs separately, or policy efficacy, said Sarvananthan.  

ap/pt/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94685</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191510030565t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COLOMBO 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Tea in Sri Lanka is one of the country&apos;s biggest cash crops, but families working on tea estates are among the nation&apos;s poorest in terms of earnings as well as nutrition, say experts who back regional approaches to tackle nutrition disparity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Timeline of Boko Haram attacks and related violence</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.

As the government struggles to cope, experts are urging leaders to seek a political solution to try to quell BH violence, backed up by sharper intelligence-gathering and professional military support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ] Below is a chronology of proven or suspected BH attacks - both recent and over the past few years.

18 Jan 2012: A key suspect in the 2011 Christmas Day bombing in Abuja, which killed more than 40 people, escapes police custody.

17 Jan 2012: Two soldiers and four BH gunmen are killed in an attack on a military checkpoint in Maiduguri, Borno State. Soldiers arrest six high-profile BH members in a raid on a sect hideout in the city.

13 Jan 2012: BH kills four and injures two others, including a policeman, in two separate attacks on pubs in Yola (Adawama State) and Gombe city in neighbouring Gombe State.

11 Jan 2012: Four Christians killed by BH gunmen in Potiskum, Yobe State, when gunmen open fire on their car as they stop for fuel. The victims had been fleeing Maiduguri to their home town in eastern Nigeria.

10 Jan 2012: A BH attack on a beer garden kills eight, including five policemen and a teenage girl, in Damaturu, capital of Yobe State.

9 Jan 2012: BH gunmen shoot dead a secret police operative along with his civilian friend as they leave a mosque in Biu, Borno State, 200km south of the state capital, Maiduguri. The president says BH has infiltrated the executive, parliamentary and judicial wings of government.

7 Jan 2012: Three Christian poker players are killed and seven others wounded by BH gunmen in the town of Biu.

6 Jan 2012: Eight worshippers are killed in a shooting attack on a church in Yola. BH gunmen shoot dead 17 Christian mourners in the town of Mubi in the northeastern state of Adamawa. The victims are friends and relations of one of five people killed in a BH attack on a hotel the previous day.

5 Jan 2012: Six worshippers are killed and 10 others wounded when BH gunmen attack a church in Gombe city.

3 Jan 2012: BH gunmen attack a police station in the town of Birniwa in Jigawa State killing a teenage girl and wounding a police officer.

1 Jan 2012: President Goodluck Jonathan imposes a state of emergency on 15 local government areas hardest-hit by BH attacks, in Borno, Yobe and Plateau states. He orders the closure of Nigerian borders in the north.

30 Dec 2011: Four Muslim worshippers are killed in a BH bomb and shooting attack targeting a military checkpoint in Maiduguri as worshippers leave a mosque after attending Friday prayers.

28 Dec 2011: A bombing and shooting attack by BH on a beer parlour in the town of Mubi, Adamawa State, wounds 15.

25 Dec 2011: A Christmas Day BH bomb attack on Saint Theresa Catholic Church in Madalla town near Abuja kills 42 worshippers. Three secret police (SSS) operatives and a BH bomber are killed in a suicide attack when the bomber rams his bomb-laden car into a military convoy at the gates of SSS headquarters in Damaturu. A policeman is killed in a botched BH bomb attack on a church in the Ray Field area of Jos, capital of Plateau State.

22 Dec 2011: BH bombs in parts of Maiduguri kill 20. Four policemen and a civilian are killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police building in Potiskum, Yobe State. Around 100 are killed following multiple bomb and shooting attacks by BH gunmen and ensuing gun battles with troops in the Pompomari outskirts of Damaturu.

19 Dec 2011: One suspected BH member dies and two others wounded in an accidental explosion while assembling a home-made bomb in a hideout in Damaturu.

17 Dec 2011: A shootout between sect members and policemen following a raid on the hideout of a BH sect leader in the Darmanawa area of Kano State kills seven, including three police officers. Police arrest 14 BH suspects and seize large amount of arms and bombs. Three BH members die in an accidental explosion while assembling home-made bombs in a hideout on the outskirts of Maiduguri.

13 Dec 2011: A bomb attack on a military checkpoint by BH and resulting shooting by soldiers in Maiduguri leaves 10 dead and 30 injured.

7 Dec 2011: An explosion linked to BH kills eight in the Oriyapata district of Kaduna city.

4 Dec 2011: A soldier, a policeman and a civilian are killed in bomb and gun attacks on police buildings and two banks in Azare, Bauchi State. BH open fire at a wedding in Maiduguri, killing the groom and a guest.

27 Nov 2011: A Borno State protocol officer in the office of the governor is shot dead by motorcycle-riding sect members while driving home.

26 Nov 2011: Three policemen and a civilian are wounded in BH bomb and shooting attacks in Geidam, Yobe State. Six churches, a police station, a beer parlour, a shopping complex, a high court, a local council building and 11 cars are burnt in the attacks.

9 Nov 2011: BH members bomb a police station and the office of Nigeria’s road safety agency in Maina village, Borno State. No one is hurt.

4 Nov 2011: The motorcade of Borno State governor Kashim Shettima comes under BH bomb attack in Maiduguri on its way from the airport to the governor’s residence as he returns from a trip to Abuja. Around 150 are killed in coordinated BH bombing and shooting attacks on police facilities in Damaturu and Potiskum in Yobe State. Two BH suicide-bombers blow themselves up outside the military Joint Task Force headquarters in Maiduguri in a botched suicide attack.

2 Nov 2011: A soldier on duty is shot dead by sect members outside Maiduguri’s main market.

November 2011: BH says it will not dialogue with the government until all of its members who have been arrested are released.

29 Oct 2011: BH gunmen shoot dead Muslim cleric Sheikh Ali Jana’a outside his home in the Bulabulin Ngarnam neighbourhood of Maiduguri. Jana’a is known to have provided information to security forces regarding the sect.

25 Oct 2011: A policeman is shot dead in his house in a targeted attack by BH gunmen in Damaturu.

23 Oct 2011: Sect members open fire on a market in the town of Katari in Kaduna State, killing two.

23 Oct 2011: BH members kill a policeman and a bank security guard in bombing and shooting attacks on a police station and two banks in Saminaka, Kaduna State.

3 October 2011: Three killed in BH attacks on Baga market in Maiduguri, Borno State. The victims included a tea-seller, a drug store owner and a passer-by.

1 October 2011: A butcher and his assistant are killed by BH gunmen at Baga market in Maiduguri in a targeted killing. In a separate incident, three people are killed in a shoot-out following BH bomb and shooting attacks on a military patrol vehicle delivering food to soldiers at a checkpoint in Maiduguri. All three victims are civilians.

17 September 2011: Babakura Fugu, brother-in-law to slain BH leader Mohammed Yusuf, is shot dead outside his house in Maiduguri two days after attending a peace meeting with Nigeria’s ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo in the city. BH denies any involvement in the incident.

13 September 2011: Four soldiers shot and wounded in an ambush by BH members in Maiduguri shortly after the arrest of 15 sect members in military raids on BH hideouts in the city.

12 September 2011: Seven men, including four policemen, are killed by BH gunmen in bomb and shooting attacks on a police station and a bank in Misau, Bauchi State. The attackers rob the bank.

4 September 2011: Muslim cleric Malam Dala shot dead by two BH members outside his home in the Zinnari area of Maiduguri.

1 September 2011: A shootout between BH gunmen and soldiers in Song, Adamawa State, kills one sect members while another is injured and captured.

26 August 2011: BH claims responsibility for a suicide bomb blast on the UN compound in Abuja, killing 23 people.

25 August 2011: Gun and bomb attacks by BH on two police stations and two banks in Gombi, Adamawa State, kill at least 16 people, including seven policemen.

3 August 2011: The government rejects negotiations with BH.

July 2011: Government says it will open a negotiation panel to initiate negotiations with BH.

27 June 2011: BH’s gun and bomb attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri leaves at least 25 dead and dozens injured.

20 June 2011: Seven people including five policemen killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police station and a bank in Kankara, Katsina State.

16 June 2011: BH targets national police headquarters in Abuja, killing two.

7 June 2011: Attacks on a church and two police posts in Maiduguri, blamed on the sect, leave at least 14 dead.

6 June 2011: Muslim cleric Ibrahim Birkuti, critical of BH, shot dead by two motorcycle-riding BH gunmen outside his house in Biu, 200km from Maiduguri.

29 May 2011: Three bombs rip through a beer garden in a military barracks in the northern city of Bauchi, killing 13 and wounding 33. BH claims responsibility.

27 May 2011: A group of around 70 suspected BH gunmen kill eight people including four policemen in simultaneous gun and bomb attacks on a police station, a police barracks and a bank in Damboa, Borno State, near the border with Chad.

29 December 2010: Suspected BH gunmen shoot dead eight people in Maiduguri, including the governorship candidate of the ruling All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Borno State.

24 and 27 December 2010: A series of attacks claimed by BH in the central city of Jos and Maiduguri kill at least 86.

7 September 2010: A group of BH gunmen free over 700 inmates including around 100 sect members from a prison in Bauchi. Four people including a soldier, one policeman and two residents were killed in the raid.

26 July 2009: BH launches a short-lived uprising in parts of the north, which is quelled by a military crackdown that leaves more than 800 dead - mostly sect members, including BH leader Mohammed Yusuf. A mosque in the capital of Borno State (Maiduguri) that served as a sect headquarters is burnt down.

11-12 June 2009: BH leader Mohammed Yusuf threatens reprisals in a video recording to the president following the killing of 17 BH members in a joint military and police operation in Borno State. This was after a disagreement over BH members’ alleged refusal to use crash helmets while in a funeral procession to bury members who had died in a car accident.

2005-2008: BH concentrated on recruiting new members and shoring up its resources. As evidence of their growing popularity, Borno State governor Ali Modu Sheriff appoints an influential BH member, Buju Foi, as his commissioner of religious affairs in 2007.

10 October 2004: Gunmen from a BH splinter group attack a convoy of 60 policemen in an ambush near the town of Kala-Balge on the border with Chad. The militants took 12 policemen hostage and police authorities presumed they were killed by the gunmen because all attempts to trace them failed.

23 September 2004: A BH splinter group launches a militia attack on police stations in the towns of Gwoza and Bama in Borno State, killing four policemen and two civilians. They took to the Mandara mountains along the Nigeria-Cameroon border. Soldiers and two gunships were deployed in the mountains and after two days of battle 27 sect members were killed while the rest slipped away. Five BH members who crossed into Cameroon were arrested by Cameroonian gendarmes who had been alerted by Nigerian authorities. The five were deported and handed over to Nigerian authorities.

7 January 2004: Seven members of BH killed and three others arrested by a team of local vigilantes outside the town of Damboa, Borno State, near border with Chad. Bags containing AK-47 rifles were recovered from sect members.

June 2004: Four members of BH were killed by prison guards in a foiled jail break in Yobe State capital Damaturu.

23-31 December 2003: A group of about 200 members of a BH splinter group launched attacks on police stations in the towns of Kanamma and Geidam in Yobe State from their enclave outside Kanamma on the Nigerian border with Niger. The militants killed several policemen and requisitioned police weapons and vehicles. Following the deployment of military troops to contain the insurrection, 18 militants were killed, and a number arrested.

2002: Mohammed Yusuf founded Boko Haram in 2002, establishing a mosque called Markaz as the headquarters of his movement, following his expulsion from two mosques in Maiduguri by Muslim clerics for propagating his radical views.

aa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94691</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA-BISSAU: Possibilities and pitfalls following president’s death</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg" />]]>BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.</description><body><![CDATA[BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.

Two weeks prior to the president’s death, on 26 December, Navy Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto was arrested alongside 29 military staff, following a fight between different military factions. 

While described by some as a coup attempt, it is more likely the fighting was a standoff between Tchuto and his long-time rival Army Chief of Staff General Antonio Indjai, who have family and clan rivalries as well as overlapping interests in the lucrative drug transit trade, analysts told IRIN.

Against this backdrop, National Assembly speaker Raimundo Pereira is acting as interim president and has 60 days to organize presidential elections.

This presents an opportunity for the opposition and government - dominated by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), with 67 out of 100 parliamentary seats - to work together for higher goals, said a Western diplomat in Dakar who preferred anonymity. “Guinea-Bissau has an opportunity here. The opposition and government could act responsibility, and the government could reach out to the opposition to be part of the process.”

Initially the leading opposition party, the Party for Social Renewal (PRS), opposed Pereira - who is seen as being close to Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, as interim leader.

Time pressure

The 60-day time limit puts pressure on the government to prepare for elections, but most agree if the country is to abide by electoral rules - which include holding a census before a new election - this time-frame is impossible to meet. 

Following the assassination of President Jaoao Vieira in March 2009, it took the country four to five months to organize and hold presidential elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83239 ]

Post-60 days, if no clear constitutional parameters are set, opposition figures could make things difficult “and if disgruntled, could try to make arrangements with the army - which is always the recipe [for insecurity] here,” said a political adviser in the capital Bissau, who also preferred anonymity. 

Finances may also complicate issues: presidential elections should cost around US$4.5 million, which “is a lot to raise in two months”, said the adviser, while further funds will need to be leveraged for legislative elections planned towards the end of this year.

Head of the National Assembly Cabinet Carlos Fonsecka Rodriguez told IRIN he has high hopes. Brandishing a copy of the constitution, he said: “It is up to us to be mature and sensible and to follow what we have put in the constitution. It is necessary that we Guineans know how to show the world that we are capable of respecting what is written.”

Guinea-Bissau ranks 176 out of 187 countries on the UN’s 2011 Human Development Index [ http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/GNB.html ] - lower than the regional average. Life expectancy is just 48 years, partly due to very high infant mortality rates: Roughly one in 10 infants die before they reach age five. While primary school enrolment has risen over the past five years, just half of the adult population is literate.

Hegemony

In a political setting characterized by “opportunistic political alliances” as the diplomat put it, the alliances of ex-President Sanha and Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior balanced each other out, keeping an “uneasy peace”.

Some sawy Sanha as a unifier. Ansoumane Sagna, legal adviser to interim President Pereira told IRIN, “Sanha listened, he understood… He was a true unifier... He always tried to improve Guinea-Bissau.”

Now the balance has tipped, leading to a “mounting hegemony” of the PAIGC, which could see a shoring up of power between Prime Minister Junior and Army Chief Indjai, says International Crisis Group’s Guinea-Bissau researcher, Vincent Foucher. 

But PAIGC is deeply divided, said the Bissau-based political adviser, and before that, there is likely to be a scramble for power within the party, which could lead to an “element of political instability”. 

Drugs and the military

Other destabilizing factors in the country have not changed: the bloated military and its strong influence on politics and the transit of large amounts of cocaine from South America to Europe.

International police observers have linked both the army and navy chiefs of staff to the drugs trade. Either one or both were allegedly implicated in two recent mainland arrivals of drug-loaded planes - one of them in Mansoa, just 50km northeast of Bissau. 

Some have alleged that by locking up Tchuto, the army is left to take over his side of the network, but in doing so, he also risks becoming a “Balanta martyr”, said the diplomat, referring to Guinea-Bissau’s largest ethnic group which has traditionally dominated the military.

When it comes to reforming the security sector [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89061 ] - that is, downsizing and professionalizing the army and police among other reforms - some progress has been made. All the necessary reform-related laws have been passed; the Angolan government and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have provided funding for this to the tune of US$38million; and the Guinea-Bissau government, in a show of good will and ownership, has set aside $500,000. 

Law enforcement procedures and the judiciary have been “incrementally” strengthened, said the diplomat, though when it comes to “putting people on trial and sending them to jail” there haven’t been many returns.

But one of the first concrete steps - to retire and put on pensions some 400 military officers and generals by the end of January 2012 - is off-track. An announcement was due out on this next week but will not be made, said the political analyst. 

While Army Chief Indjai is outwardly supportive of security sector reform, the process continues to threaten many in the military and must be carefully handled, say observers. However, many say the above delay is necessary as the constitutional question is more pressing.

Most civilians IRIN spoke to in the capital Bissau, are ready to see action taken. Richard Antwi, a pastor in the capital Bissau, told IRIN: “They [the military] need to be trained to know that their job is to stay in their barracks and to have nothing to do with the political system - yes to protect and defend the country, but not to intervene and take power.”

Herein also lies an opportunity, said the Western diplomat. “He [Indjai] has the opportunity to be the head of a groundbreaking, professional Bissau-Guinean military… Nothing more could help the country’s economic growth prospects than this,” he told IRIN.

Peace dividend

The recent stint of relative peace has already brought the country development advantages. In December 2010 the World Bank and International Monetary Fund forgave the country US$1.2 billion worth of incurred debt under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries package. As a result, the government no longer has to spend the bulk of its budget on interest payments but can move on to invest in infrastructure and social services, and can more powerfully attract international investment to do so.

Several “non-traditional” donors [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94004 ] have started to show an interest in Guinea-Bissau - with Angola and Brazil - each keen to show their leadership capacity in the lusophone community (and the former with a keen interest in the country’s bauxite reserves) - investing significant amounts in the country. China is rebuilding the presidential palace; Brazil has invested in police training; and the African Development Bank has invested in road rehabilitation.

In the last year in Bissau - renowned for its lack of electricity, unpaved roads and deteriorating water and sanitation services - solar-powered street-lamps and traffic lights have been erected on main streets and pedestrian overpasses have been built on crowded thoroughfares. “There has been a marked improvement in living standards in the capital over recent years,” said the diplomat, who gave much of the credit for proactively attracting foreign investment, to Prime Minister Junior. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83723 ]

Most hope that the events of 26 December were not the beginning of a pattern of unrest, and that the country can continue to move on. As businessman Joao Gomes in Bissau, put it: “We are tired of not having peace.”

aj/jl/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94693</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Snake oil salesmen and dodgy HIV &quot;cures&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) -  Uganda's National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm's owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.  

 The drug, known as Virol ZAPPER, was being sold in 37ml liquid doses, each costing about US$210; patients were advised to take 10 drops daily. It was being advertised on local radio and TV stations as a miracle cure for HIV.  

 The sale of such "cures" is a profitable racket for charlatans willing to take advantage of desperate HIV-positive people; here is a collection of some dodgy treatments that have made the news in Africa over the years:  

 Tanzania - In 2011, tens of thousands of people from all over East Africa flocked to the tiny village of Loliondo [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92360 ] in Tanzania seeking a cure for several diseases, including diabetes, tuberculosis and HIV. Ambilikile Mwasapile, a former Lutheran pastor, was charging 500 Tanzanian shillings - about $0.33 - for a cup for his concoction.  

 Several sick people died in the queues, which at their peak numbered 15,000 people. Studies are being conducted to determine the properties of Mwasapile's treatment.  

 South Africa - A 2008 Cape High Court judgment ruled that clinical trials of multivitamins in the treatment of HIV/AIDS by controversial vitamin salesman Matthias Rath [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=78739 ] were unlawful, and stopped them. The court also prohibited Rath from publishing any more advertisements claiming that his product, VitaCell, cured AIDS, pending further review by the Medicines Control Council.  

 Rath, who had been operating in South Africa since about 2004, claimed his multivitamins treated AIDS, heart disease, cancer, diabetes, bird flu and numerous other illnesses. Rath ran numerous advertisements aimed at convincing HIV-positive people to take his high-dose multivitamins rather than ARVs, available free-of-charge through the public health system, which he claimed were "toxic".  

 Kenya - In 2008, the government warned HIV-positive people in the country's eastern Coast Province [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=79915 ] to reject herbal "cures" peddled by fake herbalists who claimed their concoctions contained unique ingredients that could boost the immune system and even cure HIV.  

 An estimated 80 percent of Kenyans use traditional healers either exclusively or in conjunction with western medicine; the government is drafting regulations to stop fraudulent herbalists from practising.  

 Gambia - In 2007, President Yahya Jammeh was roundly denounced by AIDS activists when he said he had found a cure for HIV/AIDS and began treating citizens. Shortly after his announcement, Jammeh expelled [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=70123 ] the most senior UN official in the country for questioning his "cure".  

 The programme is still running, but more Gambians are choosing ARVs over Jammeh's treatment.  

 Ethiopia - In 2007, thousands of HIV-positive patients flocked to Entoto, an ancient mountain north of the capital, Addis Ababa, seeking a "holy water" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=72375 ] cure for AIDS after local priests said they could cure HIV.  

 The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Abune Paulos, later advised patients to continue with their ARVs even as they sought healing at Entoto.  

 São Tome and Principe - In 2007, questions were raised about Dorviro-Sida, [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=74543 ] or "Put AIDS to sleep" in Portuguese, an anti-AIDS herbal remedy produced by Amancio Valentim, president of the Association of Traditional Medicine of São Tome and Principe. Valentim claimed three tablespoons of the brownish syrup, taken every day before meals, could reduce the viral load and make patients feel better; he said four patients who had taken the drug for four years had tested negative for HIV.  

 AIDS activists were concerned the drug could make HIV-positive people complacent about taking their ARVs, and the health ministry said it did not support Valentim's treatment.  

 South Africa - In 2006, a clinic in South Africa's east coast city of Durban began to sell "ubhejane" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39547 ] - a herbal mixture believed to treat HIV/AIDS.  

 The controversial traditional medicine received vast media coverage, mainly due to the backing it received from influential political figures such as the former health minister, Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, and provincial health officials. Ubhejane, a dark brown liquid sold in old plastic milk bottles, had not undergone any clinical trials to test its efficacy. All that the tests confirmed was that it was not toxic.  

 But HIV-positive patients were far more willing to accept the traditional medicine as an effective remedy, flocking to the clinic to buy a full course of the herbal remedy that retailed at R374 ($40).  

 Uganda - In 2006, the Ugandan government banned the use of a popular anti-AIDS herb remedy known as "Khomeini" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39532 ], after tests found it provided no cure. Iranian Sheikh Allagholi Elahi claimed the drug - which contained olive oil and honey and cost $1,650 per dose - could cure HIV/AIDS and TB in three weeks.  

 Studies by experts in Uganda and Kenya found that while patients had gained weight due to the nutritional content of the drug, it was incapable of curing HIV.  

 kr/kn/mw]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94679</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MADAGASCAR: Illegal rosewood trade continues</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191331510590t.jpg" />]]>ANTALAHA 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Environmentalists and the international community are trying to find ways of limiting the damage caused by an explosion in the illegal logging of precious hardwoods in Madagascar since a major political crisis began there nearly three years ago.</description><body><![CDATA[ANTALAHA 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Environmentalists and the international community are trying to find ways of limiting the damage caused by an explosion in the illegal logging of precious hardwoods in Madagascar since a major political crisis began there nearly three years ago.  

Following the 2009 coup d’état which brought current Malagasy President Andry Rajoelina to power, donors suspended most aid, including for environmental funding, and timber traders took advantage of the chaos to invade forests world-renowned for their unique flora and fauna.  

A September 2009 government decree legalizing the export of unprocessed rosewood, an endangered hardwood, further fuelled the trade and caused a wave of international criticism. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87978 ]  

A report [ http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/library/mada_report_261010.pdf ] by the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) and Global Witness (GW) in 2010 found that collusion between timber traders and government officials was contributing to the felling of more than 200 rare hardwood trees a day in the months following the coup.  

The Malagasy government has since reverted to banning all exports of precious wood and Andrea Johnson of the EIA said there had been some instances of the ban actually being enforced. In July 2011, for example, authorities confiscated six containers of rosewood logs worth up to US$600,000 from a port in the northwest of the country.  

The government also turned to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) to help regulate 91 species of rosewood and ebony.  

The World Bank recently approved a one-off US$52 million loan to help finance conservation efforts in Madagascar, emphasizing that the financing did not represent a re-engagement with the Malagasy authorities, but a recognition of the importance of Madagascar’s environment.  

These measures have eased the immediate crisis, but not solved the problem. “We believe that exports have diminished, and there have been some good examples of enforcement activity, but we believe timber is still going out," said Johnson.  

Christopher Holmes, country director of the Conservation Society, an international NGO which has been working in Madagascar for over 20 years, described the current system as having many holes. “It is legal to cut wood in concessions, so traders can obtain a license by saying that their wood came from such a place.”  

Most of the illegally cut wood is exported to China to supply the growing demand for hardwood furniture. A smaller quantity is shipped to Europe and the USA where it is turned into musical instruments. The US guitar maker Gibson is under investigation for the use of illegal wood from Madagascar.  

Stockpiles  

The issue of what to do with existing stockpiles of illegally-logged timber continues to be debated, with the government in favour of selling the wood and environmentalists pointing out that this would only encourage more illegal logging.  

Recently President Rajoelina told the BBC that the Malagasy “do not need rosewood, they need funding”. In the interview Rajoelina scorned the idea of developing value-added industries for rosewood within Madagascar, saying that this would take too long, and stated his support for exporting the illegally-cut wood.  

The international community is exploring ways of helping Madagascar to sell its existing timber stockpiles and then using the proceeds to finance conservation efforts, but some conservationists argue that a better approach would be to sell the timber off slowly, over time.  

Masoala  

Preserving what remains of the forests has become more important than ever. Marie Helene Kam Hyo, a pharmacist based in Antalaha, a small town in the east of Madagascar next to the Masoala National Park, is attempting to recreate the fast disappearing rainforest on a hillside she owns.  

Since 2003, she has planted 30,000 trees and introduced many of the other plants that grow in Masoala, one of Madagascar's largest natural reserves and one of the areas most affected by illegal rosewood logging.  

“Those who cut rosewood tell me that it will grow back, but that’s not true. Sure, the stumps will grow new shoots, but it will never be a tree. Rosewood takes up to 50 years to grow. I will not see the ones that we have planted now as grown trees,” she told IRIN.  

Kam Hyo has discovered new, unnamed plants and nocturnal lemurs living high in the trees on her terrain and has created a seed bank for the plants that grow in Masoala.  

While it is forbidden to replant in a protected area like Masoala itself, there are several other initiatives to replant in the surrounding area. For example, the Malagasy singer Razia Said organized an international concert in the area and used the proceeds to plant trees. Many people in Antalaha, however, are critical of such events. After the media have covered the planting, no one takes care of the saplings, and the plants usually die.  

“You need to know how to prepare the soil and then wait for the first rains," said Kam Hyo, who wants to extend her project so that others in the area can benefit. "The Malagasy have this habit of harvesting, but not planting. If we can make a fruit and arts and crafts market across the road, they will see how nature can help them.”  

Standard of living  

The country's political turmoil has scared off most of the tourists who were a major source of income for people in Antalaha, and environmentalists agree that Masoala can only be saved if the standard of living in the area around the park improves. “The inhabitants of these villages here all cut wood. Before, they used to work as tour guides or in the hotels. What are they supposed to do, now that the tourists have gone?” said one local guide.  

Holmes of the Conservation Society sees economic development as the only lasting solution to the problem of illegal logging in the area. “As long as people can earn money by cutting wood, they will do so," he said.  

"The inhabitants of Masoala need to see that there is more value to the forest than just the price of timber. A rainforest attracts tourists, but it also protects from erosion and provides drinking water. You can’t protect nature by building a fence around it and keeping everybody out. You need to address the needs of the people."  

ar/ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94682</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191331510590t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ANTALAHA 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Environmentalists and the international community are trying to find ways of limiting the damage caused by an explosion in the illegal logging of precious hardwoods in Madagascar since a major political crisis began there nearly three years ago.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Fledgling environmental authority up against big business</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland&apos;s drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland's drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.  

Communities like this one were at the mercy of polluters until the Swaziland Environmental Authority (SEA) was established five years ago.  

An environmental watchdog group comprising 16 scientists from various fields, SEA is tasked with enforcing Swaziland's 2002 Environmental Management Act as well as various international environmental treaties to which Swaziland is a signatory.  

“Our acting director is on site now seeing what happened and if mitigation efforts are really happening. We do not take anyone’s word on anything until we do our own investigations,” information officer Gcina Dladla told IRIN from SEA headquarters in the capital, Mbabane.  

Although the authority is funded by government and falls under the Ministry of Tourism and Environmental Affairs, Dladla explained that the agency is independent and polices government operations in the same way as it does the private sector's.  

With Swaziland’s only environmental NGO largely dormant, SEA's small staff are all that stand in the way of this tiny kingdom's natural resources being exploited or mismanaged. However, concerns have been raised about the agency's ability to stand up to powerful private and government interests intent on putting profit and development before environmental concerns, especially after it gave the go-ahead for an iron ore reprocessing plant to be opened at the Ngwenya Iron Ore Mine, northwest of Mbabane.  

Ngwenya ceased operations in the 1970s but due to its status as one of the oldest mines in the world, was declared a World Heritage Site by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO. Indian-owned mining company Salgaocar now intends to reprocess the low grade iron ore dumped at Ngwenya to extract its mineral content.  

Critics of the venture, mainly consisting of tourism operators and businesses in the Ngwenya area, have pointed to the threat of heavy metals seeping into a dam which supplies drinking water to Mbabane, but according to Dladla, no iron ore processing will take place on site. Instead, the dumped rocks will be loaded onto trucks for transport to Mozambique.  

"There are no chemicals being used," he said. "We will be monitoring the site as part of our inspection duties to make sure this remains the case.”  

Palms greased?  

However, scepticism surrounding Salgaocar's operations at Ngwenya remains, particularly following allegations in the local media that the company gave iPads to cabinet ministers involved in the licensing decision and salvaged the 2011 Swaziland International Trade Fair when government failed to find sponsorship from local firms. 

“No mining license has been issued in 30 years, and all of a sudden there is this big rush to get this operation started. How can you not be suspicious?” asked Almon Simelane, a tour guide from the region.  

Dladla admitted that the authority had been under pressure to grant approval, but insisted that "we did a thorough job".  

"We have to protect ourselves also, because the environmental authority is new and we have our reputation on the line. If something goes wrong tomorrow, the persons who put pressure on you for approvals come back and blame you,” he added.  

The Swaziland Investment Promotion Authority (SIPA) told IRIN that the government’s push to open mining operations at Ngwenya was part of an effort to attract more foreign investment by demonstrating that business needs could be accommodated efficiently.  

A local businessman and environmentalist who declined to be named pointed out that Swaziland's mining and manufacturing sectors were still relatively small, but that if government wanted to encourage more heavy industry in the country, it would need SEA to remain independent. "Swaziland is generally a pristine place still, but that can change, particularly with the population growth we are experiencing," he told IRIN. "It is to government’s benefit to see that SEA is working."  

SEA land challenge  

One of the greatest challenges for SEA is protecting the 70 percent of land in the country controlled by traditional chiefs. Swazi chiefs have the authority to allocate land to their subjects for farming, building homes and raising livestock, but pressure on the land has increased with the tripling of Swaziland’s population since Independence in 1968.  

Some of the land given by chiefs to homesteaders has been degraded to the point of desertification, a problem that has been exacerbated by increasingly dry weather, with the Swaziland Meteorological Department announcing recently that rainfall trends over the past two decades show a persistent drop.  

“One of our jobs is to communicate with the public and the traditional authorities: do not put cattle pens alongside streams which are used by people downstream [and] when a donga [ditch created by erosion] appears, fix it or the whole hillside will erode away,” said Dladla.  

It is a huge task for a tiny agency whose resources have been further limited by Swaziland's current financial crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93821 ]. "We are seeing the effects," said Dladla. "If we have to go out and do monitoring and government says there is no gas for our cars then the trip has to be postponed to another day, but it is still made. If government says no hiring of new personnel... we work with what we have."  

Ishmael Ndwandwe, an SEA environmental analyst, said the authority would continue to enforce environmental protocols in Swaziland "as long as we have our independence… We can stand up to the pressure because we know the environmental issues of this country,” he told IRIN.

jh/ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94660</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland&apos;s drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: What can be done about Nigeria’s Boko Haram militants?</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93250 ] - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94296 ]

The Salafist group grabbed attention in 2009 with coordinated attacks on government buildings and police stations in four northern states which left more than 800 people dead. The attacks were revenge for an earlier clash with the police, who had opened fire on Boko Haram followers in a funeral procession in the northeastern city of Maiduguri, which was widely seen as a deliberate attempt by the state authorities to crush the group.

The violence metastasized in 2011: there were bombings of the headquarters of the police and the UN in the capital, Abuja; more than 100 died in bomb and gun attacks in a single day in two towns in northeastern Yobe State, and Boko Haram promised strikes in the largely non-Muslim Christian south. In what seemed a deliberate attempt to stir sectarian unrest, a series of bombings on churches on Christmas Day in Abuja killed close to 40 people.

As Nigerians nervously consider what the violence could portend for the unity of the country, IRIN asked three analysts their views on the conflict, and the steps needed to resolve it. The following responses are from Innocent Chukwuma, executive director of the Cleen Foundation; [ http://cleen.org/ ] Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst; and security specialist Hussaini Monguno.

What does Boko Haram represent?

Innocent Chukwuma: Boko Haram represents different things to different people depending on where you stand in the deep divide of Nigerian society. To the political elite in the south, it may have started as a small, fringe religious sect with a radical worldview about how Nigerian society, especially the northern part, should be governed according to the dictates of Islam. But today [they feel] it is has been hijacked by the northern political elite who have not hidden their distaste about the emergence of President Goodluck Jonathan [a Christian southerner], and are now using the group to make the state ungovernable in order to ensure the return of political power to the north.

However, a more reflective viewpoint sees the group as representing the voices of the northern poor and downtrodden, even though misguided, who have been marginalized in the scheme of things and now seek a violent outlet to [highlight] their issues, like their counterparts in other parts of the country, such as the militants of the Niger Delta [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94306 ] and the Odua People's Congress in the southwest. [ http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/yoruba.htm ]

Hussaini Abdu: Boko Haram (BH) represents the backward slide of Nigeria. Although presented in Islamic religious garb, its activities are deeply criminal and political. While the history of BH can be traced to a young Muslim group in the northeast of Nigeria, they have since [morphed] to include criminal groups. Today nobody is clear what the group stands for [and] people are not sure who exactly is responsible for the spate of violence in the country. There is therefore no one acceptable narrative on the issue. The perception of north/Muslim is different from that of south/Christian. Whereas must people in the south or Christians accuse what they call "a disenchanted north" for the problem, the north seems to believe the violence is being perpetrated by people in government and their foreign backers to divide the country.

Hussaini Monguno: Boko Haram is a name given in 2009 by the press to the religious group led by Mohammed Yusuf, when fighting broke out between the group and the Nigerian police in Maiduguri, Borno State. This group is an outgrowth of the [conservative] Izala Movement [one of the largest Islamic societies in the country]… [but] Yusuf fell out with senior preachers over ego, differences in perception of religious texts and their attitude/relationship towards the Borno State government… Yusuf built up a robust camp that was self-reliant, well organized and a popular destination of jobless and frustrated youths who found hope and engagement. As his followership grew, his confidence grew - to the deep consternation of the state governor and his courtiers... At the moment the group has resorted to taking revenge for killings, persecution and torture of its members in various prison cells nationwide, with targeted killings of informants and bombings to rattle the government. Lately they have also started to seek recognition and relevance by appealing to aggrieved northern Muslim sentiment [over Jonathan's election victory].

How should the government respond?

Innocent Chukwuma: The attacks by Boko Haram and the security challenges they pose represent a potent threat to the corporate existence of Nigeria and need to be responded to with all seriousness using a multipronged strategy. Government, in my view, has not given the group all the attention and seriousness it deserves and appear to be playing politics with it in order not to be seen to be hurting certain vested interests. A more holistic strategy should combine an intelligence-led security approach to fish out the masterminds of the attacks, and initiatives that would aid the isolation of the group from the communities in which they operate.

Hussaini Abdu: The government needs to be decisive and deepen intelligence gathering. Where the military is involved, the rules of engagement should be defined to avoid molestation of unarmed civilians and abuses that could further mobilize local communities against the state. The government will also need to make a long-term strategic investment in the northeast of the country to contain the level of poverty and exclusion in the area.

Hussaini Monguno: The federal government should:
- Appoint independent local, national or international leaders to appeal, appease and engage the aggrieved sect members and leaders;
- Unban the group, granting them the right to freedom of belief and practice as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution;
- Renounce the use of violence, by all parties;
- Unconditionally release the thousands of Yusufiyya members in cells, detained without charge;
- Dispassionately review the events of 2009 and show remorse where necessary;
- Work to win the confidence and trust of the affected communities through careful conflict resolution measures;
- Compensate and rehabilitate all those families who have suffered loses both human and material;
- Allocate federal government resources for rapid rehabilitation of infrastructure, boost agriculture and cross-border trading to promote rapid employment for the teeming uneducated, excluded youths.

What are the constraints the government faces?

Innocent Chukwuma: The major constraints faced by the government in dealing with Boko Haram is the politicization of everything in this country, which has crippled law enforcement and security agencies from carrying out their functions in a professional manner, without fear or favour.

There is also a certain level of insincerity and deceit on the part of government in confronting the issue squarely. A typical example is the half-hearted declaration of a state of emergency made by President Jonathan in 14 local governments areas [in Yobe], which is neither here nor there in practical terms. Everybody knows that unless you declare a state-wide state of emergency, which would mean removing elected governors and replacing them with people with clear mandates to work with security agencies to restore law and order in affected states within a given period of time, not much can be achieved.

Hussaini Abdu: Lack of capacity, especially intelligence gathering capacity, poor political will to face the challenge of dealing with criminality, the religious colouration of the situation, and the extreme politicization of the situation by the government. 

Hussaini Monguno: The following:
- Weak and heavily compromised political leadership;
- The inability of the federal government to detach itself from the exploitation of sectional, sectarian, ethnic [interests];
- Inability of the federal government to reverse itself having already tagged the problem a national security threat that should be wiped out;
- Difficulty in breaking free from the beneficiaries of this standoff, i.e. the leaders of the security arms of government, security equipment suppliers, agents and contractors;
- The reluctance of the federal authorities to bring the former Borno State governor, Ali Modu Sheriff, to account for his misrule.

oa/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94642</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Visions for a healthier West Bank economy*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). 
 
 “The Palestinian economy is a closed cash-circle,” the general manager of the Palestinian microfinance network Sharakeh explains.
 
 He goes on to draw several small arrows on the line, meant to indicate different elements of an isolated system: At the bottom, there is the construction worker, who gets his salary from a company contracted by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while the PA itself is kept alive through foreign aid. 
 
 “And this aid is the only fuel that keeps the circle running,” Tawil says, with a serious mien.
 
 Humanitarian aid to oPt increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to $1.3 billion in 2009. After Sudan, oPt was the second largest recipient of aid in the world in 2010. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] Economists and businessmen warn that the PA’s dependency on aid and vulnerability to external shocks could lead the entire West Bank economy to collapse, provoking a humanitarian crisis. Among the most vulnerable are the owners of small businesses and all those who depend on foreign aid channelled through the PA.
 
 Tawil is among a number of people in the West Bank with suggestions for a better way forward.
 
 Coping with aid cuts
 
 Shortly after the 2006 elections which brought militant group Hamas to power in oPt’s Gaza Strip, donors cut off more than $1 billion in aid to the PA as a means of boycotting Hamas. Since then, the West Bank economy has trembled over and over - despite a resumption of aid transfers to the PA in December 2007.
 
 2011 was an especially troublesome year for the PA’s budget, which was hit by delayed payments from Arab countries, temporary aid cuts of $200 million by the US Congress, and a temporary freeze on Israel’s monthly transfer of $100 million in tax funds to the PA. Though both Israel and the US later resumed payments, Israeli officials made clear that they would freeze funds again should Fatah, the dominant political party in the West Bank, form a unity government with Hamas. 
 
 The threats raised fears of a crisis scenario similar to 2006, when the PA’s budget slid from $180 million to $55 million a month, amid running debts of $1.7 billion. The crisis left government employees, who have a relatively high spending power, without salaries. Banks imposed a more restrictive borrowing policy on businesses; and the unsafe environment made foreign investment appear risky and less attractive. 
 
 As withholding aid has become a way to punish the Palestinians for unwanted political manoeuvring, the PA is now seeking more financial independence. 2013 is supposed to be the last year “in which the PA will need any external financing to help with recurrent expenditures,” Prime Minister Salam Fayyad announced in a 2011 interview with the Associated Press. [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45508465 ] 
 
 But it will not be easy, given such aid amounted to about $1.5 billion of the PA’s $3.7 billion budget in 2011. The remaining sources of income were about $105 million in monthly tax refunds from Israel, and much smaller domestic tax revenues. 
 
 The dangers of credit
 
 At first glance, the Ramallah-centred West Bank economy seems solid. Many new neighbourhoods are being built around the city and expensive cars are not uncommon. The West Bank economy grew by 7.6 percent (GDP) in 2010, according to the World Bank. 
 
 But much of what may have seemed like a boom in Ramallah is veneer. 
 
 The economy grew by only 4 percent in the first half of 2011, according to the Bank, and unemployment remained at about 16 percent. According to one employee at a Ramallah branch of the Arab Bank, everything is bought on credit - “even wedding dresses... $300 is enough for a loan of 10,000”.
 
 With a total of $1.09 million in debts, the PA - including its public institutions and employees - is the biggest of all Palestinian debtors, representing 40 percent of what is owed to Palestinian banks, according to Shirin al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestinian Monetary Authority (PMA). 
 
 “A political shock like that of 2006,” al-Ahmad added, “would mean that these 40 percent become a risk factor for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, because no money from the PA means no salaries, and no salaries means that people can’t pay back their loans, or need to take out new ones.”
 
 Even more vulnerable than PA-employees are those with no regular income at all. Without steady work, they are not eligible for loans from any of the 18 banks that operate in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This is why 43,100 Palestinians need to borrow from one of Sharakeh’s 11 microfinance institutions, with a total credit portfolio of $74.6 million, of which $54.7 million can be attributed to clients in the West Bank.
 
 Building an independent economy
 
 “Most of our clients want to run a small business. They are the backbone of the West Bank economy,” said Tawil, the general manager of Sharakeh. “If the cash injections from foreign aid delay PA employees’ salaries, small businesses like groceries are the first that feel the results.”
 
 Mazen Khayyat, owner of a clothing shop in the centre of Ramallah, told IRIN his business was hard hit by the cuts in aid in 2006.
 
 “My debts rose in 2006 from almost nothing to 27,000 New Israeli Shekel [NIS - $7,013]. At the end of 2011, my debts reached 39,500 NIS [$10,260]. In 2006 alone, my profit decreased by 17 percent compared to the year before. All this was because people generally look for cheaper products when the economy is weak. And because most of my clients are government employees or their families, the problem was especially severe in 2006. When their salary comes late, they buy only the most necessary.”
 
 Tawil hopes that by lending to people with no steady income, micro-credit institutions can help build a more independent economy from the bottom up. He suggested the PA support these businesses by giving them tax exemptions. He also recommended university graduates be given more incentives to open a business. 
 
 “No one takes the risk involved in business in this unsafe environment,” he said, “because a regular income, financial safety and a loan have become core values for young people.”
 
 His call for less aid is shared by leading Palestinian entrepreneurs, such as Bashar Masri, who is leading the construction of the new West Bank city of Rawabi for 40,000 future residents between Ramallah and Nablus.
 
 Some foreign companies have refrained from investment in the West Bank because of the recurrent danger of violent conflict, the political unpredictability and the many restrictions on trade, mobility and access, imposed by Israel. 
 
 The World Bank has identified these restrictions as the main obstacle to private sector growth in oPt. So-called Investment Guarantee Funds had provided insurance for some investors against risks resulting from war and conflict in the past, but their reach is limited. Businessmen argue independence from aid would make the arena more attractive. 
 
 “Although cutting aid might hurt in the beginning, more businesses also bring more tax revenues for the PA,” Masri said, adding that “sometimes it has to get worse, before it can get better.”
 
 Despite the many obstacles, some private equity funds recently started investing in the West Bank, Masri explained, adding that one of them, a British fund called Blakeney, invested around $100 million in local projects. “Foreign funds [are showing] more and more interest,” he said.
 
 “Private sector could collapse”
 
 Rawabi’s budget of $800 million is entirely financed by a fund from Qatar, providing independence from the PA and from foreign aid - something most private sector projects in the West Bank lack.
 
 Take for instance the 750 local construction companies represented by the Palestinian Contractors Union (PCU). 
 
 “Many projects contracted by the PA got their money far too late and had to take out expensive loans,” PCU-chairman Adel Odah explained. “This way at least 30 companies went bankrupt in the last two years. Much profit is lost by paying interest rates to banks. If the PA goes bankrupt, the entire private sector could collapse,” he warned.
 
 Replacing aid
 
 The PA is well aware of the risks: “The PA is teetering at the edge of collapse at any point of time,” Prime Minister Fayyad said at the beginning of December, and began curbing its dependency on aid three years ago, according to Ghassan Khatib, a senior PA official.
 
 Between 2008 and 2011, the PA brought down the deficit covered by donors from $1.8 billion to about 1 billion, he said, adding that this trend would continue, “hopefully until the PA needs no more aid”.
 
 Fayyad said the PA’s operational costs should become independent of aid by 2013. 
 
 The question is how. 
 
 “On the one hand, we will replace aid by raising taxes and collecting them more effectively. On the other, we will reduce expenditures,” Khatib explained. Some saving measures, such as restricting PA employees’ use of their government sponsored cars outside working hours, have already been taken.
 
 Khatib said the need for external support would decrease this year, but noted the PA had no control over Israel’s behaviour. 
 
 “But their withholding of our tax money will not keep us from pursuing national unity with Hamas,” he added.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94606</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: South Africa - paper tiger of African peacekeeping operations</title><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005261538140561t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - There is an expectation - and has been for several years - that Africa’s economic powerhouse, South Africa, would become a leading player in the continent’s peacekeeping operations, but analysts say this is wishful thinking at best, and possibly misguided.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - There is an expectation - and has been for several years - that Africa’s economic powerhouse, South Africa, would become a leading player in the continent’s peacekeeping operations, but analysts say this is wishful thinking at best, and possibly misguided. 
 
 “The international community expects more from South Africa [in a peacekeeping role], but South Africa is not deploying the amounts of troops and equipment expected of them,” Jakkie Cilliers, executive director of Pretoria-based think-tank Institute for Security Studies (ISS), told IRIN. “It all goes back to an overstretched department [of defence], lack of funding, transformation - which bedevils discipline - and operational capacity.” 
 
 South Africa's defence policy since the end of apartheid in 1994 has prevented the country from taking a bigger role in African peacekeeping operations. The tone was set by the ruling ANC government's 1996 White Paper entitled Defence in Democracy, which made the primary role of the armed forces defence against external aggression. 
 
 The 1998 Defence Review led South Africa to conclude a multi-billion-dollar arms deal in 1999 in which it acquired a range of sophisticated weaponry - from Gripen fighters and Hawk training jets to submarines and corvettes - "inappropriate" for peacekeeping duties, Cilliers said. 
 
 The idea that South Africa faced any conventional armed threats to its territorial integrity was "mythical", he] said, in either the short or medium term, and the country’s role as regional super-power should be to stabilize the region. 
 
 Former president Thabo Mbeki was against a more active peacekeeping role on the continent: He had an "aversion" towards peacekeeping, viewing it as intervention, and preferred dialogue, Cilliers said. 
 
 The real threats to South African security were organized crime, illegal exploitation of marine resources and uncontrolled migration flows, Cilliers said. 
 
 Wrong equipment 
 
 The cost of the 1999 arms deal, which according to some independent estimates had risen to R70 billion (US$8.5 billion) by 2011, had left the country with military hardware that was both "expensive to maintain and which will probably never be used... This is the long-term tragedy of the arms deal [in that it constrains South Africa’s peacekeeping abilities],” Cilliers said. 
 
 Greg Mills, head of the Brenthurst Foundation, a South African think-thank established by diamond magnates Nicky and Jonathan Oppenheimer, said in a 2011 discussion paper entitled An Option of Difficulties? A 21st Century South African Defence Review, [ http://www.thebrenthurstfoundation.org/a_sndmsg/news_view.asp?I=118323&PG=288 ] that South Africa had fallen between two stools in its military vision. 
 
 “At the heart of any force design is the necessity of deciding which league you want to play in - and then fund at that level. Put differently, there’s no point in buying a luxury SUV if you can’t afford to fill the tank or replace the tyres.” 
 
 A 2010 Jane's Defence Weekly report said: "Perhaps the most startling illustration of under-funding is that the air force will only have 550 flying hours for its fighter force this year and 250 hours in each of the next two, just when it planned to `work up' on the new Gripen; lead-in fighter training on the Hawk has been cut from 4,000 hours to 2,000. The South African Air Force (SAAF) had planned the Gripen to be fully operational by 2012, but that is now clearly unattainable.” 
 
 2011 defence review 
 
 In 2011 South Africa, a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, embarked on a defence review (expected to be released for public comment later this year), but it appears that a policy shift towards creating a greater peacekeeping capacity is not on the cards. 
 
 Defence Ministry spokesman Siphiwe Dlamini told IRIN the primary function of the defence force was expected to remain preparedness against external aggression. 
 
 When the ANC came to power in 1994 it inherited a disparate defence force, made up of its own soldiers; other liberation movement operatives; career soldiers from the apartheid armed forces; and various elements of the Bantustan armies of the nominally independent homelands of Transkei, Venda, Ciskei and Bophuthatswana. 
 
 The London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) [ http://www.iiss.org/ ] which specializes in military-political affairs, said in its annual 2011 Military Balance report that South Africa had about 62,000 uniformed troops, 12,000 civilian support staff and a reserve force of 15,000. 
 
 At a media briefing in September 2011, Defence Minister Lindiwe Sisulu said 2,304 military personnel were on peace support operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan (Darfur), and the Central African Republic. 
 
 Burundi, a comparative minnow in terms of population and economy and recently a host to South African peacekeepers, currently deploys more troops to peacekeeping operations on the continent than South Africa, according to the IISS 2011 Military Balance report. (Burundi's deployments in Somalia are peace enforcement rather than peacekeeping). 
 
 At a defence review workshop in Cape Town on 24 November 2011, Sisulu said the “emerging consensus” for African countries was to assume responsibility for managing regional conflicts, and “South Africa is expected to play a significant role in this.” 
 
 However, Brenthurst Foundation’s Mills said the South African defence force was “battling” to make ends meet. The 2011-2012 defence budget was R34.6 billion, of which R22.5 billion was for personnel, R8.65 billion was operational costs and R3.5 billion capital costs. 
 
 Constraints… like drunkenness 
 
 Emmanuel Nibishaka in a paper for the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation [ http://www.rosalux.de/english/foundation.html ] entitled South Africa’s Peacekeeping Role In Africa: Motives and Challenges of Peacekeeping [ http://www.rosalux.co.za/wp-content/files_mf/1297156628_21_1_1_9_pub_upload.pdf ] published in February 2011, cited additional constraints. He identified high HIV/AIDS infection rates, aging soldiers, a top-heavy officer class, and a “serious skills shortage”. 
 
 Nibishaka said more than half the soldiers were medically unfit, with many seen as too old for active service. He added: “Due to a lack of funds the army can deploy only one operational brigade of 3,000… Military equipment is in an appalling state with only 20 out of 168 Olifants [tanks] and 16 out of 242 Rooikat armoured cars being deployed due to budget constraints.” 
 
 Since 1994 the reputation of South African peacekeepers has been tarnished by “unruliness”, Nibishaka said, including drunkenness, public brawls, consorting with sex workers, sexual harassment and murder. 
 
 “For example, the South African military in Burundi from 2002 to 2008 recorded some 400 cases of misdemeanour and approximately 1,000 military trials were heard. In DRC, the record was equally dismal,” Nibishaka said in his paper. 
 
 The changing nature of conflict 
 
 Conventional conflicts, defined as confrontations between standing armies, are rare these days. “Warfare today has largely gone back to being a task of light infantry and modern cavalry, where numbers (and getting them there) are the important aspect, along with critical enablers of intelligence, surveillance and local knowledge,” says Mills. 
 
 Current and future instability, both internationally and in sub-Saharan Africa, was “likely to be so-called `small’ wars between ill-defined often non-state opponents, fighting for complex sets of causes ranging from greed to deeply entrenched grievances, fought at a low-intensity, employing mostly small arms. These are most likely to be fought not over territory but over ideas and symbols, among, rather [than] between peoples," he said. 
 
 South Africa's defence force should engage a younger, computer literate generation in order to grapple with the complexities of peacekeeping and peace-building; and use hi-tech, low cost, drones to monitor marine resources for "pollution; overfishing and piracy", he said. 
 
 Quick reaction forces 
 
 The Africa Union is currently building capacity for the establishment of an African Standby Brigade, a quick reaction force of five brigades, each comprising about 6,500 soldiers. Each brigade is expected to be drawn from contributions from members states of Africa’s economic trading blocs, such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). 
 
 In September 2009, Exercise Golfinho, a training exercise for the Southern Africa Standby Brigade (SADCBRIG), saw South Africa host 7,000 troops from 12 countries, and was deemed as a success, IISS said. 
 
 "After the exercise, SADCBRIG declared that it could deploy to any location in Africa or even beyond, though the group did add the important caveat that this was dependent on available strategic lift and sustainable logistical support - two factors that remain substantial impediments for all Standby Brigade operations," the IISS 2011 Military Balance report said. 
 
 However, the Golfinho post-mortem virtually coincided with the new administration of ANC President Jacob Zuma announcing the cancellation of heavy-lift military transport aircraft, seen by military analysts as vital for reacting to mass atrocities. 
 
 Heavy lift aircraft 
 
 South Africa ordered eight Airbus military A400m transport aircraft in 2005 at a cost of about US$1 billion, but cancelled the order, citing financial constraints and associated cost increases, and was reimbursed the $407 million down-payment on 19 December 2011 by the European aircraft manufacturer. The transport aircraft was expected to enter service in 2013. 
 
 Helmoed-Romer Heitman, a military and defence analyst and senior correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly, told IRIN: “If you don’t have the airlift, you can’t do peacekeeping. You just can’t do it. I think they [South African government] have shot themselves in the foot.” 
 
 South Africa remains reliant on nine Lockheed Martin C-130 Hercules transporters, of which four were currently operational, Heitman said. 
 
 go/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94597</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005261538140561t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - There is an expectation - and has been for several years - that Africa’s economic powerhouse, South Africa, would become a leading player in the continent’s peacekeeping operations, but analysts say this is wishful thinking at best, and possibly misguided.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PAKISTAN: &quot;An unforgiveable sin&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 03 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201030710510805t.jpg" />]]>LAHORE 03 January 2012 (IRIN) - The murder of infants, particularly girls, by poverty-stricken parents in Pakistan appears to be on the rise. Late at night two months ago in a village in Pakistan’s Punjab Province, the parents of a two-day-old infant girl smothered the child, and then buried her tiny body in a distant field, carefully patting down the soil to hide any signs of digging. The mother cries often and says she still has nightmares about the event.</description><body><![CDATA[LAHORE 03 January 2012 (IRIN) - The murder of infants, particularly girls, by poverty-stricken parents in Pakistan appears to be on the rise.
 
 Late at night two months ago in a village in Pakistan’s Punjab Province, the parents of a two-day-old infant girl smothered the child, and then buried her tiny body in a distant field, carefully patting down the soil to hide any signs of digging. The mother cries often and says she still has nightmares about the event. 
 
 “I cried myself; I had delivered the baby and she was perfectly healthy. But her parents had two daughters already, and felt they couldn’t afford another. The father, a labourer, earned only 4,000 rupees (US$46.50) a month, and I know those people ate just once a day,” Suriya Bibi, a `dai’ or traditional midwife from the village, told IRIN.
 
 According to Anwar Kazmi, a spokesperson for the charitable Edhi Foundation, more and more bodies of infants are being collected from the streets. “I would say there has been a 100 percent increase over the past decade in the number of bodies of infants we find. Nine out of 10 are girls,” he told IRIN.
 
 Girls are traditionally considered a `burden’ on families, with large sums frequently spent on their marriages. “People feel girls make no economic contribution to families,” Gulnar Tabassum, a women’s rights activist, told IRIN.
 
 Kazmi said 1,210 bodies of dead infants were found last year - compared to 999 in 2009. 
 
 “The reasons are linked to mindset and to poverty,” he said. While the Edhi Foundation places cradles outside the orphanages it runs, and urges people to leave babies in them rather than kill them, only a few choose to do so. 
 
 According to the Foundation, about 200 babies are left each year in the 400 cradles it puts out nationwide with signs urging parents to use them. 
 
 Since children born out of wedlock in this conservative society are at greater risk of infanticide, the Foundation encourages the placing of such children with responsible surrogate parents. 
 
 “These children are innocent,” said Kazmi.
 
 No accurate statistics
 
 The Foundation also collects its data mainly from larger cities. It is unknown how many other deaths may be taking place in rural areas, or regions in the tribal areas and Balochistan and Sindh provinces where official figures show poverty is highest.
 
 “The number of tiny babies we bury is increasing. In some cases the neck or wrists have been slashed open,” said Muhammad Taufiq, a gravedigger in Lahore.
 
 “I have had women who are pregnant come to me crying, because their husbands or in-laws say any baby born must be killed since they cannot raise it. I can do little to help, since abortion is illegal [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86999 ] in the country, and for various cultural reasons the use of birth control [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91656 ] is far too low, though many woman want to use it,” said gynaecologist Faiqa Siddiq who works at a charitable clinic for women. 
 
 “The mothers themselves wish to save the children but they also see the economic struggle of their families in a time of growing inflation,” she says.
 
 According to data from the Federal Bureau of Statistics reported in the media, [ http://www.dawn.com/2011/12/03/inflation-shoots-up-by-1019pc-in-nov.html ] non-perishable food items saw price rises of 11.83 percent in the year to November 2011. Other percentage increases during the year were: tomatoes (42.02), spices (36.37), fresh fruit (29.62), betel leaves and nuts (24.56), condiments (23.50), milk (21.11), milk products (20.47), beverages (19.79), cooking oil (19.56), and meat (19.35).
 
 “Times are becoming harder and harder. I have just given birth to my fourth child. We will do all we can to raise the children, and murder of course is an unforgivable sin, but sometimes I understand the despair of parents who do so,” said Safia Bibi, a washerwoman whose husband is an odd-job man. 
 
 The family earns a monthly income of Rs. 6,000 ($70). “The children go barefoot because just feeding them is next to impossible. We survive mainly on `roti’ [bread] and pickles,” she said.
 
 kh/cb
  
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 03 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94574</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201030710510805t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAHORE 03 January 2012 (IRIN) - The murder of infants, particularly girls, by poverty-stricken parents in Pakistan appears to be on the rise. Late at night two months ago in a village in Pakistan’s Punjab Province, the parents of a two-day-old infant girl smothered the child, and then buried her tiny body in a distant field, carefully patting down the soil to hide any signs of digging. The mother cries often and says she still has nightmares about the event.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Ten big stories in 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907170659220562t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It&apos;s been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about &quot;the end of AIDS&quot;. At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It's been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about "the end of AIDS". At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.
 
 IRIN/PlusNews brings you 10 HIV-related stories that made headlines in 2011:
 
 AIDS turns 30 - The first case of HIV was reported in 1981, and 2011 was a year of reflection [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92883 ] on the growth of the epidemic and progress made in the fight against it.
 
 In 30 years, an estimated 30 million people have died, another 34 million are living with the virus and an estimated 7,000 new infections occur every day. An estimated 6.6 million people were on treatment globally by December 2010, but some nine million people who qualified for antiretrovirals (ARVs) did not receive them.
 
 ARVs as Prevention - The little pills that turned HIV from a death sentence into a chronic condition could now help us prevent new HIV infections. In May, the HPTN 052 study, [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92710 ] a large, randomized controlled trial, found that earlier initiation of HIV treatment led to a 96 percent reduction in HIV transmission to the HIV-uninfected partner.
 
 Activists have called on the UN World Health Organization (WHO) to rapidly develop guidelines on the use of ARVs as prevention.
 
 AIDS funding - In November, poor funding forced a board meeting of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in Accra, Ghana, to cancel [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94293 ] its 11th round of funding, which was to fund programmes from 2011 to 2013. The international financing mechanism is responsible for about 70 percent of HIV treatment in developing countries.
 
 Earlier in the year, the Kaiser Family Foundation and UNAIDS released a report [ http://www.kff.org/hivaids/upload/7347-07.pdf ] showing that funding fell from US$7.6 billion in 2009 to $6.9 billion in 2010 - the first time funding has dropped [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] in more than a decade of tracking HIV/AIDS spending. Between 2002 and 2008, spending rose more than six-fold before levelling off in 2009.
 
 Disappointing prevention trials - In April, a three-country study, known as FEM-PrEP, [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92514 ] was halted after daily doses of the ARV Truvada, used as a pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), failed to prevent HIV infection in the women participating.
 
 In September, the independent Data and Safety Monitoring Board (DSMB) for the Vaginal and Oral Interventions to Control the Epidemic (VOICE) study - which aimed to test the safety, effectiveness and acceptability of the daily use of one of two different ARV tablets or of a vaginal gel - recommended [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93847 ] that women assigned to the tenofovir tablet should discontinue use because the study would be unable to show a difference in effectiveness between the drug and a placebo.
 
 In November, on the recommendation of the DSMP, the trial discontinued [ http://www.mtnstopshiv.org/node/3909 ] the use of the tenofovir-containing gel - and a control placebo gel - on the grounds that it was not effective in preventing HIV in the women participating in the trial.
 
 Gaffe-prone politicians - In November, South African media reported that Helen Zille, premier of the Western Cape and leader of the Democratic Alliance, while addressing a wellness summit hosted by the Western Cape Health department, called for people who knowingly infected people with HIV to be charged with attempted murder. She also questioned why government should foot the bill for people who contracted HIV through "irresponsible behaviour" and urged the government to shift its focus from the treatment to the prevention of diseases.
 
 HIV activists in South Africa were angered by Zille's remarks; rights organization Treatment Action Campaign [ http://www.tac.org.za/community/node/3203 ] called them "misleading and unscientific".
 
 Uganda's recently appointed health minister, Christine Ondoa, was in August berated by AIDS activists for comments she allegedly made in an interview with a local newspaper on 1 August. According to Uganda's Observer newspaper, Ondoa claimed to know three people who had been cured of HIV through prayer. 
 
 The two join a long list of blunders [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93411 ] by African leaders on the subject of HIV.
 
 Anti-gay legislation in Africa - As a new session of parliament began in May, MPs backing a tougher anti-gay bill [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92739 ] - which includes a death penalty clause for repeat offenders - said they would persevere with it, despite President Yoweri Museveni's calls [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87728 ] for them to drop it.
 
 In November, Nigeria's Senate voted to criminalize gay marriage, gay advocacy groups and same-sex public displays of affection. The bill must be passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Goodluck Jonathan before becoming law, but AIDS activists have said it can only serve to drive gay Nigerians further underground and away from HIV prevention and care services.
 
 Western countries have responded to the growth of anti-gay legislation; British Prime Minister David Cameron has threatened to withhold aid to countries violating the rights of their gay citizens, while US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in December that the Obama administration would Use its foreign policy to combat efforts abroad to criminalize homosexual conduct. Following Clinton's speech, Malawi - which in 2011 arrested gay rights activist Gift Trapence - has said it will review its anti-homosexuality legislation.
 
 Threats to generic ARVs - According to activists, the European Union (EU) in 2011 continued to push for tougher intellectual property rules in its negotiations with India over the terms of a free trade agreement. India - known as the 'pharmacy of the developing world' - produces the vast majority of the ARVs used in developing countries.
 
 Swiss pharmaceutical giant Novartis is also back in the Indian courts, challenging patent laws aimed at preventing the extension of drug patents for minor changes in existing products, a practice known as "evergreening". If Novartis is successful, India will be forced to grant more patents on drugs than they currently do, which will keep newer drugs out of reach of those who need them the most. 
 
 In March, UNAIDS released a policy brief [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92222 ] to help countries make intellectual property rights work for them, amid growing concerns over access to Indian generics. 
 
 Contraception and HIV risk - Helping women avoid unwanted pregnancies is an important part of prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission, so when a study [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93908 ] conducted in seven African countries found that women who relied on hormonal shots - many African women use the contraceptive Depo-provera - to prevent pregnancy doubled their HIV risk, HIV programmers were left confused and disappointed. Published in The Lancet in October, the study also found that in women who were HIV-positive, using "the shot" doubled the chances that they transmitted HIV to their partners. 
 
 According to Jared Baeten, one of the study's authors, previous studies have suggested that perhaps contraception can lead to microscopic thinning of the vaginal mucous membrane and changes to the genital tract, making it easier for HIV to establish itself. 
 
 UNAIDS has called for more research and analysis ahead of a January 2012 meeting when WHO will review various studies as it prepares to revise recommendations on HIV and contraception use. 
 
 Medicines Patent Pool - In July, Gilead Sciences became the first pharmaceutical company to sign [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93213 ] a licensing agreement with the Medicines Patent Pool. The patent pool was established in 2010 by the international health financing mechanism, UNITAID, and aims to stimulate innovation and improve access to HIV medicines through the negotiation of voluntary licences on medicine patents that enable generic competition and facilitate the development of new formulations. 
 
 The agreement allows for the production of several of Gilead's HIV medicines, including tenofovir and emtricitabine, as well as two integrase inhibitors, which block retroviral replication, cobicistat and elvitegravir (both still in development), and combinations that include these medicines. 
 
 The US National Institutes of Health was the first [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90643 ] patent holder to join the pool when it licensed the life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV), darunavir, in October 2010. 
 
 New HIV targets - "Zero new infections, zero stigma and zero AIDS-related deaths" was the bold new goal [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92962 ] set during the UN High-Level Meeting on AIDS in June. 
 
 The meeting concluded with the adoption of a declaration that seeks, by 2015, to double the number of people on ARVs to 15 million, end mother-to-child transmission of HIV, halve tuberculosis-related deaths in people living with HIV, and increase preventive measures for the "most vulnerable populations". 
 
 The goal appeared within reach when in December US President Barack Obama [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94371 ] pledged to provide HIV treatment to some six million people globally by 2013, an increase of two million on the previous target.
 
 kr/llg/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94562</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907170659220562t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It&apos;s been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about &quot;the end of AIDS&quot;. At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
