<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Zambia</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 07:33:46 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 
</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice. [http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ] 

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Dr Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011. [www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ] 

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ] 

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

* A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

* Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

* Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

* Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Maize shortage renews debate over GM in Zimbabwe</title><pubDate>Mon, 04 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151222210806t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - A major shortage of maize has sent the price of maize meal, used for porridge and poultry feed, spiralling in Zimbabwe, prompting traders to lobby the government to consider importing genetically modified (GM) maize.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - A major shortage of maize has sent the price of maize meal, used for porridge and poultry feed, spiralling in Zimbabwe, prompting traders to lobby the government to consider importing genetically modified (GM) maize.

Zimbabwe, along with Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia, has long resisted importing GM maize. Most of the maize grown in neighbouring South Africa - which is the largest maize producer in the region, and which usually has a surplus to export - is GM. Though South Africa can provide certified GM-free maize, it is more expensive than the maize produced in Malawi or Zambia, all of which is GM-free.

A dry spell and lack of fertilizers in 2012 led to a poor harvest in Zimbabwe, and aid agencies expect the number of food insecure people to rise to almost 1.67 million by March. Zimbabwean traders usually import from Zambia to meet demand during shortages, but Zambia has imposed restrictions on maize exports.

The grain milling industry in Zimbabwe, which includes maize-meal and livestock-feed manufacturers, says their current stocks will not last until the new harvest season in May-June. The country's Agricultural Marketing Association has warned the government of an impending crisis.

The grain milling industry says it requires about 150,000 metric tons of maize between now and until the new harvest to meet consumers’ needs. Market sources say the Grain Marketing Board has only 92,000 metric tons of maize in its reserves, and it has stopped maize sales to save for a grain-loan scheme [ http://www.newsdzezimbabwe.co.uk/2013/02/gmb-we-are-fast-running-out-of-maize.html ].

Zambia's restrictions

The price of maize was around US$260 a ton in 2012, but has escalated to $380 per ton, said Fungai Mungate, chairman of the Stock Feed Manufacturers Association (SMA) in Zimbabwe. "There is a major shortage of maize on the market. For the past few years now, the industry has depended on local maize supplies and imports from Zambia. But due to problems in Zambia, between November and December 2012, that country imposed some kind of restriction or an unofficial ban on maize exports to Zimbabwe. As we speak, there has been no maize coming from Zambia officially."

Zambia is facing its own maize shortages despite consecutive bumper harvests in the past three seasons. Researchers Auckland Kuteya and T.S. Jayne of Zambia’s Indaba Agricultural Policy Research Institute attribute the country’s maize meal shortages to the government’s own marketing and subsidy policies [ http://www.aec.msu.edu/fs2/zambia/High_Mealie_Meal_Prices_Zambia.pdf ]. 

For the last two years, the Zambian government's Food Reserve Agency (FRA) has been buying huge quantities of maize at high prices from farmers, then selling the maize to millers at deeply subsidized rates. Meanwhile, the FRA’s storage losses have been extremely high, with an estimated 25 percent of its maize purchases spoiled or of poor quality.

The UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) says the government’s efforts were meant to counteract a potential price hike, expecting the huge surplus would attract foreign traders. The government also felt the need to maintain stable supplies [ http://www.fao.org/giews/countrybrief/country.jsp?code=ZMB ].

But the removal of huge quantities of maize from the market (the FRA bought 1.75 million tons in the 2011-2012 marketing year; and then one million tons for the 2012-2013 marketing year) created shortages. Both traders and millers have hiked their prices, despite the government's threats to cancel millers’ licences.

And very little of the government subsidy given to millers has been passed on to consumers. As a result, the government has spent two percent of its GDP subsidizing maize despite experiencing the shortages and high prices.

State of GM

Zimbabwe allows a maximum of 0.01 percent trace of GM material in its maize imports. Both the Grain Millers Association and SMA have appealed to the government to temporarily revise this threshold to 2 percent.

SMA's Mungate said recent surveys by his organization of maize availability in South Africa at the 0.01 percent GM threshold found only 14,000 metric tons available at prices between $400 and $450 per metric ton.

The government has yet to respond to the request.

During a particularly severe drought in 2002, Zimbabwe said they would allow imports of GM food aid only in milled form, as this eliminated the risk of grain germination and limited possible contamination of local varieties [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/93991/FOOD-Rumpus-over-GM-food-aid ].

Ordinary Zimbabweans are struggling to access cheap grain. In Chitungwiza, an urban centre outside the capital, Harare, Gogo Keresencia Dziruni’s six-member household relies on her disabled husband's $100-a-month pension.

“I remember that not so long ago, we used to buy a 10kg bag of roller meal [unrefined maize meal] for $4.50, and now you cannot get it for below $6. As a basic necessity, maize meal should not be allowed to move that much because it is staple food for many people,” she said.

Dziruni says she would support the importation of GM maize if that would bring the price of maize meal down. 

Another resident, Masiiwa Ganyau, remarked that salaries have remained unchanged in the face of these price increases.

The price hikes have also affected poultry farming in Zimbabwe. Mungate said the poultry industry has become a major source of livelihood for the poor and for communal farmers. But sixty percent of the feed for poultry is derived from maize, and the increasing maize cost has caused feed prices to climb between two and five percent. The livestock feed industry said it needs 40,000 tons of maize between February and the next harvest to meet demand.

tn/jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97588/Maize-shortage-renews-debate-over-GM-in-Zimbabwe</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151222210806t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - A major shortage of maize has sent the price of maize meal, used for porridge and poultry feed, spiralling in Zimbabwe, prompting traders to lobby the government to consider importing genetically modified (GM) maize.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Solving statelessness in Southern Africa</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.

Not considered a national by South Africa or by Kenya or Uganda - the two countries where he grew up - Ngubane is stateless, a predicament he shares with an estimated 12 million people worldwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), which is mandated with trying to reduce that figure. 

Nationality confers a host of rights that stateless individuals cannot access, from education and healthcare to the ability to register a marriage or a birth. As a result, statelessness is often passed from one generation to the next. 

As early as 1954, the international community, under the auspices of the UN, adopted the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb25729.html ], which defined who is a stateless person and established a framework for their international protection. A second international convention adopted in 1961 focused on reducing cases of statelessness [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb286d8.html ], primarily by requiring participating states to grant citizenship to children born on their territory who would otherwise be stateless. However, the majority of countries in Africa have not ratified either convention [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Africa_ConvStateless54_61_detail_A3PC_01-10-2012.pdf ], leaving them under no obligation to pass national legislation that would address the issue. 

Regional issue

An individual can end up stateless for a variety of reasons. Orphans whose births were not registered before their parents died and unaccompanied child migrants who arrive in a foreign country without documents are particularly vulnerable. Laws still in place in several African countries, including Malawi and Madagascar, that prevent married women from passing nationality to their children also contribute to the problem.

According to Sergio Calle-Norena, deputy regional representative for UNHCR, laws allowing for only one nationality and the denial of citizenship to certain groups are the main causes of statelessness in the Southern Africa region.

In Zimbabwe, for example, following an amendment to the citizenship act passed in 2001, individuals with dual nationality were given six months to renounce their foreign citizenship or lose their Zimbabwean nationality. The new law affected countless Zimbabweans whose parents had migrated to the country from Zambia, Mozambique or Malawi at a time when white-owned farms and mines offered plentiful employment. Most did not, in fact, hold citizenship in their parents’ countries, making it impossible for them to renounce it, while many were simply unaware of the new law, which was widely viewed as a means for the ruling ZANU-PF party to disenfranchise opposition supporters.

“I think they didn’t want people like me to vote,” said Promise*, who was born and raised in Harare, the capital, to a Malawian father and a mother with Mozambican parentage. “Most people in high-density areas of Harare are in the same situation, and most are anti-Zanu-PF.”

The new law stripped both Promise and her mother of their citizenship. They now live in South Africa, where the asylum-seeker system offers them a temporary and precarious form of documentation. 

“I just kept renewing my asylum-seeker permit every six months, but I decided to take action last year,” said Promise, who is in her early twenties. “I was tired of having no nationality. It was limiting my opportunities. Most universities need a study permit, and I want to study law.”

Waiting

Promise approached Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), a South African NGO that, with funding from UNHCR, has been running a project to provide legal services to stateless individuals since 2011. UNHCR is also funding the international faith-based NGO Caritas to run a similar project in Mozambique, another country with a large burden of statelessness following years of civil war that displaced hundreds of thousands of its citizens.

South Africa has pledged to sign and ratify the two UN conventions on statelessness by the end of 2013, and both LHR and UNHCR are advocating for this pledge to be honoured and for relevant legislation to be established. In the meantime, LHR is assisting stateless clients on a case-by-case basis. 

Of the 736 stateless clients that LHR helped in 2012, over a third were born in Zimbabwe; many of them lost their nationality like Promise.

Another 150 were born in South Africa but are struggling to access nationality in any country. Jessica George, a legal counsellor with LHR, explained that this group of stateless individuals does not qualify for asylum, and they have no way to access legal immigration status other than through an exemption for permanent residence, a process that allows the Home Affairs Minister to grant permanent residency to foreigners with special circumstances. 

However, exemption applicants can wait up to three years for a decision. “In the meantime, they’re given no temporary permit, so they’re subject to detention, which tends to be prolonged because they can’t be deported,” said George. 

Ngubane spent three months at Lindela Repatriation Centre, South Africa’s largest holding facility for undocumented migrants awaiting deportation, after being arrested at a Home Affairs Department office while trying to replace a lost birth certificate. The document was his only proof of South African nationality; he had lost both his parents and all contact with his South African relatives during his time in Kenya and Uganda.

With help from LHR, Ngubane has applied for a permanent residency exemption, but so far he has received no response. In fact, according to George, only one of LHR’s stateless clients has received a decision on permanent residency exemption in the past two years, and it was negative.

Reforms, training needed

“I think some training is required in addition to law reform, because it’s clear there’s a misunderstanding about who is a stateless person,” said George. “Currently there are no guidelines in the law on how to identify a stateless person and what rights they’re entitled to.” 

In cases where a client has a claim to foreign nationality, LHR approaches the country’s embassy for assistance securing citizenship. However, few embassies or consulates provide such services, and for most stateless people, travelling to the country where they have a nationality claim is unaffordable and unfeasible given their lack of travel documents.

“One of the easiest ways to prevent statelessness would be if consulates provided certain services, so people wouldn’t have to leave South Africa in order to access their citizenship,” said George.

Calle-Norena of UNHCR says that, besides ratifying the two conventions on statelessness, addressing the problem requires political will. He noted, for example, that South Africa’s Citizenship Act grants nationality to any child born in the country who would otherwise be stateless, but that non-nationals without documents struggled to register their children’s births. “There should be a mechanism that allows [the law] to be applied, but in practice this is not yet operational,” he told IRIN.

Through a combination of luck and persistence, Promise has succeeded in convincing the Malawian authorities to grant her citizenship. She has never been to Malawi but plans to move there as soon as she receives her passport. 

Ngubane says he has tried applying for Kenyan citizenship, “but the embassy said there’s no way they can help me.” 

Numerous visits to home affairs offices in several provinces have not yielded any results, other than several attempts by corrupt officials to solicit bribes in return for a birth certificate or refugee status.

“If you don’t have money, you suffer,” he said. 

*not her real name

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97372/Solving-statelessness-in-Southern-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZAMBIA: Housing the DRC refugees</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110280901220914t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 13 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past five weeks, almost 1,000 people have fled into Zambia to escape fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), forcing the Zambian government to consider re-opening a refugee camp it closed two years ago.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 13 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past five weeks, almost 1,000 people have fled into Zambia to escape fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), forcing the Zambian government to consider re-opening a refugee camp it closed two years ago.

The refugees are pouring into Kilwa Island, on Lake Mweru, from villages in DRC’s Katanga Province. The island, located on the Zambian side of the lake, is about an hour by boat from the DRC border. 

“Our concern is that there is only one water borehole on the island,” said Joyce Mends-Cole, the country representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Zambia. “Though the number of refugees has stabilized, we are not sure if the situation might worsen.”

Many refuges have told the Zambians that they fled an onslaught by the Mai-Mai militia groups, while others said they had been forced to leave because of fighting between the government’s forces, FARDC, and the rebel group M23 in eastern DRC. 

Zambia has taken in refugees fleeing violence in DRC for more a decade. In 2010, UNHCR closed two camps in Luapula Province in the north, where Kilwa Island is also located, after most of the Congolese there decided to return home; the camps were handed over to the government. Now Zambia is considering partially reopening one of the camps - Mwange - to accommodate the Congolese, should the refugee numbers rise, said UNHCR. The other camp has already been turned into army barracks. The Zambian government is also looking at the option of setting up a new camp.

Meanwhile, the refugees on the island will be offered the option of moving to Meheba, a camp in the northwest. This move will involve some logistical difficulties as the refugees will have to be transported from the island to the mainland by boat. “There is only one boat which can carry 40 people at a time,” said Mends-Cole.

UNHCR, with support from the World Food Programme, has sufficient funds to take care of the immediate needs of the refugees, “but we have not anticipated the high numbers in our long-term budget,” she said.

She added that Zambian authorities “must be commended for their continued exemplary adherence to the international asylum regime and keeping their borders open”.

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) recently condemned the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC, including the invasion and capture of Goma on 20 November by the M23 rebels. 

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97043/ZAMBIA-Housing-the-DRC-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110280901220914t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 13 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past five weeks, almost 1,000 people have fled into Zambia to escape fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), forcing the Zambian government to consider re-opening a refugee camp it closed two years ago.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Governments failing to address cervical cancer</title><pubDate>Wed, 31 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge. 

The study, based on regional desktop research and field research in Namibia and Zambia by the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), assessed the state of cervical cancer services in southern Africa, particularly in Namibia and Zambia, finding that many women access medical assistance only when they have advanced cervical cancer, which is more difficult to treat and can be extremely painful [ http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/uploads/CERVICAL%20CANCER%20Report.pdf ].

"The failure to provide access to cervical cancer services results in the violation of fundamental rights and in the loss of countless lives. There is a serious and urgent need to improve services for cervical cancer in the southern Africa region," the report warned. 

Guidance needed 

The HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa may have contributed to the high number of cervical cancer deaths; women infected with HIV are more likely to develop cervical lesions that can become cancerous. 

But there is still a lack of clear and comprehensive national cervical cancer management guidelines and policies in the region. Neither Namibia nor Zambia has comprehensive guidelines on the management of the illness. Where guidance is available, it tends to be inadequate, focusing on screening, with limited guidance about other forms of prevention or treatments. 

"The piecemeal approach to addressing cervical cancer in national policies results in inconsistent commitment," the report added. 

According to Nyasha Chingore, HIV project lawyer with SALC and the author of the report, Botswana is one of the few countries with a broad, accessible cervical cancer policy. As a result, more women in the country have access to Pap smear screenings - in which a sample of cervical cells is collected and checked for abnormalities. The number of screenings has increased from 5,000 per year before 2002 to 32,000 per year in 2009. 

Where there are no policies, or where policies are not easily accessible by health systems, women are not made aware of the services that are available to them. "With HIV, we all know that when you test positive, they must do a viral load test and CD4 count test... Everybody knows the policy. We have material in our support groups. But with this cervix cancer thing, we don’t know what we are entitled to," said a study participant. 

The report found "a significant amount of misinformation" in Namibia, where most of the young women interviewed reported being informed - incorrectly - by healthcare workers that contraceptives cause cervical cancer or are a risk factor for the illness. 

Stigma is also a major challenge. "It's not an easy topic to talk about. You have to talk about sex, and you develop sores in places no one wants to talk about," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Access to screenings in Zambia is determined by geographical location, with few if any screening services available outside of the capital, Lusaka. While cervical cancer services seem to be generally available in Namibia, access is limited by factors such as the lack of prioritization of cervical cancer screening by health workers. 

Treatment and vaccines 

"The treatment of invasive cervical cancer continues to be a major challenge in the region due to the lack of surgical facilities, skilled providers, chemotherapy and radiotherapy services. In Namibia and Zambia, there is a dearth of treatment options, with hysterectomy being the most prevalent form of treatment. There are few treatment options available to women who want to preserve their fertility," the report said. 

Because of structural problems, including inadequate laboratory facilities and personnel shortages, patients and health workers often choose treatment options without having proper diagnoses or adequate information, it added. 

Two vaccines against the human papillomavirus (HPV) - a sexually transmitted virus that can cause cervical cancer - are currently available, but the cost of the vaccines has made it difficult for countries to introduce vaccination campaigns. "Governments need to think about how to make vaccines easily available... Whether it's through parallel importation or compulsory licensing, there are options, they just need to be explored," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

So far, Zambia and Lesotho are the only countries in the region rolling out free HPV vaccination programmes, the report noted. 

In June 2011, Merck announced it would provide the vaccine Gardasil to the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), for US$5 per dose, a reduction of nearly 70 percent. Eligibility for GAVI support, however, is determined by national income; while Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe are eligible, Angola, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland are not. 

SALC urges southern Africa governments to integrate cervical cancer screening into existing sexual and reproductive health services, to allocate adequate resources to the management of cervical cancer, and to establish cancer registries to assess the impact of cervical cancer screening programmes. 

kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96676/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Governments-failing-to-address-cervical-cancer</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: The state of African wheat research</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition. 

For example, in Somalia - a country better known for conflict and famine than agricultural research - postgraduate volunteers are exploring ways to reduce the country’s wheat import bill, a subject discussed in one of several research abstracts released at the recent Wheat for Food Security in Africa conference in Addis Ababa [ http://conferences.cimmyt.org/en/press-room ].

Wheat imports, which cost Somalia US$30 million to $40 million annually, consume "scarce hard currency earned from livestock exports and remittances," reports Jeylani Abdullahi Osman,one of the volunteers. He and other scholars, who studied agriculture abroad, have returned to Somalia to develop wheat varieties suitable for the country’s increasingly high temperatures. Wheat thrives in cool conditions, but is able to adapt to a wide range of climates. 

In 2005, the volunteers established the Afgoye Field Crop Research Farm (AFCRF) in the Afgoye District of the Lower Shabelle Region. There, they have been testing wheat varieties for tolerance to heat and water stress. Osman reports they have identified several promising cultivars, but a lack of technical and financial support have limited commercial production. 

Improving local wheat 

An abstract of a study published out of Cameroon notes that, while there is growing demand for bread in the country, the protein content of the imported wheat used for bread-making is less than 12 percent. High-quality wheat has 14 to 15 percent protein. 

Lead author Michael Taylor, from the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, now working with the Divisional Delegation of Agriculture and Rural Development Fontem-Lebialem in Cameroon, identifies varieties of wheat with high protein content that could be grown in Cameroon. 

Researchers from the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research report that the older wheat varieties used for making bread flour are unable to cope with new strains of stem rust - a virulent fungal disease that can devastate crops within weeks. The authors identify new strategies to robustly multiply newly released rust-resistant seeds for distribution. 

Standing up to competition 

Research teams from Zimbabwe and South Africa also have investigated how to make their wheat production stand up to competition posed by cheap wheat imports. 

Zambia offers an important case study. The country, which recently became self-sufficient in wheat production, is already facing the threat of dropping yields, report researchers with Seed Co, a Zimbabwe- based company. The researchers highlight several contributing factors, including marketing challenges for small producers, the increasing cost of production and lack of availability of suitable wheat varieties. 

These and other abstracts, covering Algeria, Egypt, Sudan and Tunisia, are available on request from the Mexico-based International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center, known by its acronym CIMMYT. 

jk/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96622/FOOD-The-state-of-African-wheat-research</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: No more fertilizers but trees</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210161529000079t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 16 October 2012 (IRIN) - To keep its mostly maize-growing small farms productive through cycles of drought, Malawi spends 60 percent of its agricultural budget subsidizing fertilizers. But the findings of a 12-year study, released today, suggest farmers in Malawi and elsewhere could increase yields consistently without applying fertilizers, using instead &apos;fertilizer trees&apos;.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 16 October 2012 (IRIN) - To keep its mostly maize-growing small farms productive through cycles of drought, Malawi spends 60 percent of its agricultural budget subsidizing fertilizers. But the findings of a 12-year study [ https://www.agronomy.org/publications/aj/abstracts/104/5/1392 ], released today, suggest farmers in Malawi and elsewhere could increase yields consistently without applying fertilizers, using instead 'fertilizer trees'.

To thrive, maize requires phosphorus and nitrogen, large quantities of which have been depleted from African soils, where fertilizer application is the lowest in the world.

The 'fertilizer tree' or gliricidia, a leguminous tree, has the ability to draw nitrogen from the air and insert it into soil, changing it into a form that plants can use. "The trees also restore some amount of phosphorus to the soil," said Gudeta Sileshi, the study's lead author and the Southern Africa representative of the Kenya-based World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF).

In addition, the leaves shed by gliricidia return organic matter to the soil, increasing its structural stability, erosion resistance and capacity to store water. Three consecutive experiments, begun in 1991 in Malawi and Zambia, showed that when gliricidia was planted in rows between maize plants, maize yields were good year after year.

Help for smallholders

Gudeta, speaking to IRIN from Malawi, said researchers worked with 100 farmers in chronically poor districts like Zomba and Machinga in the drought-prone Southern region.

Most plots in the region are less than a hectare in size; half a hectare requires at least a 1,000 gliricidia trees to produce the required nitrogen, which can last through to the next year. The trees can be cut back from year to year, which makes them go into a dormant state and not compete for nutrients.

For a good yield, farmers can spend more than US$250 per hectare on fertilizers per season. 

Gudeta said the Malawian government had already been considering phasing the trees into their agricultural programmes when researchers began their work in Malawi.

Now, with the results of the study, Gudeta said, "we are working with the National Smallholder Farmers' Association in Malawi to scale [use of the tree] up. We hope to reach 500,000 farmers by 2020." 

There are about 1.5 million smallholder farmers in Malawi.

Further needs

But there are a few obstacles. One is convincing farmers to be patient with the trees, which take two or three years to grow and start showing results. "So many farmers think it is easier to... apply fertilizers," said Gudeta.

There is also an inadequate supply of the trees' seeds. "But as more and more farmers grow them, we hope to have an adequate supply," he said. 

Farmers in many African countries are aware of the beneficial properties of the gliricidia trees and have grown them for years. But long-term studies, including those on different cropping systems, have been virtually nonexistent in sub-Saharan Africa. 

"We need well-designed long-term trials that will allow scientific assessments of different cropping systems with a changing climate in Africa," said Legesse Kassa Debusho, one of the study's three co-authors and a senior lecturer at the University of Pretoria. "Such information can guide the exploration of technological alternatives and the development of policies to improve the adaptability and sustainability of cropping systems."

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96565/FOOD-No-more-fertilizers-but-trees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210161529000079t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 16 October 2012 (IRIN) - To keep its mostly maize-growing small farms productive through cycles of drought, Malawi spends 60 percent of its agricultural budget subsidizing fertilizers. But the findings of a 12-year study, released today, suggest farmers in Malawi and elsewhere could increase yields consistently without applying fertilizers, using instead &apos;fertilizer trees&apos;.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: African wheat - balancing consumer and farmer demands</title><pubDate>Mon, 15 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181432130655t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.

“Most often, politicians end up prioritizing the needs of the consumers, which is understandable, but not good for agriculture and the country in the long-run,” said an expert. 

Why do governments permit low-price wheat imports? A researcher put this question to a panel of agriculture ministers from four countries.  Local wheat is often of poorer quality, the supply is inadequate, and transportation costs can be higher than cost of imported varieties, the ministers from Sudan, Ibrahim Adam Ahmed El-Dukheri, and Burundi, Odette Kayitesi, explained.

In fact, Sudan recently removed import taxes on wheat, part of measures to ease burdens on consumers in the face of rising food prices and currency depreciation [ http://www.sudantribune.com/Sudan-s-cabinet-okays-proposed,42983 ].

“But even if duties are imposed, our producers cannot compete with the kind of subsidies that producers in the exporting countries enjoy,” added Dahprose Gahakwa, the Rwanda Agriculture Board’s deputy director of research. “It is a question that needs to be addressed at an international forum where everyone should recognize the need to encourage producers in Africa.”

Aiming at self-sufficiency

Government action is required to making local producers competitive against cheap imports. Earlier this year, Nigeria - the largest wheat importer in sub-Saharan Africa - increased the duty on wheat imports from five percent to 20 percent. It also announced a 65 percent levy on wheat flour imports, increasing the effective duty from 35 percent to 100 percent [ http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Nigeria%20Introduces%20Levy%20on%20Wheat%20Grain%20_Lagos_Nigeria_8-31-2012.pdf ].

Bread prices have since seen a 20 percent hike [ http://agritrade.cta.int/en/layout/set/print/Agriculture/Commodities/Cereals/Nigeria-implements-import-duty-reforms-to-promote-cassava-flour-use ], although Agritrade, a technical resource site, reckons the spike could also be related to global increases in wheat prices.

Further prompted by the massive amount of foreign exchange Nigeria haemorrhages to import wheat - around US$2 million every day - the country has announced it intends to stop wheat imports by 2016. It also intends to end rice imports by 2013. Nigeria currently produces 70 percent of its requirements, according to Agritrade. 

Industry specialists are sceptical about the country becoming self-sufficient in wheat. Erratic rainfall, inconsistent policies and receding water levels in Lake Chad have all seen wheat production fall in the past 20 years.

But Oluwasina Olabanji, head of the Lake Chad Research Institute, is confident the domestic wheat industry can be expanded. Only 10 percent of the land that could be exploited for irrigated wheat production is being used, he said. “We need more drought- and heat-tolerant seed varieties and financial support.”

Nigeria, the worlds’ largest cassava producer, also hopes to boost its cassava yield for bread-making. Bakeries have been given 18 months to start adding cassava flour to wheat-based bread. Officials hope bread will contain 40 percent cassava flour by 2015, helping reduce wheat imports by 40 percent. 

The decision has been controversial. Small-scale producers and the Nutrition Society of Nigeria have come out in favour of the requirements; nutritionists argue it will lower bread’s glycaemic index, making it healthier. But consumers have raised concerns about bread flavour, and bakeries are fretting about how to make the flour mix work. 

Against Western subsidies

Zambia has protected its local producers by regulating wheat imports; the country became self-sufficient in wheat in 2009. But continuing efforts to protect domestic wheat production have elicited criticism from outside industry and food experts.

“[Africa] can never become competitive with cheap imports from the West,” said Cobus le Roux, general manager of the crop division in South Africa’s Agricultural Research Council. “Unless we get the same amount protection and subsidies producers [in the West] have enjoyed over the years.”

From 1995 to 2011, $34.4 billion worth of subsidies for wheat were provided in the US, the world’s leading exporter, according to the NGO Environmental Working Group [ http://farm.ewg.org/progdetail.php?fips=00000&progcode=wheat ].

Declaration

The conference’s declaration recognized the importance of protecting wheat producers, and called for countries with the potential to increase production to receive technical support and access to climate-change-resilient seeds. It also called on governments to invest in infrastructure, such as roads and markets.

“Essentially, it is about providing support to agriculture, but modifying it slightly to fit the wheat requirements,” said Ambrose Agona, director of research coordination at Uganda’s National Agricultural Research Organisation. 

“It is about scaling-up investment in agriculture to the required 10 percent of their national budgets - how many countries are doing that?” Rwanda’s Gahakwa said, referring to the requirements of the African Union’s Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADEP). Rwanda exceeded its 10 percent target this year, she noted. 

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96546/FOOD-African-wheat-balancing-consumer-and-farmer-demands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181432130655t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZAMBIA: Government clamps down on &apos;illegal&apos; housing</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210081425070451t.jpg" />]]>LUSAKA 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - It was early when police arrived at the home of Emmeldah Mutale, a widowed mother of five, in the capital, Lusaka, to demolish her two-bedroom house.</description><body><![CDATA[LUSAKA 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - It was early when police arrived at the home of Emmeldah Mutale, a widowed mother of five, in the capital, Lusaka, to demolish her two-bedroom house. 

“We were all sleeping. When I peeked through the window, I just saw these many, many police officers with guns, machetes and knobkerries. There were vehicles and a big grader [bulldozer]. They were shouting ‘Open the door! Open the door! Open the door!’ It was like they came to kill us,” Mutale, 35 told IRIN. 

“They didn’t give us time to remove our things. They drove the grader right into the house, and brought down part of it. I have lost goods, food. I am now stranded with my children. We have nowhere to sleep, nowhere to go. They have killed us alive.” 

Mutale built the house five years ago in Chinika shanty compound, about 6km west of the city centre. It cost her US$15,000. It was razed on 3 October. 

Hers was one of 400 houses destroyed during a combined operation by security personnel and officers from the Sherriff of Zambia, acting on instructions from the High Court. 
Mutale and her children have since spent nights in an unfinished building with others made homeless by the operation. The three-room structure where they are staying is also designated for destruction. 

“We are about 25 men and women sleeping here. We just spread our beddings and lie down; we don’t sleep. Our friends are using those other [unfinished] buildings. We are all piling ourselves inside here because there is nowhere to go,” Mutale said. “Our financial resources have just gone like that. It seems this life is just for the rich. They get everything they want, including our land. There is nothing for us, the poor.” 

Reclaiming land 

Since the Patriotic Front government of President Michael Sata took power in 2011, several operations have destroyed dwellings deemed illegal. The previous government, helmed by President Rupiah Banda, was perceived as soft on corruption; its party supporters accused of displacing legal land owners to sell their land. 

The displaced owners are now reclaiming their property, sparking the demolitions and displacements.

In September 2012 about 100 middle-class houses were pulled down in Lusaka. Over 50 houses were demolished in the Zamtan shanty area of Kitwe, Copperbelt Province, and in Eastern Province, about 100 houses in a forest reserve of the provincial capital, Chipata, have been identified for destruction. 

Moses Kateka, whose four-bedroom Libala house was demolished earlier this year, said, “I don’t know why government is permitting such injustice without thinking about us, the Zambian people who voted for them. 

“What we all know is that all land begins as illegal in Lusaka, but the [local] council later comes in and legalizes it. John Laing, Jack, Chazanga and Lilanda compounds [informal settlements] all started like that. The council never sold those plots. It is the cadres [ruling party supporters] who sold them. Now they are recognized townships,” Kateka said. 

A lawyer acting on behalf of people whose homes were razed, declined to be named but told IRIN that under Zambian law, ownership of the land is only conferred by obtaining title deeds, but land shortage has meant many people buy first and only pursue the title deeds later. 

“There is no obligation to compensate encroachers. So what we fight for when representing those clients whose land has been repossessed is just some form of compensation for the developments put up on the land. But the land owners are not under obligation legally. It is deemed such people encroached on private property.” 

Poor face barriers 

The poor face many barriers to legal land ownership. “Most poor people fail to title their land because of the lengthy process of recommendations and approvals, especially for those in rural areas. It could take as much as five years, and during that process someone could easily process the papers over the same land and automatically become the owner [after obtaining the title],” Henry Machina, executive director of the Zambia Land Alliance, a land rights advocacy organization, told IRIN. 

The housing ministry estimated in 2011 that the country had a housing deficit of over one million units, yet there is no government housing programme. About 64 percent of Zambia’s 13 million people live on $1 or less per day, according to Zambia’s Central Statistical Office. 

Housing minister Emerine Kabanshi told IRIN people constructing houses on private land and in undesignated areas should not blame the government for having their structures pulled down. 

“We want order. We can’t have a situation where houses are built under [power utility] Zesco’s pylons, on top of water utility companies’ manholes or on private land; that’s anarchy. My government will not be party to that, and we shall not offer any compensation to such kind of people.” 

nm/go /rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96486/ZAMBIA-Government-clamps-down-on-apos-illegal-apos-housing</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210081425070451t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LUSAKA 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - It was early when police arrived at the home of Emmeldah Mutale, a widowed mother of five, in the capital, Lusaka, to demolish her two-bedroom house.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZAMBIA: Minimum wage leads to steep food price rises</title><pubDate>Thu, 27 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104120927420293t.jpg" />]]>LUSAKA 27 September 2012 (IRIN) - The euphoria that greeted the government’s imposition of minimum wage increases has quickly soured, with prices of food and other essential commodities escalating as higher wage costs are passed onto consumers.</description><body><![CDATA[LUSAKA 27 September 2012 (IRIN) - The euphoria that greeted the government’s imposition of minimum wage increases has quickly soured, with prices of food and other essential commodities escalating as higher wage costs are passed onto consumers.

In July 2012, President Michael Sata’s government upped the minimum monthly salary in line with the 2011 election promise of “more money in the pocket” for poorly paid workers. Wages for domestic workers increased from US$30 to about $105, while general workers such as office orderlies, shop assistants, sweepers and farmworkers saw their monthly earnings more than quadruple from $50 to $220.

In the past month, the cost of 25kg bag of the staple ground maize meal has increased by $1 to $8.50, while other farm produce prices have also risen.

“Everything at the market is now very expensive, and it is like they are being increased every day. Last month, we were buying a bunch of rape vegetables at 2,000 kwacha [$0.40], now it is 3,000 kwacha [$0.60]. And a kilo of beef, which was 21,000 kwacha [$4.20] - now it is 27,000 kwacha [$5.40]. This is too much for us the poor people,” Mwamba Kasonde, a housewife in the capital Lusaka, told IRIN.

“I think the only solution for us is to forget about eating nice, fresh food. We will be buying dry foods; dry fish, dry kapenta [sardines] and soya chunks [processed dry soya]. Chicken and meat should be for special occasions or only for the rich people,” she said.

Stress on the poor

Daniel Mutale, social conditions programme manager for the Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflections (JCTR), a local faith-based think tank, said the sudden cost increase in basic food items was putting additional stress on the poor. About 64 percent of Zambia’s 13 million people live on $1 or less per day, according to Zambia’s Central Statistical Office.

The JCTR publishes the Basic Needs Basket, a monthly survey of food prices and basic commodities required for a family of six in Zambia. “The substantial rise in the cost of basic food items counters the purpose of policies like the recently adjusted minimum wage to foster decent living conditions among the disadvantaged workers,” Mutale said.

“We call on the government to put in place immediate measures to curb the increase in mealie-meal prices [maize-meal] and other essential commodities.”

Hanford Chaaba, spokesperson for the Zambia Consumer Protection and Competition Commission, told IRIN the sharp increases will make Zambian companies vulnerable to external competition, “which will, in the long run, put them out of the market.”

“The instability of food prices acts as a disincentive to having a productive economy. Therefore, any increment in prices on food items results in reduced disposable income for the consumers, and this works to the disadvantage of successful economic growth,” he said.

Apart from food prices skyrocketing, the cost of other essential commodities and services, such as electrical goods and building materials as well as transport fares, are also on the up.

Increase in transport costs.

Ishmael Kankhara, a local businessman who owns 200 passenger minibuses, the largest fleet in Lusaka, recently announced he would raise the fare charges for his buses by $0.15 to ensure he pays all drivers a minimum wage of $220. He currently pays his drivers about $100 a month.

“If I pay the [new] minimum wage to all my drivers at the moment, I would run bankrupt within one month, and there would be no more Flash Buses on the roads anymore. So, while a 600 kwacha [$0.15] increment may not be enough, at least it would go some way in cushioning the impact of this law,” Kankhara told IRIN.

Executive director of the Zambia Consumer Association Muyunda Ililonga told IRIN the minimum wage increases have backfired on the poor. “You can’t have more money in the pocket when the cost of living is skyrocketing. This rise in the cost of consumer goods and services is detrimental to consumer welfare.

“The PF [Patriotic Front] government can only successfully show they are different from previous governments if they can lower the cost of living through workable policies. It shouldn’t be coming up with conditions to benefit only a few people, such as the minimum wage revision. They should go for policies to benefit all citizens, such as reducing VAT [value-added tax],” he said.

“If our VAT was reduced to, say, 14 percent [instead of the current 16 percent], it would reduce the cost of food items in the country and, ultimately, the cost of living. Many people, even the unemployed would benefit from reduced VAT,” Ililonga said.

Kennedy Sakeni, the information minister and chief government spokesperson, has condemned employers for passing on the costs of the new minimum wages and vowed that the government would soon “crack the whip”.

“We want to see to it that prices stabilize soon and are reachable by a majority of our population. We want to ensure these prices do not go beyond the reach of average Zambians because the majority of our people are unemployed. They don’t even get any salaries to survive on,” he said.

nm/go/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96398/ZAMBIA-Minimum-wage-leads-to-steep-food-price-rises</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104120927420293t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LUSAKA 27 September 2012 (IRIN) - The euphoria that greeted the government’s imposition of minimum wage increases has quickly soured, with prices of food and other essential commodities escalating as higher wage costs are passed onto consumers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: New urgency to rethink dam projects</title><pubDate>Wed, 26 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.

The study, A Risky Climate for Southern African Hydro, was conducted for the NGO International Rivers [ http://www.internationalrivers.org ] by Richard Beilfuss, a hydrologist and environmentalist who teaches at the University of Wisconsin-Madison College of Engineering in the US and the University of Eduardo Mondlane in Mozambique. Beilfuss says the region - and the rest of Africa as well - must reconsider the construction of massive hydropower dams and rethink their use as a flood management tool, especially as floods are expected to worsen with climate change.

"Large dams are being built or proposed, typically without analysis of the risks from hydrological variability that are already a hallmark of African weather patterns, much less the medium- and long-term impacts expected from climate change," Beilfuss noted in the report. "Likewise, ecosystem services are rarely given much weight in the energy-planning process.”

Extreme floods expected

The report uses the Zambezi basin as a case study to inform governments planning to establish new hydropower plants.

Assessing climate change impact studies conducted on the Zambezi River Basin, Beilfuss said the Zambezi is expected to experience "drier and more prolonged drought periods". Over the next century, rainfall is expected to decrease by between 10 and 15 percent over the basin, according to several studies cited by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. There will be a significant reduction in the amount of water flowing through the river system, affecting all eight countries it passes through. The water that feeds the river is expected to decrease by between 26 percent and 40 percent in another four decades, the study observed.

But when the rains do fall, they will be more intense, triggering more extreme floods.

No major dams are currently under construction on the Zambezi, Beilfuss told IRIN, but two large dams have been proposed:  Batoka Dam on the Middle Zambezi and Mphanda Nkuwa Dam on the Lower Zambezi. “Batoka is politically and financially complex because it must be a joint project between Zambia and Zimbabwe,” Beilfus said. “Mphanda is entirely within Mozambique and is in very advanced stages of preparation with a timeline for construction."

There has been considerable opposition to Mphanda Nkuwa [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72996/MOZAMBIQUE-Green-lobby-opposes-dam-construction ], which environmentalists warn could displace several thousand people. Much of the anxiety over its construction is fuelled by the experience of the Cahora Bassa Dam in Mozambique, which has been widely cited as an environmental catastrophe since its construction in the early 1970s by the former Portuguese colonial government.

"None of these projects, current or proposed, has seriously incorporated considerations of climate change into project design or operation," noted Beilfuss.

Guido Van Langenhove, who heads Namibia’s Hydrological Services Department, agreed with the concerns raised by Beilfuss and said, "Our dams cannot handle one-in-a-hundred-year [extreme] flood events. They cannot handle the sheer volume of water that might be involved. We have to even consider how to fortify our existing structures."

Disasters

Recent floods and their impact on the existing dams offer a possible view of future disasters. In 2007, heavy rains over the Zambezi threatened the dam structure, forcing the authorities to open the sluice gates of the Cahora Bassa Dam, affecting up to half a million people [some displaced, but others had crops destroyed etc ].

In a case study on the floods and cyclones that struck Mozambique that year, the Overseas Development Institute warned that the two biggest dams on the Zambezi, Cahora Bassa and Zambia’s Kariba, "do not have the spill-way capacity to cope with the very large floods that occur on the river every five to 10 years. At best, the dam operators can slow down the sudden rise in water levels by phasing the spillage of water over a period of a few days, which gives the people living downstream a little more time to evacuate their homes."

Hydrologists in Southern Africa have been calling for a reconsideration of dam planning for years. In 2001, Bryan Davies, an ecologist and a Zambezi river expert, conducted an assessment of the Cahora Bassa and told IRIN, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/19031/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Floods-should-prompt-dam-rethink ] "one of these days there will be a cyclonic event" that the full dams would be unable to cope with.

Part of the problem is that the Zambezi River Basin in Mozambique is a naturally occurring flood plain. In the past, human habitation patterns took flooding into account. When the waters subsided, people would move in to plant in the rich soils, and shift to higher ground when the floods returned, but since the construction of Cahora Bassa, communities have settled much closer to the river, making them more vulnerable, Davies warned.

Van Langenhove, the Namibian official, said people mistakenly believe that the construction of a dam means they will be safe from flooding, and so tend to settle close to dams. "Should an extreme event take place, there would be a huge disaster," he said.

Finding alternatives

Beilfuss suggested using hydropower dams to produce electricity only and not to store flood water. "Many hydropower projects are justified on the basis of providing flood control in addition to energy generation. However, allowing for flood storage means the reservoir must be drawn down to provide flood capture space at the very time that this water is most needed to supply energy".

The vast natural flood plains of the Zambezi should be allowed to flood while ensuring people do not settle in those areas, he said. "This will allow for regeneration of the floodplains systems for wildlife and fisheries and agriculture, and also will reduce the impact of extreme floods - which already occur in the basin as it is - on people and property.

"By removing people from flood-prone areas - in accordance with Mozambique and Zambia law, by the way - it becomes especially important to restore modest annual high flows in the basin so that people can secure their livelihoods from fisheries and agriculture," he told IRIN by email.

Beilfuss also suggested that countries in the region improve existing hydropower capacity rather than investing in new infrastructure. "Adding new or more efficient turbines is almost always much lower-impact than building new dams." Countries should also consider alternative sources of energy generation.

In 2011, the eight countries through which the Zambezi flows set up the Zambezi Watercourse Commission (ZAMCOM) to manage the river [ http://www.icp-confluence-sadc.org/rbo/66 ]. Though still a new body, "ZAMCOM is a very important step forward for the integrated development and water conservation in the Zambezi River Basin,” Beifluss said. “In particular, the ZAMCOM structure offers the potential to strategically address river development, including hydropower, on a basin-wide level rather than a country-by-country level."

Américo José Ubisse, secretary general of the Mozambique Red Cross, has been involved in flood relief operations in Mozambique for many years. He told IRIN in an email that, in the past, issues related to the "environment, climate change and their future humanitarian consequences were deeply undermined... The added value that is coming with these scientific studies must been taken into consideration. Undermining [scientific studies]... can be a big mistake, not only for the future of economic investment but also for the future of humanitarian sustainability.”

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96393/CLIMATE-CHANGE-New-urgency-to-rethink-dam-projects</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Poor importing countries need help</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108031322320137t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 September 2012 (IRIN) - High cereal prices have bloated countries&apos; food import bills in the past decade, partly because of export restrictions imposed by some governments that have squeezed supply. As cereal prices begin to again climb, a new study has called on the World Trade Organization (WTO) to take action to exempt poor countries from other nations’ export restrictions.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 September 2012 (IRIN) - High cereal prices have bloated countries' food import bills in the past decade, partly because of export restrictions imposed by some governments that have squeezed supply. As cereal prices begin to again climb, a new study [ http://cts.vresp.com/c/?ICTSD/3fbfe72bcc/3736ba76d5/c4d8f41eef ] has called on the World Trade Organization (WTO) to take action to exempt poor countries from other nations’ export restrictions. 

The WTO allows countries to impose export restrictions and bans as a temporary measure to address critical food shortages. But these restrictions affect poor countries, which buy most of their food supply, in two ways: They push food prices up globally, making it more expensive for poor countries to buy food, and they force food-importing countries to shop for deals long distances away. The WTO can help poor countries by ensuring that other nations’ export restrictions do not apply to them, explained Alberto Valdés, research associate at the Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, and the lead author of the study, which was conducted for the Geneva-based International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD). 

During the 2008 food crisis, least developed countries (LDCs) saw their food import bills triple to US$24 billion from $9 billion in 2000, according to a study by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) [ http://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/aldc2012d1_en.pdf ]. A 2011 World Bank study said 44 million people in low- and middle-income countries fell into poverty as a result of food price spikes in mid-2010 and early 2011. 

Today, global maize prices are again rising, prompted by a drought in the US, the world's largest maize exporter. 

Sounding alarm bells 

"Tragically, only 4 percent of sub-Saharan African countries’ grain imports are produced by farmers in other African countries," said Thomas Jayne, who is a professor of international development at Michigan State University and currently based at Indaba Agricultural Policy Research Institute in Zambia. "The other 96 percent comes from international markets. There has been little progress over the past decade in persuading governments to desist from using trade bans that impede countries’ ability to rely more on each other for their residual grain requirements." 

In southern Africa, Malawi, which has not had a particularly good harvest, has imposed a ban on maize exports. Zambia, a major maize producer in the region, has informal export restrictions in place. "Many countries that are a bit short are worried that if prices continue to rise, they might have to spend more to buy later, as is the case with Zambia," said an aid official in the region. 

Jayne said Zambia's "Ministry of Agriculture rang the alarm bell that the state marketing board, the Food Reserve Agency, might not be able to acquire the one million tons it had advocated buying for the national strategic reserve.” The government instituted a process in which the permanent secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture must review every application for licenses to export maize grain, restricting the volume of legal maize exports. 

“But the alarm bell was sounded too soon,” Jayne continued. “The Food Reserve Agency has already purchased almost 700,000 metric tons, which will last till the next harvest in May [2013]. So, it is unclear why the country wants to impede exports at a time when it is already holding sufficient maize for its own national consumption and when it can generate needed revenue for its farmers. The move reveals the country to be an unreliable source of food supply for the rest of the region." 

The issue is also problematic for aid agencies that need to buy non-genetically modified maize for food aid in the region. Most countries in the region that are in need of food assistance do not allow GM food aid [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93991/FOOD-Rumpus-over-GM-food-aid ]. "Zambia and Malawi are our biggest suppliers and a much cheaper option for non-GM maize in the region," said an aid worker. 

Since the 2007/2008 crisis, food and trade experts have asked for more clarity on the WTO position on export bans and restrictions, especially on the scope and duration of such measures. 

ICSTD's agriculture programme manager Jonathan Hepburn said, "Normally, WTO members have to consider whether export restrictions could affect other countries' food security and inform the global trade body's committee on agriculture about the move in advance." Among other things, the committee, which is set to meet this Thursday, is expected to discuss whether measures that Zambia has introduced would count as agricultural export restrictions, and whether India is considering an export ban on private sector wheat. 

Call for help 

In April 2011, the net food-importing developing countries (NFIDCs) submitted an informal proposal at the WTO for a new paragraph to be included in the draft Doha Accord exempting them and the LDCs from export restriction put in place by other countries. UN agencies and most food experts agree that export restrictions influence sharp spikes in prices, helping to drive food prices up during 2007/2008 crisis. At least 23 countries had either banned or imposed restrictions on the export of cereals then, according to the ICTSD study. 

The proposed exemption was not adopted by the WTO. Instead, the initiative ended up being mentioned in the summary of the last meeting of senior officials that year. "'Some Ministers signalled their support for a work programme on trade-related responses to the impact of food market prices and volatility that would look especially at LDCs and NFIDCs. It also mentioned in passing the fact that 'many ministers' had urged their counterparts to agree not to impose export restrictions on food aid purchased by the World Food Programme," said ICSTD's Hepburn. 

"Since December 2011, some countries have tried to discuss how to interpret the language that does already exist on export restrictions in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture, in informal talks on the sidelines of the global trade body's committee on agriculture," explained Hepburn in an email to IRIN. "But they have run into opposition from other countries that are reluctant to discuss the question further." 

The Doha Development Round of negotiations at the WTO, which began in 2001, is aimed at reducing barriers to market access throughout the world, with the development of poor countries at the heart of its agenda. It looks at three main sectors: agriculture, intellectual property and services. The talks have been off-and-on for the last 10 years; issues often get stuck because of power struggles between industrialized countries and China and India. 

jk/oa/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96333/FOOD-Poor-importing-countries-need-help</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108031322320137t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 September 2012 (IRIN) - High cereal prices have bloated countries&apos; food import bills in the past decade, partly because of export restrictions imposed by some governments that have squeezed supply. As cereal prices begin to again climb, a new study has called on the World Trade Organization (WTO) to take action to exempt poor countries from other nations’ export restrictions.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Increasing hostility towards Chinese traders</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.

In Malawi, Chinese-owned shops and restaurants have proliferated since the country established diplomatic ties with China in 2007. But the government was recently prompted by bitter complaints from local business owners to introduce legislation preventing foreign traders from operating outside of major cities.  

The new law has mainly targeted Chinese traders, many of whom are now being forced to shutter their businesses in rural areas and to apply to the Ministry of Industry and Trade for business licenses to operate in Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu or Zomba - the country’s four major cities. 

“They can operate in rural areas when they are in production and big business, not doing petty trading,” Malawi Minister of Industry and Trade John Bande told IRIN, adding that the government would continue passing legislation that encouraged serious foreign investment “to the benefit of Malawians”.

But human rights groups have described the legislation as xenophobic, and consumers like Arnold Mwenefumbo, from Karonga District in northern Malawi, complain that forcing out the Chinese traders will mean paying much higher prices for products sold by Malawians and other African nations.

“[The Chinese] were also employing our son and daughters,” said Mwenefumbo.

Lesotho

In Lesotho, a tiny land-locked country facing high rates of poverty and unemployment, the relatively recent appearance of thousands of foreign, mostly Chinese-owned, businesses has generated similar resentment from local business owners, but little government intervention. 

Before the mid-1990s, Makhabane Theko ran a successful retail business in the capital, Maseru, but now leases his building to the same Chinese traders who he says pushed him out of business. “It’s difficult to compete against the foreign investors, especially the Chinese. You sell 500g of sugar for 8.00 maloti (US$1.4) and they will sell it for a price that is almost half that,” he told IRIN.

Stories like Theko's are common. Although the exact number of Chinese in Lesotho is unknown, estimates range between 10,000 and 20,000, or up to 1 percent of Lesotho’s population of 1.9 million, according to a recent report released by the Brenthurst Foundation. “Business is good here,” said one Chinese trader.

Unlike neighbouring South Africa, which has a long history of Chinese migration and Chinese-run businesses, Lesotho has traditionally been a country of out-migration and has little experience with immigrants. National legislation limits ownership of small businesses to Basotho citizens, but the government has largely turned a blind eye to corrupt practices allowing Chinese migrants to purchase trading licenses or even national identity documents. 

“Chinese are now selling makoenya [fat cakes], loose cigarettes, even beer at retail prices, but their business category forbids them from doing so,” said a street vendor who sells cigarettes in Maseru.

Yoon Jung Park, coordinator of the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China (CA/AC) International Research Working Group, has conducted research on perceptions of Chinese in southern Africa. She noted that small countries with struggling economies like Lesotho are seeing funding from Western donors dwindling; many may view Chinese investment as their next best hope. This is reflected in the lack of government action to regulate the proliferation of small Chinese-run businesses. 

“I think there’s a link between official ties [with China] and the messages that get filtered down to people, especially in these small countries that are desperate for foreign aid, that the Chinese are the great hope and we need to be nice to them,” she told IRIN.

Many complain that the Chinese add little to the local economy because they send all of their money home, but according to Park, few Chinese migrants in Lesotho send remittances home. Instead, they spend their first two or three years in the country repaying loans, and then they tend to reinvest in their businesses. Most also employ at least one local to interact with customers.

They keep their prices as low as possible by buying from other Chinese (often at a slight discount), forming cooperatives to make bulk purchases and focusing on rapid turnover rather than high profit margins. Rumours that the more unscrupulous also engage in under-handed practices like re-packaging expired food and removing a few ounces from bags of flour and sugar before resealing them may also be true in some cases, said Park. 

“Profit margins are so narrow, that they probably do resort to some of those things. And government in Lesotho isn’t doing enough to prevent them,” she commented.

In the run-up to Lesotho’s general elections in June, several political parties indicated their intention to expel foreign traders from the country, but apart from several raids on Chinese supermarkets said to be selling expired meat, no action has been taken to prevent them from operating.

Zambia

Zambia’s open-door investment policy has seen hundreds of Asian migrants setting up businesses in the country in recent years, but locals employed by them complain about low wages.

“Yes, they are giving us jobs, but these are not jobs to help us [improve our lives]. They are jobs to help them make more money. I am paid 350,000 kwacha  [US$70] every month, and what can you do with that amount? It is like my salary just goes for transport to come here and go home,” said Melinda Daka, a shop worker in a Chinese-owned business in Kamwala, Lusaka’s upmarket trading area.

“Zambian employers pay much better, but they are very few, and they only employ very few people… So, there is nothing we can do but work for these same people [foreigners].”

In July, the Zambian government increased the monthly minimum wage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96073/ZAMBIA-Dreaming-of-a-minimum-wage ] for shop workers and other general workers, from $80 to $220, but employers are reluctant to pay the new salaries, saying they could make the cost of business unsustainable. 

Positive relations

But negative attitudes toward Chinese traders are not uniform throughout the region. In countries such as South Africa and Swaziland, where Chinese migrants arrived several generations ago and now run businesses that fill gaps in the market without competing with locals, relations have remained fairly good. 

Park's research in Zimbabwe found that during that country's severe economic crisis, consumers were grateful to Chinese traders for getting goods into the country when no one else could. "They said that if it hadn’t been for them, they wouldn’t have been able to send their kids to school with basic supplies. They helped them survive the crisis," she told IRIN.

However, in countries with struggling economies, the arrival of large numbers of entrepreneurial Chinese migrants combined with a lack of enforcement of laws and regulations have fuelled tense relations with locals.

"Oftentimes, they know it’s not the fault of the Chinese. They respect them for their work ethic, but they’re angry that the government is allowing them to do some of the things they do," said Park.

ks/ms/rc/nm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96266/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Increasing-hostility-towards-Chinese-traders</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZAMBIA: Dreaming of a minimum wage</title><pubDate>Fri, 10 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103111333490106t.jpg" />]]>LUSAKA 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - “This is like a prayer answered for me. Our government has really done well to remember us, to think about us,” Priscilla Mwemba, a domestic worker in the Zambian capital Lusaka, told IRIN after the government imposed non-negotiable minimum wage scales that will more than triple the 22 year old’s monthly salary.</description><body><![CDATA[LUSAKA 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - “This is like a prayer answered for me. Our government has really done well to remember us, to think about us,” Priscilla Mwemba, a domestic worker in the Zambian capital Lusaka, told IRIN after the government imposed non-negotiable minimum wage scales that will more than triple the 22 year old’s monthly salary. 

“Since I am a resident maid, I am paid 150,000 Kwacha [about US$30] per month. My friends [other domestic workers] who report [for work] every morning and knock off in the evening receive up to 250,000 Kwacha (US$50) sometimes. Madam says I eat her food, use her soap, water and electricity. So she can’t pay me like my friends.” 

The labour minister and former trade unionist Fackson Shamenda announced in July 2012 the minimum monthly wage for domestic workers would increase from $30 to about $105, and general workers - such as shop assistants, farmworkers, sweepers and construction workers - would see their minimum monthly pay packets rise from $50 to $220, fulfilling President Michael Sata’s 2011 election promise of "more money in the pockets" of workers. The minimum wage scales came into effect on 4 July 2012. 

Government is encouraging employees to report employers failing to comply with the law to the police to face prosecution and businesses are being threatened with deregistering for any violation of the minimum wage regulations. 

Mwemba left school at 13, as her mother was unable to afford the fees, and is one of an estimated 50,000 domestic workers in Lusaka. “I am not educated. I can’t find any job [elsewhere]. This is the only job I can do. Good jobs are for you people who are educated,” she said. 

Her day begins at 4am at the Lusaka informal settlement of Chawama, preparing breakfast for the family of five, bathing the three children before taking them to school, and then she cleans, washes clothes, fetches water and cooks. “Madam only helps me with preparing [her husband’s] breakfast in the morning. Otherwise I do everything.” 

“I go home [to Kanyama, an informal centre about 15km away] for a weekend once a month, when I am paid. I give 100,000 Kwacha ($20) to my mother, then I use 50,000 Kwacha ($10) to buy things like lotions or salaula [second-hand clothes] and shoes.” 

Mwemba has not yet been paid her promised increase. But she has begun dreaming of a new life, including renting a one-room flat to share with her mother. “I hope she won’t change [her mind]. I know that even 500,000 Kwacha [$100] will not be enough because I support my mother and [two] siblings…But it is still better than the 150,000 Kwacha [$30] I have been getting for two years.” 

Oscar Cheupe, president of the about 3,000-strong United House and Domestic Workers Union of Zambia (UHDWUZ), told the daily Zambian newspaper, the Daily Mail, on 3 August, “We are happy that most of our members have already started getting new salaries as a result of the revised minimum wage. There are however a few employers who have requested the union to give them up to next month to effect the revised minimum wage.” 

About 64 percent of Zambia’s 13 million people live on a dollar or less a day, and about 500,000 people are employed by the formal sector, according to the country's Central Statistical Office. The new minimum wage directive has been greeted with excitement by workers and warnings of retrenchments by employers. 

Retrenchments 

Alfred Masupha, president of the Zambia Federation of Employers, said the business sector was not consulted by government. “This [new law] has the potential to stifle the confidence that investors have in the country,” he said. 

"It is either employers will begin laying off part of their work force to ensure they pay the new minimum wage to every employee without compromising their budgets, or they may have to look at the cost implications of their operations in Zambia." 

Workers are demanding the immediate imposition of the new minimum wage and a dispute over its delay saw mineworkers kill a Chinese supervisor and seriously injure two other Chinese nationals on August 4 at the Mamba Collum Coal Mine, about 300km south of Lusaka. According to local media reports, one miner has been charged with murder and 11 others have been charge with rioting and theft, after mineworkers also stole computers and office furniture during the protests. 

“The new minimum wage is not supposed to affect unionized employees because they are all bound by the rules of collective bargaining, and are supposed to get far above the minimum wage. But what is sad is that some of our employers [in the mining sector] pay even far below the stipulated minimum wage," president of the Mineworkers Union, Chishimba Nkole, told IRIN. 

A miner at Mamba Collum Coal Mine, who declined to be named, told IRIN he receives a monthly "take home" pay of $80. 

"We were very excited when the government announced the new minimum wage. But now, these Chinese [employers] are refusing to increase our salaries and are instead telling us that they will have to fire over half of the workers to pay the minimum wage," the coal miner said. 

China has more than US$1 billion of investments in the mineral-rich country, making it the largest foreign investor, but the relationship has often been fractious on the factory floor, with aggrieved workers citing poor pay and bad working conditions. 

Two Chinese supervisors were charged with attempted murder after 13 Zambian miners were shot during a wage dispute two years ago at the same Mamba Collum Coal Mine. The charges were later dropped. 

Chinese nationals afraid 

China's ambassador to Zambia Zhou Yuxiao told the daily newspaper The Post that the attacks on foreign employers over the minimum wage could have far-reaching consequences. "The Chinese in the country are frightened ... killing is not the right way to resolve disputes. China and Zambia are all-weather friends," Zhou said. 

"While advising the Chinese business people to abide by the laws and regulations of the land, we equally ask the relevant Zambian government authorities to take concrete measures to protect the safety and security and legitimate rights of the Chinese business community in Zambia and to create an enabling environment for foreign investments." 

Information minister Kennedy Sakeni said in a statement on 7 August that security measures had been stepped-up to ensure the safety of foreign business interests and that he "wish[ed] to assure the Chinese community at Mamba Collum Coal Mine and investors at large that Zambia is safe and secure for themselves and their investment." 

More than 2,000 workers at York Farm, a leading producer of fresh vegetables and flowers in Lusaka, stopped work two weeks ago, demanding to be paid the minimum wage, while 10 construction workers in Kitwe in the mineral-rich Copperbelt province were arrested during minimum wage protests. Farmworkers at York Farm are paid between $70 and $90 a month while supervisors earn between $120 and $150 per month. 

nm/go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96073/ZAMBIA-Dreaming-of-a-minimum-wage</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103111333490106t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LUSAKA 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - “This is like a prayer answered for me. Our government has really done well to remember us, to think about us,” Priscilla Mwemba, a domestic worker in the Zambian capital Lusaka, told IRIN after the government imposed non-negotiable minimum wage scales that will more than triple the 22 year old’s monthly salary.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: “Sexual refugees” struggle to access asylum</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/20080814t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - As a gay man living in Tanzania, Cassim Mustapha could have faced imprisonment, but prosecutions under the country&apos;s Sexual Offences Act are rare, and the bigger threat came from his own community. After one of his neighbours attacked him with an axe leaving a deep wound in his head, Mustapha fled and applied for asylum in Malawi, the first country he reached.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - As a gay man living in Tanzania, Cassim Mustapha could have faced imprisonment, but prosecutions under the country's Sexual Offences Act are rare, and the bigger threat came from his own community. After one of his neighbours attacked him with an axe leaving a deep wound in his head, Mustapha fled and applied for asylum in Malawi, the first country he reached. 

Persecution relating to an individual's sexual orientation or gender identity is increasingly recognized by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and in refugee law as grounds for claiming asylum. Most such claims are based on the 1951 Refugee Convention's definition of a refugee as someone having a well-founded fear of persecution because of "membership of a particular social group". 

However, many lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) individuals fail to gain asylum on this basis, either because they are unaware they can do so or because the officials determining their refugee status do not recognize such claims. This was the case for Mustapha in Malawi, one of 37 countries in Africa that criminalize homosexuality. He moved on to Zambia and tried again, with the same result. 

After a third failed asylum application in Zimbabwe, another country that bans same-sex practices, he was advised by UNHCR that his best chance lay in South Africa, a country where the rights of LGBTI people are protected by the constitution and where refugee law spells out persecution relating to sexuality as grounds for asylum. 

UNHCR issued Mustapha with a temporary travel document and he presented himself at the Beitbridge border post where he told immigration officials he wished to apply for asylum based on his sexuality. 

"They just said, `Where is your passport?’ and when I didn't have it, they arrested me," he told IRIN from a cell at Musina police station in late January. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94865/SOUTH-AFRICA-Migrants-face-unlawful-arrests-and-hasty-deportations ] 

Assuming, there had been a misunderstanding, Mustapha made contact with Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), an NGO which campaigns for the rights of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants in South Africa. 

"He was very open about [his sexuality]," said LHR lawyer Wayne Ncube who interviewed Mustapha at Lindela Repatriation Centre outside Johannesburg where he was transferred soon after speaking to IRIN. "He thought he was finally somewhere where his rights would be protected." 

Ncube prepared court papers requesting the Tanzanian's release but by the time he returned to Lindela four days later, Mustapha had been deported to Zimbabwe. 

"We haven't heard from him since," said Ncube. 

Discrimination 

A study [ http://www.passop.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/1.-PASSOP-LGBTI-REPORT-A-Dream-Deferred-2.pdf ] released recently by People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), a Cape Town-based refugee and migrant rights NGO, suggests that while Mustapha's experience is not the norm, LGBTI refugees and asylum seekers drawn to South Africa from other parts of the continent by its progressive reputation and legislation, experience high levels of discrimination, not just for being gay but also for being foreign. 

Most of the 25 LGBTI refugees and asylum seekers interviewed by PASSOP had experienced discrimination as they sought accommodation, employment, social inclusion and documentation. The combination of xenophobia and homophobia negatively affected their interactions with landlords, employers, police and Home Affairs officials. Shunned by the refugee community for their sexuality, their status as foreigners tended to exclude them from Cape Town's well-established gay community. 

The PASSOP report also found that almost half of those interviewed had not stated their sexual orientation or gender identity in their asylum claims, in most cases because they did not know this was a valid reason for seeking refugee status. Of the 14 interviewees who had stated their sexuality as the primary reason for claiming asylum, most had faced ridicule or inappropriate questions and only two had been successful in their claims. 

Recently released research [ http://www.lhr.org.za/sites/lhr.org.za/files/all_roads_lead_to_rejection_research_report.pdf ] by the African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS) at the University of Witswatersrand in Johannesburg which found widespread and systemic problems with the quality of refugee status determination decisions made by the Department of Home Affairs, highlighted the routine failure of Home Affairs officials to recognize sexual orientation as eligible grounds for asylum. 

"I think it’s a general problem with training and knowledge of the law," said ACMS researcher Roni Amit. "Also a lot of them replicate the same discriminatory views about LGBTI people as the general population." 

A 2008 UNHCR guidance note on refugee claims relating to sexual orientation and gender identity recommends that LGBTI applicants be interviewed by "trained officials who are well informed about the specific problems LGBTI persons face" but provides no guidance on how to fairly adjudicate claims from LGBTI people seeking asylum in countries that criminalize same-sex conduct. 

Kenya and Uganda 

"There needs to be a clear UNHCR strategy for providing access to asylum in countries where same-sex conduct is criminalized," said Duncan Breen, who has conducted research on the plight of LGBTI refugees in Kenya and Uganda (both countries criminalize same-sex conduct) for US-based advocacy organization Human Rights First. 

He noted that in countries where UNHCR officials conduct refugee status determination, such as Kenya, asylum applications based on sexual orientation or gender identity were more likely to be recognized than in countries where poorly trained government officials make such decisions. 

In a report [ http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf/RPP-The_Road_to_Safety.pdf ] released by Human Rights First in May, Breen and his colleagues documented the many security risks faced by LGBTI refugees living in Kenya and Uganda and the threat of arrest if they attempt to seek police protection. Most responded either by frequently moving to new locations or by attempting to hide their sexual orientation or gender identity. 

In such cases, said Breen, LGBTI refugees struggle to access vital support and resettlement in a third country was often the only long-term solution. Currently, few LGBTI refugees from Kenya and Uganda are resettled, but Breen said there is increasing awareness among resettlement countries and UNHCR of the dangers facing this group of refugees and their need for resettlement. 

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95829/AFRICA-Sexual-refugees-struggle-to-access-asylum</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/20080814t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - As a gay man living in Tanzania, Cassim Mustapha could have faced imprisonment, but prosecutions under the country&apos;s Sexual Offences Act are rare, and the bigger threat came from his own community. After one of his neighbours attacked him with an axe leaving a deep wound in his head, Mustapha fled and applied for asylum in Malawi, the first country he reached.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Donor fatigue forces WFP to cut refugee rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.

The cuts have already affected 16,000 refugees in Malawi’s Dzaleka camp who have been on half rations since March, while a further 120,000 refugees in Uganda began receiving half rations of cereals in May. 

According to WFP, another 100,000 refugees in Tanzania saw their maize rations cut by 50 percent starting from last week, and rations for some 54,000 refugees living in Rwanda are expected to be cut in August unless donors come forward with more funding.

“Even the full ration wasn’t enough,” said Sanky Kabeya, a 24-year-old resident of Dzaleka who spoke to IRIN at the end of March. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95259/EDUCATION-Online-learning-inspires-refugees ] “I haven’t taken breakfast this morning and many are in the same situation.”

Gustave Lwaba, another resident of the camp, said the usual monthly ration of 13kg of maize had gone down to 7kg, while rations of cooking oil, pigeon peas, sugar and salt had also been cut by half. "There are people in the camp who rely on relatives who've been resettled," he said. "The rest really starve because the rations can't last a month."

Michelle Carter, country director for the Jesuit Refugee Service in Malawi, which runs a number of educational and other programmes in the camp, said the cuts were “clearly leading to a fair amount of hunger… I know children are coming to school hungry,” she told IRIN. 

“The food is only lasting two weeks and if they’re on their own it’s much worse because they can’t combine rations.”

Noting that only a very small percentage of the refugees had any source of income, she said single mothers, unaccompanied minors and the elderly and disabled had been particularly hard hit by the reduced rations.

A protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Malawi, Gavin Lim, said his agency planned to carry out an assessment in the coming months to determine the full impact of the ration cuts but that reports of more women in the camp turning to survival sex were already coming in.

Difficult to become self-reliant

Most countries in southern and eastern Africa have an encampment policy for refugees which restricts their freedom of movement and reduces their chances of becoming self-reliant. Some earn a small income running informal businesses outside the camps but competition with often equally impoverished locals is fierce and has led to outbreaks of violence. 

In May, a number of refugees who were selling goods at a small trading centre outside Dzaleka were assaulted by local traders who accused them of undermining their businesses. According to Carter, the Malawian government plans to withdraw trading licenses for refugees from July.

Many of Dzaleka's residents have lived in the camp for over a decade. Indeed, an increasing proportion of refugees today live in what UNHCR describes as "protracted" exile (in 2011, more than seven million refugees had lived outside their country for more than five years). Donors are increasingly reluctant to shoulder the burden of feeding these long-term refugees.

Commenting on the funding shortfall, WFP spokesperson for east and southern Africa David Orr said: "There is inevitably some donor fatigue regarding longstanding or protracted refugee loads; these funding issues affect more than just food."

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RIO+20: The &quot;landscape approach&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203280723000976t.jpg" />]]>RIO DE JANEIRO 18 June 2012 (IRIN) - A new and awkward term is doing the rounds at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio+20, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is &quot;landscape science/ agriculture/ approach&quot;, which now embraces &quot;eco-agriculture&quot;, &quot;forest landscape restoration&quot;, &quot;territorial development&quot;, &quot;model forests&quot;, &quot;foodsheds&quot;, &quot;participatory watershed management&quot;, &quot;community-based natural resource management&quot;, &quot;biological corridors&quot;, and many other connected concepts.</description><body><![CDATA[RIO DE JANEIRO 18 June 2012 (IRIN) - A new and awkward term is doing the rounds at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio+20, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is "landscape science/ agriculture/ approach", which now embraces "eco-agriculture", "forest landscape restoration", "territorial development", "model forests", "foodsheds", "participatory watershed management", "community-based natural resource management", "biological corridors", and many other connected concepts.

This is no fringe effort - its collaborators are the UN Environment Programme, the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Fund for Agricultural Development, the World Resources Institute, and Conservation International, among others.

What is it?

As higher temperatures and erratic rainfall affect the lives of rural dwellers, this approach helps them develop and use their land and water resources more efficiently to earn a livelihood, produce food, maintain livestock and take care of other needs. But they do it in a manner that causes minimum damage to the environment while helping to restore and maintain biodiversity, according to Sara Scherr, president and CEO of EcoAgriculture Partners, a co-organizer of the Landscapes for People, Food and Nature Initiative, a US-based non-profit organization.

The initiative hopes to use spatial technology, for instance, to advise rural communities on which portion of the land in their village should be put under agriculture, or left alone to revive, to ensure the ecological balance is maintained.

It falls under the broader ambit of sustainable development. The Rural Futures programme of the African Union, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90786/AFRICA-Going-rural-and-green ] launched in 2010, is based on a similar approach, better known as integrated rural development.

How is it different?

But unlike the integrated rural development models from the 1970s and ‘80s, where a lead organization devised and financed a "top-down" plan within a defined project period, landscape initiatives are led by local stakeholders, said Scherr.

"There are several such initiatives where communities, pastoralists, farmers, the private sector, people from agriculture, water and other sectors, conservationists, have come together - we have found more than 300," she noted. [ http://landscapes.ecoagriculture.org/documents/files/landscapes_for_people_food_and_nature.pdf ]

These efforts are known by different names, but the initiative’s collaborators thought it would be useful to band them under a single umbrella, which would help not only to create awareness but also funding, "otherwise these initiatives struggle to raise money sectorally."

Lindiwe Sibanda, head of the Food Agriculture and Natural Resources Policy Analysis Network, a think-tank based in South Africa, said: "It doesn’t matter what it is called - we are interested in its motives and results. Any initiative that helps reduce hunger and improve rural lives should be welcomed."

The landscape approach is a bit more than integrated development, said Tim Benton, the UK Champion of the Global Food Security Programme, who teaches at the University of Leeds. The use of remote sensing, resource monitoring, and spatial analysis are part of landscape science and provide the tools to communities to assess the impact of their actions on a rural landscape.

Benton said the expansion of mobile phone technology could help make such information available to communities at their fingertips.

jk/he/oa


Some Landscape approach initiatives

Conservation agriculture in the Luangwa Valley, Zambia
[ http://www.wcs.org/where-we-work/africa/zambia.aspx ]

Unilever-Rainforest Alliance in Kericho Tea zone, Kenya
[ http://www.rainforest-alliance.org/publications/kericho ]

Revival of Loess Plateau, China
[ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2007/03/15/restoring-chinas-loess-plateau ]

Community watershed programme, Arvari Basin, India
[ http://www.watershedmarkets.org/casestudies/India_Arvari_eng.html ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95670/RIO-20-The-quot-landscape-approach-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203280723000976t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RIO DE JANEIRO 18 June 2012 (IRIN) - A new and awkward term is doing the rounds at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio+20, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is &quot;landscape science/ agriculture/ approach&quot;, which now embraces &quot;eco-agriculture&quot;, &quot;forest landscape restoration&quot;, &quot;territorial development&quot;, &quot;model forests&quot;, &quot;foodsheds&quot;, &quot;participatory watershed management&quot;, &quot;community-based natural resource management&quot;, &quot;biological corridors&quot;, and many other connected concepts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISASTERS: Insuring against dry days in Africa</title><pubDate>Tue, 12 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040924480194t.jpg" />]]>NOUAKCHOTT/JOHANNESBURG 12 June 2012 (IRIN) - Soaring temperatures and the severity of this year’s drought have taken some by surprise in southeastern and eastern Mauritania. When rains are normal people only dip into their cereal reserves from June/July in the following year, but in mid-2012 people have already been without food for more than three months, and many pastoralists in the region have lost the animals on which they depend for a living.</description><body><![CDATA[NOUAKCHOTT/JOHANNESBURG 12 June 2012 (IRIN) - Soaring temperatures and the severity of this year’s drought have taken some by surprise in southeastern and eastern Mauritania. When rains are normal people only dip into their cereal reserves from June/July in the following year, but in mid-2012 people have already been without food for more than three months, and many pastoralists in the region have lost the animals on which they depend for a living.

Livestock farming is the second biggest export earner [ http://data.iucn.org/wisp/documents_english/west_africa_reports.pdf ] so the loss extends to the national purse. 

Mauritania is poor - among the bottom 30 in the UN Human Development index - and recently asked for US$95 million to help respond to the crisis. But if it had signed up for a pooled drought risk insurance facility, it could have had up to $30 million to help respond within weeks after the weak rainy season ended in October 2011, said the World Food Programme (WFP).

In any given year a thin rainy season in Mauritania is probable, but this cannot be predicted with certainty says WFP, which is helping the African Union (AU) set up the Africa Risk Capacity (ARC) insurance and early response facility. The objective is that the insurance will pay out when an extreme event occurs - in this case drought - rather than in the case of persistent or localized arid events that occur often or even every year.

By linking insurance payouts to effective response plans, ARC aims to help African governments reduce the negative impact of droughts on the lives and livelihoods of the vulnerable, while decreasing reliance on external aid. "We are still in the design phase, and if all goes well we hope to establish the ARC in mid-2013 or so," said Joanna Syroka, programme director of the project.

The ARC is modelled on the Caribbean Climate Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF), a non- profit pooled insurance scheme created in 2007 for the 16 members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), which pay comparatively low premiums and get quick payouts when a member is hit by a hurricane or an earthquake. 

However, the ARC will be modified to reflect the continent's weather and food security context, bringing together the concepts of insurance and contingency planning to help African countries hit by severe drought translate an ARC payout into effective and timely responses to assist those affected.

Waiting for money to buy aid, and then getting it to people who need it quickly, have always been challenges for the WFP. But drought is a slow-onset event and its impact on people takes time to become visible, so raising money to respond has been even more problematic.

The famine in Somalia in 2010/11 is an example. The agency had rung the alarm bells early but it took the declaration of famine and images of starving children to get money flowing in, and putting aid in place then was expensive because it had to be done quickly.

"Early action can lead to direct cost savings on commodities and logistics, and prevent dislocation in markets," said Shadreck Mapfumo, Head of Risk Management and Capacity Building at ARC. "Evidence suggests the savings that result from early action could be significant," he told a recent workshop for African countries in Johannesburg. The ARC said they have done some evaluations and will be sharing these in due course.

How it works

WFP has developed software called Africa Risk View (ARV) to define the payout rules. The package takes the 10-day rainfall estimates from the US government's National Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and uses them to plot a drought graph. "Measuring total rainfall at the end of a season has proven to be too crude an indicator for estimating the potential impact of rainfall deficits on production and livelihoods," said Syroka.

ARV then uses the Water Requirement Satisfaction Index (WRSI), which monitors water deficits throughout the growing season, and captures the impact of the timing, amount and distribution of rainfall on annual rain-fed staple crops and pasture. "Although a simple index, it is used by many national meteorological offices across Africa to monitor rainfall seasons and their impact on agriculture, and is the basis of many drought early warning tools for the continent," she noted.

The resulting drought index is applied to vulnerable populations - identified in household surveys - that depend on rainfall. The "ARV then uses this information to estimate how many people may be directly affected, or have been affected, by drought or deficit rainfall in a given season. Using cost-per-affected-person numbers as a final step, ARV estimates how much response costs to the observed drought event may be," Syroka said.

The software tool can be customized by each country to define drought events, as modelled by ARV, for which they would want a payout from ARC, and the size of the payout, which is made at the end of the season. Information from the software will calculate the size of the premium to be paid.

Sitting on the fence

Countries have yet to sign up to this African Union (AU) initiative. Some have valid concerns. Malawi deals with chronic drought in at least two of its regions nearly every year. "The question is, 'Should we put our money into hefty premiums when we know we will not get the money to respond to the crisis in these two regions every year, or rather spend that money on safety nets in the two regions?'" a Malawi representative said at the workshop in Johannesburg.

Kenya says it needs an insurance scheme that can pay out for multiple natural disasters. Mary Mwale from Kenya's National Drought Management Authority noted that in any given year her country could be dealing with a chronic drought in the north and floods in other regions, or even drought and flood in the same region simultaneously.

Fatima Kassam, chief of government affairs and policy at the ARC and advisor to the AU Commissioner for Rural Economy and Agriculture, said they were talking to countries about developing a package that could suit them, and hoped to expand their coverage to other natural disasters in the future. She said 18 countries have expressed interest in signing up.

To the make the ARC effective, it needs a diverse portfolio to reduce risk, which will keep the premium down, Kassam explained. For example, if all the countries in the Sahel - who share exposure to similar climatic conditions - were to sign up, the premium would be high and payouts low. If other countries, with different risks, signed up, more money from premiums would be available to cover payouts.

Steve Wiggins, research fellow at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), a UK-based think-tank, said the ARC was "like governments running their own insurance scheme", with the advantage that they would not have to pay for the services of the insurance industry, and could be flexible in operation and use of the fund - although too much discretion would undermine the scheme.

"I guess one of the advantages of formal schemes such as ARC is that they take away the scope for local discretion, and introduce reliability in political contexts where public action is often highly discretionary and arbitrary."

Some officials, like Joseph Kanyanga, Zambia's chief meteorologist, are concerned about what influence regional politics might have if the ARC is housed in the AU. "We would like it to be totally independent of the AU, as it could perhaps influence the amount of payouts made when and to whom."

AU advisor Kassam says the ARC is based on hard, parametric triggers.

"There will be no discretion at the time of payout", which means that payouts will be made based on facts and not influenced by any other factors. ARC will be a specialized agency of the AU - a financial subsidiary independent of any political influence. The details of the relationship between the ARC and the national legislation of member countries are yet to be worked out.

Alternatives

"[The ARC] provides an alternate route to manage drought-related disasters besides the UN-mediated Consolidated Appeals Process," said Christopher Barrett, a food expert who teaches development economics at Cornell University in the US.

"But it is equally important to recognize the limitations of these sorts of products. They insure against low rainfall over a particular period and space - low rainfall is imperfectly correlated with crop yields, income shortfalls, loss of key productive assets, livelihoods crises and the magnitude of a humanitarian emergency, if any."

Both Barrett and the ODI's Wiggins said the ARC should not be seen as a "silver bullet", and countries should not lose sight of other options. Wiggins said one such option was to consider an offshore account earning interest, which would be used to import maize in poor rainfall years, and pay the difference between the landed cost of maize, usually US$100 a ton or more than the typical local wholesale price.

"The offshore fund would be built up by the country setting aside the funds in the good years," Wiggins said. He proposed this option for inland countries in Southern Africa in 2004, where crops failed at least twice in a decade.

Climate change

Drought events that occurred once in 10 years could soon become more frequent, said Koko Warner, head of environmental migration, social vulnerability and adaptation at the UN University in Bonn. Insurance schemes like the ARC, which at present provide answers for short-term climate variability, need to factor in the impact of long-term climate change.

"We need to start taking action now to design safety nets and risk reduction schemes that will be able to respond to extreme and intense events, which could perhaps be occurring almost every other year in the not too distant future."

jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95624/DISASTERS-Insuring-against-dry-days-in-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040924480194t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NOUAKCHOTT/JOHANNESBURG 12 June 2012 (IRIN) - Soaring temperatures and the severity of this year’s drought have taken some by surprise in southeastern and eastern Mauritania. When rains are normal people only dip into their cereal reserves from June/July in the following year, but in mid-2012 people have already been without food for more than three months, and many pastoralists in the region have lost the animals on which they depend for a living.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>REFUGEES: Moving out of the shadows</title><pubDate>Thu, 31 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists. 

“There are robbers who take advantage of the dark to rob people of their phones,” said Ifo Camp resident and freelance journalist Moulid Hujale. “Even when there’s a full moon, there’s less crime.”

For many households who cannot afford candles or kerosene lamps, let alone a generator, the only source of light is that produced by cooking fires. But firewood is an increasingly scarce and contentious commodity in an arid region where an ever growing refugee population has been competing with locals for dwindling natural resources since the first camp was established there in 1991.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) trucks in firewood at a cost of US$600,000 a month, but only enough to meet about 30 percent of each household’s monthly needs, forcing refugee women to walk up to 10km outside the camps to gather wood for cooking. These excursions expose them to the risk of violent attacks from resentful locals and even other refugees. 

“The incidents of gender-based violence against them are quite common,” said Njuki Venanzio, an associate environment officer with UNHCR based at Dadaab. “Our protection colleagues document about three cases per week.”

Even inside the camps, levels of sexual and gender-based violence have increased significantly in the past 18 months as the camp’s population has swelled and poor lighting has made new arrivals living on the outskirts of the camp particularly vulnerable. [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/93682/KENYA-SOMALIA-Refugees-at-risk-of-sexual-violence ] 

Although the scale of Dadaab’s camps have magnified its security and environmental problems, refugee camps all over Africa face similar challenges. Seventy-two percent have no electricity (while only 30 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's general population has electricity) and many are located in fragile environments where wood is in short supply or completely unavailable. 

The area around Dzaleka Camp in Malawi is so heavily deforested that refugees often resort to selling a portion of their monthly food rations to buy firewood or charcoal, while women living in Touloum Camp in Chad say they spend four days a week searching for firewood. 

Eco-friendly technologies

A UNHCR initiative to bring solar-powered lights and fuel-efficient stoves to 920,000 refugees in Africa over the next three years could address many of the security, environmental and education challenges faced by refugees if donors can be persuaded to come up with the necessary $15 million in funding. 

The Light Years Ahead Initiative [ http://www.unhcr.org/4c99fa9e6.pdf ] has already been piloted in seven African countries with good results, according to Amare Egziabher, a senior environmental coordinator with UNHCR in Geneva. 

“We’ve had very positive feedback from the field,” he told IRIN. “Many believe it lowers the incidence of crime, and also gender-based violence for women and girls.” 

The initiative also has the potential to lower drop-out rates at camp schools. Children who lack light to do their homework in the evenings tend to fall behind with their studies, while girls often miss classes while helping their mothers collect firewood.

At Dadaab, the pilot phase of the project has already brought solar-powered lanterns to 140 schoolchildren preparing for exams and street lights to several areas of Hagadera Camp identified by residents as particularly unsafe at night. 

“It has had a major impact on security in those few areas,” said Venanzio. “But we’re talking about a camp with over 120,000 refugees so the coverage has been small.”

Each solar lantern costs $39 while a solar street light that can make a neighbourhood safer for up to 300 refugees costs $1,200. 

“So far we’ve had some promises of funding but nothing concrete yet,” said Venanzio.

Saving fuel, saving the environment

The fuel-efficient stove favoured by UNHCR is called Save80 because it uses up to 80 percent less wood than cooking over a traditional stove, but several NGOs and agencies working at Dadaab are distributing different types of energy-saving stoves. They have so far managed to reach about 48 percent of the refugee population, but as kerosene has been deemed too expensive and ethanol in too short supply, all of the stoves distributed still use firewood.

“We need something more sustainable,” conceded Venanzio. “There is a lot of environmental degradation within a 10km radius of the camps and the Kenyan government is insisting that we look for a viable alternative [to wood] soon.”

Increasing local production of ethanol from sugarcane is one option. Another is finding entrepreneurs willing to produce sufficient quantities of fuel briquettes from agricultural by-products like coffee or risk husks. 

In the meantime, UNHCR’s environmental management programme is distributing free saplings to refugee and host communities in an effort to reforest the area. “But the environment here is very dry so the survival of the trees is a bit challenging,” said Venanzio. 

Awareness-raising campaigns aimed at teaching refugees how to use firewood more economically, recycle garbage and grow vegetables using waste water are also aimed at mitigating the camps’ impact on the local environment but Venanzio said the programme struggled with insufficient funding. “Environmental programmes get a very small budget compared to other sectors that are considered life-saving like water, food, health,” he explained.

Private donors including churches and corporations gave $1.4 million towards the Light Years Ahead Initiative in 2011, but “we still have a long way to go,” admitted Egziabher. “The demand is so high.”

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95558/REFUGEES-Moving-out-of-the-shadows</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95459/FOOD-Power-to-the-people</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Dream fades for inland port project</title><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205091218530615t.jpg" />]]>NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River.</description><body><![CDATA[NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River. 

For former President Bingu wa Mutharika, the construction of an inland port at Nsanje meant linking land-locked Malawi with the Indian Ocean port of Chinde, 238 kilometres away in neighbouring Mozambique, through the Shire-Zambezi Waterway project. The aim was to reduce the high costs of importing and exporting goods by road via Malawi’s commercial capital, Blantyre and the Mozambican port city of Beria -  a round trip of about 1,200 kilometres. 

But Mutharika’s enthusiasm for the project was not matched by his counterpart in Mozambique. As Mutharika presided over the official opening of the port in October 2010, flanked by former Zambian president Rupiah Banda and Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, he had to admit to the crowd gathered to witness the arrival of the first barge that the Mozambican government had called for environmental and feasibility studies before it would allow any barges to navigate the Zambezi River portion of the waterway, which flows through its territory. 

Since then, the port has sat idle, gradually shedding nuts and bolts to vandals and becoming the focus of increasing resentment from local people promised jobs and development. Nsanje resident Rose Samuel, 32, said the only improvement to the town has been the paving of a 50-km stretch of road linking Nsanje with Bangula, the next town. Much of the remaining 130km of road between Nsanje and Blantyre has yet to be tarred. 

“There’s no evidence that Nsanje will ever be a big port city,” said Samuel. “We’ve heard that down the river it’s so narrow that a ship can’t pass, so we don’t think [the port] will be in use anytime soon.” 

Land grabbed

Samuel has more reason to be bitter than most. Her family was among about 300 that used to farm land now occupied by the port. In early 2010 the government communicated through the local Traditional Authority [the chief], that the land was needed for the port and families would be compensated according to the size of their plot. 

“Those families affected had to uproot maize that was already planted,” said Samuel. “Some were old people who left crying - that was their only source of income.” 

Samuel’s family received a mere 5,000 kwacha (US$20) for one hectare of ancestral land, for which they had no title deeds. Her family now survive by doing piece-work and renting a small plot of land to grow food. “The weather here is bad always, and most of the time we live on potatoes. By the river it was wetter and the soil was better,” she said. 

Many others have yet to receive anything. “People are worried that if they can grab land without paying, what will stop them removing more people from the area.” 

Her concern is justified. Townspeople have been told by the Traditional Authority not to build any new houses because the land has been earmarked for development, and Nsanje’s District Commissioner, Rodney Simwaka, told IRIN that his office has received 4,000 applications for land from developers who are banking on the port eventually becoming operational. 

Simwaka said the applications had not yet been processed but village headman Black Richman Khembo told IRIN, “Lots of land has been bought by rich people hoping to make money. So far they are letting people remain on the land, but someday they will probably kick them off.”

Project shelved

Simwaka declined to comment on recent statements by Jerry Jana, Director of Economic Affairs for the People’s Party, Malawi’s new ruling party following Mutharika’s unexpected death in April 2012, that long-term projects like the Nsanje port would be shelved for the time being while the government focused on issues of immediate concern like the country’s crippling shortages of fuel and foreign exchange. 

“We need full support of the Mozambican authorities to go ahead,” Jana told IRIN, adding that the requested environmental impact and feasibility studies had yet to be carried out. 

The African Development Bank (AfDB) has agreed to fund the feasibility study that formed part of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the Shire-Zambezi Waterway project signed by Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia in April 2007. 

Responding by email to questions from IRIN, AfDB’s resident representative for Malawi, Andrew Mwaba, said the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the executing agency for the project, is “working on fulfilling conditions precedent to the first disbursement [of funding for the feasibility study],” and that the study was proceeding. “The project is in the interest of three governments and shelving [it] will be against the MoU the three governments signed.”

Village headman Khembo was among those who lost land when the port was built, but unlike Samuel, he holds on to the hope that the port will eventually open and provide opportunities and employment, “if not for me then maybe my children”. Lack of jobs has already pushed two of his eight children to leave Nsanje, one for South Africa and the other for Mozambique. 

“If the port starts operating, Nsanje will change for the better,” he said. “Then I won’t mind about my land.”

ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95438/MALAWI-Dream-fades-for-inland-port-project</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205091218530615t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Without land reform, small farmers become &quot;trespassers&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204232148290834t.jpg" />]]>BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District. 

Like most smallholder farmers in Malawi, they did not have a title deed for the land Dyton was born on, and in 2009 she and about 2,000 other subsistence farmers from the area were informed by their local chief that the land had been sold and they could no longer cultivate there. 

Dyton and her neighbours did not immediately accept the devastating change in their circumstances. They had already been removed once from the land during former President Hastings Banda’s regime in the 1970s and had not been allowed to return until Banda’s regime ended in 1994 and the cattle ranch established there by his political ally, John Tembo, had ceased to function. 

After receiving the go-ahead from the district commissioner, they continued to farm the land for another season. But in 2010, as they prepared to plant, they were met by a police van and the chief, Fennwick Mandala, who warned them not to come back. The next day, the farmers again set out for their fields, but this time they were met by tear gas and rubber bullets and that night six of them were arrested and charged with trespassing. 

Since that time, said Dyton, “life has been very hard on us.” With a game reserve on one side of the community and the Shire river and Mozambique border on the other, there is no other available land for them to farm and the family now ekes out a living selling firewood they gather from the nearby forest. The three oldest children have had to drop out of school to help their parents. 

“People aren’t getting enough to eat,” said Isaac Falakeza, another community member. “Some are doing piece work on other people’s gardens, others are harvesting water lilies. You can see how malnourished the children are.” 

User rights only 

In Malawi, like most other countries in the region with the exception of South Africa, Botswana and Zimbabwe, more than 60 percent of land is customary, meaning that it is mostly untitled and administered by local chiefs on behalf of the government, with local communities merely enjoying user rights. 

The system has led to many abuses, with some government officials and chiefs selling off customary lands and dispossessing smallholder farmers who are already competing for dwindling arable land as Malawi’s population increases. 

“There’s nothing [they] can do because they’re not protected in any way by the law,” said Blessings Chinsinga, a lecturer at the University of Malawi’s Chancellor College, who is researching the political economy of land grabs and land reform in the country. 

In a research report co-authored by Chinsinga, he notes that the issue of “land grabs” in Malawi dates back to Banda's transferring of large parcels of land from smallholder farmers to the estate sector, largely to the benefit of political elites, men like John Tembo who helped sustain his regime. 

Stalled land reform 

Following the ousting of Banda and the transition to democracy, the government set up a Commission of Inquiry on Land Reform the findings of which formed the basis of a new land policy in 2002. The policy attempts to address smallholder farmers’ lack of security of tenure by allowing them to register their customary land as private property, but the legislative changes needed to implement the policy have not gone through parliament and the land reform process has effectively stalled. 

“Politicians own massive tracts of land; they benefited from the previous system, so they’re reluctant to adopt a new legislative framework that would correct the land imbalances,” commented Chinsinga. 

In recent years, the government of recently deceased president Bingu wa Mutharika focused public investment on boosting the productivity of smallholder farmers through its farm input subsidy programme. The programme was credited with several years of bumper maize harvests, but as Malawi went into financial crisis last year, the sustainability of the programme was called into question and the number of beneficiaries was reduced. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93954/MALAWI-Farm-subsidy-programme-shrinks ] 
Critics of the programme, like international NGO Grain, point out that “all the fertilizers and seeds in the world cannot make much difference for the great mass of farmers in Malawi, who do not even have enough land to grow the food their families need.” 

Green Belt Initiative 

A 2010 report by Grain, [ http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4075-unravelling-the-miracle-of-malawi-s-green-revolution ] noted that Malawi’s lack of land reform had resulted in increasingly inequitable distribution of land, with large tracts of farmland ending up in foreign hands. In 2009, the government allocated 50,000 hectares of farmland to the government of Djibouti, reportedly in exchange for assistance constructing an inland port in Nsanje. The details of this and other such deals are shrouded in secrecy, according to Chinsinga who has focused his research on land transfers relating to the government’s Green Belt Initiative (GBI). 

Another programme championed by Mutharika, the GBI aims to acquire 340,000 hectares of irrigable land along Lake Malawi and the banks of the Shire river with the goal of increasing agricultural production and national food security. Several foreign companies have acquired land under the auspices of the programme which, according to Chinsinga’s paper, “views customary land as an unlimited reservoir that can be targeted for conversion for privatization”. 

Rather than increasing food security, the paper suggests that, “land transfers under the GBI could have tremendous negative implications on livelihoods, food security and social justice”. 

Illovo Sugar 

Chikhwawa District is already dominated by sprawling sugar plantations owned by South African sugar giant Illovo Sugar. According to several sources, Illovo is intent on expanding its presence in the area and enjoys government support because of the much needed foreign exchange it generates. 

The 2,000 hectares of land once farmed by Dyton and her neighbours is now owned by a company called Agricane, which is leasing it to Illovo for sugar cane production. Agricane’s country director, Bouke Bijl, explained that his company bought the land from a bank which had acquired it from John Tembo after he defaulted on a loan. 

Like Chief Mandala, he described Dyton and other farmers who complain they have been dispossessed, as trouble-makers with no ancestral claims to the land. "There was a directive from the District Commissioner that they shouldn’t have been there and should make way for development but they chose not to understand that," he said, referring to the 2010 standoff between the farmers and security personnel. 

Ironically, Agricane's core business is providing technical support to clients, many of them international donors who are implementing community development projects. Bijl noted that the company's biggest challenge in carrying out such projects was the issue of land tenure. "We're seeing a lot of projects collapse because the communities have never been prepared sufficiently to deal with it," he told IRIN. 

He added that once the land outside Bangula starts generating a profit, a trust fund will be established to support community development in the area, and donors will be approached to fund irrigation schemes that would benefit local smallholder farmers. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95363/MALAWI-Without-land-reform-small-farmers-become-quot-trespassers-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204232148290834t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>