<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Yemen</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 08 May 2012 15:30:41 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>YEMEN: Alarm bells over worsening humanitarian crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty. 
 
“The humanitarian crisis in Yemen has reached a level where it affects millions of people, not only internally displaced people, refugees, and migrants, but also ordinary Yemeni families in all areas,” said a joint statement by international humanitarian actors, including UN agencies, the League of Arab States, and the Organisation of Islamic Conference, after a 6 May meeting in the Egyptian capital, Cairo. 
 
Over the last two months, nearly 95,000 people have been forced to leave their homes as a result of two new conflicts. Since mid-February, an estimated 56,000 people (8,000 families) have been displaced in the south from Abyan Governorate, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). In the north, an estimated 38,000 people (5,500 families) have been displaced in Hajjah Governorate alone.
 
“Addressing the humanitarian needs of all these families is key to bringing stability back to Yemen and avoiding further deterioration,” the statement emphasized.
 
Raul Rosende, the head of OCHA in Yemen, told IRIN: “In 2011, the humanitarian situation in Yemen was bad. In 2012, things are worse. We have seen deterioration in the main indicators, and this is why we need to improve our humanitarian response.”
 
According to OCHA, some 44 percent of Yemen’s population - over 10 million people - are food insecure. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Yemen%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20issue%202%20-%205%20April%202012.pdf ] Of that number, five million cannot produce or buy enough food. In Al Bayda Governorate, over 60 percent of the population are food insecure. 
 
Alarm bells
 
Aid workers partly blame the situation on insecurity. More than 900 schools have closed, while damage to the health infrastructure and lack of vaccines and medicines has left a large number of children vulnerable to diseases like diarrhoea, cholera, polio and measles. 
 
“This is a major humanitarian crisis,” said Lubna Alaman, the World Food Programme (WFP) country director. “We do not want to see the children dying.”
 
Most of the recently displaced families were forced out of their homes at short notice when fighting came close to their communities. “It is likely that these 13,500 new IDPs [internally displaced persons]… will remain displaced for a protracted period, possibly years,” OCHA said.
 
In Abyan, fighting between government forces and the militant Ansar Al Sharia group has intensified, said the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Recent clashes in Lawdar (Abyan) have left hundreds of casualties and triggered a new wave of displacement. In Khanfar, people are leaving their homes because they fear more violence.
 
"The current security situation has hampered our access to certain areas, mainly in Abyan, and is making our work more difficult," Yehia Khalil, the head of the ICRC sub-delegation in Aden, said on 3 May. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/494213 ] "The intense fighting has slowed our aid distributions in Abyan. We are concerned about the situation in Lawdar, to which we hope to soon gain access so that we can respond to humanitarian needs."
 
Civil society role
 
At the Cairo meeting, humanitarian actors called for active involvement by Yemeni civil society in the humanitarian development agenda, but civil society activists said they have been largely ignored by international donor and humanitarian organizations. 
 
“These organizations prefer to deal directly with beneficiaries on the ground,” said Ahmed Al Sharaji, a Yemeni civil society activist. “Apart from weakening local NGOs, this contributes to exacerbating the humanitarian problems in Yemen.” 
 
He said local NGOs were better equipped to know the needs of the Yemenis, and that is why they should partner with international organizations. He claimed that one humanitarian organization had spent a large amount of money on diapers for children, not knowing that diapers are rarely used in Yemen. 
 
Funding for the humanitarian response has remained low. Of the US$1.5 billion needed to respond to humanitarian necessities, only a fraction has arrived, said Hany Al Bana, the president of the Humanitarian Forum, which co-organized the Cairo meeting. 
 
According to OCHA, the Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan is 20 percent funded, amounting to approximately $88 million. A funding gap of $360 million remains. 
 
“I think it is high time the affluent neighbours of Yemen came forward and contributed,” said Naveed Hussain, the representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Yemen. “If this does not happen, the humanitarian crisis can lead to further political instability.”
 
The Cairo meeting put together a list of recommendations that will be presented to governments at a Friends of Yemen conference in the Saudi Arabian capital, Riyadh, on 23 May.
 
Participants at Cairo promised that “We, the humanitarian community, commit to maintain and scale up our activities in order not to repeat the mistake of ‘too little too late' that we saw in the Horn of Africa.” 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95429</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Timeline of key events under new president</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.

The new president, Abdurabu Mansour Hadi, is struggling to restructure the army and rid it of relatives of former president Abdallah Saleh on the one hand, and key opposition leaders (his former adversaries) on the other. Meanwhile, the protests continue. Below is a timeline of key events during Hadi’s first 60 days in office:
25 February: At least 26 Republican Guard soldiers killed and more than 10 injured at a presidential palace in Mukalla city, Hadhramaut Governorate, just one hour after Hadi takes office.

27 February: Ex-president Ali Abdullah Saleh officially hands over power to Hadi at a ceremony in Sana’a in the presence of foreign diplomats and Yemeni dignitaries.

1 March: Thirty killed in sectarian clashes between Houthi-led Shia fighters and members of the Islamist Islah Party in Hajjah Governorate. 

2 March: Tens of thousands of protesters take to streets in Sana’a and other main cities on so-called “Friday of Restructuring the Army”, demanding the removal of Saleh’s relatives from their military and security posts. 

4 March: Four soldiers killed in clashes with Islamic militants in Beidha Governorate, some 250km southeast of Sana’a. 

5 March: Islamic militants storm a military camp in Abyan Governorate, leaving 185 soldiers dead and dozens of others injured; they loot heavy weapons including a tank and artillery pieces.

8 March: Seven killed in clashes between army members and Houthi fighters in Amran Governorate. 

9 March: Tens of thousands of protesters take to streets in 14 governorates, demanding Hadi begin restructuring the divided army. Twenty-six Islamic militants killed in air raids in Beidha Governorate. 

11 March: Gunmen in Marib Governorate attack the country’s main power plant and blow up an oil pipeline. 

12 March: One killed, six injured in clashes between police and armed members of the Southern Movement (SM) in Hadhramaut Governorate. 

13 March: Eight people, including four Republican Guard soldiers, killed and more than a dozen injured in a car suicide bombing in Beidha Governorate. 

16 March: Tens of thousands rally in Sana’a and other main cities, demanding removal of Saleh’s relatives from top posts in the military and security institutions, and the abolition of the law granting immunity to Saleh.

18 March: Hundreds of thousands demonstrate in Sana’a and other main cities, commemorating the first anniversary of “Friday of Dignity” when 52 protesters were killed in Sana’a.
 
19 March: Three killed and another dozen injured in clashes between police and SM gunmen in the southern city of Aden. 

22 March: Ten killed, several injured in landmine blasts in Kusher District, Hajjah Governorate, following clashes between Houthi fighters and armed tribesmen. 

23 March: Hundreds of thousands protest in Sana’a and other main cities on so-called Friday of “Executing killers of protesters is our demand”.

26 March: President Hadi makes a surprise visit to neighbouring Saudi Arabia, to get support for implementation of transitional reforms.

31 March: More than 28 soldiers killed, dozens injured or held captive by Islamic militants in Lahj Governorate. 

1 April: Seven soldiers ambushed, killed by Islamic militants in Hadhramaut. 

7 April: Hadi begins to remove some of Saleh’s relatives and defected leaders from their posts.

10 April: More than 100 soldiers killed in an attack by Islamic militants in Lawdar, Abyan. Another seven killed on the highway between Marib and Shabwa governorates. 

13 April: Tens of thousands of protesters in Sana’a and other main cities demand that Hadi remove other relatives of the ex-president from key posts in the military and security institutions.

15 April: Dismissed Air Force Commander Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar, who is a half-brother to the ex-president, given a 48-hour deadline to hand over to his successor Rashad al-Janad. The decision is supported by EU diplomats who meet Hadi. Tariq Saleh, nephew of the ex-president and commander of the Presidential Guard, refused to be moved to an Armoured Division in Hadhramaut.

16 April: Hundreds of Saleh supporters demonstrate in Sana’a, demanding his return to power. Speaking in front of hundreds of young supporters, Saleh said: “No one may surrender himself to death or liquidation”, giving a signal that his relatives should not be removed from their senior army and security posts. 

17 April: Dismissed commander al-Ahmar prevents demilitarization committee from accessing the Air Force Headquarters to arrange a handover to his successor. The issue is transferred to the UN Security Council, which is supervising the transition in Yemen.

18 April: UN Envoy Jamal Binomar visits Yemen to discuss the power transition process.

20 April: Tens of thousands of protesters take to the streets in most Yemeni cities demanding the prosecution of military leaders who refused Hadi’s orders on their dismissals.

24 April: Dismissed Air Force Commander Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar hands over to his successor.


Sources:

http://www.irinnews.org/Country/YE/Yemen
http://www.barakish.net
http://www.newsyemen.net 
http://www.yementimes.net 
http://www.al-tagheer.com
http://www.aljazeera.net 
Saeeda TV station 
Ministry of Interior
http://www.yemenfox.net 
Yemen Today TV station 
http://www.hajjah.net 
http://www.marebpress.net 
Yemen Polling Centre (local think-tank) 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95362</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Akhdam community angered by government neglect</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.

“The Akhdam are not simply second class citizens,” a protester said from his tent in Change Square. “They are more like fifth or sixth class citizens; the lowest class in the whole republic.”

Despite speaking Arabic and practising Islam in the country for over 1,000 years, the Akhdam, who prefer to be called Al Muhamasheen, or “marginalized ones”, have never felt a part of the majority.

The most visible marker of the Akhdam’s status in Yemeni society is the menial occupations they perform. Men roam the streets on 10-hour shifts sweeping and collecting rubbish, while women and children collect up cans and bottles and beg for handouts.

Popular myth traces their arrival in Yemen to the 5th or 6th century, when the group’s Ethiopian ancestors crossed the Red Sea in a failed bid to conquer the southern corner of the Arabian peninsula.
 
After the arrival of Islam, so the myth goes, Muslim rulers defeated the Ethiopian army and sent them into exile. The ones who stayed were enslaved and relegated to the fringes of society, where they have remained despite the replacement in 1962 of a caste-like Imamate with the egalitarian promises of a modern state. They are thought to number around one million, mostly concentrated in urban slums in Taiz and Sana’a.

The prospect of democratic reforms envisaged in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) plan which pulled Yemen from the brink of civil war in 2012 raised hopes that the situation would improve for the Akhdam people, but little has happened yet.

Protests

In early April 2012, for the second time in as many months, some 4,000 street sweepers in the capital went on strike in protest over unfulfilled promises by the government to raise their pay and extend their daily contracts. After only a few days off the job, Sana’a’s streets became like an urban landfill site, forcing interim Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa to negotiate with the disenfranchized group.

Nabil, a 30-year-old street sweeper living in Mukhayyim Aser, an Akhdam slum near the presidential palace, told IRIN a day after the prime minister promised permanent contracts to the temporary workers, “Basindawa has not changed anything…

“My friend has been working as a street sweeper for 35 years and still does not have a job contract,” he added. “That’s why we’re on strike.”

One prominent Akhdam is Nabil Al Maktari, president of the Yemeni Organization Against Slavery and Discrimination. He spent 2011 protesting alongside thousands of other Yemenis - students, professors, soldiers and political activists - demanding the overthrow of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government.

According to Maktari, however, the new government has ceded some ground to the street sweepers. At the end of 2011, the prime minister’s office gave 50,000 riyals (US$235) to local Akhdam chiefs who represent the cleaners and provide them with protection. “But the workers never saw that money,” he said.

Even Saleh yielded to the workers’ demands, Maktari said, increasing their daily pay to 800 riyals ($3.75) at the onset of the Yemeni Spring in 2011. But despite the government’s concessions, Maktari said, “the street sweepers still have no holidays, not even during Eid. And if a tribal person kills a Khadem [member of the Akhdam community; which happened several times during the Yemeni protests] there is no way for his family to seek justice. Even though they’re Yemeni citizens, no laws exist for these crimes.”

Many Akhdam view the stop-gap measures by Saleh and Basindawa with suspicion. An elder in the Al Hasaba slum, in a pocket of Sana’a which saw some of the heaviest fighting during last year’s revolts, said officials from Saleh’s regime paid him and his neighbours to carry pro-Saleh signs at the beginning of the uprisings. “They don’t help us until they need help,” he said.

“No discrimination”

Government officials say there is “no discrimination” against the Akhdam and that they are like every other Yemeni before the law; and they point to the construction of public housing for the Akhdam in Sana’a’s Sawan area as proof.

Mohammed Al Eryani, assistant deputy mayor of Sana’a, told IRIN the Akhdam are perhaps the only employees of the central government who do not have benefits like permanent contracts and pensions.

While admitting the Akhdam are targets of some of the worst racism in the country, Eryani said the reason they have never been awarded contracts or other benefits is because they are unreliable. “One day a Khadem may wake up to find that his car won’t start, so he will spend the day fixing it instead of going into work.”

Asked whether the plight of the Akhdam would improve under the new government, a young street sweeper named Khaled in Mukhayyim Aser said: “So far, we haven’t seen any changes. Things have been almost the same as before the revolution got started. So to answer your question, no.”

A woman standing next to him said, “maybe”.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95324</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Rising landmine death toll in Hajjah Governorate</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204181014070662t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.
 
Children are particularly at risk and the situation is hampering the return of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs), according to Hajjah Deputy Governor Ismail Mahim.
 
“Given the lack of mine-maps and experts, more children will be at high risk if displaced families return home,” Mohammed Rashid, a child protection specialist at Hajjah Social Affairs and Labour Office, told IRIN. “We fear the tragic stories of landmine-hit children in Sa’dah [Governorate] may be repeated in Hajjah.”
 
Mansour al-Azi, director of Yemen’s National Mine Action Programme (NMAP), said there were plans to deploy teams this week to carry out mine risk education campaigns in two badly affected districts, Kusher and Mestaba, but no decision had been taken because “the situation is still fluid.”
 
Kusher and Mestaba have seen intermittent clashes between Houthi-led Shia fighters and local armed militiamen, who are reported to be supporters of the Islamist Islah Party. Some 600 people from both sides are reported by local authorities to have been killed since November 2011. 
 
The two warring sides reached a truce in February described by local analysts and journalists as “fragile”. Meanwhile, landmines and ERW are putting the lives of civilians - mostly farmers or herders - at risk, and stalling the return of thousands of IDPs. 
 
Unofficial estimates indicate that at least 3,000 landmines have been planted in Kusher and Mestaba since sectarian clashes first broke out in November 2011, the local independent news website marebpress.net reported on 24 March. [ http://marebpress.net/news_details.php?lang=arabic&sid=41911 ] 
 
“Landmines were even planted inside dead bodies. Last month, a landmine inside a corpse exploded, killing five people taking the corpse for burial,” Sheikh Yahya Qasim al-Saeedi, a spokesperson for Kusher tribesmen, told IRIN. 
 
“We have been appealing for mine clearance actions and mine risk education campaigns to save lives of innocent children but received no response from those concerned,” Fawaz Felaitah, a school teacher in Mestaba District, told IRIN. 
 
Inquisitive
 
Children are most at risk as they tend to be unaware of the dangers and inquisitive at the same time. Many mistake ERW for toys or pick them up as they herd sheep, said Ahmad al-Qurashi, chairman of local NGO Seyaj Organization for Childhood Protection.
 
IRIN visited eight-year-old Rahaf Hadi from Kusher District who was injured in a 12 April blast near her family home, and in great pain in a Hajjah city hospital. Her two older brothers, Mushtaq and Abdu, were killed, while Rahaf sustained serious injuries to her face, belly, back and left arm.
 
“The painkillers she receives five times a day are no longer effective. No signs of recovery yet… I can neither eat nor sleep seeing Rahaf suffering before my eyes,” her mother Aisha told IRIN.
 
IDP returns affected
 
One blast has directly affected the return of IDPs.
 
In March, seven people were killed and 15 injured after a blast inside a home in Hazah village, Kusher District. One of those killed was 40-year-old Mohammed al-Deashi, who had returned to his village to check on the family home with a view to moving back with his wife and five children, who have been living in a school in Hajjah Governorate’s Khair al-Muharaq District.
 
Mohammed al-Tam, an investigator at the Hajjah Security Department, told IRIN that as a result of the blast hundreds of IDPs in Khairan Muharaq District had cancelled planned journeys home.
 
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says more than 50,000 people have been displaced since November 2011 by sectarian conflict in the north.

In nearby Sa’dah Governorate, Abdulaziz Hanash, a coordinator for landmine victims, was quoted by local media [ http://yementimes.com/en/1552/report/524/Time-to-refocus-on-reconstruction-in-Sa%e2%80%99ada.htm ] as saying over 2,000 people had been handicapped by mines and ERW. “No one talks about these victims… Many people have not only lost their homes, jobs or members of their family, but also a limb or an ability.”

According to the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor, [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2008/countries/yemen.html ] Yemen is contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance as a result of conflicts dating back to 1962. Most mines were laid in border areas between northern and southern Yemen prior to unification in 1990. As of August 2008, all governorates were contaminated.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95309</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204181014070662t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95237</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISASTERS: Over 50 million affected in Muslim world in 2011</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.  

In 2011, 38 of the 57 OIC member countries and 55 million people were affected by “disasters and chronic emergencies”, Atta Elmanan Bakhit, OIC assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition. [ http://www.dihad.org/ ] Disasters brought a total financial loss of US$68 billion in those Muslim countries, he said, quoting figures that will be published in OIC’s annual report, to be released later this month.  

These numbers do not include political crises, namely the Arab Spring, and are tabulated based on information from member states. They are up from 2010 when 36 countries and 48 million people were affected, with $53 billion in losses, according to an OIC survey.  

“In the Muslim world now, we have regularly a lot of disasters,” Bakhit said, adding that the OIC has had no choice but to start playing a larger role in humanitarian affairs. The OIC is active in coordinating humanitarian assistance in Somalia, where it has access [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94010 ] in many areas Western aid workers do not; and along with the UN, the OIC accompanied the government in the first humanitarian assessment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95102/SYRIA-Aid-workers-give-cautious-welcome-to-start-of-humanitarian-assessment ] of areas affected by the unrest in Syria.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95226</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Behind militia lines in Jaar</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271149460795t.jpg" />]]>JAAR 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - At first glance the city of Jaar, in Abyan Governorate near the Gulf of Aden, resembles many Yemeni towns struggling to rebuild after a year of nationwide protests shackled the central government’s ability to provide basic services.</description><body><![CDATA[JAAR 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - At first glance the city of Jaar, in Abyan Governorate near the Gulf of Aden, resembles many Yemeni towns struggling to rebuild after a year of nationwide protests shackled the central government’s ability to provide basic services.

Donkey carts line litter-strewn streets, and feral cats and dogs tiptoe past bullet-pocked storefronts and vacant buildings. Gaunt, bearded men drink tea and chew khat while shouting to each other across the street. In many respects, however, the remote settlement is different.

Controlled by a militant group called Ansar Al Sharia (Partisans of Islamic Law), the city is patrolled by armed militants in army trucks pillaged from the Yemeni military weeks earlier. The group’s black-and-white flag - a symbol of stability, according to Ansar al Sharia - flies at each entrance to the city, flapping behind Kalashnikov-toting soldiers riding motorcycles.

In a rare visit to Jaar on 5 March - the day after Ansar Al Sharia soldiers stormed a Yemeni military base outside Zinjibar killing more than 150 Yemeni soldiers [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/10129076 ] and capturing 73 more - IRIN met civilians living under the expanding jihadist government.

Yemeni authorities believe the group is linked to Al Qaeda. Some local residents of Jaar said life under Ansar al Sharia was stable. One passer-by, when asked by a jihadist official what he thought of the “new [militant] government”, said it was “peaceful” and “nice”.

Other locals say Ansar al Sharia provided them with reliable services, including electricity, food, water and even health care, which they would not otherwise be able to find. IRIN could not verify the claims, however, due to tight monitoring and restricted access by the militants. In one instance, the group refused to grant entry into the town hospital, one wing of which had been destroyed in an alleged missile attack prior to IRIN’s visit.

While speaking to merchants in Jaar’s central market, a toothless old man with a long red-dyed beard lashed out at the attacks against the militants, asking repeatedly: “Why drones? Why American drones?” But others interviewed said Ansar al Sharia was merely using Jaar’s impoverished people, who are clinging to any form of stability amidst escalating conflict and instability, as a stepping stone to accomplish unclear political objectives.

Thousands displaced

Recent fighting between government forces and the militants has forced thousands of families to abandon their homes in Abyan Governorate, despite claims by the Islamist group that it is bringing order and security to a lawless region.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] more than 150,000 people have been displaced from Abyan since May 2011. Thousands of people remain in the Jaar area, but others have fled, citing worsening conditions. At the start of March, at least 1,800 people were displaced from Jaar in two weeks of fighting between government troops and militants.

When asked what caused her to flee Jaar, a middle-aged woman taking shelter in an unfinished building on the outskirts of Aden, Yemen’s second city to the west of Abyan, mimicked a soldier firing a rifle and made exploding sounds, in reference to the violent confrontations between military forces and Ansar al Sharia.

Abdelqadir, a former soldier who declined to give his last name, fled Jaar with his entire family last May when air strikes intensified following Ansar al Sharia’s takeover of neighboring Zinjibar, the capital of Abyan Province. Sitting in the courtyard of a tattered schoolhouse-turned-shelter in Aden, he explained that conditions in his camp had not improved since they left Jaar.

“We hope the president improves things,” he said, describing their situation in Aden since last month when Vice-President Abdul Rab Mansour al Hadi took charge of the country. But some observers see the current crisis as a by-product of the missile-heavy military approach to tackling militants.

According to Gregory Johnsen, a Yemen expert at Princeton University, the Yemeni military “appears unable to defeat Al-Qaeda on its own, which means that the US is once again relying on air and drone strikes. This is apparently in the hope that these attacks will keep Al-Qaeda on the run to the point that the organization won't be able to launch any attacks on the US.”

The US and Yemen military are known to have carried out at least 15 air strikes in Yemen [ http://www.longwarjournal.org/multimedia/Yemen/code/Yemen-strike.php ] since early May 2011, when Al-Qaeda seized Zinjibar, about 30km south of Jaar and 50km west of Aden. Five of those strikes have taken place in 2012, four of them in the last week. “I think such an approach actually does more to exacerbate the problem of Al-Qaeda in Yemen than it does to solve it,” said Johnsen.

Tough for women

Among the displaced, the situation is particularly bad for women. “I’m against them, but they were safe,” said Rafiqa Hassan Ahmed Salih, referring to Ansar al Sharia. She was displaced from her home and lives in Jaar, which was the first of five southern towns Ansar al Sharia seized during last year’s uprisings against former President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Salih said she and others fled fierce clashes between Ansar Al Sharia and the Yemeni military, which included relentless aerial bombardments of Jaar and its environs. Since arriving in Jaar, however, they had found that the situation for women was tough. For example, a woman found in the company of a man other than her family or husband, or wearing a tight `abaya’ gown, faced violent punishment.

Selim Bin Amar, one of the displaced people from Jaar now living in an Aden schoolhouse, when asked if he would return to a town governed by Ansar Al Sharia, said: “If there was security and stability, we would return, even to a camp.”

An aid worker who preferred anonymity said some residents of the jihadist stronghold had been subjected to beatings for not attending mosque at prescribed times.

In recent months, several thousand displaced people from Jaar marched to Abyan, where they hoped to reoccupy their homes. However, most were forced to turn back by continuing military operations in the area.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95176</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271149460795t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAAR 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - At first glance the city of Jaar, in Abyan Governorate near the Gulf of Aden, resembles many Yemeni towns struggling to rebuild after a year of nationwide protests shackled the central government’s ability to provide basic services.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Cramped shelter conditions for Abyan IDPs</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203161251210297t.jpg" />]]>ADEN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - Since fleeing their homes in early March after clashes between the Yemeni army and Islamic militants in the southern governorate of Abyan, two families - 19 people in all - have been living in a 22 square metre classroom in al-Fatah School, Tawahi Distrct, Aden Governorate - and they are the lucky ones.</description><body><![CDATA[ADEN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - Since fleeing their homes in early March after clashes between the Yemeni army and Islamic militants in the southern governorate of Abyan, two families - 19 people in all - have been living in a 22 square metre classroom in al-Fatah School, Tawahi Distrct, Aden Governorate - and they are the lucky ones.
 
In such cramped conditions, Saleh Salim al-Ammari and his male cousin - both in their 50s - have decided to spend the nights elsewhere, so head off before sunset every day to look for somewhere to sleep.
 
“We resort to sleeping in a nearby inn, inside a car or in the street,” al-Ammari told IRIN. “Even if there is enough space inside the classroom, we cannot sleep together with women and children despite our being closely related.” 
 
“We hardly find enough space to walk through to the toilet overnight… I cannot tolerate these conditions any longer,” Khairyah Ali, al-Ammari’s wife, told IRIN. 
 
“The challenge is to provide adequate shelter to ensure safety and reasonable privacy,” said Dibeh Fakhr, a spokesperson for the International Committee of the Red Cross in Yemen. 
 
A dozen families have not yet found shelter, according to Sheikh Mohammed Bin Sabaa, a tribal leader from Abyan’s Mahfad District, where dozens of displaced families are living. “Some [families] still live in the open while others are sheltering under plastic sheets tacked to trees, without access to water or minimum sanitation services,” he told IRIN. “Overcrowded though the classrooms are, those who have found shelter in schools are the luckiest.”
 
With the climate “too harsh for providing tents… the authorities were advised to house IDPs in permanent public structures whenever possible," said Fakhr. In Aden, some 74 schools have been used as temporary shelters for 20,000 IDPs since May 2011.
 
Shelter remains the biggest challenge. Schools hosting internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Aden are already full and the host community cannot take more. With the recent arrivals, there are now almost 20 people to a room in some schools. Some IDPs have only been able to find space in school grounds or in hallways,” the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said in a recent report. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4f59e9009.html ] 
 
UNHCR said 1,800 people had been displaced in the last two weeks, and that more than 150,000 people had been displaced in the south since May 2011. 
 
Yemen currently has almost half a million IDPs: 314,000 previously displaced and unable to return to their homes in the northern governorate of Sa’dah; 52,000 who have been displaced over the past three months in the north, and more than 150,000 so far displaced in the south. 
 
Edward Leposky, an external relations officer with UNHCR, said they had rehabilitated two abandoned school buildings in Aden to provide temporary shelter for some 2,000 new arrivals. The buildings are adjacent to schools were IDPs had found shelter. 
 
According to Leposky, during an assessment conducted with IDPs of all age groups, the IDPs said they would not like to stay in the camps for cultural and health reasons. 
 
Health risks
 
According to Alison Parker, chief of communications and advocacy at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), IDPs in classrooms are at risk of communicating diseases such as measles and acute respiratory infections due to overcrowding. 
 
“There is also the threat of cholera/diarrhoea due to inadequate hygiene conditions and inadequate water and sanitation facilities,” she told IRIN. 
 
We have discovered TB cases in schools inhabited by IDPs in Lahj and Aden, said Mohammed Sinan, a medical volunteer with local NGO Charitable Society for Social Welfare. “If the problem of overcrowded classrooms is not solved, we can expect more TB infections within the coming days,” he told IRIN. 
 
More at risk of displacement 
 
With the conflict escalating, another 120,000 people are at risk of displacement in Abyan Governorate, according to UNHCR’s Leposky. 
 
Based on the field knowledge of some international organizations working in Khanfar District of Abyan governorate, it is estimated that many of the 20,000 families currently living in areas which may see fighting, could be displaced, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said on 9 March, [ http://reliefweb.int/node/481759 ] adding that a significant percentage of potential new IDPs would continue to stay within Abyan, and seek protection and services within their tribal area.
 
The OCHA report said the current contingency plan envisages coping with a possible sudden outflow of 20,000 households to Aden. The plan will be triggered if 3,000 people move within a one week period. 
 
ay/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95092</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203161251210297t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADEN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - Since fleeing their homes in early March after clashes between the Yemeni army and Islamic militants in the southern governorate of Abyan, two families - 19 people in all - have been living in a 22 square metre classroom in al-Fatah School, Tawahi Distrct, Aden Governorate - and they are the lucky ones.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Call for educational reform to create &quot;knowledge society&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 
 
"[Arab countries] will have no alternative but to tackle this issue," said Amat Al Alim Alsoswa, assistant secretary-general and director of the Regional Bureau for Arab States at the UN Development Programme (UNDP). "If you talk about any kind of reform - political, judicial - education is an integral part of it. Otherwise, it will be an artificial reform," she told IRIN at the sidelines of the event in Dubai. 
 
The Arab Knowledge Report (AKR), published by UNDP and the UAE-based Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation, called for action to better enable the region's youth to participate in the so-called "knowledge society" and move beyond the poverty and unemployment that led to mass demonstrations and the toppling of several governments last year.
 
According to some estimates, more than 60 percent of the population of Arab countries is under the age of 25. 
 
But the potential of Arab youth has so far been limited by weak corporate governance, high rates of corruption, weak indicators of freedom, absence of democracy, increasing rates of poverty and unemployment, restrictions on women's freedom and the failure of economic reforms to achieve social justice and provide youth employment opportunities, the report said.
 
The report found that the Arab world continues to lag behind, with a "sharp drop" in cognitive skills among youth, including problem-solving, written communication, use of technology, and the ability to search for information. The average student scored 33 out of 100 in these areas. 
 
Other statistics are equally scathing: In 2007, 29 percent of Arabs above the age of 15 were illiterate, compared to 16 percent globally; in 2010, 19 percent of Arab children under 6 had access to public childcare centres, compared to 41 percent globally; and Arab students continued to rank poorly in international exams. The region has seen an exponential growth in internet use, but remains below the global average in terms of its exploitation. 
 
The Arab Spring changed some of that - youth clearly used technology to communicate their message, and in many countries their protests have led to a freer and more democratic environment. (Broadening freedom of thought was one of the main recommendations of the 2009 Arab Knowledge Report. [ http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2009/october/the-arab-knowledge-report-2009-towards-productive-intercommunication-for-knowledge.en ]) But this year's report warns that Arab countries need to do more to take advantage of the openings provided by the Arab Spring. 
 
The Arab world must develop the infrastructure for information technology; encourage innovation; create an investment-friendly environment; focus on social, political and economic reforms; and improve education. 
 
Education neglected intentionally?
 
For a long time, observers say, many Arab governments intentionally neglected education because they thought that an uneducated public would be less likely to rebel. 
 
Shortcomings in the education system were also due to a "culture of silence", Hassan El Bilawi, professor of the sociology of education at Helwan Unviersity in Cairo, told the audience at the launch. "We have before us a cultural challenge - we are suffering from cultural backwardness. Many changes took place in the Arab world but they have not been related to the methodology of teaching or the culture of schools. We have to make sweeping reforms," he said. 
 
Past reforms have been seen as a "technical task" entrusted to bureaucrats in Arab ministries of education, without the support of state policies or civil society, said Moudi Al Homud, former minister of education of Kuwait. "Consequently, we have failed." She urged governments to move beyond the "cosmetics" of educational reform. 
 
But Ghaith Fariz, director of the report, said the knowledge gap is due to more than just poor education. 
 
"It's an issue that involves all sectors of the society. It's much beyond education. Civil society has a role. Family has a role," he told IRIN. Intellectual property rights is another area, for instance, in which "we, as Arabs, are basically absent." 
 
Participants at the report's launch also highlighted the importance of youth being involved in finding solutions. 
 
"If we take the lead, we will destroy what the youth have done," said one participant from Jordan. "The youth have to define the next steps." 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95075</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Tortured for ransom</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203090814080933t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 12 March 2012 (IRIN) - The discovery of 70 battered men and women held captive in a remote area of Yemen’s Hajjah Governorate near the Saudi Arabian border has sparked an investigation into the torture and extortion of African immigrants by criminal gangs, say local authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 12 March 2012 (IRIN) - The discovery of 70 battered men and women held captive in a remote area of Yemen’s Hajjah Governorate near the Saudi Arabian border has sparked an investigation into the torture and extortion of African immigrants by criminal gangs, say local authorities.

The men and women, Oromos and ethnic Somalis from Ethiopia’s Somali Region, had been held for some time in a house in the Sharqia area of Haradh city, and were found wearing just their underwear. Two men who managed to escape by jumping over the wall of the house, alerted the authorities. Their captors, they said, had beaten them with pipes, burned them with cigarettes and poured liniment in their eyes, making them scream in pain.

"We are really shocked," said Ali Ibrahim, a criminal investigator in Haradh. "I have been in the department for 15 years and I don't remember anything like this… It's unbelievable that this was going on in our own back yard.” 

Another government official who preferred anonymity told IRIN: "This problem is unique. No one could imagine that the people were kept in a smuggler’s house for such a long period of time. We don’t know how many were killed.”

Many of the victims, according to head of Haradh Security Department Mohammed Najad, were trying to find their way to Saudi Arabia to get work, but had ended up in the hands of criminals who demanded thousands of dollars in ransom for their release.

The immigrants are tortured until their families send ransom money, or until enough new immigrants arrive, as there is simply not enough space to keep all the migrants, said Berhane Taklu-Nagga, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) office in Haradh. 

On 6 March, the local independent news website Al-Masdaronline.net [ http://www.almasdaronline.com/index.php?page=news&article-section=1&news_id=29487 ] published pictures of some of the victims.

According to a recent Interior Ministry report, 170 Africans were held captive, tortured and mistreated by criminals in Haradh between January 2011 and February 2012.

“The victims include 91 young men, 10 women, 50 children and 19 elderly men,” the report said, adding that most had been beaten, scalded or punched in the face, leaving some with visual and hearing problems.

In February, the ministry said, police in Haradh had arrested two suspects. One was holding 49 and the other 79 Ethiopian illegal immigrants.

The authorities are still searching for another 20 Ethiopian female immigrants whom they believe are at risk of being tortured and raped, said Hamoud Haidar, head of Haradh Local Authority.

Rape

One common method of torture is rape. “According to the testimonies collected, it appears that the majority of the approximately 3,000 women held by smugglers in Haradh over the past year were raped, many of them repeatedly,” said UNHCR’s Taklu-Nagga. 

In a sample of 24 interviewees, 17 said that they had been raped, according to Taklu-Nagga. “The figure is expected to be much higher, considering that rape victims are typically very reluctant to come forward, particularly those from conservative African societies where victims of sexual assault are often ostracized by their communities,” he told IRIN.

Some of the rape victims got pregnant. “Only after eight months when my father was able to send the smugglers US$5,000, did they release me,” recounted one of the rape victims, who requested anonymity. “I must have an abortion. My husband should not know what happened to me in Haradh, and I must not give birth to this child.”

One of the male victims told IRIN that several men were raped as well - as punishment for trying to prevent the rape of the women. 

Screaming at night

Other victims lost body parts. Adeemi Abdullahi lost his left eye after being tortured for two months in Abs District, Hajjah Governorate. He showed IRIN marks from the lashings he had received on his back and legs, and scratches on his face and head.

“They had been beating me up mercilessly for more than 50 days… They didn’t give me even a paper tissue to wipe blood from my eye,” the 30-year-old Ethiopian said.

When he was captured he was given five days to contact any person he knew to transfer money to his captors. He failed. “From day six began my hardest ordeal,” he said.

A resident of the Sharqia area said he and his neighbours could hear screaming at night but feared reporting it to the police. In mid-February, the authorities approached a suspected detention house, but were confronted by gunmen. “They fired at us and damaged our cars,” said Haradh local authority head Haidar. 

So far, Haradh Security Department has identified 19 owners of properties with yards and high walls in villages outside the city suspected of being used as detention centres. [ http://www.hajjah.net/news/news.php?id=18042 ]

Despite widespread unrest in Yemen in the past year, there has been close to a 100 percent increase in the number of Ethiopians arriving in Yemen from the Horn of Africa: more than 65,000 Ethiopians have arrived, compared to 34,422 in 2010, said the International Organization of Migration (IOM) [ http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/media/press-briefing-notes/pbnAF/cache/offonce?entryId=31060 ] in December. 

According to UNHCR’s Taklu-Nagga, 10,000-15,000 Ethiopian immigrants annually enter Haradh illegally along Yemen’s western coast. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95051</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203090814080933t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 12 March 2012 (IRIN) - The discovery of 70 battered men and women held captive in a remote area of Yemen’s Hajjah Governorate near the Saudi Arabian border has sparked an investigation into the torture and extortion of African immigrants by criminal gangs, say local authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Arhab District returnees lack water for crops</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203060848030637t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Abdullah al-Marrani, his wife and nine children left the caves they were sheltering in in mid-February and returned home, but life is not much better in their village of Shaab in Arhab District, some 30km northeast of the Yemeni capital Sana’a.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Abdullah al-Marrani, his wife and nine children left the caves they were sheltering in [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94129/YEMEN-Living-in-a-cave-cut-off-from-aid ] in mid-February and returned home, but life is not much better in their village of Shaab in Arhab District, some 30km northeast of the Yemeni capital Sana’a.
 
They live in a single room - the only roof left in their two-storey house which was severely damaged during clashes between Republican Guards (led by Brig Ahmad Ali, son of ex-president Ali Saleh) and opposition gunmen.
 
Al-Marrani decided to bring his family back home when fighting died down in the wake of the November 2011 power transfer deal. 
 
“This is the only room spared by the conflict. All the other rooms, the kitchen and the two bathrooms are rubble. We relieve ourselves outdoors, al-Marrani told IRIN, adding that they also have to fend off snakes, rats and scorpions.
 
The family’s main source of income, `khat’, dried up after they were unable to farm because of the violence. “The food aid we receive from relief agencies doesn’t suffice for all of us… We can skip meals and tolerate hunger, but our younger children cannot,” he said. 
 
Displacement for nearly seven months has severely disrupted the district’s agricultural production, including grapes, oranges and cereals.
 
Most of the 1,500 families who fled the district and sheltered in nearby caves or in Amran Governorate relied on pumped water to irrigate their `khat’ farms, according Abdualim al-Hamdi, head of local NGO Arhab Social Charitable Society (ASCS).
 
“We hardly find enough water for domestic use… How can we water the plants if we cultivate our farms?” said Qannaf al-Edhari, a `khat’ grower in the district’s Beit al-Edhari village. 
 
Wells damaged
 
According to Mansour al-Haniq, a Member of Parliament from Arhab District, some 25 artesian wells in the area have been destroyed or damaged. “None of them operate these days. In some villages like Shaab and Zandan, water pumps were stolen,” he added.
 
If the wells are repaired, two months of cultivation is required before any `khat’ can be produced, and six months in the case of grapes, said Sheikh Saleh al-Marrani from Shaab village. 
 
Abdulkhaliq al-Rajawi of ASCS told IRIN that nearly 80 percent of families had returned to their homes in Jarmouz, Beit al-Edhari and Shaab villages, but that some villages like Labu, Sheraa and Samnah were still seeing intermittent clashes between Republican Guards and opposition gunmen. “Most of the families haven’t yet returned to their homes in these three villages due to intermittent shelling,” he said. 
 
A January 2012 assessment by Vision Hope International (VHI), showed that 70 percent of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Arhab District had returned home but lacked water and were often unable to farm because of the destruction of wells, Adriaan Jagersma of VHI told IRIN.
 
VHI was currently distributing food to thousands of IDP returnees including flour, cooking oil, beans, sugar and rice. 
 
Al-Rajawi of ASCS told IRIN there are currently two active humanitarian agencies assisting returnees: VHI, and the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (non-food items such as blankets, mattresses). 
 
Five hundred homes have been damaged or destroyed in Arhab District, said Ahmad al-Rahabi, chief evaluator of material losses at the National Organization for Defending Rights and Freedoms, known as HOOD. 
 
ay/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95016</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203060848030637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Abdullah al-Marrani, his wife and nine children left the caves they were sheltering in in mid-February and returned home, but life is not much better in their village of Shaab in Arhab District, some 30km northeast of the Yemeni capital Sana’a.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Surge in measles deaths</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106211318260984t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Measles has killed 126 children in Yemen since mid-2011, a consequence of the breakdown of basic health services during the year-long political crisis. In response to the big increase in reported cases and deaths due to measles, the Yemeni government has appealed for international assistance and an outbreak-response vaccination campaign will begin in the hardest-hit regions on 10 March.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Measles has killed 126 children in Yemen since mid-2011, a consequence of the breakdown of basic health services during the year-long political crisis. In response to the big increase in reported cases and deaths due to measles, the Yemeni government has appealed for international assistance and an outbreak-response vaccination campaign will begin in the hardest-hit regions on 10 March.

“It's very sad that we were talking about elimination in 2010, and now we are dealing with an outbreak,” said Arwa Baider, a child health programme officer at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 

The latest statistics from the Health Ministry at the end of February report that 3,767 cases of measles have been confirmed, resulting in 126 deaths, since mid-2011. By comparison, in the three years from the beginning of 2007 until the end of 2009, the ministry reported a total of 211 cases and no deaths due to measles.

Seventy percent of these cases, and all of the deaths, were among children under five years of age. Most of the cases and deaths have occurred in the last four months. Measles has been reported across the country, but has been concentrated in Abyan, Aden, Al Bayda, Shabwa, Dhamar, Lahj, Amran and Sa'dah governorates. 

“The disease is spreading fast, reaching highly populated areas as well as areas with high levels of acute malnutrition,” Geert Cappelaere, a representative of UNICEF in Yemen, told IRIN. “There is a very valid concern of many more deaths if a massive country-wide immunization campaign is not started immediately.”

Exacerbated by conflict…

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), measles outbreaks can be particularly deadly in countries recovering from conflict. Damage to health infrastructure and health services interrupts routine immunization, and overcrowding in residential camps increases the risk of infection.

“The outbreak is a direct result of a decrease in routine immunization services during 2011; which is a direct result of the 2011 conflicts,” added Cappelaere.

In conflict-affected areas doctors reported being unable to deliver vaccinations because they were stopped at checkpoints, short of staff, or the refrigerated vaccines spoiled due to electricity cuts. In July 2011, WHO reported that fuel shortages had disrupted the cold chain supply system, resulting in the closure of 30 percent of immunization facilities.

Immunization rates also decreased in some areas, such as Abyan, due to a “resurgence of radical religious views - negative views - about vaccination,” said the Ministry of Health's director-general of family health, Ali Jahhaf. “Radical religious groups say that vaccination is not needed, it's against God's will and so on. Some communities believe this and started to resist or not accept vaccination. This is one of the reasons why in those areas we see pockets of lower vaccination coverage.”

Jahhaf added that the political crisis and armed confrontations of 2011 had increased the “immunity gap”, or the number of children who are not immunized, to a level large enough to cause outbreaks. “Our routine coverage is now not up to the level where you can have general community immunity.”

Measles is a highly contagious viral disease. Most measles-related deaths are caused by complications associated with the disease, more common in children under the age of five. Complications include blindness, encephalitis, severe diarrhoea and dehydration, ear infections, and severe respiratory infections such as pneumonia. 

…and malnutrition

In Yemen, the measles crisis is more acute because of the country's high levels of malnutrition. Severe measles is more likely to develop among poorly nourished children, whose weakened immunity leaves them vulnerable to the complications caused by measles. According to UNICEF, 58 percent of Yemeni children are stunted and are chronically malnourished - the second highest rate in the world after Afghanistan. In the worst-affected parts of the country, 30 percent of children suffer from acute malnutrition, a level twice as high as the internationally recognized emergency threshold, and on a par with parts of southern Somalia. 

The Yemeni government has appealed for international assistance to help the country cope with its humanitarian crisis. In January Prime Minister Mohammed Basindwa toured Gulf capitals to appeal for humanitarian aid during Yemen's political transition. 

In response to the measles outbreaks, UNICEF in partnership with the Ministry of Health, WHO, and the US Agency for International Development, will launch the first phase of an outbreak-response vaccination campaign on 10 March in seven of the worst-affected governorates: Abyan, Aden, Lahj, Shabwa, Dahmar, Al Bayda, and Sa’dah. The second phase of the campaign will broaden vaccination across the country, but is dependent on additional funding. The cost of vaccinating eight million children is about US$9 million.

“It's preventable,” said UNICEF's Baider. “That's why we should fight for this.”

lm/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95010</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106211318260984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Measles has killed 126 children in Yemen since mid-2011, a consequence of the breakdown of basic health services during the year-long political crisis. In response to the big increase in reported cases and deaths due to measles, the Yemeni government has appealed for international assistance and an outbreak-response vaccination campaign will begin in the hardest-hit regions on 10 March.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Challenges aplenty for new president</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202270828240349t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen’s new president, Abdu Rabu Masour Hadi, will have his work cut out to ensure the county’s unity and stability, with tens of thousands of protesters still camped out in the main cities, and significant opposition from Houthi rebels in the Sa’dah and Hajjah governorates as well as from the Southern Movement (SM), which wants autonomy for the south.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen’s new president, Abdu Rabu Masour Hadi, will have his work cut out to ensure the county’s unity and stability, with tens of thousands of protesters still camped out in the main cities, and significant opposition from Houthi rebels in the Sa’dah and Hajjah [ http://www.hajjah.net/news/news.php?id=17931 ] governorates as well as from the Southern Movement (SM), which wants autonomy for the south.
 
Protesters say their task is by no means over: “By electing Hadi to replace Saleh, we achieved the first goal of our peaceful revolution. We still have other goals that need to be fulfilled, including the removal of [ex-president] Saleh’s relatives from the army and security institutions, restructuring these institutions and building a civil state,” said Adel Omar, a protest leader in Ibb city. 
 
“We will not go home unless all the goals of our revolution are achieved. We are ready to stay here for another year or more,” he told IRIN. 
 
Abdu al-Janadi, deputy information minister and spokesman for the General People’s Congress (Saleh’s old party), said the “revolutionaries” should go home. “We need a calm atmosphere to work together on solving protracted issues in the country and build a civil a state. Staying in the street will take us back to square one,” he said.
 
“There is nothing to make me optimistic about the future. Protesters’ tents are still placed in front of my shop [which has been closed since February 2011],” said Mohammed al-Ansi, owner of a stationery shop on University Street in Sana'a. “We haven’t seen any official efforts to remove these tents. Why did we vote?”
 
Meanwhile, Suhail TV, a satellite channel loyal to the Joint Meeting Parties currently sharing cabinet seats with Saleh’s party, quoted Prime Minister Mohammed Salim Basindwa as saying on 25 February: “Asking revolutionaries to go home is one of the things he [Hadi] cannot do. If they demand that I to step down, I will do so.” 
 
Violence, insecurity
 
As if to underline the new president’s problems, on the day he was sworn in (25 February) 26 Republican Guard soldiers were killed and dozens injured when a suicide bomber blew up a car in front of a presidential palace in the southern city of Mukalla; and in the southern city of Aden two people were killed and 10 injured in clashes between SM gunmen and the army, said Ghazi Ahmad, head of Aden’s security department. 
 
“These forces are sending a strong message to the new president that he has to prepare himself for a challenging job,” said Ali Abu Holiqah, chair of Parliamentary Constitutional and Legal Committee. 
 
“I understand that there are complicated security, economic and social crises, which require strong determination,” Hadi said after being sworn-in. He called for a “comprehensive national dialogue” involving all political forces, and promised to improve security, help hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons return home, and restore public services like electricity and water.
 
Electricity supply problems have been exacerbated recently, according to the state Electricity Corporation, after power lines from the Marib gas-fired power station, the country’s main power provider, were attacked in Nihm District, Sana’a Governorate, where armed tribesmen have been clashing with Republican Guards (led by Saleh’s relatives).
 
The tribesmen say they sabotaged the power lines in retaliation against the Republican Guards, whom they accuse of killing their relatives and destroying their homes. “The problem will not be solved unless Hadi removes Saleh’s relatives from their posts, which seems impossible for him,” said Mohammed al-Haddad, a political analyst from Marib Governorate. 
 
SM stance
 
Unlike the Houthis, who peacefully boycotted the elections in the northern governorates of Sa'dah and parts of Hajjah, SM members resorted to violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94902 ] in southern governorates to prevent people from voting. In constituency 25 in Aden Governorate, a group of SM supporters broke into a polling station, took the ballot box onto the street and set it ablaze. 
 
Gen Ali Mohammed Salah, head of operations at the Supreme Commission for Elections and the Referendum (SCER), told IRIN eight police and election management staff were killed and another 28 injured in the southern governorates of Aden, Lahj and Hadhramaut, and polling was halted in several dozen centres, mainly in Dhalea and Lahj governorates.
 
Asked by IRIN why they had resorted to violence on polling day, Lutf al-Yafie, an SM leader in Aden, said: “Our territory is occupied by the northerners. The regime hasn’t recognized our cause [independence and return of the pre-1990 southern state].” 
 
He added: “Had we remained silent, the regime would have brought soldiers and citizens from the north to vote here and then claim they were from the south.” 
 
Asked if the SM will engage in a “comprehensive national dialogue”, Nasser al-Khubaji, an SM leader in Lahj Governorate, said: “This dialogue is for the northerners to tackle their own problems. It doesn’t concern us… We will continue our struggle until we reclaim our state.”
 
ay/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94956</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202270828240349t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen’s new president, Abdu Rabu Masour Hadi, will have his work cut out to ensure the county’s unity and stability, with tens of thousands of protesters still camped out in the main cities, and significant opposition from Houthi rebels in the Sa’dah and Hajjah governorates as well as from the Southern Movement (SM), which wants autonomy for the south.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Timeline since signing of power transfer deal</title><pubDate>Mon, 20 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202200829110239t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - Since the signing of a power transfer deal sponsored by Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in November, Yemen has seen further protests and violence, and some key players, like the Houthi-led Shia rebels in the north, oppose tomorrow’s presidential election. IRIN surveys the main events of the past two months.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - Since the signing of a power transfer deal sponsored by Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in November, Yemen has seen further protests and violence, and some key players, like the Houthi-led Shia rebels [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94881 ] in the north, oppose tomorrow’s presidential election. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94828 ] IRIN surveys the main events of the past two months.
 
23 November 2012: President Ali Abdullah Saleh signs GCC-brokered deal, under which he leaves power on 21 February 2012 in exchange for legal immunity from prosecution. 
 
25 November: Tens of thousands of protesters rally in Sana’a and 17 main cities on the so-called “Friday of Ongoing Revolution”. They oppose immunity for Saleh and his aides.
 
10 December: A 34-member coalition cabinet sworn in (17 members from Saleh’s party and 17 from the opposition Joint Meeting Parties)
 
15-20 December: Mass protests by staff at dozens of government and military institutions call for the replacement of top officials who are members of Saleh’s party. 
 
18 December: A demilitarization committee, made up of 14 senior officers from pro-government and defected army units, begins removing sandbags, roadblocks and checkpoints in Sana’a.
 
23 December: Fourteen protesters killed in clashes with police as a “March of Life” arrives in Sana’a after a five-day, 250km, walk from Taiz city. They oppose the GCC deal.
 
25 December: Thousands of Southern Movement (SM) supporters take to the streets of Aden; dozens burn voting IDs to signal their intention of boycotting the presidential election.
 
29 December: Saleh meets senior members of his party, instructing them how to deal with mass staff protests in several government institutions.
 
30 December: Saleh’s supporters resume Friday rallies in Sabeen square under the slogan “We return since you don’t cease” (a reference to demands for Saleh’s prosecution).
 
4 January 2012: Defected Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh escapes assassination attempt in Sana’a.
 
6 January: Vice-President Hadi threatens to leave Yemen after senior members of Saleh’s party accuse him of defying Saleh’s authority - even calling him a traitor. 
 
8 January: Cabinet proposes draft immunity-from-prosecution legislation for Saleh and his aides, presents it to parliament. 
 
10 January: Draft immunity legislation opposed by some MPs. Anti immunity bill “March of Dignity” arrives in Sana’a after a five-day, 240km, walk from Sa’dah.
 
11 January: Demilitarization Committee gives 48-hour deadline for gunmen loyal to Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar to leave Sana’a. 
 
12 January: At least 26 killed and dozens injured in clashes between fighters from a Sunni Salafi Islamist group and Houthi-led Shia rebels in Hajour area, south of Sa’dah city. 
 
13 January: Seven killed and more than 25 injured in clashes between SM and police in the southern port city of Aden. 
 
14 January: Hadi refuses to submit his nomination credentials for the elections until defected army units remove their checkpoints in northwestern Sana’a.
 
15 January: Armed tribesmen kidnap a Norwegian UN official in Sana’a, demand release of a jailed tribal leader.
 
16 January: Islamic militants overrun Radaa city, Beidha Governorate, kill three policemen and release 400 militants from the central prison. 
 
20 January: At least five killed in clashes between Islamist militants and civilians in Radaa city. 
 
21 January: Parliament passes Immunity Law and approves nomination of Hadi as the sole presidential candidate. Thousands of young protesters in Sana’a take to the streets in protest against the new law.
 
22 January: Saleh leaves Sana’a for Oman, prior to going to the USA for medical treatment, says he will return to Yemen for Hadi’s inauguration after the election. 
 
23 January: Thousands of members of the Air Force in Sana’a and Taiz begin protests against their commander Gen Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar, a half brother of Saleh, demanding his replacement.
 
24 January: Some 46 armed men killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and tribesmen in Hajjah Governorate.
 
27 January: Tens of thousands protest in Sana’a and other main cities against Saleh’s immunity.
 
28 January: Pro-SM gunmen burn down branch office of the Supreme Commission for Elections and Referendum (SCER) in Dhalea Governorate. 
 
29 January: SCER begins training election management committees in governorates. 
 
31 January: Information Minister Ahmad al-Amrani escapes assassination attempt in front of Cabinet building. “I don’t know why they fired a barrage of bullets at my car. I have no personal feuds with anyone,” he said. 
 
3 February: More than 30 injured in Aden in clashes between election supporters and opponents.
 
5 February: Fifty-five killed in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and Sunni Salafi members in Ahim District, Hajjah Governorate. Six killed in clashes between policemen and SM supporters in the governorates of Dhalea and Hadhramaut.
 
7 February: Hadi launches his electoral campaign in Sana’a. “The situation in Sana’a and other main cities is still complicated, but we have to proceed with elections to save Yemen from conflicts,” he said. 
 
8 February: At least eight inmates killed and several others, including policemen, injured in clashes with police in Dhamar Governorate’s central prison.
 
9 February: Two killed and more than 10 injured when gunmen attack SCER office in Dhalea Governorate. 
 
10 February: Hundreds of thousands protest in Sana’a and 14 main cities on what they call the Friday of “Completing all Goals of Revolution”.
 
11 February: Some 18 Houthi fighters killed in an ambush by tribesmen loyal to Sunni Salafis in the Jarabi and Hazah areas, Hajjah Governorate. 
 
12 February: SCER deploys election management committees in the governorates. Saleh gives televised speech from New York calling on his party supporters to take part in the elections. 
 
14 February: A suicide bomber blows himself up in front of an SCER office in Aden Governorate, leading Hadi to cancel campaign rallies in southern cities.
 
15 February: Houthi gunmen storm office of Islamist Islah Party in Sa’dah, tear down all pictures of Hadi in the city, and prevent any officials from putting up electoral posters. 
 
16 February: Head of SCER regional office, five staff members and a Republican Guard commander killed in an ambush by gunmen in Beidha Governorate. One killed and another 20 injured in clashes between SM members and election supporters in the eastern city of Mukalla.
 
17 February: Hundreds of thousands of protesters rally in Sana’a and other main cities on the so-called Friday of “Your Vote is a Gain for the Revolution”, declaring their support for Hadi.
 
19 February: Interior and defence ministries deploy 103,000 officers and soldiers, especially in southern governorates, to safeguard the electoral process. 
 
20 February: One soldier killed, five injured in attack on a SCER office in Khor Maksar District, Aden Governorate. Citizens force election officials to leave two other offices in the governorate.
 
------------------------------------

Sources:

http://www.irinnews.org/country.aspx?country=YE 
http://www.hajjah.net 
http://www.barakish.net/ 
http://www.almotamar.net/news/ 
http://www.newyemen.net  
http://www.sabanews.net/ar/news 
http://www.al-tagheer.com/ 
http://marebpress.taiz-press.net/ 
http://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/arabic/ 
Ministry of Interior: http://www.moi.gov.ye/ 
Supreme Commission for Election and Referendum: http://www.scer.org.ye/ 
http://www.yemenfox.net/ 
http://www.yemenpost.net/ 
Al-Saeeda Local Independent TV Channel: http://www.alsaeedah-tv.com/wp/ 
http://www.albidapress.net/
 
ay/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94902</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202200829110239t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - Since the signing of a power transfer deal sponsored by Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in November, Yemen has seen further protests and violence, and some key players, like the Houthi-led Shia rebels in the north, oppose tomorrow’s presidential election. IRIN surveys the main events of the past two months.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Humanitarian needs grow as violence escalates in northern Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - Houthi-led Shia rebels are becoming more assertive and expanding the area under their control especially in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, say observers, prompting the Interior Ministry on 12 February to warn the Houthis to halt their operations.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - Houthi-led Shia rebels are becoming more assertive and expanding the area under their control especially in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, say observers, prompting the Interior Ministry on 12 February to warn the Houthis to halt their operations.

Houthi commander Abdulmalik al-Houthi denied Houthis were expanding their area of operations, saying they were merely trying to defend themselves.

“Islah [major Islamist opposition party] members ambushed our men [last week] as they were on their way to attend celebrations of the birthday of the Prophet Mohamed, leaving more than 10 dead,” al-Houthi said on 13 February. 

Others say the Houthis appear to be looking to secure their interests in the longer term. Ahmad al-Daghshi, the author of a book entitled The Houthi Phenomenon, said Houthis are planning to gain control of the port of Maidi on the Red Sea (in Hajjah Governorate) to allow them to bring in weapons and other supplies by sea.

“This [Houthi militancy] will be the biggest challenge for the national reconciliation government during the transitional period after the presidential elections,” he said in an interview with al-Saeeda TV, a Yemeni independent satellite channel, on 13 February. “It is bigger and more serious than the Southern Movement or Al-Qaeda because it receives a lot of support and funding from foreign parties.”

Yemen is scheduled to hold presidential elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94815 ] on 21 February, part of a peace deal signed in November aimed at ending the political crisis, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94633 ] but in the north security for the polls is in doubt.

The Houthis, who want more autonomy, have been engaged in a series of intermittent wars with the government since 2004. Over the past year of nationwide protests, the Houthis voiced support for aims of the revolution and the ousting of President Saleh, but are against the recently signed political deal (including elections) sponsored by the Gulf Cooperation Council.

Abdullah al-Najjar, a political analyst at Amran University, told IRIN the Houthis had acquired weapons from the army during clashes since 2004 and were using them: "They even have tanks, armoured vehicles and artillery pieces," he said. 

Meanwhile, the Houthis control over 70 percent of neighbouring Sa’dah Governorate, exploiting the absence of government forces. On 15 February, they stormed the Islah Party offices in Sa’dah city, have been tearing down pictures of the sole presidential candidate Abdurabu Mansour Hadi, and are preventing any officials from putting up electoral posters, according Saddam a-Farih, a local journalist.

The Hajjah and Sa’dah governorates are nominally under the control of troops (led by Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh) which defected from the army. However, since Houthi-Salafi clashes first broke out in Sa’dah Governorate in mid-November, neither defected nor pro-government troops have intervened. 

Tribal mediators have made several attempts to stop the bloodshed, but so far to no avail. 

Owing to insecurity, election officials have not been able to access the eastern part of Hajjah Governorate ahead of the elections.

More displacements

Aid workers are concerned because the Houthi resurgence is leading to fresh clashes and further displacements.

In the past two weeks Houthi rebels have clashed with Salafi Sunni militants and/or members of the Islamist Islah Party, forcing thousands of people to flee their homes, according to local news sources and aid workers.

Several dozen people have been killed or injured in the clashes, according to Hajjah.net, [ http://www.hajjah.net/news/news.php?dept=5 ] and many others have been denied access to basic services like health and education.

This week 500 families have been displaced, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94763 ] bringing the number of newly displaced families from Kusher and Mustaba districts in Hajjah Governorate to over 1,000 in two weeks, said Mohamed Ghanim, head of Kusher District.

“They [displaced families] are scattered in various areas of the governorate, but most are sheltering in the Khameisin area of Khairan al-Muharaq District. Some 70 families, displaced this week, headed for Haradh [in the northwestern part of Hajjah],” he said.

There could be further displacements as the Houthis appear to be intent on expanding their influence - and given the lack of intervention by government troops in the region - said Ghanim.

The UN Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported on 14 February [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Situation%20Report%20No.%2014%20-%20Yemen%20Humanitarian%20Emergency%2013%20February%202012.pdf ] that about 7,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) have fled their homes in Hajjah, and that significant challenges remain concerning where to accommodate this new caseload if the displacement proves to be protracted.

According to OCHA, agencies in Haradh are focusing their limited resources on the needs of the most vulnerable IDPs, but more assistance is needed to cope with increasing needs.

A preliminary assessment of the humanitarian situation, including the child protection needs of IDPs in al-Khamisein, found that children are seriously distressed due to their displacement and after witnessing fighting between Houthis and tribal groups, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said in a 12 February report.

Health, education affected

Health and education services have been disrupted by the clashes. “The expansion of Houthi influence into Hajjah Governorate is becoming a concern,” said Geert Cappelaere, UNICEF representative in Yemen. 

Two UNICEF-supported health centres in Mustaba District had been closed by armed Houthis, affecting some 5,000 children. “At another health centre, the number of staff was reduced from seven to three workers due to Houthi intimidation,” he said.

“My three children have not gone to school since 24 January,” 50-year-old Abdullah Thabet, from Haza area, Kusher District, told IRIN. “I haven’t allowed them to go out since then, following the killing of two children; five others have gone missing in the area.” 

Thousands of children are out of school due to the clashes, said Mabkhut Zaid, an adviser with Hajjah Education Office. “They either fled with their families to other safer areas or are stranded in their homes,” he told IRIN. 

Short-lived truce

A ceasefire signed by Houthis and Kusher tribal leaders on 9 February collapsed on day two when 19 Houthis and 11 tribal members were killed in clashes, and dozens of others on both sides injured, Sheikh Abdullah Wahban, a member of a mediation committee which had drafted the ceasefire agreement, told IRIN. 

"A woman in her forties was killed along with her five children in Kusher on 13 February," he added. 

“Since 2004, Houthis have signed several truces either with the government, Salafis, or tribal groups, but have respected none,” Wahban said.

Zaid al-Shami, an MP and one of the mediation committee members, said the clashes had resumed before the ceasefire could be properly implemented. The Houthis insist on imposing their [Shia] religion in Hajjah by force, resulting in armed confrontations with locals, he said. “It was better for them to offer their ideologies peacefully if they want others to follow them, not by force.” 

Under the ceasefire, gunmen on each side were required to abandon their mountaintop positions, and those from Sa’dah were supposed to return to their home villages, according to mediator Wahban.

ay/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94881</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - Houthi-led Shia rebels are becoming more assertive and expanding the area under their control especially in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, say observers, prompting the Interior Ministry on 12 February to warn the Houthis to halt their operations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Despite its flaws election gives hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202060858030679t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - A presidential election to be held on 21 February in Yemen will open the door for a new chapter in the poorest and arguably most fragile country in the Arab world, says new Prime Minister Mohammed Salim Ba-Sindwa.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - A presidential election to be held on 21 February in Yemen will open the door for a new chapter in the poorest and arguably most fragile country in the Arab world, says new Prime Minister Mohammed Salim Ba-Sindwa.

A successful election [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94815 ] will pave the way for comprehensive reforms, said Ba-Sindwa, who was chosen to lead a national reconciliation government - part of a deal signed in November ending months of political turmoil.

Once elected directly by people, the new president will be constitutionally empowered to re-unite the divided army and replace corrupt officials in the various government institutions, Ba-Sindwa told IRIN in an interview. 

“Our plan for the post-election period is to make the rule of law prevail nationwide. This is key to purifying the country from corruption and corrupt officials,” he said. “We will apply the law on the senior [official] before the junior; on the strong before the weak and on the rich before the poor.” 

The prime minister’s words echo the optimism among some in the country, who see the election as the cornerstone of political transition. It is one of a string of steps stipulated in a power-transfer deal brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), after year-long nationwide protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule dragged the country to the brink of civil war. 

“The upcoming presidential election is the first step in this challenging journey,” Gustavo Gonzalez, senior country director for the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Yemen, told IRIN. “Any positive transformation of Yemen in terms of stability, security and development will have a strong geopolitical impact on the region,” he said. 

But the election faces massive challenges in feasibility and credibility, with the only candidate starting his campaign just two weeks before the election, various groups boycotting the election and violence continuing to affect parts of the country.

The sole candidate, current Vice-President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, has the backing of the main opposition grouping and former Saleh supporters, but the electorate had no input in his selection and will not have a choice on election day beyond whether or not to vote. As Jane Novak, a US-based analyst and expert on Yemeni affairs, put it, “there isn’t a `no’ vote option on the ballot”.

Hadi was nominated by a parliament that deemed the country too fragile for possibly divisive competitive elections. But Hafez al-Bukari, president of Yemeni Polling Center (YPC), a local think-tank, worries the lack of competition will lead Yemenis to believe that democratic and competitive elections are not the ideal tool for change.

New hope 

Flawed as it may be, the election has nonetheless given many Yemenis hope. 

“I was born in 1979 with Saleh being president… Now, I am a mother of five and he is still president,” Summaya al-Husseini, a high school teacher in the central Dhamar Governorate, told IRIN. “During Saleh’s reign, America saw six presidents… We are bored with Saleh… We need a new face to rule Yemen.” 

During a speech just hours before he left Yemen for medical treatment in the USA on 22 January, Saleh confirmed he would hand over the presidential palace to Hadi after he is elected. “[I] will take [my] personal [things] and go home,” Saleh said.

For many, the break in the power barrier is itself an accomplishment.

“We never imagined that the next president would be from outside Saleh’s family members, who are controlling sensitive military and security institutions,” said Ramadhan Humaid, a grocer in the capital Sana’a. 

Many voters see the ballot box as the only solution to their sufferings. 

“We need better electricity and water services,” said Saleh Naji, a metal workshop owner, in Radaa city, Beidha Governorate, whose business was hit by prolonged power cuts. “We will vote for Hadi to end this turmoil that disrupted these services.” 

Electoral support

Despite a fragile security situation in several parts of the country, there is hopeful progress towards polling day with voter education campaigns running in several parts of the country. 

There has been considerable Western support for the elections: Within 45 days of the signing of the GCC roadmap, Japan, Germany, the UK, Denmark and the Peace-building Fund provided US$8 million in record time, said UNDP’s Gonzalez. 

“These elections are extraordinarily important for any future partnership between Yemen and its international partners,” he told IRIN. 

UNDP also offered US$15 million in support for the elections [ http://www.undp.org.ye/press_releases.php ] through two phases. Phase one will focus on the early presidential election. Phase two will focus on electoral reforms, the expected referendum on the new/revised constitution, and the post-referendum elections. 
Security challenges 

Yemen has seen sectarian clashes in the north; and Islamic militants fighting the government in the south. Houthi rebels controlling parts of the north, and southern secessionists, have both announced a boycott of the vote.

But Information Minister Ali al-Amrani said these security challenges were limited to specific areas: “They will have no major influence on the electoral process.”

According to al-Amrani, the single constituency system will keep security challenges to a minimum. Under this system, the entire country becomes a single constituency. An eligible voter can cast his/her ballot in the nearest polling station with an ID or voting card, instead of having to return to their place of origin in which they are registered, al-Amrani told IRIN. 

Reconciliation

But even if the elections are successful, more important, is what will follow. Hadi’s nomination as a consensus candidate for the two major political forces in the country, the opposition coalition Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) and Saleh’s General People Congress (GPC) party, is key to reaching a political agreement among the various political and tribal forces, analysts say. 

“This is a good step towards ending the sharp disagreement between Saleh’s supporters and opponents, which was about to drag the country into a civil war,” Nabila al-Wadeai, secretary-general of the Yemen Election Monitoring Network (YEMN - made up of five local NGOs), told IRIN. “Hadi’s nomination as a consensus candidate is key to stability in Yemen in the future.” 

According to UNDP’s Gonzalez, one of the most important benchmarks of the transition is the national dialogue process, which is supposed to bring all the Yemeni players - political parties, youth leaders, civil society organizations and the private sector - around the same table to define the new development priorities and the new political system.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94828</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202060858030679t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - A presidential election to be held on 21 February in Yemen will open the door for a new chapter in the poorest and arguably most fragile country in the Arab world, says new Prime Minister Mohammed Salim Ba-Sindwa.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Yemen election overview</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.

While some observers argue that the election is a mere change of guard, others suggest it is the only way to save Yemen from collapse - ending President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule in accordance with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered agreement signed in November 2011.

The GCC deal aimed to end a year of fighting that led to a deepening humanitarian crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94506 ] But the election is being held under difficult circumstances. 

Violence remains widespread across the country and the election is being opposed by Islamist militants, some elements within the Southern Movement, and the Houthis, who were left out of the November deal.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), [ http://reliefweb.int/node/474598 ] data compiled by the government’s executive unit for internally displaced persons (IDPs) shows that 144,000 people have been displaced in southern and central Yemen since May 2011, and over 80,000 in Abyan Governorate alone.

In Kisher District in the northern governorate of Hajjah hundreds of people have been displaced by recent clashes between Houthis and Salafists. Hajjah is also where tens of thousands of IDPs have been displaced since 2004 by conflict between government and Houthi forces. Over 300,000 remain displaced in Sa’dah Governorate.

Saleh, now undergoing medical treatment in the USA, remains influential within the army, where his son commands an elite brigade; in the economy, where his relatives and cronies hold sway; and in politics where he remains head of the ruling General People’s Congress (GPC). 

Hadi, who has been vice-president since 1994 and is GPC deputy chairman, is considered to be more open to dialogue with the opposition, including influential figures such as Gen Ali Mohsen (an erstwhile Saleh supporter) and Hamid al-Ahmar (a wealthy Sheikh from the opposition Islah Party). In view of the support he has among opposition groups he is viewed as the “consensus” candidate, who will guide the country through a two-year transitional period, in an attempt to resolve issues in the contested South and North, reunite the army and security forces, and prepare the country for competitive elections.

After approving Hadi’s nomination, parliament suspended its proceedings until after the election, essentially rejecting all other nominations, with the view that a competitive election at such a tense time could spark violence. The intention of the coming elections is to transfer power smoothly from Saleh, avoid violence and restore peace and services in Yemen. But many obstacles remain. 

IRIN looks at some of the other key players and groups who could influence the polls.

Al-Musaibly

Ahmad al-Musaibly, a TV announcer supported mainly by youthful protesters, had tried to contest the presidency, but parliament did not accept his credentials. 

Al-Musaibly has no party affiliation, and says he is an “independent revolutionary”. He used to work for Yemen's main state-run TV, but resigned from his job in March to join the anti-Saleh protest movement.

“We need an independent president for the transitional period who believes in the legitimacy of the Youth Revolution against the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh,” the Organizing Committee of the Youth Revolution (OCYR), which supports his candidature, said in a statement on 15 January.

“There are millions of independent Yemeni citizens whom we expect will support this independent presidential candidate,” OCYR media coordinator Zaki Sallam told IRIN. “We expect the international community, which rejects the granting of immunity to killers, to support our candidate.”

His supporters, who had already started printing campaign materials, are likely to be frustrated by his inability to run and could cause trouble. 

GPC

Despite some defections since political unrest began in February 2011, the GPC still has nearly 200 members in the 301-seat parliament, and holds half the posts in the 34-member interim cabinet. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ]

In power for 10 years, and with a nationwide membership going back to when it was founded in the 1980s, party members head many institutions at governorate and district levels. The GPC will no doubt exploit the electoral advantages of incumbency.

Tensions within its leadership have, however, become evident lately. On 10 January, Hadi threatened not to run for president after GPC members accused him of defying Saleh’s authority, with some calling him a traitor.

The issue of immunity from prosecution for Saleh and his closest associates is likely to cause further problems for the GPC: Observers believe the GPC could have difficulty explaining the amnesty to a disgruntled electorate.

The cabinet recently approved a draft law granting amnesty to Saleh, but the decision has sparked widespread anger especially among young Yemenis, and criticism from human rights watchdogs. Yet party stalwarts seem determined: "No election may take place unless the capital Sana’a is cleared of gunmen and a draft law granting immunity to Saleh and his aides is approved," said Sultan al-Barakani, head of the party's parliamentary bloc.

JMP

Established in 2003, and active nationwide, Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) is a coalition of six major opposition parties: the Islamist Islah Party, the Yemeni Socialist Party, the Nasserite Unionist Popular Organization, the Arab Baath Party, the Union of Popular Forces, and the Haq Party.

It is chaired by Abdulwahab al-Anisi of the Islah Party. In December 2011, it took up half the seats in the interim cabinet under the GGC-brokered deal, including the position of prime minister. It has some 60 members in parliament.

JMP has been heavily involved in the nationwide protests against Saleh, and has been accused by GPC of involvement in staff protests at several state institutions - where JMP called for the ouster of institutional heads who are GPC members.

Najiba Mutahar, a political analyst at Taiz University, said attempts by some JMP parliamentarians to obstruct the amnesty law shows the JMP’s lack of support for it. 

JMP, particularly Islah, has widespread support nationwide. It wants the current first-past-the-post system replaced by proportional representation, believing it to be more democratic.

The coalition is supported by “powerful and wealthy figures including Hamid al-Ahmar”, Ahmad al-Zawqari, a member of local NGO Yemen Election Monitoring Network (YEMN), told IRIN.

The "revolutionaries"

Despite the GCC deal, tens of thousands of young protesters calling themselves "revolutionaries" are still camping out in Sana'a and other main cities.

The “revolutionaries” who started the protest movement in February 2011, have long been wary of opposition compromises with the Saleh regime, a fact which may explain their reluctance to support the GCC-brokered deal.

They are opposed to immunity for Saleh and his aides, and are therefore unlikely to back any political group which supports the amnesty. 

"Why give immunity to killers… who killed thousands of us… We will continue protesting until the killers are tried before our eyes," Tawakkul Karman, a young protest leader and Nobel Prize laureate, [ http://www.freep.com/article/20111113/NEWS02/111113026/Nobel-Peace-Prize-winner-decries-Yemeni-President-Ali-Saleh ] told IRIN. 

Observers fear the young protesters could try and disrupt the elections. "Young protesters may escalate their protests, leading to violence and hindering the elections since they think parliament betrayed them by approving the immunity law on 21 January,” said Sheikh Nassr al-Shahiri, leader of the Supreme Council of Central Lands, a pro-JMP tribal coalition. They have already staged protests in Sana’a, Taiz and Aden.

The Southern Movement (SM)

SM comprises tens of thousands of people demanding the secession of the south.

Led by Hassan Baoum, the movement is active in the southern governorates of Dhalea, Lahj, Aden and Abyan; and the eastern governorates of Shabwa, Hadhramaut and Mahrah. It is opposed to the GCC-deal and the February elections.

In a rally in the southern port city of Aden in early January, hundreds of SM members burnt their voting IDs in front of cameras, indicating that they would boycott the elections.

"No polling station will be allowed to open in our territory… No citizen will be allowed to participate in the vote," Salah al-Shanfarah, an SM leader in Aden, told IRIN. "Any election will be illegitimate since our territory is being occupied by northerners."

Some SM members are armed. On 13 January clashes caused seven deaths and 26 injuries. “Their calls for boycotting the elections may find listening ears in the southern streets where people suffer poverty, poor basic services and feel they are excluded from real partnership in power and resources,” said YEMN’s al-Zawqari.

Islamic militants

Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), is a loose affiliation of foreign Al-Qaeda fighters and local militants that has been increasingly confronting the Yemeni government in southern Yemen. Abyan Governorate is its main stronghold, but it is also active in the adjacent governorates of Shabwa, Beidha, Marib and al-Jawf. 

Mostly from Yemen and Saudi Arabia, its militants have exploited the weak control of the central governorate over several parts of the country and gained more territory, recently expanding their operations to Radaa city in Beidha Governorate.

Sheikh Mohammed Bin Sabaa, from Abyan, told IRIN that Ansar al-Sharia are vowing not to allow the election management committees to enter the governorate. “They don’t recognize elections,” he said. “They see democracy as a Western concept introduced by the US.” 

Ongoing military operations against the militants have made various areas of the south unsafe. The movement and expansion of Al-Qaeda and affiliated groups will negatively affect political progress and lead to security tensions, Ayesh Awas, a security researcher at the Saba Centre for Strategic Studies, told the Yemen Times. [ http://yementimes.com/en/1543/news/267/Al-Qaeda-may-hinder-political-progress.htm ] "It's not reasonable to hold elections in the areas of conflict," he said.

The Houthis

Led by Shia cleric Abdulmalik al-Houthi, this Shia rebel group is active in the northern governorates of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Amran, as well as in some parts of Hajjah. It also has thousands of loyalists in Sana’a and other governorates.

They want more autonomy and ultimately the return of the pre-1962 Hashemite Imamate.

The Houthis are opposed to the GCC-brokered deal because of Saudi involvement: Saudi Arabia waged a war against them in 2009. They see democracy as a Western concept arbitrarily imposed on Yemen by the USA, but have supported anti-Saleh protests.

"In Islam, we have a caliphate, but not democracy which is an American concept," said Sameeh al-Rijami, a leader of the movement.

Observers say polling may not take place in Sa’dah and neighbouring areas due to insecurity. Currently, the Houthis are fighting Salafist Sunnis in some parts of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Hajjah governorates.

Hashid Tribal Confederation

This Confederation of several tribes is loyal to powerful Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar, who has been involved in sporadic clashes with pro-government army units since May 2011.

The Confederation is believed to have tens of thousands of gunmen, mainly from Amran, Marib and Sana’a governorates. It has several hundred gunmen protecting al-Ahmar in the al-Hasaba area, north of Sana’a.

They have so far refused to leave Sana’a, as per the GPC-brokered deal, raising tension in the capital just weeks before the elections. “If Saleh wants immunity, he should leave Yemen," al-Ahmar told UN envoy to Yemen Jamal Bin Omar on 12 January.

Defected army units

Some 25-30,000 soldiers are believed to have defected, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and represent a serious source of tension which could affect the elections, according to observers.

These include the First Armoured Division in the capital, and other divisions in the northwestern and eastern parts of the country which are loyal to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh, commander of the Northwestern Military Zone, who says he is in favour of the elections.

The GCC deal requires all troops to be confined to barracks before the elections, but Ali Mohsen Saleh has not complied, fearing his troops could be vulnerable to attack by Republican Guards.

Republican Guard (RG)

Led by Brig Ahmad Ali Saleh, a son of President Saleh, the elite force of 23 divisions is based in Sana’a and other governorates including Dhamar, Ibb, Taiz, Beidha, Hudeidah and Hadhramaut.

RG is estimated to have some 40,000 soldiers controlling almost all strategic mountaintop positions overlooking Sana’a city.

Troops which have defected to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh are demanding that RG abandon such positions before they withdraw from Sana’a, a demand which has been rejected by RG commanders.

Sources:
http://www.arabic-military.com/t11420-topic
http://yemen-press.com/news3179.html
http://www.alahmar.net/
http://www.al-tagheer.com/news38651.html
http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=24733
http://marebpress.taiz-press.net/

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94815</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Fighting in north leads to fresh displacements</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.

“My husband coughs and coughs until he vomits blood… We have no medicine to give him,” Taqwa told IRIN. “It was the hardest trip in my life… We had neither food nor water nor even a blanket to protect ourselves from the cold.”

The elderly couple are among hundreds of families displaced by last week’s clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94724 ] between Houthi-led Shia fighters and Sunni Salafi members in Kisher.

Helene Kadi, an emergency coordinator with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told IRIN 580 families had been displaced by the fighting. “Over 30 percent of the IDPs [internally displaced persons] have taken shelter in five schools, a worrying trend we have seen with recent displacements in the country… Others have been hosted with families or have no shelter.”

According to Ali Meshaal, a social worker in Kisher, around 230 displaced families - mostly the elderly, women and children - fled to Hajjah Governorate’s Ahim District, while more than 250 families had made it to Khairan al-Muharaq. “The whereabouts of dozens of other displaced families is still unknown,” he told IRIN.

Hajjah Governorate is home to more than 100,000 IDPs displaced by fighting between government troops and Houthi rebels since June 2004, according to a December 2011 report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Kind hosts

People from the al-Khamisein area in Khairan al-Muharaq District warmly received several displaced families. “They are sharing their food and water with hundreds of displaced persons who reached their villages. They also freed up schools in the area so they could be used as shelters for the displaced,” he said.

Meshaal appealed to the government and aid organizations to intervene: “The condition of the IDPs is getting much worse due to lack of food and appropriate shelter,” he said.

Ali al-Dubai with local NGO al-Khair Social Charitable Society (ASCS) said more than 2,000 IDPs had been identified and registered for assistance in Hajjah Governorate.

UNICEF, according to Kadi, has distributed 316 hygiene kits and made efforts to raise awareness about hygiene issues among IDPs and the host community. The construction of 12 latrines has been completed and water trucking to IDPs is taking place in the al-Khamisein area. Seven more 1,000 litre tankers are to be deployed and eight emergency latrines will be constructed, and more hygiene kits distributed. Water, sanitation and hygiene assistance is being delivered by UNICEF's partner ASCS, Kadi told IRIN.

Stranded

However, several families are stranded “either on their way to safer areas or inside their homes after many villages in Kisher District became inaccessible and roads unsafe,” said Sheikh Abdullah Dhahban, a member of a recently established tribal mediation committee which is trying to persuade the warring parties to lay down their arms.

“Several dead bodies are still lying in the mountains… None of their relatives have come to collect them for burial,” Dhahban told IRIN.

Local witnesses who preferred anonymity told IRIN on 28 January that Houthi fighters were attempting to tighten their control of a strategic mountain-top position called Abu Dowar, and fighting was also continuing for control of Mishabah hill, which overlooks Suq Ahim (a local market) in Kisher District.

“If Houthis take over this hill it will be easier for them to control the entire district,” one of the witnesses told IRIN.

Waning central government influence due to political turmoil since early last year, has allowed the Houthis to tighten their control of Sa’dah Governorate and push into eastern parts of neighbouring Hajjah Governorate.

“The whole governorate [Sa’dah] is controlled by Houthis. We only have to deal with one party,” said Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of operations for the Near and Middle East at the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The fresh displacements are taking place as Yemen prepares for presidential elections scheduled for 21 February.

ay/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Little hope of swift return for Abyan IDPs</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg" />]]>ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</description><body><![CDATA[ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.
 
But on a visit there in January he found nothing left of his two-storey home and his watermelon farm - the family’s sole source of income - had become a wasteland.
 
“I never expected to see our home in this condition. It is almost completely destroyed and our furniture has been looted,” al-Hasani told IRIN. “Our watermelon farm is littered with spent cartridges and unexploded devices.” 
 
Al-Hasani is one of some 2,500 [ http://yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35102 ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) who went back to Abyan in mid-January to check on their property and belongings.
 
After the visit, the IDPs returned to Aden, where they have been sheltering since May 2011 following clashes between government troops and armed Islamic militants (mainly Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsular).
 
According to the government’s Executive Unit for IDP Camp Management, more than 144,000 people have been displaced in southern Yemen since May 2011. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/reliefweb_pdf/node-457544.pdf ]
 
Local sources told IRIN armed Islamic groups allowed the IDPs to enter Zinjibar city, the main militant stronghold, and other neighbouring areas. 
 
“We were received warmly by the militants - behaviour we have never seen before,” said Abdulkhaliq Abu Omar, a secondary school teacher in his thirties. “We fear they [militants] just want to seduce us to return and then use as human shields,” he told IRIN.
 
According to IDPs, armed militants and the army share control of Zinjibar city, and in some areas the two warring sides are only metres apart, making further clashes a distinct possibility.
 
Nadheer Kandah, a local journalist who accompanied the IDPs on their journey to Abyan, described Zinjibar as a ghost town, with all shops shut and no water or electricity. 
 
“A number of streets and neighbourhoods are no-go areas because of landmines,” he said. 
 
Compensation unlikely
 
“Our home is a wreck… Our grocery [the family’s sole source of income] has been burned down… How can we survive if we return?” asked Ali Saif, a 35-year-old IDP sheltering with his eight-member family in 22 May School in Aden.
 
“We will not return unless our homes are reconstructed and unless we receive compensation for our livelihood sources, which we lost, and unless security is restored… It is too early for us to think about homecoming.”
 
Edward Leposky, external relations officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN there has been no assessment of the dangers of mines and other unexploded devices in the Abyan area. The agency, he added, was monitoring developments and continuing to campaign for improvements on the ground to permit a safe return.
 
According to Ghassan Faraj, secretary-general of Zinjibar local council, the destruction of citizens’ homes and other property is huge. “No assessment has been conducted yet, but we can say that several hundred homes and farms have been damaged or destroyed, most notably in Zinjibar and Jaar cities,” he said. 
 
“The government hasn’t compensated Sa’dah IDPs displaced since 2004 [due to fighting between government forces and Houthi rebels]. This makes us pessimistic that it can do so in Abyan to prompt the return of IDPs," Faraj told IRIN.
 
Yemen is due to hold presidential elections on 21 February as part of a deal brokered by Gulf states to end a year of political turmoil that has left hundreds dead.
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94716</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Over 40 killed in sectarian clashes</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.

Yemeni independent news website Barakish.net [ http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=25171 ] has also reported on the fighting and deaths which occurred there over the past couple of days.

“Houthi gunmen continue to increase their dominance over several areas and mountaintop positions in the eastern parts of Hajjah in what they say is ‘their effort to liberate these areas from mercenaries [members of the pro-government Islamist Islah Party]’,” Sulaiman said. 

According to Abu Hamza Mohammed al-Sori, a Salafi leader, 40 of the dead are Houthis, and six are from his Salafi group, while more than 20 Salafis were injured, some of them seriously. 

Al-Sori said the clashes began in Dhu Holais village, in the eastern part of the governorate, after Houthi fighters attacked a villager during a religious dispute.

“Tribesmen from Hajour District [in the adjacent Sa’dah Governorate, where most Houthis are based] backed residents of the village [Dhu Holais] in their fight against Houthis, inflicting on them heavy losses in equipment and personnel,” he said. 

Dhaifallah al-Shami, a Houthi leader, said the clashes were still going on. He vowed they would “behead those mercenaries” who killed Houthis. “They don’t want to coexist peacefully with us. They receive support from the government and Saudi Arabia to kill us,” he told IRIN. 

Many members of the Salafi Sect hail from the Damaj area of Sa’dah Governorate, but thousands of others live in Hajjah Governorate. Their leader is Muqpil al-Wadie, based in Sa’dah, and they are staunch supporters of outgoing President Saleh. The Houthis on the other hand have been fighting for more autonomy from central government for a number of years.

Salafis in Damaj released a statement on 24 January saying that Houthis had killed 71 of their people and more than 168 others had been injured over the past two months (not counting the most recent clashes) in the governorates of Sa’dah, Hajjah, Amran and al-Jawf. 

ay/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94724</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Coping with unrest - aid workers turn to the community</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110859420663t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF).
 
 “The government commitment at the central level [line ministries] to allocate resources and implement and monitor routine activities is inadequate; the capacity of decentralized government institutions to fulfil their obligations is very weak,” said Geert Cappelaere, a UNICEF representative in Yemen.
 
 Across the Middle East, aid workers have complained of the challenges of effectively designing and executing programmes while political instability surrounds their national counterparts, due to mass anti-government protests which have swept the region since the beginning of last year. In Egypt, ministers change every few weeks and in Libya, the interim government has been hesitant to take action on certain issues, preferring to leave long-term decisions to an elected government.
 
 "There are very few implementing partners [in Yemen], with extremely limited capacity to operationalize and manage outpatient therapeutic centres," said Cappelaere.
 
 Only 50 percent of outpatient treatment centres in 14 out of 21 governorates were operating at the end of September 2011, due to insecurity, fuel shortages and civil unrest, UNICEF said in a 7 January report. 
 
 Protests against leaders of dozens of national institutions since mid-December have made the situation worse, reported local weekly Yemen Times. [ http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35041 ]
 
 "The role of these institutions has been undermined by lack of funding as a result of the year-long unrest… Currently they are paralysed by mass staff strikes and protests," said Abdruhman Abdulhamid, an adviser to the minister of planning and international cooperation.
 
 Tackling malnutrition
 
 In the absence of strong and reliable central government support in fighting high levels of malnutrition, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ] aid workers are working closely with community health leaders.
 
 Community Management of Acute Malnutrition (CMAM), which enables communities and lower level health facilities to treat the vast majority of cases and reserves in-patient care for only those with critical complications, is being successfully promoted by international and local NGOs, according to Saja Abdullah, nutrition cluster coordinator at UNICEF. 
 
 “Through CMAM, a mother brings her severely malnourished child to the nearest health facility for assessment and life-saving intervention in the form of medicine and therapeutic food,” Wisam al-Timimi, a UNICEF nutrition and child survival specialist in Yemen, told IRIN.
 
 CMAM was first initiated in Yemen in 2008 with only three operational health facilities, but now operates in 374 health centres in 17 out of Yemen’s 21 governorates.
 
 “These facilities provide under-five severely acute malnourished cases with antibiotics, plumpy’nut, different vitamins, supplements, and deworming tablets, as well as double-check the vaccination status of a referred child. If a child is missing a vaccine, he or she will be given this vaccine,” al-Timimi said.
 
 Between January and November 2011, 58,338 children under five with severe acute malnutrition (SAM) were treated in 374 CMAM facilities, according to a UNICEF report released in mid-December.
 
 “Now our plan is to treat 105,000 severely acute malnourished under-five children by the end of 2012 through operationalizing at least 660 health facilities to deliver CMAM services country-wide,” al-Timimi told IRIN.
 
 Local knowledge
 
 Mohammed Audha, an operations officer with local NGO al-Saleh Foundation for Social Development, told IRIN that given the limited role being played by the authorities, local knowledge about the security situation was vital for effective needs assessments and aid delivery.
 
 “Last month we cancelled an aid convoy heading for al-Jawf Governorate after it already left Sana’a when local coordinators advised us by phone against going to the governorate due to clashes between Houthi fighters and armed tribesmen from the Islamist Islah Party,” he said. “The aid was returned to our warehouses in Sana’a.”
 
 "Community-based volunteers are more aware of the vulnerable cases… They also know which roads are safe, and the most appropriate time for delivering assistance… They know how to avoid risks posed by gunmen," Essam Awadh, an emergency officer with local NGO Charitable Society for Social Welfare (CSSW), told IRIN.
 
 Local volunteers can be an asset at illegal checkpoints on highways and particularly in remote areas.
 
 "If you have escorts from the local community, you become less prone to risks by gunmen at checkpoints,” said Fatihya Abdullah, an aid worker with local NGO Yemeni Family Care Association. 
 
 “Local people know the whereabouts of gunmen at these illegal checkpoints, which is why the latter don't dare to intercept them or loot aid being delivered,” she added.
 
 Local people are the ones who best know the needs of their communities and the geography. They can also often assist in the organization of distributions, help cross-check lists of beneficiaries, control the crowds and speed up the delivery of assistance to those in need, said Rabab Al-Rifai, communications coordinator for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Yemen. “People from a given community enlighten us on important cultural aspects; this enables us to have a better understanding of the required assistance, adapt our humanitarian response, and respond to the needs in a manner that is respectful to the local culture", she told IRIN. 
 
 ay/ha/eo/cb/oa
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94623</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110859420663t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Malnutrition data should “shock”</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003170750450181t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope &quot;shocking&quot; new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope “shocking” new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.
 
 Until now, aid workers say some donors have been unconvinced of the extent of the problem because of a perceived lack of evidence.
 
 “It’s been a challenge,” one Yemen-based aid worker told IRIN. “Every time we sit down with donors, they say ‘Where are the figures? Where is the data?’” 
 
 Geert Cappelaere, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Yemen, said donors have asked him for more evidence that malnutrition was such a priority.
 
 “That kind of question - each and every time - kills something in me. Why do you want children to die first before you’re going to give any credibility to a disaster looming here in Yemen?”
 
 Results 
 
 Yemen’s Ministry of Public Health and Population, with the support of UNICEF, surveyed 3,104 households in Hudeidah Governorate in October and collected data on 4,668 children under five.
 
 The survey found a global acute malnutrition (GAM) rate of 31.7 percent - meaning nearly one third of children surveyed suffered from either moderate or severe acute malnutrition - of which nearly 10 percent were severe cases. These figures are more than double the internationally recognized emergency threshold of 15 percent. The survey also found that nearly 60 percent of children were underweight and 54.5 percent stunted, meaning their height was too low for their age, a sign of longer-term malnutrition. 
 
 These results are consistent with recent surveys conducted in other parts of the country. 
 
 In the southern Abyan Governorate, a battleground in ongoing fighting between government troops and al-Qaeda affiliated militants, a UNICEF survey in September found a GAM rate of 18.6 percent, of which 3.9 percent were severe cases. In the northern Hajjah Governorate, a government survey in June found a GAM rate of 31.4 percent, of which 9.1 percent were severe cases. Nearly half of the children surveyed in Hajjah were underweight and 43.6 percent were stunted. 
 
 “Wherever we go, wherever we survey, wherever we assess, we come to the same conclusions,” Cappelaere told IRIN. “The levels of acute malnutrition in Yemen are incredibly high.” 
 
 Yemeni Minister of Health Ahmed Al-ansi says half a million children suffer from acute malnutrition across the country. Hundreds of thousands of farmers are at risk of losing their livelihoods because of floods and drought, he added. According to the NGO Oxfam, many Yemenis live off tea and bread. 
 
 The UN says some seven million people (a third of the population) are food insecure, meaning they go to bed hungry or do not know where their next meal is coming from. This number is expected to rise significantly when the World Food Programme carries out a new national Comprehensive Food Security Survey in January. Aid workers expect the humanitarian situation in Yemen to continue getting worse next year. 
 
 The mortality formula
 
 While malnutrition rates in parts of Yemen are comparable to those in parts of Somalia, they have not yet resulted in the same mortality rates, only because - until recently - Yemen had a functioning, if imperfect, primary health care system, including vaccination.
 
 But in the past 10 months, during which anti-government demonstrations led to a violent crackdown and a political crisis, some areas have seen up to 40 percent fewer children immunized, UNICEF’s Cappelaere said. 
 
 Combine the high rates of malnutrition, the low levels of vaccination and sporadic outbreaks of diseases like measles, and “a disaster may be around the corner.”
 
 The Hudeidah survey found that three in every four children suffered from diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections or fever in the two weeks preceding the survey; and 2.5 percent of mothers reported symptoms of measles in their children in the past three months. The survey found measles vaccination coverage of 74 percent in Hudeidah, well below the 90 percent coverage rate needed to prevent an outbreak. 
 
 “Why is it that the international community gets mobilized primarily when it sees the dramatic outcome of a situation or a crisis that we could have seen coming for many, many years?” Cappelaere asked. “This is not a blaming and shaming [exercise], but this is a collective question we need to ask ourselves.” 
 
 The UN has appealed for US$154 million for food and agricultural programmes and $70 million for nutritional programmes, the largest sectoral demands amid an overall appeal of $447 million for Yemen in 2012. 
 
 Government capacity
 
 Government officials admit dealing with the dramatic levels of malnutrition will be a challenge for the interim Yemeni cabinet which emerged after a peace deal signed in late November pulled the country back from the brink of civil war.
 
 The cash-strapped government is charged with organizing presidential elections by February         2012, while trying to maintain stability. Pro-democracy protesters, and an armed opposition, had been clashing with government forces on and off since February 2011. The peace deal has brought some calm to the capital Sana’a and the second city Taiz, but rebels, separatists and al-Qaeda affiliated-militants are still opposing the government in different parts of the country. 
 
 Majid Al Jonaid, deputy minister of health, said one of the government’s priorities is to address issues affecting the daily life of Yemenis, including malnutrition. The government plans to open clinics and run education campaigns, as part of a multi-sectoral national government strategy on malnutrition approved by the cabinet last year, before the latest crisis. 
 
 But “it depends mainly on the availability of resources and the overall situation,” he told IRIN. “We will start our work with the hampered resources that we have.” 
 
 Still, Al Jonaid said he was concerned malnutrition may not get the attention it deserves amid competing government priorities and big constraints. For example, the Ministry of Health was virtually shut down for weeks because of insecurity in and around the building. 
 
 Cappelaere said it was unrealistic to expect the government to take over much of the international community’s humanitarian work in the next year.
 
 Long-term effects
 
 The economic situation in the country has been set back 5-10 years by the events of this year and Yemen will continue having substantial humanitarian needs for 3-5 years, according to the UN humanitarian coordinator in Yemen, Jens Toyberg-Frandzen. Cappelare said the country will probably continue needing some form of assistance for two to three decades. 
 
 Addressing malnutrition is a complex task, as the problem relates to poverty, lack of education, bad sanitation, and cultural practices, like chewing khat and resisting exclusive breastfeeding. In Hudeidah, only 9 percent of infants under six months were exclusively fed breast milk. 
 
 The Ministry of Health report from the nutrition survey recommended establishing out-patient therapeutic programmes in community health facilities and considering “radical strategies” like blanket, rather than targeted, distribution of supplementary food.
 
 Investments in lifesaving humanitarian assistance, as well as longer-term development work, are required immediately, Cappelaere said, to prevent both high mortality rates and longer-term effects of chronic malnutrition, like retardation in cognitive development, which will affect the country’s ability to move forward.
 
 “Yemen is entering a new phase in its history,” said Pete Manfield, deputy head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Yemen, “but it’s critical that humanitarian needs are met in 2012, not only to prevent the loss of life, but also to support the stabilization of the country.” 
 
 “We appeal not to let Yemen become another catastrophe,” Toyberg-Frandzen added.
 
 ha/cb/bp
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94533</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003170750450181t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope &quot;shocking&quot; new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Unrest puts child marriage issue on back burner</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211256280976t.jpg" />]]>DHAMAR 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Poverty and unemployment, exacerbated by the current political unrest, are driving up child marriages in Dhamar Governorate and elsewhere in Yemen, says Asmaa al-Masri, a sociologist at Dhamar University.</description><body><![CDATA[DHAMAR 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Poverty and unemployment, exacerbated by the current political unrest, are driving up child marriages in Dhamar Governorate and elsewhere in Yemen, says Asmaa al-Masri, a sociologist at Dhamar University.
 
 Several hundred girls in Dhamar have been forced into early marriages because their families need money, she told IRIN. "The number of child marriage victims is increasing, but no one pays attention to the problem because of the political unrest."
 
 Draft legislation on "safe motherhood", including articles banning child marriages, has not been debated as a result of the ongoing political unrest which interrupted parliament business, said MP Mohammed Qowarah, adding: “If there had been no protests, the parliament would have taken good steps towards tackling the phenomenon."
 
 Figures on the extent of early marriage in Yemen vary, but all indicators suggest the problem is widespread. A 2009 report by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour estimated that 25 percent of all females marry before the age of 15.

According to an 8 December report [ http://www.hrw.org/node/103334/section/2 ] by Human Rights Watch (HRW), the turmoil which has swept Yemen since early 2011 has overshadowed the plight of child brides.
 
 "Marrying early cut short their education,” said the report. “Some said they had been subjected to marital rape and domestic abuse. There is no legal minimum age for girls to marry in Yemen. Many girls are forced into marriage and some are as young as eight.”
 
 Yemen's political crisis has left child marriage at the bottom of the political agenda, said Nadya Khalife, an HRW women's rights researcher covering the Middle East and North Africa.
 
 "But now is the time to move on this issue, setting the minimum age for marriage at 18, to ensure that girls and women, who played a major role in Yemen's protest movement, will also contribute to shaping Yemen's future," she said.
 
 According to Widad al-Badwi, a human rights activist, many rape and early marriage crimes go unreported in Yemen.
 "Women are oppressed,” said al-Badwi, who participated in the launch of a 16-daynationwide awareness campaign in the media [ http://inthenews.unfpa.org/?cat=142 ] by the UN Population Fund, UNFPA, from 25 November to 10 December aimed at fighting domestic violence.
 
 The HRW report concluded that girls are being forced into marriage by their families, and then having no control over whether and when to bear children and other important aspects of their lives.
 
 “Short-lived"
 
 "Marriage of child girls is most often short-lived. It ends up in the child bride having trauma after being raped or abused by the husband,” said sociologist al-Masri.
 
 According to Arwa Omar, a social science teacher with more than 20 years experience in several all-girl schools in the capital Sana’a, child marriage is commonplace but ends up in failure.
 
 “In some tribal communities, girls are engaged even at age five, but marriage may take place just four or five years later," Omar said. "Child brides feel happy with the new clothes and jewelry they get ahead of the wedding party. But later on, they pay a big price for that… A child girl gets nothing from marriage except dropping out of school and having trauma."
 
 Mohammed Ali Nasser, a judge at Dhamar Governorate’s penal court, said a dozen child marriage contracts had been annulled by the court in the past three months.
 
 "Child marriages fail as child brides often run away," he told IRIN. Such cases end up in court, with the husband usually claiming parents of the bride should repay him for the cost of the wedding (up to the equivalent of US$4,500), he added.
 
 Health risks
 
 "Birth-related complications are common among underage mothers in Yemen. Many cases of child mothers under age 15 died in labour," said Intesar Ali, an obstetrics and gynaecology specialist at the government-run al-Thawrah Hospital in Sana’a.
 
 A report by the World Population Foundation [ http://www.wpf.org/reproductive_rights_article/facts ] says girls aged 15-19 are twice as likely to die in childbirth as those in their twenties, and girls under 15 are five times as likely to die as those in their twenties.
 
 According to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Yemeni women face a lifetime risk of maternal death which is nearly four times higher than the average for the region. The rate of infant mortality is around 60 deaths per 1,000 live births, which is among the highest worldwide. [ http://www.jica.go.jp/activities/issues/gender/pdf/e08_yem.pdf ]
 
 "International donors invest millions of dollars on education and health reform in Yemen," HRW's Khalife said. "Without a ban on child marriage, none of the international aid will prevent girls from being forced to leave school and from the health risks of child marriage."
 
 ay/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94517</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211256280976t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DHAMAR 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Poverty and unemployment, exacerbated by the current political unrest, are driving up child marriages in Dhamar Governorate and elsewhere in Yemen, says Asmaa al-Masri, a sociologist at Dhamar University.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
