<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - West Africa</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 10:30:38 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>NIGERIA: Never so divided, never so united</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg" />]]>LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</description><body><![CDATA[LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.

The removal of the subsidy on 1 January raised petrol prices from 65 naira to 141 naira (40 to 90 US cents) per litre, and led to sharp increases in food and transport costs.

The public response was swift and widespread. Led by labour unions, professional groups and civil society, different communities across this nation of 167 million people marched through the streets, paralysing businesses and even threatening to shut down the oil industry. A stunned government backed down, settling for a 50 percent rather than a more than 100 percent hike in the fuel price.

"Nigeria has never been this divided since the civil war, and yet the country has never been this united in protest in its history," said Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst and director of ActionAid Nigeria. [ http://www.actionaid.org/nigeria ]

Many people see cheap fuel as one of the few benefits they get from an otherwise inefficient and corrupt government. The protesters were putting down a marker, say analysts. “Nigerians think that by paying more for fuel, they are only subsidizing corruption,” said Abdu. 

The government’s position is that removal of the subsidy would save US$8 billion a year which could then be spent on roads and social projects, and improve citizens’ lives. It says the subsidy only benefits middlemen, not the public, and supporters say the fuel subsidy favours the rich and encourages fuel smuggling to neighbouring countries.

The government believes [ http://www.fmf.gov.ng/component/content/article/3-trendingnews/64-nigeria-shall-succeed-as-a-nation.html ] Nigerians will gain from deregulation of the downstream petroleum sector, and points to the planned or ongoing construction, completion and rehabilitation of railway lines, refineries, highways, hydro-electric stations, information technology and water supply systems. 

SURE

These projects, which will benefit the public, are to be executed under a Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE), which also funds short-term social welfare programmes to cushion the impact of the subsidy removal. 

The degree to which the public will be convinced is debatable. Analysts say that apart from corruption, people showed unity in the protests out of bitterness at government policies which have left them poor: The minimum monthly wage increased in 2011 from the equivalent of US$46 to $112, but most Nigerians are paid less than this new wage level.

The Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA) [ http://www.cseaafrica.org/ ] says inflation caused by the fuel price rise could lead to poor people spending an even higher proportion of their income on food because they would be paying more for transport. (CSEA says food has the highest weight of 51 percent in Nigerian’s inflation basket; transport has the third highest weight of 7 percent.) 

CSEA also says a neutral stance by the Monetary Policy Committee, which sets monetary and credit policy, would help government’s efforts to boost the economy through its SURE programme and its emphasis on job creation. “In the medium term… prices may moderate as efforts are channelled towards addressing the infrastructure deficit in the economy through the SURE programme,” it adds.

The government may have to demonstrate, rather quickly, that it is different from previous ones; that it is accountable; and is attuned to current public sentiment. Otherwise, the show of united public anger against the central government may spill onto the streets again.

Safety consultant Jeff ‘vwede Obahor said the subsidy removal had brought Nigerians to a tipping point, and all they wanted now was good governance. "It's like a champagne effect; too many things have been going down and this is the last straw."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94787</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Meningitis spreads as people scramble for vaccine</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</description><body><![CDATA[KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families. 
 
The Ministry of Health has declared the outbreaks in the departments of Kouto and Tengrela in the north as epidemics, and is providing free vaccinations in both locations through mobile health teams, with the help of the World Health Organization and UNICEF. 
 
Bacterial and viral meningitis are diseases which cause inflammation in layers of the brain and spinal cord, and the former has a high fatality rate. 
 
Residents of also-affected Saminkro in the centre of the country and Kani in the centre-west must pay US$5 each for a vaccination, or $3 if they come forward as a group. Ivoirians in these departments - and in surrounding areas - are lobbying the Health Ministry to bring down prices as many cannot afford to raise enough money to vaccinate their families.
 
“It’s a question of economics,” Jeremie Ipo, director of the district health centre in the village of Poungbè in Korhogo region, told IRIN. “We can only reduce the price of the vaccine as soon as there are enough people demanding it.”
 
The government recently abandoned the provision of free health care for all because of skyrocketing costs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94729 ] While birth deliveries and some immunizations for children under age six are still covered, meningitis is not included. 
 
Côte d’Ivoire is part of the meningitis belt of sub-Saharan Africa, which stretches from Senegal in the west to Ethiopia in the east. A 2009-2010 meningitis outbreak killed over 900 people and infected over 13,000 in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Nigeria. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94783</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CHAD: Why polio is so hard to eliminate</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311204350177t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies. 
 
The current outbreak in Chad has been ongoing since 2007, classifying Chad as a “re-established transmission zone” according to the World Health Organization (WHO). [ http://www.polioeradication.org/Dataandmonitoring/Poliothisweek.aspx ] Polio is endemic in Nigeria, Pakistan, India and Afghanistan - in other words, transmission of the disease in these places has never been broken. 
 
While a dysfunctional health system is linked to poor routine immunization coverage, “the primary reason [for the upsurge] is operational,” said Oliver Rosenbauer, spokesperson for the Global Polio Eradication Initiative at WHO in Geneva. “It is not to do with insecurity or lack of infrastructure… The outbreak response has not been sufficient to stop it [the outbreak]… They continue to miss too many children.”
 
Why children missed
 
Immunizers have missed children for a variety of reasons: In some cases government and agency staff or volunteers inaccurately mapped out where they lived; or may have ordered too few vaccines or too few ice packs to cover each district, said WHO. Often communities are not well-sensitized in advance so families remain reluctant to bring their children forward, some resist on religious grounds, or they simply may not know that they can immunize a child even if he or she is sick, said WHO and UNICEF’s West Africa communication for development specialist Irina Dincu.
 
Human error also plays a role, added Dincu, explaining that an ill-trained vaccinator may rest en route, breaking the cold chain, or a team may miss a few houses in a village. 
 
An outbreak of the polio virus would not spread so far if routine polio immunization coverage was better, said Rosenbauer. Polio immunizations are rigorous to administer: vaccinators must go house-to-house, and must give each child four doses over a 6-12 month period, reaching 90 percent of all children to eliminate polio, according to WHO. 
 
Coverage rates are estimated to be 60 percent at most in Chad, partly due to a poor-quality health system: Just 30 percent of health clinics are operational across the country; access to health care is poor; and routine immunization strategies are poorly planned. 
 
The godmother approach
 
To ensure fewer children are missed, immunizers need to make better use of “social data” to find out why and where a campaign is not working, says Dincu. Agencies used to take a purely medicalized approach to polio immunization but this has now changed. “Immunization campaigns are not just a medical intervention. You need to address campaigns from a medical, political and societal angle,” said Rosenbauer.
 
Social data has been used creatively in India and Nigeria to help vaccinators reach more children, according to UNICEF. In Nigeria’s Kebbi State households were assigned “godmothers” who came regularly pre-immunization day to discuss the disease and why vaccination was important. When poring over the data afterwards to find missed children, the “godmothers” could identify them by place, name and age, making them much easier to re-trace. 
 
These are the kinds of approaches that could be adopted in Chad, say practitioners, where despite its weak health system, polio should not be too challenging to control, says Rosenbauer. “We don’t face the same high-population challenges that we do in Nigeria, or insecurity as is the case of Afghanistan and Sudan. Here it is more a question of political and societal will.”
 
In his view, polio could be eliminated in six months if the government committed to doing so at all levels.
 
Government commitment
 
International efforts to combat polio are mounting: the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) [ http://www.cdc.gov/ ] has established an Africa-based emergency operations centre which will tackle public health crises, including polio.
 
Meanwhile, the Polio Eradication Initiative - made up of WHO, UNICEF, CDC, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rotary Foundation - has designated polio a “programmatic public health emergency” until eradication is achieved. 
 
The Chadian government appears to be taking polio seriously: President Idriss Déby has emphasized the importance of fighting it, and catalyzed the development of a six-month polio emergency action plan (which will then be renewed for a further six months). This includes targeting high-risk areas and analyzing what is and is not working. 
 
But commitment at the district and sub-district level in some parts of the country is weak, say aid agency staff. National authorities need to hold “sub-national” staff accountable for their performance, said Rosenbauer. “The virus doesn’t respect district boundaries so we need high commitment in every single one,” he told IRIN.
 
IRIN could not reach anyone in the Health Ministry for an interview.
 
Without local-level government commitment, elimination efforts will fail, says Rosenbauer. The number of cases in Nigeria rose from 21 to 57 between 2010 and 2011 partly due to local authorities focusing on presidential elections; while election-related violence also distracted from efforts to quash 36 cases that broke out in Côte d’Ivoire in 2011. 
 
And until polio is eliminated in Nigeria and in Chad, all West African countries are at high-risk, according to WHO. “There are immunization gaps in many countries - it can strike in the most unexpected places… that is why it is such a dangerous disease.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94769</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311204350177t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Separated children yet to return home</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301355140418t.jpg" />]]>MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Most are living with strangers who offered to take in the children. “I have difficulty supporting them but God is great,” said Brigitte Lahou, a subsistence farmer.
 
In March 2011, she took three separated children into her home outside Danané in western Côte d’Ivoire. One of the children - Doriane aged six - now has contact with her father and will be moving back home soon. However, the others - Davila, eight, and Junior, seven - have still not seen their parents since leaving home. 

“[Davila] lost her family along the road and can’t explain where she came from. She was crying when she arrived,” Lahou said from under a tree in front of her dilapidated wooden home.

UNICEF and its partners documented 686 children who were separated or unaccompanied in Côte d’Ivoire as a result of the 2011 conflict, in which one million people were displaced. One hundred and thirty-seven have been reunified and 60 have returned on their own, their records show.

A UN Weekly Situation Report for 9-18 January, compiled by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, also shows that by mid-January, some 1,600 unaccompanied and separated children were still living in refugee camps in Liberia’s Nimba and Grand Gedeh [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93419 ] counties. Some 128,000 refugees remain in Liberia [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93417 ].

Barriers to reunification

The reunification of children requires people on the ground to do the tracing, to do the reunification, and others who can go to the most isolated rural zones. “We still have reports of families living in the forested area along the Liberian border. This is all posing a challenge for reunification,” said Christina de Bruin, deputy head of UNICEF Côte d’Ivoire.

UNICEF and partners Save the Children, International Rescue Committee and Caritas Côte d’Ivoire also had limited access to the region for months following the capture of former President Laurent Gbagbo in April 2011. 

“The continuous volatile security situation hampered access and hampered the research,” de Bruin said. 

In addition, the area where children were separated is vast and many of the villages are isolated. Finding the families of very young children poses special challenges. “There are cases where we don’t have any information about the families,” said Irene Capet, an emergency response coordinator with Caritas Côte d’Ivoire.

At Sainte Philomene Orphanage in the western city of Man, Capet stands over a group of children who are too young to explain where their villages are, their parents’ names, or even their own.

“We don’t know her real name, but we call her Juliana,” said Capet, pointing to a toddler sitting alone on a plastic mat playing with a spoon, her head bandaged from a fall at the orphanage.

In April, “Juliana” was found following a group of people fleeing killings in Bloléquin, an Ivoirian town about 40km east of the Liberian border. No one in the group knew from where she had come. When she arrived at the orphanage, she showed signs of acute trauma. Capet said the girl did not talk for three months and had lost most of her hair. Efforts to locate the child’s family members - by posting her photos in camps for the displaced and disseminating messages through other NGOs - have failed. 

“We have no idea where her parents are,” Capet said.

Best interests of the child

In some cases, organizations charged with reunification establish contact between a child and his or her parents, but contact does not result in automatic reunification. 

“A key principle for UNICEF is the best interest of the child so we will not force reunification if it is not in the best interest of the child,” de Bruin said.

Determining what is best for each child requires specialists. Red Cross volunteers, in close coordination with the International Committee of the Red Cross, [ http://www.icrc.org/fre/where-we-work/africa/cote-d-ivoire/index.jsp ] have been very involved in reunification.

"When we manage to trace the parents, we ask them if they want us to repatriate their children; then we ask the children if they agree to return to their parents," Albert Jamah, charged with restoring family links for the ICRC in Liberia, said in a January statement. "Every family must meet the best interests of the child."

With the displaced returning to their villages and continued improvements in security, it may be easier to reunify children now. “The program will be scaled up and accelerated in coming months,” says de Bruin.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94757</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301355140418t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Government scraps free health care for all</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261102520386t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d&apos;Ivoire is abandoning free health care for all after a brief experiment because of skyrocketing costs.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d'Ivoire is abandoning free health care for all after a brief experiment [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93290 ] because of skyrocketing costs. 
 
“In nine months the government had to pay 30 billion CFA francs [about US$60 million] under difficult circumstances," Ivoirian Health Minister Yoman N'dri said in Abidjan on 24 January.
 
As of February, the free service would only be available to mothers and their children. Specifically, this will mean free care for deliveries and free treatment for diseases affecting children under six years old. Consultation fees would drop from 1,000 CFA francs to 650 francs CFA ($2-1.5).
 
Aid organizations say the government move is understandable given the country’s recent political turmoil. "As long as women and children continue to receive care we are satisfied because they are among the most vulnerable," said Louis Vigneault-Dubois, head of communications for the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Côte d'Ivoire.
 
"Women and children are often exposed to diseases and with so many families living in poverty this is already a major problem solved for them,” said Zana Sanogo, executive director of Community Health and Development, a local NGO collaborating with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
 
Theft, poor management and rising costs have made the service - introduced by President Alassane Ouattara’s government at the end of civil conflict to ease a dire public health situation - unaffordable. 
 
Health Minister N’dri said implementation of the service had been poorly planned, and the Public Health Pharmacy, the state’s central body for distribution of medical supplies throughout the country, had just 30 percent of its required stock, much of which had been pilfered.
 
"From the start some nurses and doctors, under the pretext of providing free health care, had been taking drugs home which they would then sell,” said Florantin Yao, staff nurse at the government-run Port-Bouët General Hospital in the south of Abidjan.
 
The Ministry of Health says 20 doctors and nurses have been “severely punished”. One received a two-year prison term. 

Community health analyst and consultant Issouf Ouattara said free health care would have been more viable had health authorities spellt out details of the policy. "We fear that practitioners and patients continue to misunderstand the free health care policy. Medical consultation and drugs should be free,” he added.
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94729</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261102520386t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d&apos;Ivoire is abandoning free health care for all after a brief experiment because of skyrocketing costs.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: High cost of child trafficking</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg" />]]>POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</description><body><![CDATA[POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.

“Trafficking in children is real,” said Gabon’s social affairs director-general, Mélanie Mbadinga Matsanga. 

“Gabon, for example, is considered an Eldorado and draws a lot of West African immigrants who traffic children.” Matsanga was speaking at a conference on preventing child trafficking held in Congo’s southern city of Pointe Noire.

The meeting was attended by delegates from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Gabon is primarily a destination and transit country for children and women, who are subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking; boys are forced to work as street hawkers or mechanics, states the US State Department’s human trafficking report for 2011. [ http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/164454.pdf ] 

Child trafficking is defined by the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children [ http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CTOC/index.html#Fulltext ] as the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of children for the purpose of exploitation. This definition is especially important in West and Central Africa where it often occurs with the consent of the parents and sometimes, of the children themselves, notes a UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) report [ http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/insight7.pdf ]. 

But a “near total absence of data” on the scope of the problem prevents media coverage of the issue, which is essential in influencing public opinion, noted the 2002 UNICEF report. A decade later, the problem persists. “It is hard to count the number of children [affected]. It is even difficult to talk [about them] because their attitude shows that [the children] themselves are convinced that the work they are forced to do is not normal,” Marianne Flach, UNICEF’s representative in the Congo, told IRIN.  

“The parents in the countries of origin do not even know what happens to their children in the countries of destination,” added Flach. 

Children and their families are ensnared by the empty promises of a better life, leading to the smuggling across borders every year of hundreds of thousands of children, denying them education, health, the right to grow up within a family and to protection from exploitation and abuse, say experts. 

Kidnapping on the rise 

In Cameroon, says the State Department report, trafficking operations usually target two or three children, such as when rural parents hand over their children to a middleman promising education or a better life in the city. 

But traffickers there are increasingly kidnapping their victims, as heightened public awareness means parents are giving away fewer of their children to middlemen.  

“Trafficking is nothing but abuse,” Marcelline Pambou Loubondo of the NGO Movement of Mothers for Peace, Solidarity and Development, told IRIN.  “The traffickers are looking for a better life. They want to get rich very fast, which is why they employ children.” 

The children are often forced to engage in petty trade day and night, lest they are beaten up, added Loubondo. 

The presence of local and foreign armed groups also poses a threat to children’s rights, as do burgeoning oil and mineral sectors. In the DRC, for example, armed groups continue to abduct and forcibly recruit men, women and children as combatants, labourers and sex slaves.  

A significant number of unlicensed Congolese artisanal miners – men and boys – are also exploited in situations of debt bondage by businessmen and supply dealers from whom they acquire cash advances, tools, food, and other provisions at inflated prices, and to whom they must sell the mined minerals at below-market prices, notes the State Department report.   

In Equatorial Guinea, children “…are believed to be exploited in Malabo and Bata where a burgeoning oil industry creates demand for cheap labour and commercial sexual exploitation”. 

According to delegates at the conference, source and destination countries need to form bilateral accords given the trans-border nature of trafficking. 

Weak law enforcement  

At present, those involved in human trafficking are not systematically targeted by law enforcement officials even as trafficking seems to undergo a “seemingly uncontrollable rapid expansion”, noted Congo’s Social Affairs Minister, Emilienne Raoul. 

In Gabon too, according to the US State Department report, the lack of enforcement of counter-trafficking laws has meant there have been no convictions, despite the arrest of more than 68 suspected trafficking offenders between 2003 and 2010. 

While trafficking is often associated with clandestine migration, the merging of these two issues has serious consequences, with trafficked children seen as young offenders rather than victims in need of special protection measures, notes the International Organization for Migration. 

“Human trafficking is a form of migration particularly detrimental to human rights,” added Robert Kotchani, a UN human rights official. 

But, “in the same manner that slavery ended, human trafficking can equally end”, said Viviane Tchignoumba Mouanza, a magistrate and president of the association of female jurists in the Congo. “It is a problem with the mentality, sensitization and reach of the law.”  

lmm-aw/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94721</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Authorities move to curb illegal gold-mining</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg" />]]>TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</description><body><![CDATA[TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.

The departments in question are Korhogo, Ouangolo, dikodougou, Boundiali, Ferkesse Dougou and Sienematiali.

Artisanal mining has grown over recent years and farmers are having more and more difficulty securing their land to plant crops, according to farmers and several high-level officials - including Zakade Antoine, agriculture director of Tengrela in the Savanes region of northern Côte d’Ivoire, and Aly Koné, regional director of the Ministry of Mines, Petrol and Energy.

Artisanal miners dig holes in the ground up to 20 metres deep, and often do not fill them in afterwards, said Koné Namakoro, 63, village chief of Tengrela. 

“Today we are having trouble growing rice and millet as our fields have been taken over by miners who are operating in cahoots with certain chiefs and landowners,” he said.

According to Antoine, millet and rice production in Savanes has declined over the past few years as artisanal miners expanded their operations; in some communes of Tengrela and the sub-prefecture of M’bengué in Korhogo region food security is worsening as a result.

The World Food Programme could not confirm this trend, though Deputy Country Director Ellen Kramer, said the practice can cause food prices to rise.

Alongside industrial-scale mining, artisanal gold-mining has been steadily expanding across Côte d’Ivoire over recent years, local officials told IRIN, mainly because of the sums involved. 

“People can expect up to 20,000 CFA (US$40) for one gram of gold, so that creates a passion for gold exploration,” an expert of the industry in the commercial capital, Abidjan, who preferred anonymity,
told IRIN. 

“It’s quite amazing: a camp can be set up quite fast… it’s like a village rising from the ground,” the expert continued.

Illegal profits

However, the vast majority of artisanal mining is illegal: miners must apply for a license to mine from the local authorities before they start digging, but the industry expert estimates 95 percent of artisanal mining goes ahead without such regulation. 

Ex-Forces Nouvelles rebels dominated the artisanal mining industry for years, an international mining expert who asked to remain unnamed, told IRIN. According to Ouattara Daouda, prefect of Savanes Region, when rebels took control of northern Côte d’Ivoire many of them colluded with village chiefs and landowners to exploit it for gold.

The mining expert backed this up: “In the north, rebels and people with money were ruling everything from the top… There is always a way to “arrange” things…. When the rebels were involved nobody could really say no to them.” 

Despite new leadership structures in the north, with some ex-rebels being absorbed into the national military, Forces Républicaines de Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI - now known as the Forces Armées Nationales de Côte d'Ivoire or FANCI) and ex- rebel representatives still control the bulk of the sector, said the mining expert.

But former rebel leaders IRIN spoke to in Savanes, said lots of “bandits” claim to be with FRCI in order to gain a claim on the industry - and this lies out of their hands. 

Regulation

On 11 January, eight departmental heads said they would crack down on the sector - banning all unregistered mining enterprises. 

This comes in the middle of an exercise that government authorities are doing to consult local chiefs, miners, farmers and others on how best to regulate the sector at the local level, with a view to improving the impact on local populations and on the environment. 

The national government is also working to reform the national mining code, which addresses both industrial and artisanal mining. 

Regulation, rather than banning artisanal mining altogether is the only sustainable solution, said Abidjan-based mining expert. “To be honest, they won’t be able to prevent people from looking for gold. People are hungry and unemployed…The government can’t stop them,” he told IRIN.

In the 1990s, liberalization of the gold-mining industry meant a downward shift in terms of environmental, human rights and transparency standards in many West African states as each tried to lure foreign investors, said Moussa Ba, West Africa coordinator for the extractive industries programme at NGO Oxfam America. Now governments need to come together to harmonize these standards upwards, he said.

There has been some progress: The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is working on a new mining code to apply to all its members; it hopes it will be passed in 2014. In 2009 heads of state passed a directive on mining, which shows high-level commitment, said Ba. 

In the meantime, civil society networks in Côte d’Ivoire need to work hard to keep tabs on the industry at all levels, said Ba. With artisanal mining growing steadily, and industrial-scale mining set to significantly increase between now and 2020, according to statements by President Alassane Ouattara, there is no time to lose. 

oa/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94723</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGER: Thousands of villages hit by severe food shortages</title><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201241402280798t.jpg" />]]>NIAMEY 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly half Niger’s population does not have enough to eat and the government says it is facing a grain shortfall of 692,501 tons, following another severe drought across the Sahel.</description><body><![CDATA[NIAMEY 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly half Niger’s population does not have enough to eat and the government says it is facing a grain shortfall of 692,501 tons, following another severe drought across the Sahel.
 
The government says it needs 3.8 million tons of cereals to feed six million people spread across 6,981 villages, equating to 49.4 percent of the affected zones. 
 
In a survey conducted in November 2011, the government’s Early Warning System [ http://www.gouv.ne/index.php?id_page=55 ] projected the 2011-2012 “winter” gross cereal production for millet, sorghum, rice, wheat and fonio (one of West Africa’s most ancient cereals) at 3.8 million tons - 27 percent down on 2010-2011. Grain production last season was about 3.2 million tons.
 
The Early Warning System, which monitors and forecasts food security needs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94531 ] has identified three major areas as reporting deficits: Tillabéry in the west; Agadez in the north; and Diffa in the east; with respective shortfalls of 164,146 tons, 123,576 tons, and 68,115 tons.
 
Boukanda, a village with a population of 1,000 about 50km west of the capital Niamey, is typical of many food insecure villages which have been largely abandoned by their younger residents. 
 
"The able-bodied and young people of the village preferred to leave for big cities or abroad. They have little to do here,” Adamou Talba, the marabout (religions teacher) of Boukanda, said.
 
Only a few “wealthier” families pound sorghum instead of millet, the main staple of the village. These people still have small supplies but they will not last long. 
 
"There's just a little bit in the granary," said Balkissa Adamou, a villager. 
 
Boukanda village chief Seyni Seydou said the rains ended just when the plants needed water, and grasshoppers and other insects finished off the crops. 
 
"In our village, some people have been left with just seven bundles [of grain], whereas previously nearly 700 could be harvested," he added. The Early Warning System puts Boukanda’s food deficit at 90 percent. 
 
Appeals for help
 
Concerned by the current situation, Cheick Boureima Abdou Daoud, a citizen of Niger, donated 3,000 tons of cereal to the relief effort. "I want to kick-start action so that other citizens of Niger, who can afford it, can also help those in need,” he said. 
 
While previous governments tended to avoid admitting to food crises, the current government is different: In August 2011, it asked for 100 billion francs CFA (about US$198 million) in donor aid. 
 
President Mahamadou Issoufou, addressing the UN General Assembly in September 2011, said: “Knowing that we would have a very large deficit this harvest crop, we decided... to alert the international community. I would like, at this highest level of this forum, to renew once more our appeal to help Niger.” 
 
Donors have pledged help, and the UN has launched a Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for $229 million. 
 
"The CAP aims to provide humanitarian aid and to strengthen the resilience of millions of men, women and vulnerable children," said Guido Cornale, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative in Niger who is also acting humanitarian coordinator in the country.
 
bb/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94713</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201241402280798t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIAMEY 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly half Niger’s population does not have enough to eat and the government says it is facing a grain shortfall of 692,501 tons, following another severe drought across the Sahel.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Timeline of Boko Haram attacks and related violence</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.

As the government struggles to cope, experts are urging leaders to seek a political solution to try to quell BH violence, backed up by sharper intelligence-gathering and professional military support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ] Below is a chronology of proven or suspected BH attacks - both recent and over the past few years.

18 Jan 2012: A key suspect in the 2011 Christmas Day bombing in Abuja, which killed more than 40 people, escapes police custody.

17 Jan 2012: Two soldiers and four BH gunmen are killed in an attack on a military checkpoint in Maiduguri, Borno State. Soldiers arrest six high-profile BH members in a raid on a sect hideout in the city.

13 Jan 2012: BH kills four and injures two others, including a policeman, in two separate attacks on pubs in Yola (Adawama State) and Gombe city in neighbouring Gombe State.

11 Jan 2012: Four Christians killed by BH gunmen in Potiskum, Yobe State, when gunmen open fire on their car as they stop for fuel. The victims had been fleeing Maiduguri to their home town in eastern Nigeria.

10 Jan 2012: A BH attack on a beer garden kills eight, including five policemen and a teenage girl, in Damaturu, capital of Yobe State.

9 Jan 2012: BH gunmen shoot dead a secret police operative along with his civilian friend as they leave a mosque in Biu, Borno State, 200km south of the state capital, Maiduguri. The president says BH has infiltrated the executive, parliamentary and judicial wings of government.

7 Jan 2012: Three Christian poker players are killed and seven others wounded by BH gunmen in the town of Biu.

6 Jan 2012: Eight worshippers are killed in a shooting attack on a church in Yola. BH gunmen shoot dead 17 Christian mourners in the town of Mubi in the northeastern state of Adamawa. The victims are friends and relations of one of five people killed in a BH attack on a hotel the previous day.

5 Jan 2012: Six worshippers are killed and 10 others wounded when BH gunmen attack a church in Gombe city.

3 Jan 2012: BH gunmen attack a police station in the town of Birniwa in Jigawa State killing a teenage girl and wounding a police officer.

1 Jan 2012: President Goodluck Jonathan imposes a state of emergency on 15 local government areas hardest-hit by BH attacks, in Borno, Yobe and Plateau states. He orders the closure of Nigerian borders in the north.

30 Dec 2011: Four Muslim worshippers are killed in a BH bomb and shooting attack targeting a military checkpoint in Maiduguri as worshippers leave a mosque after attending Friday prayers.

28 Dec 2011: A bombing and shooting attack by BH on a beer parlour in the town of Mubi, Adamawa State, wounds 15.

25 Dec 2011: A Christmas Day BH bomb attack on Saint Theresa Catholic Church in Madalla town near Abuja kills 42 worshippers. Three secret police (SSS) operatives and a BH bomber are killed in a suicide attack when the bomber rams his bomb-laden car into a military convoy at the gates of SSS headquarters in Damaturu. A policeman is killed in a botched BH bomb attack on a church in the Ray Field area of Jos, capital of Plateau State.

22 Dec 2011: BH bombs in parts of Maiduguri kill 20. Four policemen and a civilian are killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police building in Potiskum, Yobe State. Around 100 are killed following multiple bomb and shooting attacks by BH gunmen and ensuing gun battles with troops in the Pompomari outskirts of Damaturu.

19 Dec 2011: One suspected BH member dies and two others wounded in an accidental explosion while assembling a home-made bomb in a hideout in Damaturu.

17 Dec 2011: A shootout between sect members and policemen following a raid on the hideout of a BH sect leader in the Darmanawa area of Kano State kills seven, including three police officers. Police arrest 14 BH suspects and seize large amount of arms and bombs. Three BH members die in an accidental explosion while assembling home-made bombs in a hideout on the outskirts of Maiduguri.

13 Dec 2011: A bomb attack on a military checkpoint by BH and resulting shooting by soldiers in Maiduguri leaves 10 dead and 30 injured.

7 Dec 2011: An explosion linked to BH kills eight in the Oriyapata district of Kaduna city.

4 Dec 2011: A soldier, a policeman and a civilian are killed in bomb and gun attacks on police buildings and two banks in Azare, Bauchi State. BH open fire at a wedding in Maiduguri, killing the groom and a guest.

27 Nov 2011: A Borno State protocol officer in the office of the governor is shot dead by motorcycle-riding sect members while driving home.

26 Nov 2011: Three policemen and a civilian are wounded in BH bomb and shooting attacks in Geidam, Yobe State. Six churches, a police station, a beer parlour, a shopping complex, a high court, a local council building and 11 cars are burnt in the attacks.

9 Nov 2011: BH members bomb a police station and the office of Nigeria’s road safety agency in Maina village, Borno State. No one is hurt.

4 Nov 2011: The motorcade of Borno State governor Kashim Shettima comes under BH bomb attack in Maiduguri on its way from the airport to the governor’s residence as he returns from a trip to Abuja. Around 150 are killed in coordinated BH bombing and shooting attacks on police facilities in Damaturu and Potiskum in Yobe State. Two BH suicide-bombers blow themselves up outside the military Joint Task Force headquarters in Maiduguri in a botched suicide attack.

2 Nov 2011: A soldier on duty is shot dead by sect members outside Maiduguri’s main market.

November 2011: BH says it will not dialogue with the government until all of its members who have been arrested are released.

29 Oct 2011: BH gunmen shoot dead Muslim cleric Sheikh Ali Jana’a outside his home in the Bulabulin Ngarnam neighbourhood of Maiduguri. Jana’a is known to have provided information to security forces regarding the sect.

25 Oct 2011: A policeman is shot dead in his house in a targeted attack by BH gunmen in Damaturu.

23 Oct 2011: Sect members open fire on a market in the town of Katari in Kaduna State, killing two.

23 Oct 2011: BH members kill a policeman and a bank security guard in bombing and shooting attacks on a police station and two banks in Saminaka, Kaduna State.

3 October 2011: Three killed in BH attacks on Baga market in Maiduguri, Borno State. The victims included a tea-seller, a drug store owner and a passer-by.

1 October 2011: A butcher and his assistant are killed by BH gunmen at Baga market in Maiduguri in a targeted killing. In a separate incident, three people are killed in a shoot-out following BH bomb and shooting attacks on a military patrol vehicle delivering food to soldiers at a checkpoint in Maiduguri. All three victims are civilians.

17 September 2011: Babakura Fugu, brother-in-law to slain BH leader Mohammed Yusuf, is shot dead outside his house in Maiduguri two days after attending a peace meeting with Nigeria’s ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo in the city. BH denies any involvement in the incident.

13 September 2011: Four soldiers shot and wounded in an ambush by BH members in Maiduguri shortly after the arrest of 15 sect members in military raids on BH hideouts in the city.

12 September 2011: Seven men, including four policemen, are killed by BH gunmen in bomb and shooting attacks on a police station and a bank in Misau, Bauchi State. The attackers rob the bank.

4 September 2011: Muslim cleric Malam Dala shot dead by two BH members outside his home in the Zinnari area of Maiduguri.

1 September 2011: A shootout between BH gunmen and soldiers in Song, Adamawa State, kills one sect members while another is injured and captured.

26 August 2011: BH claims responsibility for a suicide bomb blast on the UN compound in Abuja, killing 23 people.

25 August 2011: Gun and bomb attacks by BH on two police stations and two banks in Gombi, Adamawa State, kill at least 16 people, including seven policemen.

3 August 2011: The government rejects negotiations with BH.

July 2011: Government says it will open a negotiation panel to initiate negotiations with BH.

27 June 2011: BH’s gun and bomb attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri leaves at least 25 dead and dozens injured.

20 June 2011: Seven people including five policemen killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police station and a bank in Kankara, Katsina State.

16 June 2011: BH targets national police headquarters in Abuja, killing two.

7 June 2011: Attacks on a church and two police posts in Maiduguri, blamed on the sect, leave at least 14 dead.

6 June 2011: Muslim cleric Ibrahim Birkuti, critical of BH, shot dead by two motorcycle-riding BH gunmen outside his house in Biu, 200km from Maiduguri.

29 May 2011: Three bombs rip through a beer garden in a military barracks in the northern city of Bauchi, killing 13 and wounding 33. BH claims responsibility.

27 May 2011: A group of around 70 suspected BH gunmen kill eight people including four policemen in simultaneous gun and bomb attacks on a police station, a police barracks and a bank in Damboa, Borno State, near the border with Chad.

29 December 2010: Suspected BH gunmen shoot dead eight people in Maiduguri, including the governorship candidate of the ruling All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Borno State.

24 and 27 December 2010: A series of attacks claimed by BH in the central city of Jos and Maiduguri kill at least 86.

7 September 2010: A group of BH gunmen free over 700 inmates including around 100 sect members from a prison in Bauchi. Four people including a soldier, one policeman and two residents were killed in the raid.

26 July 2009: BH launches a short-lived uprising in parts of the north, which is quelled by a military crackdown that leaves more than 800 dead - mostly sect members, including BH leader Mohammed Yusuf. A mosque in the capital of Borno State (Maiduguri) that served as a sect headquarters is burnt down.

11-12 June 2009: BH leader Mohammed Yusuf threatens reprisals in a video recording to the president following the killing of 17 BH members in a joint military and police operation in Borno State. This was after a disagreement over BH members’ alleged refusal to use crash helmets while in a funeral procession to bury members who had died in a car accident.

2005-2008: BH concentrated on recruiting new members and shoring up its resources. As evidence of their growing popularity, Borno State governor Ali Modu Sheriff appoints an influential BH member, Buju Foi, as his commissioner of religious affairs in 2007.

10 October 2004: Gunmen from a BH splinter group attack a convoy of 60 policemen in an ambush near the town of Kala-Balge on the border with Chad. The militants took 12 policemen hostage and police authorities presumed they were killed by the gunmen because all attempts to trace them failed.

23 September 2004: A BH splinter group launches a militia attack on police stations in the towns of Gwoza and Bama in Borno State, killing four policemen and two civilians. They took to the Mandara mountains along the Nigeria-Cameroon border. Soldiers and two gunships were deployed in the mountains and after two days of battle 27 sect members were killed while the rest slipped away. Five BH members who crossed into Cameroon were arrested by Cameroonian gendarmes who had been alerted by Nigerian authorities. The five were deported and handed over to Nigerian authorities.

7 January 2004: Seven members of BH killed and three others arrested by a team of local vigilantes outside the town of Damboa, Borno State, near border with Chad. Bags containing AK-47 rifles were recovered from sect members.

June 2004: Four members of BH were killed by prison guards in a foiled jail break in Yobe State capital Damaturu.

23-31 December 2003: A group of about 200 members of a BH splinter group launched attacks on police stations in the towns of Kanamma and Geidam in Yobe State from their enclave outside Kanamma on the Nigerian border with Niger. The militants killed several policemen and requisitioned police weapons and vehicles. Following the deployment of military troops to contain the insurrection, 18 militants were killed, and a number arrested.

2002: Mohammed Yusuf founded Boko Haram in 2002, establishing a mosque called Markaz as the headquarters of his movement, following his expulsion from two mosques in Maiduguri by Muslim clerics for propagating his radical views.

aa/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94691</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA-BISSAU: Possibilities and pitfalls following president’s death</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg" />]]>BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.</description><body><![CDATA[BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.

Two weeks prior to the president’s death, on 26 December, Navy Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto was arrested alongside 29 military staff, following a fight between different military factions. 

While described by some as a coup attempt, it is more likely the fighting was a standoff between Tchuto and his long-time rival Army Chief of Staff General Antonio Indjai, who have family and clan rivalries as well as overlapping interests in the lucrative drug transit trade, analysts told IRIN.

Against this backdrop, National Assembly speaker Raimundo Pereira is acting as interim president and has 60 days to organize presidential elections.

This presents an opportunity for the opposition and government - dominated by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), with 67 out of 100 parliamentary seats - to work together for higher goals, said a Western diplomat in Dakar who preferred anonymity. “Guinea-Bissau has an opportunity here. The opposition and government could act responsibility, and the government could reach out to the opposition to be part of the process.”

Initially the leading opposition party, the Party for Social Renewal (PRS), opposed Pereira - who is seen as being close to Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, as interim leader.

Time pressure

The 60-day time limit puts pressure on the government to prepare for elections, but most agree if the country is to abide by electoral rules - which include holding a census before a new election - this time-frame is impossible to meet. 

Following the assassination of President Jaoao Vieira in March 2009, it took the country four to five months to organize and hold presidential elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83239 ]

Post-60 days, if no clear constitutional parameters are set, opposition figures could make things difficult “and if disgruntled, could try to make arrangements with the army - which is always the recipe [for insecurity] here,” said a political adviser in the capital Bissau, who also preferred anonymity. 

Finances may also complicate issues: presidential elections should cost around US$4.5 million, which “is a lot to raise in two months”, said the adviser, while further funds will need to be leveraged for legislative elections planned towards the end of this year.

Head of the National Assembly Cabinet Carlos Fonsecka Rodriguez told IRIN he has high hopes. Brandishing a copy of the constitution, he said: “It is up to us to be mature and sensible and to follow what we have put in the constitution. It is necessary that we Guineans know how to show the world that we are capable of respecting what is written.”

Guinea-Bissau ranks 176 out of 187 countries on the UN’s 2011 Human Development Index [ http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/GNB.html ] - lower than the regional average. Life expectancy is just 48 years, partly due to very high infant mortality rates: Roughly one in 10 infants die before they reach age five. While primary school enrolment has risen over the past five years, just half of the adult population is literate.

Hegemony

In a political setting characterized by “opportunistic political alliances” as the diplomat put it, the alliances of ex-President Sanha and Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior balanced each other out, keeping an “uneasy peace”.

Some sawy Sanha as a unifier. Ansoumane Sagna, legal adviser to interim President Pereira told IRIN, “Sanha listened, he understood… He was a true unifier... He always tried to improve Guinea-Bissau.”

Now the balance has tipped, leading to a “mounting hegemony” of the PAIGC, which could see a shoring up of power between Prime Minister Junior and Army Chief Indjai, says International Crisis Group’s Guinea-Bissau researcher, Vincent Foucher. 

But PAIGC is deeply divided, said the Bissau-based political adviser, and before that, there is likely to be a scramble for power within the party, which could lead to an “element of political instability”. 

Drugs and the military

Other destabilizing factors in the country have not changed: the bloated military and its strong influence on politics and the transit of large amounts of cocaine from South America to Europe.

International police observers have linked both the army and navy chiefs of staff to the drugs trade. Either one or both were allegedly implicated in two recent mainland arrivals of drug-loaded planes - one of them in Mansoa, just 50km northeast of Bissau. 

Some have alleged that by locking up Tchuto, the army is left to take over his side of the network, but in doing so, he also risks becoming a “Balanta martyr”, said the diplomat, referring to Guinea-Bissau’s largest ethnic group which has traditionally dominated the military.

When it comes to reforming the security sector [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89061 ] - that is, downsizing and professionalizing the army and police among other reforms - some progress has been made. All the necessary reform-related laws have been passed; the Angolan government and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have provided funding for this to the tune of US$38million; and the Guinea-Bissau government, in a show of good will and ownership, has set aside $500,000. 

Law enforcement procedures and the judiciary have been “incrementally” strengthened, said the diplomat, though when it comes to “putting people on trial and sending them to jail” there haven’t been many returns.

But one of the first concrete steps - to retire and put on pensions some 400 military officers and generals by the end of January 2012 - is off-track. An announcement was due out on this next week but will not be made, said the political analyst. 

While Army Chief Indjai is outwardly supportive of security sector reform, the process continues to threaten many in the military and must be carefully handled, say observers. However, many say the above delay is necessary as the constitutional question is more pressing.

Most civilians IRIN spoke to in the capital Bissau, are ready to see action taken. Richard Antwi, a pastor in the capital Bissau, told IRIN: “They [the military] need to be trained to know that their job is to stay in their barracks and to have nothing to do with the political system - yes to protect and defend the country, but not to intervene and take power.”

Herein also lies an opportunity, said the Western diplomat. “He [Indjai] has the opportunity to be the head of a groundbreaking, professional Bissau-Guinean military… Nothing more could help the country’s economic growth prospects than this,” he told IRIN.

Peace dividend

The recent stint of relative peace has already brought the country development advantages. In December 2010 the World Bank and International Monetary Fund forgave the country US$1.2 billion worth of incurred debt under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries package. As a result, the government no longer has to spend the bulk of its budget on interest payments but can move on to invest in infrastructure and social services, and can more powerfully attract international investment to do so.

Several “non-traditional” donors [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94004 ] have started to show an interest in Guinea-Bissau - with Angola and Brazil - each keen to show their leadership capacity in the lusophone community (and the former with a keen interest in the country’s bauxite reserves) - investing significant amounts in the country. China is rebuilding the presidential palace; Brazil has invested in police training; and the African Development Bank has invested in road rehabilitation.

In the last year in Bissau - renowned for its lack of electricity, unpaved roads and deteriorating water and sanitation services - solar-powered street-lamps and traffic lights have been erected on main streets and pedestrian overpasses have been built on crowded thoroughfares. “There has been a marked improvement in living standards in the capital over recent years,” said the diplomat, who gave much of the credit for proactively attracting foreign investment, to Prime Minister Junior. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83723 ]

Most hope that the events of 26 December were not the beginning of a pattern of unrest, and that the country can continue to move on. As businessman Joao Gomes in Bissau, put it: “We are tired of not having peace.”

aj/jl/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94693</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BISSAU 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The death of Guinea-Bissau President Malam Bacai Sanha on 9 January from health complications could either perpetuate the instability that has long plagued the country, or provide an opportunity for political parties to negotiate a smooth, constitutional transfer of power which could in turn help shore up the country’s development, say analysts and diplomats.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Boko Haram displaced fear returning home</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201181012580344t.jpg" />]]>KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.

Local government authorities are wary of setting up camps for the displaced, says the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), as these could turn into further Boko Haram targets.

The number of displaced is unclear, say aid agency representatives in Nigeria, as Boko Haram attacks are continuing.

The largest estimated displacement was 90,000 people who were reported to have fled Damaturu city in Yobe State following deadly attacks in late December, said Ibrahim Farinloye, northeastern Nigeria coordinator for NEMA.

According to the Nigerian Red Cross, members of the Christian Igbo ethnic group - a minority in the mainly Muslim north - are fleeing the northeast in significant numbers.

Some 10,000 people are reported to have been displaced in the southern state of Benin on 9 January following what are believed to be retaliation attacks on mostly-Muslim Hausa residents, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre of the Norwegian Refugee Council.

Many displaced families told IRIN they were wary of returning home both because of further Boko Haram attacks, and because of what they say is heavy-handed military tactics used by soldiers patrolling their neighbourhoods.

Babagana Ari fled the Pompomari neighbourhood of Damaturu city in Yobe State in late December following attacks and ensuing violence which reportedly killed over 60 people. He, his wife and six children are staying with his brother in a two-room house in another part of the city (Bakin Kasuwa).

"Some residents who went back to pick some belongings in their homes never came back, and the assumption is that they were shot dead by soldiers who took them for Boko Haram members," he said.

Another displaced person, Yahaya Masu’ud, voiced similar fears: "I don't know when I can return to my home, especially with the state of emergency that has been imposed on the city by the president... This has conferred enormous power on soldiers."

Hundreds of soldiers have been deployed to patrol the streets of Damaturu, Maiduguri, the capital Abuja, and other cities.

“The enemy is faceless”

A military officer who preferred anonymity told IRIN of the difficulty in identifying potential Boko Haram attackers. "We are dealing with a guerilla insurgency where the enemy is faceless and can blend with ordinary civilians. Boko Haram elements are hardly recognizable by appearance, they can only be known when they carry arms and strike, and they then dissolve into the population which makes our operation very difficult.”

Several security specialists have urged the government to take a more considered approach to quelling the power of Boko Haram - through stronger intelligence-gathering and in some cases, more proactively engaging with the group - as they say a strong-armed military approach will merely lead to more violence. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ]

A state of emergency has been declared in Yobe, Borno and Plateau states, while curfews have been imposed in Adamawa State, according to the government. The state of emergency has also complicated returns as it entails imposing dusk-to-dawn curfews and a ban on motorcycle taxis, which is the principal means of transport between cities, said NEMA’s Ibrahim Farinloye.

With the displaced remaining largely uncounted, and so spread out, aid groups find it difficult to reach them, said local NGO Actionaid head Abdu Hussaini.

“People are not stationed in one place. Most are staying with extended families… We need a different way of responding to that,” he said, adding that keeping track of where people are headed is also difficult, and recommended closer monitoring of the situation.

NEMA set up a relief committee in late December to coordinate distributions, and has asked international NGOs to help with basic materials, a call to which the International Committee of the Red Cross has responded. NEMA has reserved emergency supplies in warehouses across several states, said Farinloye, in case more aid is needed.

The government announced it would leverage US$570 million on counter-terrorism efforts, which would include relief for those affected by the violence. But this needs to be carefully spent and accounted for, warned Hussaini. “They need to define the criteria of how much they’re giving and who it’s going to, to make sure no one is excluded from the aid and that it isn’t hijacked.”

aa/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94665</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201181012580344t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Public health risk as taps run dry</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190944040303t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.
 
"Today… uncontrolled urbanization is one the main causes of water scarcity… The continued decline in the quality of groundwater reserves will increase the risk of it being polluted. For now, we cannot use this water for public use. This means we will experience severe water shortages, especially in the economic capital [Abidjan] if nothing is done to tackle the problem. The difficulties we face now are small compared to what lies ahead,” warned Marius Kouassi Aka, a water science researcher at the University of Abidjan.
 
Rapidly growing demand for water in Abidjan - partly as a result of the influx of people into the city during the civil war - has stretched water supplies: “The district of Abidjan has only a dozen wells. The technical facilities are overwhelmed,” said Hilary Kinimo, SODECI [ http://www.sodeci.com/ ] (state water company) regional director for Abidjan North, adding that three new boreholes were due to be completed in June.
 
SODECI said the problems in the north of the country were due to poor maintenance of water supply systems resulting from years of political strife. 
 
In the northern town of Dabakala taps have been dry for 12 days, obliging residents to seek unsafe alternatives.
 
"We are forced to go into the creeks to supply ourselves,” said Daouda Soro, a teacher in this town of some 20,000 residents.
 
By going into the creeks, said Ibrahim Touré, a doctor at Abobo General Hospital in Abidjan, people risked contracting guinea worm - a debilitating disease caused by a roundworm present in stagnant swamps, lakes, lagoons and rivers. The disease was officially eradicated in 2007 but re-emerged during the civil war.
 
Cholera risk
 
Another risk is cholera, which tended to emerge in January every year, he said. The disease can also be spread by street vendors who sell water of dubious quality.
 
The situation is similar in the western towns of Guiglo and Duékoué. In Abidjan shortages are acute in some areas such as Niangon (in Yopougon District). Here Florence Djedje has not had a drop of tap water for at least three months, forcing her and others like building contractor Bernadin N’Guessan to buy water from street vendors. “This is the first time we have had to live like this,” N’Guessan said.
 
In the southern Abidjan district of Port-Bouet 100,000 people recently took to the streets demanding clean drinking water. 
 
Touré said the sale by street vendors of “drinking” water in plastic sachets should be banned. He urged residents to boil and filter water meant for drinking. 
 
In the nearby town of Adjamé, seven people died and 35 others were hospitalized because of cholera in 2011.
 
"The fear is that we will have another tragedy like that; it may not be cholera, but there are diarrhoeal diseases such as gastro-enteritis one can contract due to drinking poor quality water," said Innocent Kouamé, a nurse at the Abobo Community Health Centre. 
 
aa/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94674</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190944040303t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Snake oil salesmen and dodgy HIV &quot;cures&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) -  Uganda's National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm's owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.  

 The drug, known as Virol ZAPPER, was being sold in 37ml liquid doses, each costing about US$210; patients were advised to take 10 drops daily. It was being advertised on local radio and TV stations as a miracle cure for HIV.  

 The sale of such "cures" is a profitable racket for charlatans willing to take advantage of desperate HIV-positive people; here is a collection of some dodgy treatments that have made the news in Africa over the years:  

 Tanzania - In 2011, tens of thousands of people from all over East Africa flocked to the tiny village of Loliondo [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92360 ] in Tanzania seeking a cure for several diseases, including diabetes, tuberculosis and HIV. Ambilikile Mwasapile, a former Lutheran pastor, was charging 500 Tanzanian shillings - about $0.33 - for a cup for his concoction.  

 Several sick people died in the queues, which at their peak numbered 15,000 people. Studies are being conducted to determine the properties of Mwasapile's treatment.  

 South Africa - A 2008 Cape High Court judgment ruled that clinical trials of multivitamins in the treatment of HIV/AIDS by controversial vitamin salesman Matthias Rath [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=78739 ] were unlawful, and stopped them. The court also prohibited Rath from publishing any more advertisements claiming that his product, VitaCell, cured AIDS, pending further review by the Medicines Control Council.  

 Rath, who had been operating in South Africa since about 2004, claimed his multivitamins treated AIDS, heart disease, cancer, diabetes, bird flu and numerous other illnesses. Rath ran numerous advertisements aimed at convincing HIV-positive people to take his high-dose multivitamins rather than ARVs, available free-of-charge through the public health system, which he claimed were "toxic".  

 Kenya - In 2008, the government warned HIV-positive people in the country's eastern Coast Province [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=79915 ] to reject herbal "cures" peddled by fake herbalists who claimed their concoctions contained unique ingredients that could boost the immune system and even cure HIV.  

 An estimated 80 percent of Kenyans use traditional healers either exclusively or in conjunction with western medicine; the government is drafting regulations to stop fraudulent herbalists from practising.  

 Gambia - In 2007, President Yahya Jammeh was roundly denounced by AIDS activists when he said he had found a cure for HIV/AIDS and began treating citizens. Shortly after his announcement, Jammeh expelled [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=70123 ] the most senior UN official in the country for questioning his "cure".  

 The programme is still running, but more Gambians are choosing ARVs over Jammeh's treatment.  

 Ethiopia - In 2007, thousands of HIV-positive patients flocked to Entoto, an ancient mountain north of the capital, Addis Ababa, seeking a "holy water" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=72375 ] cure for AIDS after local priests said they could cure HIV.  

 The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Abune Paulos, later advised patients to continue with their ARVs even as they sought healing at Entoto.  

 São Tome and Principe - In 2007, questions were raised about Dorviro-Sida, [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=74543 ] or "Put AIDS to sleep" in Portuguese, an anti-AIDS herbal remedy produced by Amancio Valentim, president of the Association of Traditional Medicine of São Tome and Principe. Valentim claimed three tablespoons of the brownish syrup, taken every day before meals, could reduce the viral load and make patients feel better; he said four patients who had taken the drug for four years had tested negative for HIV.  

 AIDS activists were concerned the drug could make HIV-positive people complacent about taking their ARVs, and the health ministry said it did not support Valentim's treatment.  

 South Africa - In 2006, a clinic in South Africa's east coast city of Durban began to sell "ubhejane" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39547 ] - a herbal mixture believed to treat HIV/AIDS.  

 The controversial traditional medicine received vast media coverage, mainly due to the backing it received from influential political figures such as the former health minister, Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, and provincial health officials. Ubhejane, a dark brown liquid sold in old plastic milk bottles, had not undergone any clinical trials to test its efficacy. All that the tests confirmed was that it was not toxic.  

 But HIV-positive patients were far more willing to accept the traditional medicine as an effective remedy, flocking to the clinic to buy a full course of the herbal remedy that retailed at R374 ($40).  

 Uganda - In 2006, the Ugandan government banned the use of a popular anti-AIDS herb remedy known as "Khomeini" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39532 ], after tests found it provided no cure. Iranian Sheikh Allagholi Elahi claimed the drug - which contained olive oil and honey and cost $1,650 per dose - could cure HIV/AIDS and TB in three weeks.  

 Studies by experts in Uganda and Kenya found that while patients had gained weight due to the nutritional content of the drug, it was incapable of curing HIV.  

 kr/kn/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94679</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: The downside of foreign land acquisitions</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191450140079t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition. [ http://www.landcoalition.org/ ]
 
“The best land is often being targeted for acquisition. It is often irrigable, with proximity to infrastructure, making conflict with existing land users more likely,” says a 14 December 2011 report. [ http://www.landcoalition.org/cpl/CPL-synthesis-report ]
 
Africa accounts for 134 million hectares of reported land deals. Worldwide, between 2000 and 2010, deals under consideration or negotiation amounted to 203 million hectares, the Coalition says. 
 
The rush for farmland was triggered primarily by the 2007-08 world food price crisis. While agricultural production was the main aim, the Coalition says, mineral extraction, industry, tourism and forest conversion were “significant contributors” to the rush. The Sojourner Project [ http://thesojournerproject.wordpress.com/ ] suggests newly-independent Southern Sudan is the latest addition to the land acquisition list. 
 
In West Africa such acquisitions, which critics describe as land grabbing, are having a telling impact on the River Niger, the subregion’s largest river and the continent’s third largest after the Nile and the Congo.
 
From the Fouta Djallon Massif in Guinea (West Africa’s water tower), the 4,200km river snakes its way through Mali, Niger, Benin and empties into the Nigerian sector of the Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Guinea_Current_large_marine_ecosystem ] in the Atlantic Ocean. Millions of people along its route and tributaries depend on the river for their farms, cattle, fishing and other needs. Yet the River Niger is already overfished, is becoming polluted and is affected by dam construction and oil production.
 
Mali worst affected
 
Of all the countries through which the River Niger flows the segment in Mali is the most negatively affected by land acquisition irrigation deals, which must be authorized by the Office du Niger. [ http://www.office-du-niger.org.ml/internet/ ] Mali accounts for the river’s entire inland delta, an area set for agro-industrial farming. The aim is for the area to become West Africa’s bread basket. 
 
Realizing this potential, Mali and Libya created Malibya, a joint-venture company which has been allotted 100,000 hectares of land for industrial agriculture. The lease is for 30 years. Ibrahim Coulibaly, president of the National Coordination of Peasant Organizations of Mali (CNOP), [ http://www.cnop-mali.org/ ] is a critic of such deals. He said the Office du Niger intended to produce hybrid rice on this land, in collaboration with the China National Hybrid Rice Company, and that the introduction of hybrids would, effectively, “kill” local varieties. Already, he said, the company implementing the project, the China Geo-Engineering Corporation (CGC), [ http://www.chinageo.com.cn/en/about/index.asp ] had built a 40km irrigation canal, and a 40km paved road had been built around Bougouwere at a cost of US$55 million. 
 
Additionally, CGC has already developed 17,000 of the envisaged 25,000 hectares earmarked. The government of Mali feels this outcome justifies its decision to launch this project.
 
"The development will be a great contribution to the Office du Niger in search of integrated development,” Abou Sow, the minister in charge of the Office du Niger, said. “This is a public utility project because the Libyan side has taken all necessary steps to compensate the people who have been affected by the arrangements." 
 
However, international NGO Grain, [ http://www.grain.org/article/entries/187-rice-land-grabs-undermine-food-sovereignty-in-africa ] has questioned the government’s wisdom in handing over such large tracts of land when its stated aims are to help local farmers develop. 
 
The Oakland Institute, in its December 2011 report entitled Land Deal Brief: Land Grabs Leave Africa Thirsty, [ http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/land-deal-brief-land-grabs-leave-africa-thirsty ] is also critical of such deals. Already, it says, farmers in the area have lost their livelihoods. This is because the construction of the canal has closed small irrigation outlets they use. 
 
The siphoning off of water for huge areas of farmland would worsen the already low water levels of the River Niger. The Niger River Basin Authority says a 30cm drop in water level (measured in Mopti, Mali) corresponds to a 50 percent diminution of the delta flood plain’s land area. 
 
Moreover, the river is already experiencing siltation, a condition which scientists say could worsen if there are changes in the flow of water and if pollution increases. Planned dam construction on the upper reaches of the River Niger would alter the flow. This would further reduce already diminishing fish stocks, water availability, and make navigation more difficult to places like Timbuktu.
 
“Fish is becoming increasingly scarce and more difficult to access because of the silting of the banks,” said Saleck Ould Dah, the water and sanitation programme officer at WaterAID [ http://www.wateraid.org/uk/what_we_do/where_we_work/mali/ ] in Mali. “Although irrigation has managed to double rice production, these waters have become increasingly polluted due to soap manufacturing; solvents used for dyeing cloths; and chemicals used by farmers.” 
 
Given that social conflict over resources between farmers and pastoralists has always been a feature of the Niger Basin, the Coalition suggests that large-scale irrigation could heighten tension between local and downstream water users.
 
Food security
 
Critics feel that land acquisitions could imperil the food security of millions of people who depend on the Niger for farming and fishing. Thousands of small farmers would be forced off their land and become farm labourers; pastoralists would have to search for new grazing land or ditch their lifestyle. However, the Office du Niger says this is a misinterpretation of what would happen.
 
“After contributing to the policy of irrigation schemes, this project will certainly be one of the agriculture sector’s economic and social developments," said Amadou Coulibaly, president and chief executive officer of Office Du Niger.
 
Overall, most of the land deals, critics say, would be put under biofuel production and agricultural food exports. With many local small-scale farmers off the land there could be national food shortages. Weak economies cannot afford food imports, and might in fact be forced to receive food aid from countries whose multinationals, ironically, produced that very same food in Africa in the first place. 
 
Although governments might make the case for such land deals, critics of such contracts in Africa say local elites are most likely the only national beneficiaries. 
 
Writing in the International Food Policy Research Institute [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/wcaotn01.pdf ] under the title Foreign Direct Investments in Land- and Agriculture-based Poverty Reduction Strategies in Africa, Ousman Badiane, the Institute’s Africa director, says: “Foreign investors interact with, and act through, national intermediaries or interlocutors who may operate independently or as government agents. One should, therefore, expect the emergence of secondary markets and derived demand in the form of influential national actors who will seek to gain access to land at the expense of local communities. Anticipation of future demand by foreign investors; this is where real damage can be done.”
 
If local communities are to be protected in these land deals, he says, foreign investors should improve the capacities for local governance; contract negotiating skills; and foster business partnerships between local communities.
 
“Urgent action is needed to bring harmful land transfers to a halt, and to redirect capital into more fruitful forms of investment where possible,” the Coalition says. 
 
sd/hu/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94680</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191450140079t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Loss of relief aid could threaten fragile peace</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg" />]]>GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</description><body><![CDATA[GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.

“I don’t want the world to move on and say everything in Côte d’Ivoire is fine,” Catherine Bragg, assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and deputy emergency relief coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), said on 17 January in Duékoué, 400km northwest of Abidjan.

She was on a three-day tour of the county, which included a visit the Nahibly camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Duékoué which hosts 4,557 people.

“There are still people displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93971 ] without water, electricity, and dependent on food assistance,” she added.

Thousands of returnees who missed the planting season are also dependent on food aid for survival, and their prospects for planting this year are poor. Most were unable to return to their fields because their land was taken over after they were displaced.

Bragg launched a consolidated appeal in Abidjan for Côte d’Ivoire on 16 January. UN agencies are seeking more than US$173 million to cover the needs of over three million people from now until the end of December 2012.

“If they don’t receive humanitarian help, tensions could escalate again,” Max Hadorn, head of OCHA operations in Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.

To kick-start what OCHA describes as a “vital humanitarian response”, it said the Central Emergency Relief Fund had just allocated $8 million for life-saving projects in the country.

Farmers typically begin preparing the fields in February and planting in March. “If they don’t plant, they will be dependent on humanitarian aid for the rest of the year,” he added.

Shelter shortages

“We’re here because we don’t have a home to return to,” said Juliette Tehe, who has been displaced at Nahibly IDP camp since last spring. She comes from Niambly, a village 6km east of Duékoué.

Niambly was set on fire in March 2011 during fighting between government and anti-government forces. At least 1,000 homes were partially or completely destroyed in the village, which is still scattered with residents’ charred belongings.

Neil Brighton of the UN Refugee Agency, which is leading on shelter for the displaced, said in the country’s western region at least 18,000 homes had been destroyed, and there was only enough funding to rebuild 4,000, of which 400 had so far been completed.

“The needs are huge and, at the moment, only three or four agencies are actually building,” he said.

Tehe, who remains displaced, said even with shelter, there were Dozos (fearsome looking traditional hunters) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93378 ] in the village, which may prevent her family from returning. “There are people with guns around. All the fields are blocked,” she said.

“It’s our fields we’re worried about”

In the village of Zeaglo in Moyen-Cavally, northwest of Guiglo, a group of women said that since returning to their village, members of their ethnic group had been threatened by Dozos [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93384 ] when they attempted to enter their farms. One of the village residents, Marceline Dodien, used to farm cassava, cocoa and bananas, but is now idle because her fields were seized during the three months of her displacement during which she lived in the forest.

The women are part of the Guéré ethnic group which overwhelmingly supported ousted President Laurent Gbagbo in 2011. Tensions over land rights with other ethnic groups predate the 2011 crisis. However, politically, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91566 ] Alice Tiemoko, a farmer, said, there was improvement.

“We are unified now. We think well of the [current] president. It’s our fields we’re concerned about,” she said.

Reconciliation obstacles

While many Ivoirians express willingness to reconcile, the women said the groundwork for reconciliation was still missing in Zeaglo.

“If we had our basic needs met - maybe, but our hearts are still filled with anger. We want to get back what was taken from us,” Irene Gueï said.

The women blamed “foreigners” for taking their land, but many of the so-called “foreigners” came to the region decades or generations ago, and also claim rights to the land. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87892 ]

Tiemoko told IRIN the different ethnic groups living in Zeaglo got along in the village. “We laugh together in the village. We get along here, but outside we don’t,” she said.

Bragg applauded the return of over a half a million people in the last nine months, which she said was a testimony to increasing security; the resolution of the crisis; international support; and a tribute to the hard work of the international community. But, she added: “There are still substantial needs that require substantial resources to deal with persisting problems.”

She appealed to donors for continued funding throughout 2012, adding that help for the most vulnerable persons remained “an absolute priority”, especially in the country’s western and southwestern regions.

“Considerable needs remain in several areas such as protection of civilians, restoration of means of livelihood, shelter, access to basic services and voluntary return and reintegration of displaced persons and refugees,” she said on 18 January at the end of her visit. “A premature exit of humanitarian actors could aggravate the situation.”

lb/oss/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94684</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: What can be done about Nigeria’s Boko Haram militants?</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93250 ] - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94296 ]

The Salafist group grabbed attention in 2009 with coordinated attacks on government buildings and police stations in four northern states which left more than 800 people dead. The attacks were revenge for an earlier clash with the police, who had opened fire on Boko Haram followers in a funeral procession in the northeastern city of Maiduguri, which was widely seen as a deliberate attempt by the state authorities to crush the group.

The violence metastasized in 2011: there were bombings of the headquarters of the police and the UN in the capital, Abuja; more than 100 died in bomb and gun attacks in a single day in two towns in northeastern Yobe State, and Boko Haram promised strikes in the largely non-Muslim Christian south. In what seemed a deliberate attempt to stir sectarian unrest, a series of bombings on churches on Christmas Day in Abuja killed close to 40 people.

As Nigerians nervously consider what the violence could portend for the unity of the country, IRIN asked three analysts their views on the conflict, and the steps needed to resolve it. The following responses are from Innocent Chukwuma, executive director of the Cleen Foundation; [ http://cleen.org/ ] Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst; and security specialist Hussaini Monguno.

What does Boko Haram represent?

Innocent Chukwuma: Boko Haram represents different things to different people depending on where you stand in the deep divide of Nigerian society. To the political elite in the south, it may have started as a small, fringe religious sect with a radical worldview about how Nigerian society, especially the northern part, should be governed according to the dictates of Islam. But today [they feel] it is has been hijacked by the northern political elite who have not hidden their distaste about the emergence of President Goodluck Jonathan [a Christian southerner], and are now using the group to make the state ungovernable in order to ensure the return of political power to the north.

However, a more reflective viewpoint sees the group as representing the voices of the northern poor and downtrodden, even though misguided, who have been marginalized in the scheme of things and now seek a violent outlet to [highlight] their issues, like their counterparts in other parts of the country, such as the militants of the Niger Delta [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94306 ] and the Odua People's Congress in the southwest. [ http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/yoruba.htm ]

Hussaini Abdu: Boko Haram (BH) represents the backward slide of Nigeria. Although presented in Islamic religious garb, its activities are deeply criminal and political. While the history of BH can be traced to a young Muslim group in the northeast of Nigeria, they have since [morphed] to include criminal groups. Today nobody is clear what the group stands for [and] people are not sure who exactly is responsible for the spate of violence in the country. There is therefore no one acceptable narrative on the issue. The perception of north/Muslim is different from that of south/Christian. Whereas must people in the south or Christians accuse what they call "a disenchanted north" for the problem, the north seems to believe the violence is being perpetrated by people in government and their foreign backers to divide the country.

Hussaini Monguno: Boko Haram is a name given in 2009 by the press to the religious group led by Mohammed Yusuf, when fighting broke out between the group and the Nigerian police in Maiduguri, Borno State. This group is an outgrowth of the [conservative] Izala Movement [one of the largest Islamic societies in the country]… [but] Yusuf fell out with senior preachers over ego, differences in perception of religious texts and their attitude/relationship towards the Borno State government… Yusuf built up a robust camp that was self-reliant, well organized and a popular destination of jobless and frustrated youths who found hope and engagement. As his followership grew, his confidence grew - to the deep consternation of the state governor and his courtiers... At the moment the group has resorted to taking revenge for killings, persecution and torture of its members in various prison cells nationwide, with targeted killings of informants and bombings to rattle the government. Lately they have also started to seek recognition and relevance by appealing to aggrieved northern Muslim sentiment [over Jonathan's election victory].

How should the government respond?

Innocent Chukwuma: The attacks by Boko Haram and the security challenges they pose represent a potent threat to the corporate existence of Nigeria and need to be responded to with all seriousness using a multipronged strategy. Government, in my view, has not given the group all the attention and seriousness it deserves and appear to be playing politics with it in order not to be seen to be hurting certain vested interests. A more holistic strategy should combine an intelligence-led security approach to fish out the masterminds of the attacks, and initiatives that would aid the isolation of the group from the communities in which they operate.

Hussaini Abdu: The government needs to be decisive and deepen intelligence gathering. Where the military is involved, the rules of engagement should be defined to avoid molestation of unarmed civilians and abuses that could further mobilize local communities against the state. The government will also need to make a long-term strategic investment in the northeast of the country to contain the level of poverty and exclusion in the area.

Hussaini Monguno: The federal government should:
- Appoint independent local, national or international leaders to appeal, appease and engage the aggrieved sect members and leaders;
- Unban the group, granting them the right to freedom of belief and practice as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution;
- Renounce the use of violence, by all parties;
- Unconditionally release the thousands of Yusufiyya members in cells, detained without charge;
- Dispassionately review the events of 2009 and show remorse where necessary;
- Work to win the confidence and trust of the affected communities through careful conflict resolution measures;
- Compensate and rehabilitate all those families who have suffered loses both human and material;
- Allocate federal government resources for rapid rehabilitation of infrastructure, boost agriculture and cross-border trading to promote rapid employment for the teeming uneducated, excluded youths.

What are the constraints the government faces?

Innocent Chukwuma: The major constraints faced by the government in dealing with Boko Haram is the politicization of everything in this country, which has crippled law enforcement and security agencies from carrying out their functions in a professional manner, without fear or favour.

There is also a certain level of insincerity and deceit on the part of government in confronting the issue squarely. A typical example is the half-hearted declaration of a state of emergency made by President Jonathan in 14 local governments areas [in Yobe], which is neither here nor there in practical terms. Everybody knows that unless you declare a state-wide state of emergency, which would mean removing elected governors and replacing them with people with clear mandates to work with security agencies to restore law and order in affected states within a given period of time, not much can be achieved.

Hussaini Abdu: Lack of capacity, especially intelligence gathering capacity, poor political will to face the challenge of dealing with criminality, the religious colouration of the situation, and the extreme politicization of the situation by the government. 

Hussaini Monguno: The following:
- Weak and heavily compromised political leadership;
- The inability of the federal government to detach itself from the exploitation of sectional, sectarian, ethnic [interests];
- Inability of the federal government to reverse itself having already tagged the problem a national security threat that should be wiped out;
- Difficulty in breaking free from the beneficiaries of this standoff, i.e. the leaders of the security arms of government, security equipment suppliers, agents and contractors;
- The reluctance of the federal authorities to bring the former Borno State governor, Ali Modu Sheriff, to account for his misrule.

oa/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94642</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Yaws treatment study prompts WHO review</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110749170559t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out. 
 
 "We may be closer now than we have been in decades," Kingsley Asiedu, a yaws expert with WHO's Department of Neglected Tropical Disease Control, told IRIN, calling the study [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)61624-3/abstract ] on the bacterial skin disease, which leads to chronic disfiguration and disability in 10 percent of untreated cases, the most significant in half a century. 
 
 After a UN-led worldwide control programme cut infections from 50 million to 2.5 million in 1964 in 46 countries, the disease re-emerged in the 1970s when control efforts lagged, affecting an estimated 460,000 people - mostly children - in poor, tropical rural areas mainly in Africa and Asia, according to the most recent figures reported to WHO in 1995. 
 
 In 2010, the Lihir Medical Centre in Papua New Guinea (PNG), where the disease is still endemic, gave the one-time oral dose of the antibiotic azithromycin to about half of 250 infants and children from six months to 15 years infected with yaws. 
 
 Follow-up exams in 2011 showed the treatment was as effective as penicillin injections, which - unlike oral antibiotics - require trained health staff and equipment often scarce in areas most in need of treatment, wrote the researchers. 
 
 In a recent index of health workers' outreach [ http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/HealthWorkerIndexmain_4.pdf ] by the NGO Save the Children, PNG ranked in the bottom 20 of 161 surveyed countries. 
 
 The meeting of yaws experts convened by WHO in Geneva from 5-7 March will "fully define how we are going to embark [on a new yaws treatment regimen] using azithromycin", said Asiedu. 
 
 WHO's yaws treatment guidelines date back to the 1960s and there have been no alternatives since, he added. 
 
 In Southeast Asia, WHO set the goal for regional eradication by 2012 in two remaining endemic countries - Indo¬nesia and Timor-Leste. PNG, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu have also reported cases. 
 
 Sub-Saharan Africa was the most heavily affected based on earlier estimates, but the "picture is not entirely clear now", said Asiedu. Cameroon, Central African Republic, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Togo have all reported cases. 
 
 More studies are needed to ensure resistance to azithromycin treatment does not develop, said David Mabey from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. 
 
 While penicillin "has stood the test of time" - still as effective fighting the bacteria causing yaws after roughly 60 years - he noted mass azithromycin had only been used in developing countries for about a decade to treat trachoma [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89568 ], another bacterial disease prevalent in poor rural areas. 
 
 Discussions at the upcoming WHO meeting will include a measure to monitor antibiotic resistance, said Asiedu. "Antibiotic resistance is a risk in any treatment and we always have to be vigilant." 
 
 pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94621</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110749170559t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
 oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Blood shortages causing deaths in west</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201051108150984t.jpg" />]]>MAN 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - Blood shortages at hospitals and health centres in western Côte d’Ivoire are causing unnecessary deaths, especially among children, say local and international health officials.</description><body><![CDATA[MAN 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - Blood shortages at hospitals and health centres in western Côte d’Ivoire are causing unnecessary deaths, especially among children, say local and international health officials.
 
 Eighty-six people in need of blood transfusions died at the main hospital in the western city of Man during the first 11 months of 2011, with three-quarters of the deaths being children, hospital records showed.
 
 “A lot of people are dying in the west due to the lack of blood and lack of access to blood,” said Bisimwa Ruhana-Mirindi, coordinator of the World Health Organization (WHO) health cluster.
 
 Post-election violence in 2011 made access to blood nearly impossible for several months, Ruhana-Mirindi added. Residents feared travelling to hospitals or to the region’s only blood bank in Daloa (180km from Man) because armed groups continued to man illegal checkpoints; routine blood collection campaigns halted. 
 
 Records show that of the 923 people who needed blood transfusions at Man hospital, 19 percent failed to receive the service, and half that number died. 
 
 Most of the patients requiring transfusions were children like Soumaila Djiré, 13, with malaria-induced anaemia. When IRIN visited the hospital, Soumaila was breathing heavily and very thin. Doctors had one packet of blood for him, but the paediatrician said he would need more. The family had no money to visit the blood bank in Daloa.
 
 Soumailia’s relatives could not have donated blood on the spot either: "The hospital [in Man] is not properly equipped to collect and store blood, according to national standards," said Anderson Latt, WHO regional health coordinator.
 
 During the post-election violence, the health system in the west virtually shut down. Health facilities were pillaged, health staff abandoned their posts, and the government stopped paying salaries to health workers. 
 
 Since President Alassane Ouattara took office in May 2011, his government has ordered all medical staff back to work, has started paying them regularly; and is carrying out field visits to monitor clinics, according to Latt.
  
 "The government is helping to restore health systems, and has also been equipping health centres with supplies," Latt said. The first lady, Dominique Ouattara, has also donated several ambulances to hospitals in the west. 
 
 Money woes
 
 However, some ambulances had been stolen, and the difficulty and cost of reaching the region’s only blood bank had caused many deaths, Latt explained. Patients’ relatives have to travel to the blood bank and transfusion centre in Daloa, which takes over four hours in an ambulance, and blood is not always available there. Man hospital charges US$140 to send the ambulance to the blood bank. Few families can afford the cost, so rely on public transport.
 
 “Meanwhile, the child could be dying,” Latt said.
 
 While the blood bank distributes blood to the hospital in Duékoué, south of Man, Man hospital lacks proper blood storage facilities, said hospital director Alassan Coulibaly. Save the Children delivers blood from Daloa about once a week, which the hospital uses “immediately” Coulibaly said, adding: “Each time someone needs blood, they have to go to Daloa.” 
 
 Duékoué’s hospital also experiences blood shortages, said a physician with Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) at the facility. MSF provides free care, including surgical procedures, which has attracted a large number of patients. However, demand outstrips supply, said MSF doctor Sarah Pestieau, adding: “This hospital would really benefit from a transfusion centre.”
 
 Man hospital, meanwhile, has just one ambulance, lacks MSF support, and is farther from the blood bank. Because of the cost and inconvenience of accessing blood, families and doctors wait until cases become severe: “We end up waiting until they have severe symptoms like difficulty breathing… or coma,” Horace Akapo, a pediatrician at the hospital, said. 
 
 WHO and the UN Population Fund carried out a blood donation campaign between March and June 2011, the months of heavy fighting, and then distributed almost 5,000 blood packets to barely accessible hospitals in the west, said WHO. However, the funds ran out in June. “We had support for a little while but we no longer have money in our budget [for blood collection and distribution],” Latt said.
 
 lb/oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94583</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201051108150984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAN 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - Blood shortages at hospitals and health centres in western Côte d’Ivoire are causing unnecessary deaths, especially among children, say local and international health officials.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Former pro-Ouattara rebels still need reining in</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131312360137t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.
 
 Ten civilians were killed and about 15 wounded this month in fighting between the former rebels, which now form part of the national army, and civilians in Vavoua, west-central Cote d’Ivoire, and in Sikensi in the south. 
 
 In a statement on 29 December, the UN Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) [ http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unoci/ ] called on the government to stop the violence. “UNOCI encourages the Ivorian authorities to implement the tough measures they announced and to strengthen discipline" within the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI), UNOCI spokesman Hamadoun Touré said. 
 
 He said UNOCI remained concerned about the “numerous violations of human rights attributed to FRCI in several parts of the country which have led to the reactions by residents of the affected communities.” He cited cases of arbitrary arrest and illegal detention in Abidjan, the commercial capital.
 
 Adding to this, Ivoirian Human Rights League President René Legré said: "We note that despite the promises to ensure security, there has been no progress. People are still armed.”
 
 He said the unrestrained behaviour by FRCI soldiers was beginning to anger the public, which would defend itself. 
 
 "We fear that the day will come when people will no longer respect the army,” he added. 
 
 Following the Vavoua incident, Ouattara ordered the soldiers to return to barracks but they refused. 
 
 In Abidjan, the former fighters have swapped their uniforms for civilian clothes, while keeping their guns and still occupying some police stations. This was true in the Ouattara party stronghold of Abobo, a commune 8.7km northwest of Abidjan. 
 
 Gendarmes and police have been deployed to the country’s interior, but unarmed, and they have had to work under the authority of the warlords who settled in those areas when other pro-Ouattara forces advanced on the south from the north in March. 
 
 “State impotence”
 
 "We do not know whom to trust in these circumstances,” said Kady Kouyaté, a health worker in the western town of Gagnoa. “Those who have been training to provide security do not have the tools. Meanwhile, those who have weapons, rather than reassuring us, have become our tormentors."
 
 She said over a two-month period armed people in military uniform had attacked her and colleagues. 
 
 Describing the government’s response to the insecurity as “state impotence”, Legré said many soldiers in villages and towns which his team had inspected appeared to be taking orders from outside the official military structure. Moreover, he quoted solders as saying that since the government was not paying them salaries, they would pay themselves by abusing the public. 
 
 "When they face an obstacle, they do not hesitate to use their guns," Legré added. He said ex-rebel combatants within the military should be quickly identified and disarmed since they were unfit to bear arms. 
 
 However, Diarrassouba Lamine, president of the Convention of Free Associations and Organizations of Civil Society in Côte d'Ivoire, said more extensive measures were need.
 
 "You have to identify the causes of the clashes and think about the army generals. Because there may still be areas of tension wherever the army goes, the ongoing peace process could take a hit,” Diarrassouba said.
 
 aa/oss/cb
  
Watch: In Search of Stabiity http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4710 an IRIN film examining the prospects for peace and justice in Côte d'Ivoire

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94571</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131312360137t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>TECHNOLOGY: IRIN&apos;s pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting. 
 
 Here is a round-up of IRIN articles on important humanitarian technology in 2011: 
 
 Humanitarians in Libya used the Ushahidi [ http://www.ushahidi.com ] initiative to map the crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92686 ] and plan their interventions. 
 
 An electronic voucher scheme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94024 ] is being used to fight malnutrition by providing nutritious food to HIV-positive Zimbabweans on antiretroviral therapy and their families. 
 
 EpiCollect, [ http://www.epicollect.net ] developed by Imperial College, London, allows the geospatial collation of data [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93675 ] collected by mobile phone; Kenyan vets are using it for disease surveillance, monitoring outbreaks, treatments, vaccinations and animal deaths. 
 
 The Nepalese government and World Health Organization are mapping health facilities using GPS to help the country [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92413 ] plan disaster response in case of a major earthquake. 
 
 Tennis ball-sized mud balls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94224 ] were thrown into flood water in the hope of improving the quality of stagnant water following weeks of flooding in Thailand. 
 
 Using FrontlineSMS [ http://www.frontlinesms.com ] - an open-source software enabling users to send and receive text messages with groups of people - village malaria workers [ http://irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93662 ] in Cambodia can now report, in real time, all malaria cases in their villages to the Malaria Information and Alert System in Phnom Penh with a simple text message, including the patient's name, age, location and type of parasite. 
 
 The "Kenyans for Kenya" [ http://www.kenyans4kenya.co.ke ] initiative used mobile cash transfer services to raise more than US$7 million [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93633 ] during the drought which affected northern and eastern parts of the country. 
 
 Tweetback, an Egyptian fundraising campaign [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93495 ] to help slum-dwellers, raised $218,855 within 10 days of its formation in July. 
 
 In Bangladesh, Airtel, a private mobile operator, has teamed up with the Campaign for Sustainable Rural Livelihoods, the Centre for Global Change and two international NGOs (Oxfam and CARE) to provide early weather warnings [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93914 ] to fishermen at sea using GPS. 
 
 A handheld, battery-powered device [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94483 ] which can take a drop of blood, urine or sputum and tell a community health worker in a remote village whether a feverish child has malaria, dengue or a bacterial infection is in development by Canadian scientists. 
 
 The Burkina Faso Red Cross sends bluntly worded text messages to government officials, employers, traditional leaders, teachers, business owners and housewives several times a year in an effort to reduce the widespread exploitation of domestic workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92708 ] by raising awareness of their rights. 
 
 As part of efforts to reform the mining sector, an initiative in the Democratic Republic of Congo [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94465 ] aims to map artisanal mining sites, transportation routes, and mineral trading points, reflecting the security and human rights situation on the ground, using Geographic Information System (GIS) software. 
 
 The Map Kibera project, [ http://www.mapkibera.org ] which uses hand-held global GPS devices to collect geographic information in Nairobi's largest slum, is providing vital information [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91545 ] on the availability and location of health, security, education and water/sanitation services. 
 
 kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94565</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FILM: Our most-watched films of 2011</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011. 
 
 1. Slum Survivors (2007) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4142 ]: More than a billion people live in slums worldwide, hundreds of thousands of them in the Nairobi slum of Kibera. The film tells the stories of a few Kibera residents and charts their remarkable courage in the face of extreme poverty. 
 
 2. Soldiers’ Stories (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4786 ] follows two Ugandan soldiers - a female gunner and a male nurse - serving in the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) at a critical stage in the battle for Mogadishu between Al-Shabab insurgents and the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government. From their training in Uganda to deployment in the shattered city in July 2011, Roselyn Namutebi and Otto Moses share their thoughts and fears on the frontline of one of the world's most intractable crises. 
 
 3. Turning the Page? (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4511 ]: In August 2000, a peace accord was signed in Burundi, bringing to an end more than a decade of ethnic conflict. This film analyses the fragile state of the peace process in the wake of elections held in 2010. 
 
 4. In Search of Stability (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4710 ]: In November 2010, a presidential election in Côte d’Ivoire led to a wave of violence between supporters of incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo and the internationally recognized winner of the poll, Alassane Ouattara. The film examines the prospects for lasting peace and the need for equitable justice. 
 
 5. The Sex Worker (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4443 ]: This film profiles Sou Southevy, a 70-year-old transgender sex worker who has been plying the streets of the Cambodian capital Phnom Penh since he was thrown out of home by his parents at the age of 14. Through the worst ravages of the Khmer Rouge regime and since, Sou has been subjected to terrible discrimination and at times violence, and in the absence of any support groups working with transgender and gay men, he decided to start one himself. 
 
 6. Bolivia’s Changing Climate (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4263 ]: In Bolivia, melting glaciers and erratic rainfall patterns are driving tens of thousands of people to the capital La Paz in search of water. 
 
 7. Leprosy (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4540 ]: Part of a series featuring neglected diseases, this film was shot in a leper colony in Egypt and highlights the stigma attached to the disfiguring disease which affects more than 200,000 people worldwide. 
 
 8. A Question of Trust (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4665 ]: Nepal’s decade-long civil war ended in November 2006 with a comprehensive peace agreement. The Maoist rebels won elections two years later and a Constituent Assembly was also elected to write a new constitution. However, by 2009, the peace process was not complete, with little progress made on key issues like the disarmament and integration of thousands of Maoists ex-fighters. 
 
 9. Bus Schools (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4739 ]: Millions of children living in the slums of Delhi in India do not have access to formal education. Many parents would rather put their children to work than send them to school. So the schools featured in this film - converted buses - travel to the children. 
 
 10. The Colonel (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4596 ]: One of several Heroes of HIV [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4869&SeriesID=2 ] profiled by IRIN Films, Col Felix Ntungumburanye was the first member of the Burundian army to declare himself HIV-positive. Doing so during a time of conflict left him fighting on two fronts: against rebels and stigma. Ten years later, largely thanks to the colonel’s courage, the army’s policies on HIV/AIDS have been transformed. 
 
 em-js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94553</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Getting early warning right in the Sahel</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.
  
 It says the links between cereal production and malnutrition have been exaggerated, the complexities of regional market conditions inadequately conveyed, and the need for long-term structural solutions under-emphasized. 
  
 IRIN discussed with aid agencies and Sahel food security analysts, the subtleties of getting early warning messages right in such situations. 
  
 Food security in the Sahel this year is part of a “persistent and predictable reservoir of chronic acute food insecurity” they say,” in a predictable portion of the region’s population”, and requires long-term structural aid not short-term fixes.  
  
 Malnutrition versus food security
  
 Countries in the Sahelian zone produced a lower-than-average harvest this year , leading UN agencies and analysts to predict 2.5 million ton cereal deficits in the region, some of which should be met by market flows.
  
 But predicted cereal deficits should not be conflated with malnutrition, says FEWSNET. While harvest outputs and malnutrition rates are linked, they are not inextricable: “Even unlimited amounts of food assistance would not be able to eliminate a substantial (probably more than half) part of this [malnutrition] caseload,” they estimate.
  
 This is because much of the malnutrition in the region is caused by other factors: poor water quality, low-quality health care, poor sanitation and poor feeding practices, which were recently stressed in the Sahel Working Group and Oxfam’s report entitled Escaping the Hunger Cycle; Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94082 ]
  
 Food aid is thus a blunt tool to address this problem - as well as the myriad other problems that poor pastoralists, poor urban communities, and others are currently dealing with.
  
 Oxfam’s food security head Al Hassan Cissé agrees: “Given a still-growing population, chronic malnutrition, indebtedness, and loss of remittances, among other factors, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ] I am not sure we [the international community] have the right tools to address these issues at the moment,” he said. 
  
 Any relevant response must take into account the chronic, structural vulnerability of the Sahel, say aid agencies and analysts. For instance, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has estimated over one million children in the Sahel region may face “severe and life-threatening malnutrition” in 2012, over one third of them in Niger. It is important to note that in 2011, with one of the best harvests on-record, just under 900,000 under-fives were in the same scenario. “And these needs will probably be there in 2013,” said the analyst. “This context is important.” 
  
 UN World Food Programme (WFP) food security head Naouar Labidi acknowledged that food security and malnutrition do not have a simple cause and effect relationship. However, they are linked: “Malnutrition is everything - health, access to water, feeding practices, etc, but it is also the result of access to food, and it [malnutrition] gets wborse when this access declines,” she told IRIN.

  Malnutrition is already poor in the Sahel, with rates exceeding 15 percent – the emergency threshold -- in some locations. “In a crisis you want to prevent death –any additional shock could push up these malnutrition rates further - resulting in higher mortality rates. Blanket feeding is one way of preventing deterioration of the nutrition situation. So we cannot afford not to act,” she said.
 It’s all in the prices
  
 FEWSNET also notes that while high food prices across the Sahel “obviously increase stress on poor families and have human impacts”, they could also draw grain stocks from coastal countries into the region, which could serve to increase the availability of food in markets, and stabilize prices. 
  
 One of the reasons the 2005 crisis was so severe was because coastal food prices were even higher than in the Sahel, says FEWSNET. 
  
 Price predictions can also become a self-fulfilling prophecy, they warn, as well as encouraging residents to hoard grain, which can drive prices up further.
  
 Alhousseini Bretaudeau, executive secretary at food security analysts CILLS (a Permanent Inter-State Committee to Prevent Drought in the Sahel) told IRIN from Abuja: “When you give strong declarations, stock-retention could occur and prices could go up further.” 
  
 Likewise, notes WFP, if governments and institutions state they will be purchasing large quantities, prices could stabilize. 
  
 Rather than speculating on future prices, which Labidi notes is a risky business, even the information that is currently available “shows that something is wrong”, says Labidi. Prices in some places have increased by over 80 percent over the five-year average, and have continued to rise rather than fall which is the usual seasonal dynamic. 
  
 Millet prices are 77 percent higher than the five-year average in Malian capital Bamako; 93 percent higher in the northern city of Gao, and up by 85 percent in the central region of Ségou, according to the Food and Agriculture.

 Even if prices were to stabilize, there would still be a problem, said WFP, as they are already unsustainable for lots of people.
  
 Market solutions
  
 FEWSNET analysts note that the lower-than-average cereal crops could be compensated for by food imports, which for instance in Niger in 2010-11 amounted to 900,000 tons - more than double the current estimated production gap. “The current food insecurity is less a food availability problem than an access issue.”
  
 Interviewees agreed: it is high food prices, and poor terms of trade for the most vulnerable that put food out of their reach. “The entry point [for response] is access, not availability,” said WFP market analyst Jean-Martin Bauer, noting high food prices are a greater problem than a deficit of grains, since markets will to some degree always compensate for at least part of gross food deficits.
  
 But opinions differ on the degree to which the markets will be able to resolve the access problem. 
  
 At the December 2011 meeting of the Food Crises Prevention Network (FCPN) on the situation in the Sahel and West Africa, agencies and analysts issued a joint communiqué, stressing the need for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to keep food trade fluid across their borders.  
  
 States must “avoid any action which will by nature impede the proper functioning of the markets and cross-border trade flows,” it stated. [ http://www.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_doc_13.pdf ]
  
 Protectionist measures worsened the impact of the 2005 food crisis and also posed some barriers to response in 2009-2010, which meant aid agencies had to partly source from outside of the region, upping the cost and delivery period.
  
 CILLS’s Breteaudeau was in Abuja where he was discussing ECOWAS plans, when he spoke to IRIN. “All governments are worried,” he said, “if you give alarming information then governments start to put themselves first: the message we must continuously impart is the need for solidarity.” 
  
 But for WFP’s Bauer, the problem is that - unlike in 2009 when prices were high in one of the region’s three major trading systems (known as the eastern, central and western basins) but not the others - this year all three are exhibiting high prices for staple grains such as maize and millet. 
 Ghana is estimated to have a grain surplus of 240,000 tons of maize for instance, but its price is 75 percent higher now than it was in 2009.  

 The numbers game

 Among other areas that need to be more nuanced, FEWSNET says the number of people in the Sahel who will need food assistance this year is “far smaller” than many are reporting. Oxfam stated in an early December communiqué that six million people could be highly vulnerable to food insecurity in Niger; 2.9 million in Mali; 700,000 - over quarter of the population - in Mauritania; and over two million in Burkina Faso; while in Chad 13 out of 22 of the regions could be affected by food insecurity. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ]
  
 Agencies should be more precise, says FEWSNET. Six million people live in the provinces and districts of Niger that are affected by low outputs, but a much smaller number of people within them are insecure and need assistance. 
  
 Further, “this crisis is not engulfing the region, it is simply distributed across it,” they say. Rather than a blanket response, targeted, localized interventions are needed. 
  
 Each area will need its own specific response, stressed Oxfam. For CILLS the key is to get enough fodder for animals - this came too little too late in 2010 - and improving pastoralists’ access to water points. For Oxfam the response priorities are: cash vouchers and/or cash-for-work; destocking before livestock prices drop; seed distributions; water provision; and rebuilding national and community emergency food stocks. NGO Save the Children, meanwhile, prioritizes supporting people’s livelihoods to stop them falling into crisis, providing free health care, and treatment for malnutrition in Niger - one of the countries predicted to be worst-affected.
  
 Aid agency representatives IRIN spoke to recognized affected regions are scattered, but noted the areas affected are still substantial. Oxfam’s economic justice manager, Eric Hazard, told IRIN: “We never said it was a catastrophe; we just said based on the information that we have, if nothing is done, millions could be vulnerable to food insecurity.”
  
 The tension lies in trying to rally donors to try to step up response to a chronically forgotten region in an early warning scenario which still awaits the results of several malnutrition and food security studies, said an observer. Aid appeals for West Africa are almost always under-funded: 37 percent of the 2011 request has come in thus far, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=emerg-emergencyDetails&appealID=910 ]
  
 And early warning is important, stressed Hazard: agencies rang the alarm in December 2009 during the last crisis; the media responded in February 2010 and aid agencies were only fully mobilized in May and June. 
  
 “Progress”
  
 Rather than stressing division, it is time for consensus, agree agencies and analysts. “Look at the progress,” said Hazard. “In the 1970s countries didn’t even identify crises; in the 1990s they started to respond but with low capacity; in 2005 they at least had a plan in mind; now early warning systems are in place.”
  
 There has been much talk over the past decade of improving aid effectiveness, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94502 ] and supporting country-led development. “Here countries are telling us there is a problem - even if the projections will change and be revised. Let them take that responsibility,” said Hazard. 
  
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94531</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Spotlight on New Deal for fragile states</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4/ ] in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.
  
 The New Deal will be piloted in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste, with help from Australia, Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. 
  
 It identifies five peace- and state-building goals as prerequisites for development without which “no MDG [Millenium Development Goals] will be met”, said Marcus Manuel, director of the Budget Strengthening Initiative at the UK’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI), one of the architects of the New Deal. 
  
 The goals include legitimate politics, security, justice, economic foundations and revenues and services. “If you don’t sort them [these criteria] out, no matter how many schools you build, if you haven’t figured out the payroll, you won’t be able to move forward,” Manuel told IRIN. 
  
 For years donor governments have struggled with how to approach development support to fragile states, which lack the systems or resources to process aid effectively, and often have high levels of corruption leading to low value-for-money. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93402 ] 
  
 Aid to fragile states has often propped up corruption, rather than weakened it, says the World Bank. 
  
 Some 1.5 billion people live in conflict-affected and fragile states, most of which are not on track to meet a single MDG. 
  
 However, the recognition that fragile states need a different approach to aid altogether, has gradually turned from policy and discussion - at the Paris and Accra aid fora [ http://www.oecd.org/document/18/0,3343,en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1,00.html ] and declarations for action - into a more concrete action plan, said Manuel. 
  
 New approach
  
 Under the proposed changes (to be presented to member states at the UN General Assembly in September 2012 ) “compacts” with countries will be agreed, i.e. there will be a shared understanding of aid modalities and priorities drawn up by donors, recipient governments and civil society.
  
 Rather than each donor assessing a recipient’s fragility, countries will be encouraged to carry out their own fragility assessments, which should create more apt solutions, Manuel told IRIN. For instance, the government of Timor-Leste deemed the need to re-house internally displaced people as a security priority once the conflict was over, and proposed giving each displaced family significant cash sums to do so. Donors said this approach was too expensive and would not work, but it did, and paid off, says the ODI. 
  
 With country ownership at the heart of aid efforts, donors should not shy away from direct budget support to fragile governments early on, if the right safeguards are set up first, says the ODI in a briefing paper. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=5961&title=budget-strengthening-fragile-states-conflict-g7 ] Donors waited five years after the conflict to invest in government structures in South Sudan, versus two years in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, and just a few months in Afghanistan, and in each example the early support was “critical” to rebuilding state structures, says the ODI. 
  
 In Guinea, deemed by many to be a fragile state, the health and public hygiene minister, Naman Kéita, told IRIN donor hesitancy to fund ministries directly, hampered their chances of setting ambitious agendas. 
  
 However, supporting national auditing systems, and strict financial safeguards come with this approach, stress aid analysts. 
  
 In other proposed shifts, donors will agree to streamline aid flows and their administration under the New Deal, for instance by setting up just one programme management and monitoring unit in each ministry rather than the current practice, where each donor may have its own. When the Rwandan government insisted on this approach, the capacity of its ministries started to increase rather than be over-stretched.
  
 Practical things, such as caps on pay rates also need to be introduced, say the G7+, though the modalities are yet to be worked out. In Liberia, the UN was hiring well-qualified professionals at the same time as the government was, but the UN hired 10 times as many staff, and could pay them two to three times more, constraining the government's ability to hire. 
  
 Critics
  
 However, some practitioners with long experience of working in fragile states, say country ownership and dismantling corruption may not always be a priority for governments. 
  
 John Morlu, ex-auditor-general in Liberia, who some say was pushed out of the job because his anti-corruption probes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93431 ] threatened high-level government officials, was skeptical. “I think we have to be very careful. We talk about countries taking ownership, but do they want to take ownership? I can think of cases in Liberia where it’s much easier to say, `This is UN driven, this is IMF [International Monetary Fund] driven’ because that gives you the political cover you need.” 
  
 Furthermore, local citizens may have priorities other than greater transparency and less corruption, Guinean and Sierra Leonean youths told IRIN: they want jobs more than anything else. 
  
 Manuel hopes that as country systems strengthen, development progress will also speed up - for now, patience is still required: a 2011 World Bank report estimates it takes 20-30 years to dismantle corrupt systems in a government. [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ]
  
 aj/cb
  
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94502</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
