<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Uganda</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 14:30:37 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>UGANDA: Charcoal boon a bust for forests</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202071320240949t.jpg" />]]>GULU 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Once a fortnight, Moses Sserwada travels from the capital, Kampala, to northern Uganda to pick up a truckload of charcoal destined for the popular Owino market in the city.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Once a fortnight, Moses Sserwada travels from the capital, Kampala, to northern Uganda to pick up a truckload of charcoal destined for the popular Owino market in the city.

“I have been in this trade for three years; we get our supply from northern Uganda because the charcoal produced there is of a good quality and in high demand,” Sserwada told IRIN.

The charcoal trade, referred to as "black gold" by Kampala traders, has become more profitable than the forests where trees are being indiscriminately cut down for charcoal-burning. For the rural population, charcoal trade is an opportunity to earn an income.

According to the National Forest Authority (NFA), more than 73,000 hectares of private forest are cleared every year across the country and over 7,000ha of protected forest reserves are destroyed annually for timber and charcoal.

“People are cutting down trees indiscriminately without thinking of the future,” said Moses Watasa of the NFA.

Watasa said Uganda had no clear policy on charcoal production. "We must encourage planting fast-growing trees like eucalyptus now so that we can be in a position to get timber and charcoal in 10 years," he said.

Northern Uganda has thick forest cover, comprising both hard and soft wood. Forest growth in the area flourished during the two-decades-long Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) conflict as many locals were displaced from their villages. 

Previously, Kampala charcoal traders relied on charcoal from Nakasongola, Hoima, Masindi, Kafu, Luwero areas of eastern Uganda. These have since been depleted of private and community forests.

For instance, Langele village, adjacent to the Murchison Falls National Park in Nwoya district in northern Uganda, known for its beautiful scenery and thick forests, is no more. Locals refer to Langele as a charcoal factory. 

“The price of forest depends on its thickness but on average it costs 1.5 million shillings [US$600] for a hectare,” said Otto Oola, a resident of Langele. "Any patch of land here covered with trees is [worth] a fortune, it can earn you millions of shillings any time."

Poverty

Although aware of the environmental impact of indiscriminate cutting of trees, Oola said many people were doing it out of poverty. He said charcoal buyers not only provided cash upon purchase, they also helped villagers clear forested land for cultivation.

“I am trying to survive, I can’t sit hungry in that forest,” Oola said.

According to the State of the Environment report [ http://www.nemaug.org/national_s_o_reports.php2008 ] by the Uganda National Environment Management Authority, the rate of deforestation had, by 2005, increased from 1.76 percent per annum to 2.13 percent per annum.

The report says pressure on land, water, forest and biological resources has dramatically increased to meet the needs of a growing population, leading to a loss of 76 percent of the country's forest cover.

Geoffrey Oryema, the district leader of Nwoya, said poverty and lack of a meaningful livelihood source were the driving factors for environmental destruction.

“What do you expect somebody in the village without money to pay for his needs such as soap, salt, medicine and food to do?” Oryema said. "People are struggling to find alternatives to survive."

However, Samuel Abwola, a district environment officer in Gulu, said people in rural areas were being exploited to degrade their own environment. 

Depletion

Gulu initially had 371 sqkm of forest cover, but environmentalists now estimate the cover to be only 200 sqkm, a reduction they attribute to charcoal-burning, human settlement as well as the quest to open up cultivable lands.

Margaret Barihahi, a coordinator for the African Climate Change Resilience Alliance, said it was necessary to devise alternatives for sustainable livelihoods and to empower communities with information on the dangers of indiscriminate forest-cutting. 

“Without a viable alternative source of energy, it is clear that charcoal and wood fuel will remain the dominant sources of energy,” Barihahi said. 

An estimated 95 percent of Ugandans depend on charcoal and wood for cooking. Moreover, Uganda's rapid population growth, coupled with rapid urbanization, has increased the demand for energy, especially cooking fuel. 

However, growth in energy demand has not been matched by corresponding growth in supply of alternative sources of fuel, such as hydro-electricity, which is the cheapest and most convenient alternative source of energy for cooking. 

Because of its short supply, hydro-electricity is neither affordable nor reliable.

Uganda's National Development Plan estimates the country's electricity demand to reach 35,000MW by 2015 and the absence of cheap charcoal is likely to push demand for electricity even higher.

ca/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94810</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202071320240949t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Once a fortnight, Moses Sserwada travels from the capital, Kampala, to northern Uganda to pick up a truckload of charcoal destined for the popular Owino market in the city.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The LRA - not yet a spent force</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts. 

The LRA is seen as being in “survival mode”. It has a lightly armed 250-strong militia dispersed across a territory half the size of France, and uses “terror” tactics to subdue local populations and is facing a coordinated response from the armies of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Central African Republic (CAR), South Sudan, Uganda and the USA. 

In recent weeks African Union (AU) special envoy for affairs relating to the LRA Francisco Madeira, and the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General Abou Moussa have toured Kinshasa, Bangui, Juba and Kampala to discuss regional military cooperation, following authorization from the AU Peace and Security Council in November 2011, with the support of the UN, for them to deal decisively with the LRA. 

Ashley Benner, a policy analyst at the Enough Project [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] - a US NGO lobbying for an end to mass atrocity crimes - told IRIN: “The proposed AU intervention force will consist of approximately 3,500-5,000 troops from the four affected countries. The mandate and goals of the mission are to end the LRA, protect civilians, and lead to security and stability in the affected countries.” 

The USA has deployed about 100 military advisers - they carry weapons for self-defence only - to assist the region’s military forces, but Benner said this would not be sufficient. 

“The advisers need to be bolstered by more capable troops, greater intelligence and logistical capabilities, including helicopters, improved collaboration between regional forces, and increased efforts to encourage LRA members to leave the group,” she added. 

Sandra Adong Oder, a senior researcher at the conflict management and peacebuilding unit at Pretoria-based think-tank the Institute for Security Studies, told IRIN the same military actors involved in previous and failed attempts to eradicate the LRA were involved in the AU initiative, and asked: “It [the initiative] may be doing more, [but] is it any different?” 

Top priority? 

The LRA was also not a top priority for the four affected countries: Kony’s forces, were no longer operating in Uganda; they were more than 1,000km from Kinshasa and so not seen as a key security issue for the DRC; they are not threatening any economic interests or political constituencies in CAR; and South Sudan was grappling with more urgent security considerations, said Oder. 

In a research note entitled The AU’s Regional Initiative Against the LRA: Prospects and Implications [ http://www.iss.org.za/iss_today.php?ID=1420 ] published on 30 January, Oder said: “The regional intervention force… is based on some assumptions that the LRA is an easy problem to solve, and that the insurgent group’s threat capability has been reduced. This may prove to be a grave mistake… 

“The new force should therefore not merely improve on existing military operations, but needs to refrain from merely duplicating operational structures and techniques that do not work, while at the same time leaving the military command in the hands of national governments, which could fuel suspicion and intraregional tensions within the alliance, which in turn could severely limit cooperation and coordination - and hence the AU’s overall ownership of the mission… 

“This time round, the consequences of another failure will be prohibitive, in the sense that once committed, the AU mission would then have to use all necessary force to avoid failure, and would be under immense pressure to escalate military involvement to ensure success,” the note said. 

The International Working Group on the LRA, in a World Bank June 2011 report entitled: Diagnostic Study of the Lord’s Resistance Army, [ http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/main?menuPK=64187510&pagePK=64193027&piPK=64187937&theSitePK=523679&entityID=000386194_20111103040219 ] written by Philip Lancaster and Guillaume Lacaille, said: “It should be remembered that the LRA only has to survive to succeed… 

“As long as it [the LRA] is present, it is capable of generating insecurity in the region. To survive, it needs only to avoid, as much as possible, direct contact with superior armed forces and continue to resupply itself from vulnerable civilians. As long as it retains the freedom to choose the time and place of its attacks, it retains the tactical and strategic initiative,” the World Bank report said. 

In the past month, LRA Crisis Tracker, [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ] a real-time mapping platform for crimes committed by Kony’s forces, has attributed six deaths and 14 abductions to the armed group. 

Ugandan leadership? 

Uganda, the regional military power, is expected to take the lead role in the military operations by virtue of its acknowledged professionalism compared to the region’s other forces, and its close working relationship with US forces over the past few years, although its dominance in an intervention force could increase regional tensions, especially between Kampala and Kinshasa: Last year DRC President Joseph Kabila asked his counterpart Yoweri Museveni to halt operations in his country against the LRA by the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), and it is unclear how this impasse will be resolved. 

Oder said although the Ugandan army was “overstretched” with its commitments to the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), it had a personnel score to settle with the LRA, after previous encounters had exposed the “weaknesses, corruption and competences” of the UPDF. “It’s about saving face and pride,” she said. 

A 2 February 2012 Enough Project report entitled Ensuring Success: Four Steps Beyond US Troops to End the War with the LRA [ http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/ensuring-success-four-steps-beyond-us-troops-end-war-lra ] by Sasha Lezhnev, said Uganda’s best troops were in Somalia and it did not have any bases in the DRC. “Some 90 percent of LRA attacks over the past six months have taken place in [DR] Congo… The shortage of troops is also hurting civilian protection efforts, which are in urgent need of a boost.” 

Skilled bush fighters 

The bush fighting skills of LRA fighters have been masked and overshadowed by their reputation as a ragtag bunch of bandits, marauding and raping, reliant on abducted children brainwashed into soldiering under Kony, and with an absolute disregard for human rights. The LRA is responsible for thousands of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people across the four-country region. 

“We have ample evidence from reports of the past 20 years that the LRA are a force to be reckoned with. Ruthless as they are, their tactics are well adapted to the terrain and the nature of the forces they face,” Philip Lancaster - former head of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration division of the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC), the predecessor of the current UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the Congo - said in an August 2011 article entitled the Lord’s Resistance Army and Us. [ http://congosiasa.blogspot.com/2011/08/guest-blog-lords-resistance-army-and-us.html ] 

“The LRA make deliberate use of terror to tie up military forces and survive by hit-and-run attacks that are well-planned and flawlessly executed,” he wrote. 

LRA fighters value reconnaissance, are skilled in ambush techniques and the evasion of air surveillance, are trained in both irregular and regular forms of warfare and have adapted to different climatic regions from rainforests to arid wastelands. “Their extraordinary ability to survive, even when constantly on the move, gives LRA fighters an edge over all pursuing armies,” the World Bank report said. 

The notion that the LRA’s estimated 250 fighters and their dispersal into small cells indicates weakness, is misleading, the World Bank report said. “While the LRA has been weakened over the past two years, it is premature to regard them as lacking capacity, since the number of the core fighters is not much lower now than what it has been throughout the years.” 

The response to any concerted military effort against them is likely to be accompanied by the LRA’s “very crude way of operating” in using civilians as targets, Oder said. 

Civilian protection 

The Ugandan 2008 offensive against the LRA, Operation Lightning Thunder, resulted in a sharp rise in the number of LRA attacks on civilians, rather than a drop-off: There were two successive Christmas massacres in 2008 and 2009. 

“These events, particularly the massacre of December 2009 in the Makombo area of Haut Uélé, DRC, provoked questions about the wisdom of offensive operations against the LRA without adequate accompanying measures to protect civilians in the area of operations,” The World Bank report said. 

“The military response from UN peacekeeping and national forces has been totally inadequate insofar as they focus on providing limited static defence of a small number of civilian settlements. The LRA just find the ones that aren’t protected. Since none of the armies deployed have a policy of pursuit after attack, the LRA consistently escape with loot and abducted recruits,” says Lancaster’s article. 

“A major component of the military operations to apprehend Kony and his senior leadership should be civilian protection,” said Benner. 

Kony, an indicted war criminal, has also received an unexpected boost from the undermining of Uganda’s Amnesty Act with the trial of former LRA commander Thomas Kwoyelo, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93377 ] which “is further worsening chances that LRA fighters will come out; the case has sparked fear of prosecution among the LRA ranks,” the Enough Project report said. 

The UN Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (UNDDRR) exercise has been viewed as a major weapon in deconstructing the LRA through its propaganda campaign to encourage defections. 

The Enough Project report quoted a former LRA captain who had defected from the armed group. “I spent 18 years with Kony. The only thing that can be effective now against the LRA is the gun. Don’t leave the UPDF alone - the international community should step in. US advisers won’t be effective, though. You need joint troops from other countries. Kony doesn’t fear the US advisers because he knows the number [of Ugandan troops and US advisers] now is small. One LRA unit can defeat 10 UPDF units.” 

go/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94794</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN-UGANDA: Economic migrants battle xenophobia</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg" />]]>JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan's largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba's booming post-war economy.

There are about one million Ugandans living in South Sudan, according to the Kampala City Traders’ Association (KACITA). But life is not easy for the Ugandan traders who supply South Sudan with many essential goods.

On a side road at the market, a Southern Sudanese policeman wearing orange fatigues strikes a passing Ugandan with his rubber whip a few times, seemingly without any provocation. The Ugandan winces and then continues on his way.

Watching the incident from a small Ugandan-owned restaurant in the market, Ugandan migrants say such incidents - and much worse - are not uncommon. They say they have been beaten, arrested without cause and faced a plethora of other forms of harassment by Southern Sudanese security forces.

Hassan has been living in Juba for three years, selling used clothes. He has lost count of the number of times he has been beaten by security forces. “They come and ask you where your immigration [papers] are, and even if you have [them], they take you to the police without any [reason]. They beat you and tell you, ‘Bring money!’”

Just that day, says Hassan, Southern Sudanese police tried to extort money from him. “They beat me and they asked me, ‘Where is your money? Why are you working here, we don’t want you to work here, go back to Uganda.’”

Suing the government

KACITA spokesman Issa Sekkito said he and the Ugandan Ministry of Trade had compiled a list of more than 100 Ugandans claiming compensation from the government of South Sudan for harassment, confiscation of goods and property, failure of the government to pay for goods and services provided and in some cases, injuries and loss of life.

“We talked about people drowned in the River Nile, killing, raping of women, torture... Some people are lame now because of the problems they got. The brutality in some cases left their lives unrecoverable.” Ugandans are seeking US$48 million in compensation from the government, he said.

“Isolated Incidents”

Elizabeth Majok, Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Commerce in South Sudan, did not deny that such incidents may have occurred. But she said any harassment faced by Ugandan traders was the result of misconduct by individuals, and not institutional or systemic failure.

“You will not rule out one-to-one cases and this can happen even with Southern Sudanese. But if there are thousands of Ugandans and one faces certain incidents, which are isolated, it shouldn’t be [taken] like it is happening to everybody.”

Majok said the Ugandans who came to South Sudan were met with generally favourable business conditions and were not systemically discriminated against. “The whole market is being controlled by foreigners, from retailers to wholesalers to importers - everybody. And there is no discrimination. They are being given licences like locals and being facilitated by the Bank of Southern Sudan,” she said.

Military history

But this is not the first time security forces in South Sudan have faced allegations of human rights abuses against civilians. Boutros Biel, head of the South Sudanese Human Rights Society for Advocacy, said he had recorded incidents of killings, rapes, arbitrary arrest and torture.

“Generally, the security [forces’] behaviour is not only problematic to the foreigners but to the nationals themselves,” he said.

Biel said he believed that abuses by security forces stemmed from South Sudan’s history. Many of the security personnel in the new nation were formerly soldiers in the rebel army that fought for liberation from the North. “In the military background in the South, there was no mercy in dealing with your enemies... A person with a gun was more powerful [than a person without],” said Biel, explaining that many in the security forces take advantage of that fact and violate the rights of civilians.

Prejudice

Though human rights violations by security forces in South Sudan may happen to both foreigners and nationals, there is a strong undercurrent of xenophobia against Ugandans, according to Fred Ssenoga, spokesman for Joint Action for Redemption of Ugandan Traders in Sudan.

Ssenoga said that when intervening on behalf of Ugandan traders in Juba he was often met with prejudice. “I go to the police and they say, ‘If you had not come here, would you have faced problems?’... When [Southern Sudanese] see Ugandans participating in [the economy] they think they are taking over their work.”

However, despite this xenophobia and harassment, Ugandan migrants are likely to keep going to South Sudan for the financial rewards. As Hassan, the clothes vendor, said, “I get more money than those who stay [in Uganda]. I have already built a big house in Uganda with the money I have got here.”

je/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94755</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Basua community battles for survival</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg" />]]>BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV. 

Uganda has two indigenous forest communities - the Batwa people of the southwest, a larger group originally from Rwanda and Burundi, and the Basua in the west who came from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Already marginalized for their short stature and for being traditional forest dwellers, the Basua have continued to receive less assistance than the Batwa because they are more geographically isolated and have a smaller population, numbering just 100. 

Forced resettlement 

Western Uganda's Semliki Forest - the historical home of the Basua - became a National Park in 1993, and as a result, the community has lost its hunter-gatherer existence; they now have to request permission to fish and collect medicinal herbs and firewood, and are forbidden from hunting. 

The Basua have been moved around ever since, most recently to a village outside the small trading town of Bundimasoli in 2007, after a local NGO won a grant from the European Union to build a village for them, but the project collapsed under corruption allegations before it was completed. The community still has no clear rights to the land where it was resettled, and struggles to access basic services such as clean drinking water and healthcare. 

"Imagine someone is used to maybe going to the office, working, making phone calls, going to the ATM, withdrawing money... then you dump them in the forest instead," said Fred Lulinaki, a programme director at the East and Central Africa Association for Indigenous Rights (ECAAIR). “If they survive, it will be just by luck." 

Some Basua men and women find casual jobs such as hauling wood, but most sit around the village with nothing to do. Some have turned to alcohol. Of the 40 children, Lulinaki said only two attend school, either because they are orphaned or their parents cannot afford the cost of pens and school fees. Fifteen of the community's children are orphans. 

HIV 

Ezekiel Mugisa, local coordinator of the Organisation for the Survival of the Basua (OSIBA), said the first documented case of HIV among them was in 1985, but the virus really established a foothold when the Allied Democratic Forces - a Ugandan rebel group - launched a movement to overthrow the Ugandan government for the DRC in the mid-1990s. The Ugandan troops sent to fight the insurgents set up camp near the Basuas’ home; soldiers and suppliers offered money and goods in exchange for sex with Basua women, or raped them. 

Rumours have long circulated in Uganda that sex with Basua women cured back pain and HIV. Stan Frankland, an anthropologist at Scotland's University of St Andrews, has been working with and advocating for the community since he first visited them as a tourist in 1990. He helped establish OSIBA. 

Frankland said the myths stemmed from a belief that as forest dwellers, the Basua "have some spiritual aspect to them. That they're not fully human... they might transmit this power." 

Even with the troops gone and education campaigns debunking supposed AIDS cures, transactional sex remains common. For many women, it is the only viable way of supporting themselves. HIV is a secondary concern to getting enough to eat. 

There are no official statistics on HIV prevalence among the Basua, but those who do know they are HIV-positive have limited access to, or knowledge about, treatment. Since Save the Children pulled out recently, the nearest source of treatment is a health centre 20km away - few of the Basua can afford the transport costs. Even when they did have access to ARVs, there was no formal process to teach people why the drugs were important or how to take and store them. Instead, many would trade the drugs for food, according to Mugisa. 

"The [Basua] are dying," said Basua King Geoffrey Nzito, who had just concluded a burial ceremony. "I want people to join hands so at least they can come to a solution that is good for us." 

Powerless 

The Basuas’ situation mirrors the problems indigenous groups around the world are facing, says Rebecca Adamson, president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide (FPW), a group that makes small, direct grants to indigenous groups to help carry out livelihood projects that they design and develop. 

Adamson said she had seen many indigenous groups kicked off land they had lived on and cultivated for hundreds of years, so that governments and companies could access it for mining, industry or tourism. Once they are displaced, there is little funding to help the groups integrate into life outside the forests. 

The funding that exists is often driven by NGOs without the input of the indigenous people, so they "remain at the whims of what western society wants for them instead of what they want for themselves", she said. 

Adamson is afraid that "we will be seeing large-scale extinction of certain groups" like the Basua. 

ECAAIR is seeking funding to launch livelihood projects for the Basua community that build on the skills they have from life in the forest – fishing, bee-keeping, growing garlic - and turning them into sustainable businesses. As they wait for funding, association members have already started teaching basic bookkeeping classes to the community. 

"This skills training is aimed at reducing vulnerability and dependence, which will also reduce the HIV and AIDS," Lulinaki said. 

Frankland is also encouraging the community to be more active about protecting their health. In December he led a discussion about the dangers of transactional sex. The lesson seems to have stuck. Since the beginning of the year, Nzito said he and other members of the community have been driving away the men who come at night seeking out Basua women. 

It is a small step, but the community also urgently requires access to HIV treatment and education; other health crises – mainly malnutrition and untreated malaria - are also affecting the community. 

Frankland said the Basua acknowledged their fear that the community would soon die out. "There are only 100 of them. If you can't save 100 people, how are you going to make it work on a larger scale?" 

ag/kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94732</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Snake oil salesmen and dodgy HIV &quot;cures&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) -  Uganda's National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm's owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.  

 The drug, known as Virol ZAPPER, was being sold in 37ml liquid doses, each costing about US$210; patients were advised to take 10 drops daily. It was being advertised on local radio and TV stations as a miracle cure for HIV.  

 The sale of such "cures" is a profitable racket for charlatans willing to take advantage of desperate HIV-positive people; here is a collection of some dodgy treatments that have made the news in Africa over the years:  

 Tanzania - In 2011, tens of thousands of people from all over East Africa flocked to the tiny village of Loliondo [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92360 ] in Tanzania seeking a cure for several diseases, including diabetes, tuberculosis and HIV. Ambilikile Mwasapile, a former Lutheran pastor, was charging 500 Tanzanian shillings - about $0.33 - for a cup for his concoction.  

 Several sick people died in the queues, which at their peak numbered 15,000 people. Studies are being conducted to determine the properties of Mwasapile's treatment.  

 South Africa - A 2008 Cape High Court judgment ruled that clinical trials of multivitamins in the treatment of HIV/AIDS by controversial vitamin salesman Matthias Rath [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=78739 ] were unlawful, and stopped them. The court also prohibited Rath from publishing any more advertisements claiming that his product, VitaCell, cured AIDS, pending further review by the Medicines Control Council.  

 Rath, who had been operating in South Africa since about 2004, claimed his multivitamins treated AIDS, heart disease, cancer, diabetes, bird flu and numerous other illnesses. Rath ran numerous advertisements aimed at convincing HIV-positive people to take his high-dose multivitamins rather than ARVs, available free-of-charge through the public health system, which he claimed were "toxic".  

 Kenya - In 2008, the government warned HIV-positive people in the country's eastern Coast Province [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=79915 ] to reject herbal "cures" peddled by fake herbalists who claimed their concoctions contained unique ingredients that could boost the immune system and even cure HIV.  

 An estimated 80 percent of Kenyans use traditional healers either exclusively or in conjunction with western medicine; the government is drafting regulations to stop fraudulent herbalists from practising.  

 Gambia - In 2007, President Yahya Jammeh was roundly denounced by AIDS activists when he said he had found a cure for HIV/AIDS and began treating citizens. Shortly after his announcement, Jammeh expelled [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=70123 ] the most senior UN official in the country for questioning his "cure".  

 The programme is still running, but more Gambians are choosing ARVs over Jammeh's treatment.  

 Ethiopia - In 2007, thousands of HIV-positive patients flocked to Entoto, an ancient mountain north of the capital, Addis Ababa, seeking a "holy water" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=72375 ] cure for AIDS after local priests said they could cure HIV.  

 The Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Abune Paulos, later advised patients to continue with their ARVs even as they sought healing at Entoto.  

 São Tome and Principe - In 2007, questions were raised about Dorviro-Sida, [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=74543 ] or "Put AIDS to sleep" in Portuguese, an anti-AIDS herbal remedy produced by Amancio Valentim, president of the Association of Traditional Medicine of São Tome and Principe. Valentim claimed three tablespoons of the brownish syrup, taken every day before meals, could reduce the viral load and make patients feel better; he said four patients who had taken the drug for four years had tested negative for HIV.  

 AIDS activists were concerned the drug could make HIV-positive people complacent about taking their ARVs, and the health ministry said it did not support Valentim's treatment.  

 South Africa - In 2006, a clinic in South Africa's east coast city of Durban began to sell "ubhejane" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39547 ] - a herbal mixture believed to treat HIV/AIDS.  

 The controversial traditional medicine received vast media coverage, mainly due to the backing it received from influential political figures such as the former health minister, Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, and provincial health officials. Ubhejane, a dark brown liquid sold in old plastic milk bottles, had not undergone any clinical trials to test its efficacy. All that the tests confirmed was that it was not toxic.  

 But HIV-positive patients were far more willing to accept the traditional medicine as an effective remedy, flocking to the clinic to buy a full course of the herbal remedy that retailed at R374 ($40).  

 Uganda - In 2006, the Ugandan government banned the use of a popular anti-AIDS herb remedy known as "Khomeini" [ http://plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=39532 ], after tests found it provided no cure. Iranian Sheikh Allagholi Elahi claimed the drug - which contained olive oil and honey and cost $1,650 per dose - could cure HIV/AIDS and TB in three weeks.  

 Studies by experts in Uganda and Kenya found that while patients had gained weight due to the nutritional content of the drug, it was incapable of curing HIV.  

 kr/kn/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94679</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200641010t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s National Drug Authority recently arrested sales representatives of a company selling a drug that purports to cure HIV; the firm&apos;s owners are not licensed to sell medicine and are being sought by the police.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FILM: Our most-watched films of 2011</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011. 
 
 1. Slum Survivors (2007) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4142 ]: More than a billion people live in slums worldwide, hundreds of thousands of them in the Nairobi slum of Kibera. The film tells the stories of a few Kibera residents and charts their remarkable courage in the face of extreme poverty. 
 
 2. Soldiers’ Stories (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4786 ] follows two Ugandan soldiers - a female gunner and a male nurse - serving in the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) at a critical stage in the battle for Mogadishu between Al-Shabab insurgents and the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government. From their training in Uganda to deployment in the shattered city in July 2011, Roselyn Namutebi and Otto Moses share their thoughts and fears on the frontline of one of the world's most intractable crises. 
 
 3. Turning the Page? (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4511 ]: In August 2000, a peace accord was signed in Burundi, bringing to an end more than a decade of ethnic conflict. This film analyses the fragile state of the peace process in the wake of elections held in 2010. 
 
 4. In Search of Stability (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4710 ]: In November 2010, a presidential election in Côte d’Ivoire led to a wave of violence between supporters of incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo and the internationally recognized winner of the poll, Alassane Ouattara. The film examines the prospects for lasting peace and the need for equitable justice. 
 
 5. The Sex Worker (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4443 ]: This film profiles Sou Southevy, a 70-year-old transgender sex worker who has been plying the streets of the Cambodian capital Phnom Penh since he was thrown out of home by his parents at the age of 14. Through the worst ravages of the Khmer Rouge regime and since, Sou has been subjected to terrible discrimination and at times violence, and in the absence of any support groups working with transgender and gay men, he decided to start one himself. 
 
 6. Bolivia’s Changing Climate (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4263 ]: In Bolivia, melting glaciers and erratic rainfall patterns are driving tens of thousands of people to the capital La Paz in search of water. 
 
 7. Leprosy (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4540 ]: Part of a series featuring neglected diseases, this film was shot in a leper colony in Egypt and highlights the stigma attached to the disfiguring disease which affects more than 200,000 people worldwide. 
 
 8. A Question of Trust (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4665 ]: Nepal’s decade-long civil war ended in November 2006 with a comprehensive peace agreement. The Maoist rebels won elections two years later and a Constituent Assembly was also elected to write a new constitution. However, by 2009, the peace process was not complete, with little progress made on key issues like the disarmament and integration of thousands of Maoists ex-fighters. 
 
 9. Bus Schools (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4739 ]: Millions of children living in the slums of Delhi in India do not have access to formal education. Many parents would rather put their children to work than send them to school. So the schools featured in this film - converted buses - travel to the children. 
 
 10. The Colonel (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4596 ]: One of several Heroes of HIV [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4869&SeriesID=2 ] profiled by IRIN Films, Col Felix Ntungumburanye was the first member of the Burundian army to declare himself HIV-positive. Doing so during a time of conflict left him fighting on two fronts: against rebels and stigma. Ten years later, largely thanks to the colonel’s courage, the army’s policies on HIV/AIDS have been transformed. 
 
 em-js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94553</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Challenging plan to eliminate mother-to-child transmission</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041259070215t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - A plan to virtually eradicate mother-to-child transmission of HIV in Uganda by 2015 by adopting a more cost-effective treatment regimen, beefing up health infrastructure and increasing women&apos;s access to family planning, comes with high expectations and significant challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - A plan to virtually eradicate mother-to-child transmission of HIV in Uganda by 2015 by adopting a more cost-effective treatment regimen, beefing up health infrastructure and increasing women's access to family planning, comes with high expectations and significant challenges.
 
 After heterosexual transmission, vertical transmission is Uganda's second leading cause of new infections – the country registers at least 20,000 new infections through childbirth each year. In the absence of any interventions, transmission rates range from 15 to 45 percent, but with effective PMTCT interventions this can be lowered to below 5 percent. 
 
 "We have not made a lot of headway on PMTCT; the interventions we have work [but] we have to make a new commitment," Jane Ruth Aceng, director-general of Uganda's health services, said during a recent meeting to evaluate the elimination plan. 
 
 Uganda started offering PMTCT in 2000, with the initial programme calling for a single dose of the antiretroviral (ARV), Nevirapine, during delivery. The programme was revised in 2006 to introduce combination ARV regimens, but the delivery of those drugs has not been consistent, something the new plan aims to change.
 
 According to Godfrey Esiru, the Ministry of Health's national PMTCT coordinator, there are at least 1,590 facilities offering PMTCT. However, success will require more than just a rapid scale-up to virtually eliminate vertical transmission by 2015 - a target in line with global HIV prevention goals; Uganda will need to overcome the structural bottlenecks and communication gaps that have plagued its PMTCT programme.
 
 A struggling programme
 
 Comprehensive PMTCT services - which include counselling and testing, the use of combination ARVs, safe delivery and proper infant feeding practices - are often limited to larger national and regional referral hospitals, but the smaller health centres that are often the closest options for rural women can only offer limited facilities. 
 
 And access to the health system does not guarantee access to PMTCT services; although more than 90 percent of women seek antenatal care at least once during their pregnancy, just 42 percent go on to give birth with the assistance of skilled health professionals. 
 
 According to Leonard Okello, country director for the International HIV/AIDS Alliance, the country's myriad problems begin with an ongoing shortage of trained health workers and basic equipment in the community health facilities that pregnant women access most frequently.
 
 "When the nurses know [a mother] is HIV-positive and they have only one pair of gloves, even the nurses... would find it difficult to help, because they're not sure they won't get infected themselves," he said. 
 
 The government has faced criticism for a perceived lack of political commitment to PMTCT, but with the launch of the new programme, activists are hopeful that the country will now give the intervention due attention.
 
 A cornerstone of the new plan is a shift to the World Health Organization’s latest guidelines on PMTCT [ http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2010/9789241599818_eng.pdf ]. Starting in January 2012, Uganda will begin the shift from its current regimen - which involves single-dose ARVs from 14 weeks, during delivery and for seven days after delivery for women with a CD4 count, a measure of immune strength, of 350 or below - to Option B, which involves putting eligible women on triple-therapy ARVs from the 14th week of pregnancy until one week after breastfeeding has ended, which can be up to one year.
 
 Some activists argue, however, that Uganda should join Malawi and leapfrog both choices to Option B-plus, whereby all HIV-positive pregnant women begin combination ARVs, irrespective of their CD4 count. 
 
 "We are wasting money in debates, seminars, meetings, conferences on whether we should do it or not," said Okello. "Just do it [Option B-plus]. Let's get moving."
 
 Due to a cash crunch [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92043 ], the shift to Option B has been delayed, and the country opted first to transition all facilities to Option A, for which it had the drugs in stock. Starting with the launch in January, Option B will be rolled out in phases, first to national and regional referral hospitals, and then to health centres throughout the country.
 
 By February 2013, Esiru said the ministry hoped to roll out Option B to all facilities that offer PMTCT. It also hopes to introduce PMTCT into an additional 20 percent of the country's sub-county health centres; just 10 percent offer PMTCT services.
 
 Wider improvements ahead
 
 Under the plan, the ministry's reproductive health division will work to improve the uptake of contraceptives to at least halve the number of unintended pregnancies, especially among HIV-positive women. The unmet need for family planning in Uganda is estimated at 41 percent, and the country's population growth rate of 3.3 percent is one of the world's highest.
 
 Village health teams will also become more aggressive in reaching out to the community with rapid HIV tests, specifically to identify HIV-positive pregnant women who have not yet entered the health system. After birth, women need to remain connected to health services, to family planning specialists and to resources for testing their child's HIV status. 
 
 The Ministry of Health is in the process of consolidating all infant HIV testing to one lab in Kampala that has an automated system – which many regional testing locations lack. Through a network of hubs, government drivers gather blood samples from health centres around the country and deliver them to the central Kampala lab within days. 
 
 "Something that was two weeks is now something like two days," said Charles Kiyaga, national coordinator for early infant diagnosis, adding that the system made it easier to track down HIV-positive children and get them started on treatment quickly.
 
 Health workers will have to undergo training to make the transition from Option A to Option B, while new health workers will have to be placed in regional facilities and quickly trained. In addition, the supply of drugs and basic supplies will need to be consistent. 
 
 The ministry has not yet finalized the cost of the plan, though it is certain to be high. There is money available, though, both from the Ugandan government and donors. Funding from the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief will almost certainly make up the majority; in 2010 alone, it gave Uganda more than US$14.8 million for PMTCT, according to ministry documents. Officials hope that if the programme shows initial success, more donors will sign on to support it. 
 
 ag/kr/mw
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94478</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041259070215t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - A plan to virtually eradicate mother-to-child transmission of HIV in Uganda by 2015 by adopting a more cost-effective treatment regimen, beefing up health infrastructure and increasing women&apos;s access to family planning, comes with high expectations and significant challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Lights out for healthcare in West Nile</title><pubDate>Fri, 09 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112091105020531t.jpg" />]]>ARUA 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Increased fatalities, patients paying to fuel their own ambulances, cancelled surgical operations, 11km journeys just to sterilize equipment - such are the symptoms of a healthcare crisis in Uganda’s West Nile region caused by weeks of power blackouts, according to parliamentarians and medical staff.</description><body><![CDATA[ARUA 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Increased fatalities, patients paying to fuel their own ambulances, cancelled surgical operations, 11km journeys just to sterilize equipment - such are the symptoms of a healthcare crisis in Uganda’s West Nile region caused by weeks of power blackouts, according to parliamentarians and medical staff. 
 
 “People were really dying [during blackouts],” said Gilbert Olanya, a member of the Parliamentary Social Services Committee, which visited the region recently and described the crisis there as “unique” in Uganda. 
 
 The region’s referral hospital in the town of Arua, 430km northwest of Kampala, serves a catchment population of more than 2.8 million people across eight districts, and many others in neighbouring South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. 
 
 The region is not connected to the national grid and ever since the main generator run by the town’s sole power supplier, West Nile Rural Electrification Company Ltd (WENRECo), broke down in September, the hospital’s acting director Emmanuel Odar says the facility has reached a low point. 
 
 Residents are so unhappy with WENRECo they have called for its 20-year contract – due to end in 2023 - to be revoked, according to local media reports. [ http://ugandaradionetwork.com/a/story.php?s=32179 ] 
 
 “We don’t know why the WENRECo people are here – they are doing us a very big disservice,” said Sam Wadri, of the Arua council. 
 
 “We have been affected severely,” Odar said. “Sometimes, we even have to cancel the [operating] theatre list.” 
 
 He explained that because of the blackouts, staff sometimes took instruments to be sterilized at a private hospital in Kuluva – 11km away – which has its own small hydro-electric power plant. 
 
 Arua hospital has a back-up diesel generator but in the absence of WENRECO-supplied electricity, this has consumed a three-month allocation of fuel in a single month. 
 
 “So how we survive the other two months, it’s a very big challenge,” Odar said. “If you have exhausted your budget, then you stay in darkness.” 
 
 While the Ministry of Health has promised to subsidize fuel for four hospitals elsewhere in Uganda to compensate for national grid blackouts, its permanent secretary, Asuman Lukwago, said he had been unaware of the extent of power outages in West Nile. 
 
 “But we are able to help them at any time they are in a critical crisis – if the hospital is in a crisis and needs help tomorrow, we can help,” he said. 
 
 Such help would be welcomed by Arua resident Linda Mutambi*, who remembers a doctor having to stitch her up in the dark when power failed during a Caesarean section about a year ago. The stitches had to be removed and re-sewn. 
 
 Now expecting her third child, the thought of returning to hospital makes her apprehensive. 
 
 “I always fear. I always think that now I’m pregnant again, what am I going to do? They are going to take me to the theatre again. I’m just imagining again power going off for me, that’s what is always in my mind.” 
 
 The parliamentary committee’s lead researcher, Josephine Watera, said there was no doubt that maternal deaths had risen because of the blackouts, even if chronic under-reporting of such fatalities meant accurate data was unavailable. 
 
 “The situation is very bad. After going into the field, our eyes are open,” she said. 
 
 She said the health centre in Yumbe, another West Nile town, had been effectively shut down as it had no water, no generator, and a broken solar panel. Patients who have been paying for already short supplies are now faced with fuelling their own ambulances, Watera said. 
 
 Local discontent with WENRECo stems not only from its frequent blackouts – despite a pledge to deliver 18-24 hours of electricity a day – but also the delayed completion of 3.5MW hydro-power plant in Nyagak, which was supposed to go online in 2006. 
 
 As an interim measure, the company operates two small generators in West Nile, but locals say these provide electricity for just two hours a day.
 
 Angelo Izama, director of local energy think-tank Fanaka Kwawote, told IRIN the delays at Nyagak were symptomatic of a failing national procurement process. 
 
 “Regulators of any variety in Uganda tend to be weaker than the entities that they regulate. So companies that are involved, foreign or local – really project immense influence over the procedures of procurement,” Izama said. 
 
 Ten percent of Ugandans have access to electricity. In rural areas the proportion is 3 percent. 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 pc/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94437</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112091105020531t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ARUA 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Increased fatalities, patients paying to fuel their own ambulances, cancelled surgical operations, 11km journeys just to sterilize equipment - such are the symptoms of a healthcare crisis in Uganda’s West Nile region caused by weeks of power blackouts, according to parliamentarians and medical staff.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Depression &quot;overlooked&quot; in treating HIV patients</title><pubDate>Wed, 07 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706267t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - HIV patients in Africa frequently suffer shame and depression but the continent’s health systems are ill-equipped to handle the issue, which not only affects their quality of life, but can lead to poor adherence to HIV treatment regimens.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - HIV patients in Africa frequently suffer shame and depression but the continent’s health systems are ill-equipped to handle the issue, which not only affects their quality of life, but can lead to poor adherence to HIV treatment regimens. 
 
 While HIV programmes focus heavily on reducing externalized stigma and ill-treatment of HIV patients by society, little is done to deal with a patients’ self-perception and how that might deteriorate following an HIV diagnosis, speakers said at a session on stigma at the 16th International Conference on AIDS and Sexually transmitted infections in Africa in Addis Ababa. 
 
 Studies show that depression is the most common psychiatric disorder among people living with HIV, and is more prevalent among HIV-positive people than the general population. 
 
 "Operational research carried out in Zambia has found a positive correlation between patients who self-stigmatized and failure to adhere to treatment," said Sikazwe Izukanyi from Zambia’s Ministry of Health. "Self-stigma was often found in patients who did not disclose their status to partners or family members - making it difficult to maintain strict adherence to regimens while trying to hide the drugs." 
 
 Izukanyi noted that while counselling was a standard part of HIV care in Zambia, counsellors needed to be made aware of the prevalence of self-stigma and how to deal with it. 
 
 A 2010 Ugandan study [ http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ajpsy/article/viewFile/53429/42000 ] by Makerere University found that HIV-positive patients were more critical of themselves, had significantly greater problems making decisions, poorer sleep, tired more easily, experienced more appetite changes and had more cognitive impairment. 
 
 ARVs and self-stigma 
 
 According to a study by Yordanos Tiruneh, an Ethiopian academic with US-based Northwestern University, antiretroviral (ARV) therapy has been key to reducing external stigma by minimizing the visibility of physical imperfections and restoring functional daily activities such as the ability to work. The study, which used 105 interviews with Ethiopian men and women on ARVs, also found that the support networks formed by people living with HIV gave them much-needed social capital. 
 
 However, according to Yordanos, while ARVs were linked to a reduction in external stigma, the study found that they tended to increase internalized stigma, sometimes resulting in failure to properly adhere to ARVs. 
 
 "When I think of the two tablets that keep me alive, I hate myself and I feel that I am dead," one of the study’s interviewees is quoted as saying. "Sometimes I get furious to see myself like a walking corpse, and other times I see myself as a doll that functions with a battery. I would say, without these batteries [pills], I am nothing." 
 
 According to a US study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15764960 ], adherence to ARVs was higher in patients for whom anti-depressants were prescribed. 
 
 A severe shortage of mental health professionals in Africa means that HIV-associated depression is largely ignored. For instance, according to the UN World Health Organization [ http://www.who.int/entity/bulletin/volumes/89/3/BLT-10-082784-table-T3.html ], Burundi has just one psychosocial care provider per 100,000, against a target of at least eight, while Ethiopia has less than one, against a similar target. 
 
 "The problem is largely a human resources one; while strengthening health systems, governments should remember to focus on mental-health issues," said Izukanyi. "As it is, we have no systems for screening, diagnosing and treating patients with mental-health issues." 
 
 Among other things, experts recommend [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2948731 ] integrating mental-health services into primary healthcare activities, developing mechanisms to ensure a good supply of psychotropic medication and more research into mental-health issues in Africa. 
 
 kr/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94410</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706267t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - HIV patients in Africa frequently suffer shame and depression but the continent’s health systems are ill-equipped to handle the issue, which not only affects their quality of life, but can lead to poor adherence to HIV treatment regimens.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A deadly funding crisis</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding. 
 
 That money for HIV/AIDS efforts is not as plentiful as in previous years hardly comes as a surprise. UNAIDS notes that the global economic crisis appears to have put an end to a decade of funding increases by donors - after flattening out in 2009 for the first time, international AIDS assistance fell by 10 percent in 2010. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] 
 
 Nandini Oomman, director of the HIV/AIDS Monitor, which tracks AIDS spending at the Washington-based Centre for Global Development, admits that “we are in a bad situation” and faced with “less money and more [health] priorities”. Moreover, non-communicable diseases have overtaken HIV/AIDS as the leading cause of death worldwide. Global and national leaders are now confronted with a “set of tough choices”, she noted. 
 
 Zimbabwe’s Minister of Health, Dr Henry Madzorera, believes it is still too early to gauge the full impact of the global funding decline. “We do anticipate that [this] will have a negative impact on our universal access goal… that the consequences of this global economic meltdown will be catastrophic to our programmes… [and] will take us back many years,” he told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 The big squeeze 
 
 As the world’s largest donor to HIV/AIDS efforts, the United States contributes 54 percent of international AIDS financing, but the Centre for Global Development warns that in America’s current political and fiscal climate, this level of support for AIDS funding may have reached a “tipping point” and “will be increasingly difficult to maintain in coming years”. 
 
 Oomman pointed out that the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) was protected by legislation until 2013, so cuts in the funding mechanism may not be as deep as feared. “The real questions [about the future of PEPFAR] will open up in two years, when the US is faced with reauthorizing PEPFAR,” she noted. 
 
 In the meantime, the US global AIDS budget has been cut for the second year running - funding for PEPFAR in 2012 will be US$90 million less than the current allocation - and support for the Global Fund has flat-lined. 
 
 The cost implications are huge, particularly for countries such as Uganda that rely heavily on PEPFAR. According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), less than half of the people needing treatment in Uganda get it, and PEPFAR currently supports 75 percent of all patients receiving ARVs in the country. International donors are increasingly requesting that Uganda look for domestic funds to support its response. 
 
 Although South Africa is better resourced and funds more than 80 percent of its treatment costs, it still receives substantial amounts from foreign donors. PEPFAR’s shift from direct service provision to technical assistance has caused hospices and institutions that were providing ARVs to close down, and patients have been referred to a public health system that is overstretched and poorly equipped to deal with the growing numbers, Nokhwezi Hoboyi, district coordinator for the Treatment Action Campaign, told journalists at a press briefing. 
 
 The UK’s Department for International Development (DfID) is also cutting bilateral aid for HIV/AIDS projects in developing countries by 32 percent, from £59.9 million ($92 million) to £41 million ($64million), between now and 2015. 
 
 Bailing out of the Fund? 
 
 With many donor countries preoccupied with the economic crises on their doorsteps and slowly starting to reduce their HIV/AIDS funding, the Global Fund remains a crucial player despite its latest setback. The amount of money that the multilateral body has made available since it was created in 2001 was “absolutely unprecedented” said Dr Eric Goemaere, head of MSF South Africa’s medical unit. 
 
 On 28 November, MSF warned that many low-income countries with a high HIV/AIDS burden were relying heavily on money from the Global Fund to continue providing treatment as well as to scale up their programmes. Some countries have been unable to implement the most recent World Health Organization guidelines, which call for earlier initiation of treatment and better first-line drugs. 
 
 The Global Fund has also been hit by a crisis in confidence in recent months, after reports of grant mismanagement found by the Fund’s Office of the Inspector General and the findings of a high-level independent review panel that recommended major changes to its accountability structures. 
 
 Oomman told IRIN/PlusNews that rather than “buckling down” to fix the Global Fund model, however, donors were “bailing out” by failing to live up to their commitments. “This doesn’t absolve the Fund of the responsibility to fix itself and reform… but it was created by the donors and should be fixed by the donors,” she commented. 
 
 High-burden nations need to do more 
 
 With its future at stake, the Global Fund has been encouraging emerging markets to pick up the baton, but the reality is that financial backing from traditional donors such as America and the European countries is still vitally important. “If I were an emerging market government, would I put my money in [an organization] which Western donors are pulling out of?” Oomman asked. 
 
 Activists agree that although some countries with high HIV prevalence rates still can’t afford to put a lot of money into their AIDS response, they cannot be completely absolved. 
 
 “Sustainability depends on domestic funding. Even in this hard economic environment, countries can at least lay down the enabling instruments that will grow over time and take over from donor funds when these funds dry up,” Zimbabwe’s Madzorera acknowledged. 
 
 “African governments are not doing enough at this stage,” he said, “and it cannot be allowed to be ‘business as usual’ in the face of this global economic crisis.” 

Read more on the impact of the HIV/AIDS funding crunch: http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?Indepthid=93&amp;reportid=94341
 
 kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Feeling the pinch</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch. 
 
 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 
 
 According to medical relief agency Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), funding shortfalls caused the government to cap the number of people starting on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment at 2,000 new patients for 2011, even though an estimated 15,000 people are on waiting lists for the drugs. Only 12 percent of those in need of the life-prolonging medication are receiving it. 
 
 NGOs have been asked by the Ministry of Health to limit HIV testing because there is no money available to buy drugs to treat those eligible for ARVs. Access to drugs for opportunistic infections and testing for CD4-counts or viral loads is extremely limited. 
 
 DRC is largely dependent on the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to finance its treatment programmes, and other donor projects are winding up, making the country even more dependent on dwindling Global Fund grants. 
 
 Uganda 
 
 Poor funding in 2010 led HIV care facilities to reduce patient enrolment. Service providers said they were afraid to encourage people to test for HIV in case they needed ARVs and were unable to provide the medication. In August PEPFAR responded [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90288 ] to appeals from healthcare providers overwhelmed by patients by making a commitment to increase its support to the national treatment programme. 
 
 However, HIV programmes remain poorly funded and Uganda's appeal for $270 million from the Global Fund in Round 8 was rejected. Although the government now contributes some $60 million annually to buying HIV drugs from a local manufacturer, critics say HIV/AIDS efforts will remain stunted unless the government makes a more meaningful contribution [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86336 ]. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 In November 2011, South Africa's leading HIV/AIDS lobby group, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), which is largely dependent on the Global Fund, released a statement warning that without this money, TAC will be forced to close its doors and retrench 280 employees in 130 branches at the end of January 2012. TAC volunteers distribute over 5 million condoms a year and the group's treatment literacy project educates patients about HIV treatment in many of the country's public health facilities. 
 
 As some donors pull out entirely and others shift from programme implementation to technical assistance, many patients who previously got their treatment from well run NGOs are being transferred to already overcrowded public health facilities. 
 
 Burundi 
 
 Following a Global Fund rejection [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=81105 ] of its application for money in November 2007, the government said there was a gap of $83 million to cover all the needs of the national AIDS strategic plan from 2007 to 2011. 
 
 In 2010, HIV-positive patients in some parts of the country complained that they were unable to access drugs to treat opportunistic infections [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90128 ] and many could not afford a CD4 test, which measures immune strength and is required before health facilities can initiate patients on ARVs. 
 
 At the end of June 2011, World Bank funding - more than $50 million over a nine-year period - for Burundi's AIDS response ended and has not been renewed. The Global Fund and the World Bank have been Burundi's largest HIV donors. In September, associations of people living with HIV reported [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93657 ] that several of their members had died due to an ongoing shortage of ARV drugs. 
 
 Swaziland 
 
 The country with the highest HIV prevalence has been grappling with shortages of HIV treatment, testing kits and laboratory tests essential for initiating and managing patients on ARV treatment, caused mainly by a drop in revenue from the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU) as a result of the global economic downturn. 
 
 Swaziland recently received emergency funding from PEPFAR to help supply first-line ARVs until the end of April 2012, but further ARV shortages have been predicted. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 An estimated 96 percent of the HIV budget is donor-funded, with the Global Fund and PEPFAR providing the largest portion. Mozambique’s Round 9 funding has not yet been released due to concerns over poor financial and supply management, and its Round 10 grant proposal was not approved. Other donors, including the Clinton HIV/AIDS Initiative, have withdrawn support as the UNITAID grant comes to a close. 
 
 Mozambique is expected to face shortages of first-line ARVs by the end of 2012 or even earlier, unless an emergency funding request to the Global Fund is approved. The country is looking for other funding alternatives to help bridge the projected shortfall. 
 
 Kenya 
 
 HIV/AIDS funding received a blow when the Global Fund rejected its proposals in rounds eight and nine. Kenya has a projected $167 billion shortfall to cover its HIV programmes up to 2013. The country has put more than 400,000 people on ARVs, but another 600,000 need the drugs and have no access to them. 
 
 At the end of November 2011, HIV-positive people in Coast Province, eastern Kenya, held demonstrations over the lack of drugs in health facilities, forcing people to purchase the drugs from private pharmacies, but many who can't afford the drugs are going without. 
 
 Kenya's Cabinet has proposed [ http://blog.usaid.gov/2011/09/seeking-a-sustainable-solution-for-hiv-funding-in-kenya ] that the Ministry of Finance create an HIV/AIDS Trust Fund to support scaling up the HIV response. If approved, the government will contribute 1 percent of its annual revenue to the fund. 
 
 kr/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94363</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: No money to implement new prevention strategies</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200511303t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Uganda is keen to implement new policies to put more people on life-prolonging antiretroviral treatment sooner, as recent scientific breakthroughs indicate would be much more beneficial, but officials say the country&apos;s poor financial outlook means there is little chance of this.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Uganda is keen to implement new policies to put more people on life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV) treatment sooner, as recent scientific breakthroughs indicate would be much more beneficial, but officials say the country's poor financial outlook means there is little chance of this. 
 
 "We have drafted policies for treatment as prevention, but we simply don't have the money to implement them," said Zainab Akol, HIV programme manager in the Ministry of Health. 
 
 Studies have shown that putting people on ARVs earlier significantly reduces their risk of transmitting the virus to sexual partners. The HPTN 052 study [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92710 ] found that earlier initiation of HIV treatment led to a 96 percent reduction in HIV transmission to the HIV-uninfected partner. 
 
 Akol added that the country had expressed its willingness to adopt the recommendation by the UN World Health Organization (WHO) to raise the threshold for initiating treatment from a CD4 count - a measure of immune strength - of 200 to 350, but was not in a financial position to do so. 
 
 "We have all these as options, but we still haven't put all those with a CD4 of 200 and below on treatment, so our focus is to put all people on treatment but on a case by case basis, with those with the lowest CD4 count as our first priority," she explained. 
 
 Around 300,000 Ugandans are on ARVs, about half of the number who qualify for them. 
 
 Akol also noted that new programmes, such as male circumcision [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94107 ], were being implemented at a slower-than-ideal pace, largely because of inadequate funding. 
 
 Uganda's HIV programmes are more than 80 percent donor-funded, with the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria the largest contributors. In the past decade, the country has received close to one billion dollars from donors to fight AIDS. 
 
 Uganda's HIV programmes could be in for even tougher times. It recently missed out on US$270 million it applied for in the Global Fund's eighth round of funding, and Round 11 has been cancelled [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94293 ]. 
 
 The government now contributes $60 million annually to purchasing ARVs from a local factory, but HIV activists say the amount is miniscule compared to the government's other priorities, such as very high defence spending - in 2011 President Yoweri Museveni spent an estimated $750 million on fighter jets for the army. 
 
 "We need to improve on the way we are using resources," said Bharam Namanya, executive director of the Uganda Network of AIDS Service Organizations (UNASO). "Are they in the most critical areas?" 
 
 He said an ongoing national AIDS spending assessment would determine whether too much money is being diverted to administrative costs, or if as much money as possible is being spent on actual services. 
 
 "The biggest gap is human resources for health," said Namanya. "We've had funding, but it's obviously not enough." 
 
 According to the WHO [ http://www.who.int/hrh/fig_density.pdf ], Uganda has one doctor and 13 nurses for every 10,000 people, significantly lower than the organization’s critical threshold of 23 doctors, nurses and midwives per 10,000 people. 
 
 The gap in funding is often dismaying. The main health centre in Kalangala, the biggest town on the hard-to-reach Bugala Island in Lake Victoria, is doing its best to provide antiretroviral therapy says the head of the facility, Samuel Mugisha. Although the centre has drugs, it does not have the health workers. 
 
 Instead, it has to rely on NGO and civil society partners to do outreach in the community, test people and refer them to the health centre for ARV therapy. He said the situation is improving, but "what makes it improve is the availability of implementing partners". 
 
 If those partners disappeared, it would devastate the centre's attempts to get and keep people on treatment, because the island's impoverished population is often unable to travel to the health centre on the mainland. 
 
 Dr David Kihumuro Apuuli, director general of Uganda's AIDS Commission (UAC), said the country was strategically using available funds to tackle the key drivers of the epidemic, but some programming - especially for prevention, and specifically from mother to child - has been underfunded. 
 
 Kihumuro acknowledged that the outlook for HIV funding was uncertain, but was optimistic that the country's international partners would continue to support the HIV response. 
 
 However, international organizations are advising Uganda to look inwards for money to fund its HIV response. 
 
 Local media quoted UNAIDS country coordinator Musa Bungudu as telling Uganda's parliament on 25 November: "These resources might not continue to come. Whatever money Uganda is expecting for 2011, forget it." 
 
 kr/ag/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94348</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200511303t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Uganda is keen to implement new policies to put more people on life-prolonging antiretroviral treatment sooner, as recent scientific breakthroughs indicate would be much more beneficial, but officials say the country&apos;s poor financial outlook means there is little chance of this.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: The LRA&apos;s legacy in the north</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910120822150197t.jpg" />]]>GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Economic and social recovery in northern Uganda has been slow, despite more US$600 million having been spent in foreign aid in the years since the LRA was active there. According to development agencies and local communities, many are still living in abject poverty and in constant fear of a return of the LRA.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Economic and social recovery in northern Uganda has been slow, despite more than US$600 million having been spent in foreign aid in the years since the LRA was active there. According to development agencies and local communities, many are still living in abject poverty and in constant fear of a return of the LRA. 
 
 “The conflict left a legacy of suffering,” said Stephen Oola of the national NGO, Refugee Law Project. “Despite prevailing peace today, local communities are losing hope of recovery because their expectations of post-LRA development projects have not been fulfilled.”
 
 “I don’t see any change, it’s a life of misery,” said Kilama, a former child soldier with the LRA. “The government needs to address the effect of the conflict so that people can start to forget the past.”
 
 In 2007, the Ugandan government launched the Peace, Recovery and Development Plan (PRDP) [ http://www.prdp.org.ug/index.php ] in 66 northern districts. The $606 million plan aimed to coordinate all post-LRA development initiatives but it has been marred by accusations of corruption and inefficiency. According to the authorities, the bulk of PRDP funding ($388 million) has been allocated to rebuilding and empowering local communities, but they have been the first to voice their concerns.
 
 “PRDP isn’t doing anything tangible on the ground, we only hear it [spoken about] over the radio,” says Patrick Ojul from Amuru district. Amuru is one of the poorest districts in the north, with the highest school drop-out rates and maternal death rates in the country. 
 
 During the rainy season, roads and bridges become impassable and children are unable to attend school. 
 
 “We were told by district leaders in February that a bridge had been earmarked for construction in 2010 under the PRDP, but nothing has been done,” he said.
 
 In neighbouring Nwoya District, resident Margaret Atto said: “Although a bridge has been constructed in our village, there is still a great need for health facilities and supplies and more schools.”
 
 Addressing inequality
 
 “The challenge for the government is to ensure money is being properly utilized, and a need for the community to be more involved,” added Joseph Ssewanyana, director of economic policy at Makerere University. 
 
 Communities have been largely ignored in the planning process. The PRDP was due to end next year but donors have recently agreed to extend it until 2014. The PRDP Technical Working Group attributes the delays in plan implementation to contractor inexperience and capacity, staff and funding shortages. 
 
 Some international NGOs suggest the lack of political will among senior Ugandan officials and insufficient engagement by the international community have prevented genuine implementation of key economic recovery programmes and transitional justice initiatives.
 
 Failure to boost recovery in the north is exacerbating Uganda’s long- standing north-south divide. In the north of the country, 46.2 percent of the population live in absolute poverty, according to the 2009/10 national household survey [ http://www.ubos.org/UNHS0910/unhs200910.pdf ] which defined this as being unable to meet basic calorific needs. The national average is 24.5 percent. The lowest rate was found in central urban areas, at 5.4 percent. Decline in this rate is much slower in the north than in most of the rest of the country.
 
 The German ambassador to Uganda, Klaus Duxmann, stressed a need for government and development agencies to refocus on the implementation of the PRDP in the north to reduce further inequalities and instability in the country. Continual failure to reverse the consequences of two decades of war and forced displacement threatens to deepen long-standing divisions.
 
 Development agencies and local communities cannot envisage economic and social recovery in northern Uganda until the LRA is disbanded and stability is brought to the whole region. “The fear of the LRA returning is affecting development,” said Bishop John Odama. 
 
 Lobongo Eromoja, a survivor of April 2005 LRA attack on the town of Atiak, in which some 200 people died, said: “When I hear that Joseph Kony is arrested or killed, only then will I know peace has returned... until then, we can’t rule out the possibility of them returning.”
 
 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 ca/tmc/mw
 
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http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92122
 
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http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91957
 
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http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91876
 
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http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91312
 
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http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89652
 
 The problems of the disabled have been forgotten
http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86601
 
 Uganda diaries
http://www.irinnews.org/indepthmain.aspx?indepthid=84&reportid=73608
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94276</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910120822150197t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Economic and social recovery in northern Uganda has been slow, despite more US$600 million having been spent in foreign aid in the years since the LRA was active there. According to development agencies and local communities, many are still living in abject poverty and in constant fear of a return of the LRA.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Voices of the abducted</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210802360394t.jpg" />]]>GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - At 26, Kilama Otto was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) from his home in northern Uganda’s Nwoya district. After fighting with the insurgency for nine years, he escaped in 2001 and surrendered to the Ugandan army.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - At 26, Kilama Otto was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) from his home in northern Uganda’s Nwoya district. After fighting with the insurgency for nine years, he escaped in 2001 and surrendered to the Ugandan army. 
 
 He now lives with his wife and four children in a simple hut in Kanyagoga, a suburb of the northern town of Gulu, scraping together a living as a “boda boda” motorbike taxi driver.
 
 “I don’t see any change in me.  It’s a life of misery with nothing to do,” he told IRIN.
 
 “I used to live in my village, Alero, but I had to come back [to Gulu] to find work because of the land conflict and stigma at home, he said. 
 
 “My uncle said he couldn’t stay with me in the same home because I am full of blood, that I killed people when I was in the bush,” he added.
 
 Otto said his wife had been taunted by other women in the village and feared for her life. 
 
 “It is so painful to hear this from my own people, yet I did not want to be in the LRA,” he said.
 
 “If they capture Kony that will be good but it will not mean the end of the LRA conflict because what about other commanders and fighters?” he wondered, going on to name “very dangerous” LRA leaders he thought might replace Kony: Odhiambo, Ocan Bunia, Dominic Ongwen, Okot, and Ceasor.
 
 “These are people who should be courted patiently and assured that they will be safe once they return home because you can’t just take them lightly like other low-ranking LRA fighters,” he warned.
 
 Aside from any military offensive against the LRA, “there is a need for the government to ensure that the causes and effects of the conflict are addressed so that people can forget the past”, he said.
 
 Only a small proportion of some 13,000 former LRA abductees granted amnesty are being assisted by community-based organizations, who train them in income -generating activities such as bead-making, knitting, tailoring and construction.
 
 Most men make do as boda boda drivers, subsistence farmers or casual labourers, while many of the women brew alcohol or work as barmaids, domestic servants, water carriers or market traders in the streets of Gulu - a situation most of the returnees described as deplorable.
 
 “When I was with the LRA, it was a matter of going for raids and getting what you needed, but here at home there is nothing for free,” said Otto.
 
 Isaak Kilama was abducted from his village in Amilobo in Awer, Amuru district, in 1998 and escaped from the LRA in 2004 after spending six years in captivity. He now makes a living growing and selling tomatoes.
 
 He told IRIN that killing or capturing Kony would not end the problems in northern Uganda or ensure lasting security there. “The only way out is to allow these people, Kony and his fighters, to return home, provided they are ready to take amnesty,” Kilama said.
 
 Under the terms of relevant Ugandan legislation, while amnesty is available to many in the LRA, Kony and other senior LRA commanders must, because of the severity of their crimes, face justice if apprehended, either at the International Criminal Court, or in the new International Crimes Division of Uganda’s own High Court.
 
 Mary Auma, 36, a mother of four, was first abducted in 1993. Over the next decade she escaped and was recaptured by the LRA four times.
 
 “I survived all these abductions because I was a wife to one of the senior LRA commanders, Raska Lukwiya.  He was killed in 2006,” Auma said.
 
 Auma and others being helped by the Gulu Women’s Economic Development and Globalisation, a community-based group supported by the ICC’s Trust Fund for Victims [ http://www.trustfundforvictims.org/ ], said the capture or death of top LRA leaders could not undo the suffering they had endured nor their current hardships.
 
 “Look, I live my life through brewing and selling alcohol, my children have dropped out of school because I can’t afford to pay for their secondary education,” Auma said.
 
 “Let them arrest Kony and take him wherever they want but what matters for us most is we want meaningful support that can help us regain our dignity,” she said.
 
 “The only hope we had in life was having our children educated but this is fading away,” said Auma, who then became too upset to continue the interview.
 
 “You have to do what you can for yourself. Nobody else cares,” said another former abductee, Michael Dickting, who now repairs bicycles to pay his siblings’ school fees.

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 ca/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94265</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210802360394t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - At 26, Kilama Otto was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) from his home in northern Uganda’s Nwoya district. After fighting with the insurgency for nine years, he escaped in 2001 and surrendered to the Ugandan army.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Waiting for Washington</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg" />]]>ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </description><body><![CDATA[ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. 
 
 “We have no freedom now,” Agueboti told IRIN. “In the past we could hunt, we could fish, we could farm our land. All of that has gone into decline now. There is no security for us. Our hands are tied and our arms are crossed.” Agueboti welcomed the interventions made by NGOs and UN agencies in Zémio and the surrounding region, providing shelter for IDPs and refugees, running health clinics and supporting local agriculture. But he said people were wary of the culture of dependency that had resulted. Agueboti warned that the continuing insecurity had left the region increasingly isolated. Civil servants, teachers and medical personnel were more reluctant to move to the southeast, particularly after the killing of a senior doctor in a road ambush in June.
 
 Like others in the southeastern Haut-Mbomou region, Agueboti refers to the LRA as the “Tongo-Tongo”, loosely translated from the local Zande dialect as “those who never sleep, who march at night, and who can catch you any time”. Witnesses of LRA attacks talk of groups of heavily armed men breaking into houses, destroying property, killing or abducting their victims, easily recognizable because they speak Acholi, Kiswahili or Lingala, not central African languages like Zande or Songo.
 
 Since early 2008, the LRA has attacked dozens of villages in CAR, mostly in the southeast, forcing a mass exodus into towns such as Obo and Zémio, where they are now mostly sheltered in hastily assembled displaced people's (IDP) sites, joining thousands more forced out of their homes by the LRA across the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). 
 
 "Let down" 
 
 Three years ago, the tide appeared to be turning against the LRA. Well-armed troops from the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), deployed in the CAR with the full blessing of the host country’s government, had mounted a high-profile counter-insurgency operation against the LRA, tracking the mixed columns of rebel soldiers and their abductees through the bush. The UPDF confidently announced that a long elusive victory was at hand, pointing to the elimination of several senior LRA lieutenants, hinting that the movement’s leader, Joseph Kony, was finally within their sights. 
 
 Agueboti said Kony was still in southeast CAR, hiding out in the forests north of Zémio, near the River Vovodo. He praised the UPDF for its display of force - “without them this place would have fallen to Kony” - but said his people felt let down. He accused the Ugandan military of failing to deliver on its initial promises, the UPDF not liaising effectively with the local population, losing out on valuable local intelligence. Augeboti was more dismissive of the Central African Armed Forces (FACA). “If there is an LRA attack, they are wholly underprepared. They have to come to this office to get money for fuel before they can go off on an operation.” 
 
 Augeboti said people were now setting up special prayer cells, asking God to deliver them from the LRA. “We have used our fetishes against them, we have used our gris-gris, but they have been no match for Kony.”
 
 News has filtered through to Zémio of President Barrack Obama’s stated intention to deploy at least 100 military advisers as part of a commitment to enforce the 2009 Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act. Obama’s pledge has been accompanied by a 30-page strategy paper and a promise “to help bring an end to the brutality and destruction that have been a hallmark of the LRA across several countries for two decades”. 
 
 In a paper entitled Ending the Lord’s Resistance Army, Enough, the Washington-based Project to End Genocide and Crimes against Humanity, applauded the deployment of observers, but stressed that much more concerted military action was needed. Enough urged the US “to provide a surge of military, intelligence, logistical, and diplomatic support”, enrolling special forces from European nations and giving strong backing to AU initiatives to eliminate Kony. [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] Scepticism 
 
 But there is still considerable scepticism and confusion regarding Washington’s intentions, particularly among the displaced. 
 
 “The Americans have let us down for two years,” said Moise Wodouaia, president of the IDP community at one of the four IDP sites in Zémio. “They said they were coming to help us push Kony back, but we have watched in vain. Do they want us all to die before they come to our aid?”
 
 Wodouaia and others said the US had the technology available to locate Kony and eliminate him if necessary. “That is something we could never do ourselves. Our own army doesn’t care about the southeast, while we have only spears to use against the Tongo-Tongo and they have AK-47s.”
 
 Justin Rabby is also convinced Joseph Kony is at large in the CAR. Now a nurse in Zémio, Rabby spent two years as an LRA hostage, kept alive because of his medical skills, moving from base to base and regularly treating Kony himself. Having escaped his captors, Rabby now heads an association for survivors of the LRA. 
 
 He warns against underestimating Kony’s military capability, pointing out that the LRA has in the past used its captives as human shields, deterring military strikes. Rabby says Kony himself should be captured not killed. “If the man dies, we the victims lose out,” Rabby told IRIN. “It would be far better to have Kony before the International Criminal Court.” 
 
 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 cs/mw 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94262</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Taking on the LRA</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.
 
 “The situation is completely out of hand, people are being killed day and night,” Silvestor Kimbezi, a Congolese priest, told a recent workshop on the LRA’s impact in Uganda, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR), held in the northern Ugandan town of Gulu.
 
 “These people are experiencing the worst form of violence they have ever witnessed; women and children are being abducted and subjected to inhuman conditions while older people are clobbered to death. We urge governments of these countries to get serious, otherwise people might be wiped out in these places,” he added.
 
 Although the LRA is estimated to have fewer than 500 fighters, it has displaced some 440,000 people across the three countries, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Between January and August 2011, there were 240 attacks attributed to the LRA, leading to 130 deaths and 327 abductions. Most of these incidents took place in northeastern DRC.
 
 “The government of South Sudan has endorsed and accepted the role of the US to help fight the LRA,” that country’s information minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, told IRIN in Juba.
 
 “The US has a major role in terms of logistical support, in terms of trying to locate [groups] on difficult terrain,” he added.
 
 “We need the support from the superpowers, who have the capacity to detect them [the LRA] hiding in very deep forest,” echoed military spokesman Philip Aguer, remarking on his country’s lack of necessary air power and surveillance capacity.
 
 In South Sudan, into which LRA forces were first chased from their original northern Uganda bases in the late 1990s, the group remains active, especially in Western Equatoria State’s Yambio County, according to Justin Ginara, director of child welfare in the newly independent nation.
 
 “People in Western Equatoria depend on the land. The LRA has frightened them away and they are running. All the villagers surrounding Yambio [town] have been pushed or displaced to Yambio and denied their source of livelihood, which is the land on which they depend,” he said.
 
 "They do not have food, they do not have medicines. They become vulnerable to anything that can happen and they cannot access all the basic services like health and education," he added.
 
 “We hope that this suffering will soon come to an end,” civil society organizations working in the region’s LRA-affected areas wrote in a recent open letter to South Sudan President Salva Kiir, published online by Human Rights Watch. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/11/11/letter-president-republic-south-sudan-salva-kiir-mayardit-civil-society-representati ]
 
 Such organizations have criticized the governments of affected countries, especially DRC, for playing down the threat posed by the LRA to civilians.
 
 Attacks
 
 DRC’s government spokesman and communications minister Lambert Mende insisted in an interview with IRIN that “almost all [LRA] troops” have left DRC for CAR.
 
 “According to the reports of our troops in the field and the evaluations that our partner make, there have been no LRA attacks since seven or eight months,” he said.
 
 “We have instances of abductions and looting in a few villages but each time we arrested the culprits we were surprised to see that they are Congolese citizens using the LRA label to scare the others and then try to loot them. So you can understand that the LRA is not as active as it was eight months, a year or two years ago,” he said.
 
 According to OCHA, the LRA was responsible for 82 attacks, 32 deaths and 41 abductions in northern DRC between June and August 2011.
 
 Junior Safari, executive secretary of Groupe Lotus, a human rights NGO based in Kisangani, capital of Orientale province, suggested such assurances were attributable more to politics than reality.
 
 “The LRA is still not annihilated. It still continues to massacre the population in villages.
 
 “As the electoral campaign got under way, it is no surprise the authorities say the security situation is under control in the country, whereas this is untrue. As for the people allegedly ‘arrested’ the government is referring to, this is just a trick for them to be seen as peacemakers,” he said.
 
 Guy-Marin Kamandji, in charge of communication at Caritas Congo, told IRIN there was a “clear discrepancy between the official discourse” and the reality on the ground.
 
 “The fact is that the threat really exists and that our populations still suffer the consequences.”
 
 Kamandji described the US intervention as a “good start that will reinforce efforts already under way” but warned that the Americans would “have problems collecting information in the field because of the difficulty of the terrain, which includes the Virunga National Park.
 
 “And they will have to face rebels who behave like guerrillas, who can disappear when they want,” he said.
 
 Another caveat about the US involvement came from regional civil society organizations, which warned, in a common declaration signed after an October meeting in the northern DRC town of Dungu, that the “deployment will only be effective if the governments of CAR, South Sudan and Congo... fully commit to meaningful cooperation in regional and international efforts to protect civilians.”
 
 They also suggested that Washington’s commitment, on its own, would be insufficient and appealed for “significant engagement from the African Union, European Union, UN Security Council and UN peacekeeping missions in the LRA-affected region”. They further called for “more financial and technical support to early warning networks, sensitization and demobilization efforts, and long-term rehabilitation for returnees and ex-combatants”.
 
 Early warning
 
 “The task will not be easy,” warned Richard Downie, deputy director of the Africa Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC, in an analysis posted on the organization’s website.
 
 A botched international operation - codenamed “Lightning Thunder” - mounted against the LRA with US involvement in December 2008 prompted the massacre of at least 700 civilians and led the LRA to “scatter into smaller groups, making them much more difficult to track down... The groups have discarded any communication equipment that would allow them to be traced and instead rely on runners to relay messages. In addition, the LRA is a hardened guerilla force used to operating in difficult terrain. It has survived against the odds for a quarter of a century.”
 
 Religious opposition
 
 Religious leaders in Uganda and Sudan, meanwhile, have spoken out against further military intervention.
 
 The chairman of Uganda’s Episcopal conference and the Archbishop of Gulu John Baptist Odama told reporters earlier this month: “We do not want the aspect of pursuing Kony with military means. History has taught us pursuing these people militarily will just make the conflict and suffering spill over to other places.”
 
 Sudanese bishops issued a similar message in late October, declaring: “The people of Western Equatoria, Western Bahr el-Ghazal and neighbouring countries continue to suffer due to the activities of the Lord's Resistance Army. We reject further militarization of any of these conflicts, and call upon governments and the international community to work for negotiated settlements.”
 
 After years of negotiations a peace agreement was completed in 2008 but at a ceremony in South Sudan Kony refused to sign it, mainly over concerns about his ICC indictment.
 
 The catastrophic consequences of Operation Lightning Thunder are likely to be repeated with any further military action, according to the Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative (ARLPI), [ http://www.arlpi.org/ ] which has played a leading mediatory role.
 
 “While many have lost hope in any peaceful resolution to the conflict, the reality is that the peace process, in particular the Juba peace talks which began in 2006, is responsible for the relative calm being experienced in northern Uganda today,” ARLPI said when the US deployment was announced.
 
 “Instead of relying on military intervention, let us redouble our efforts to engage in dialogue. We believe this is the only way to bring about a lasting solution that will foster healing and reconciliation in a region of the world that has long experienced instability and deserves peace.”

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 ca-hb-hm/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94263</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: LRA Briefing</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210932040941t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The Lord’s Resistance Army was one of several armed groups to emerge in northern Uganda in the late 1980s with the aim of overthrowing the government of Yoweri Museveni, who himself came to power at the head of a rebellion in 1986.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - What is the LRA?

The Lord’s Resistance Army was one of several armed groups to emerge in northern Uganda in the late 1980s with the aim of overthrowing the government of Yoweri Museveni, who himself came to power at the head of a rebellion in 1986.

The group quickly gained international notoriety because of its professed aim of installing a new government based on the Ten Commandments – which still feature in the group’s official emblem – and because of the brutality of its tactics, such as abducting children to serve in its fighting ranks and as “wives” for commanders. The young recruits were also forced to carry out murders and mutilations, notably  of those who tried to escape or who were otherwise deemed “disloyal”. 

The LRA is led by Joseph Kony, a self-styled prophet who is wanted, with other senior leaders, by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

While the group maintained it was championing the interests of the Acholi people of northern Uganda, the region suffered considerably because of its attacks and abductions as well as alleged abuses by the Ugandan army and allied militia, especially soon after Museveni took power. 

Massive displacement also resulted from a government counter-insurgency policy of forcing well over a million civilians into “protected villages”, where protection was in fact very limited and humanitarian conditions dire. The policy entrenched the sense of marginalization felt by the Acholi.

Where is the LRA now?

Having been pushed out of its original strongholds from the late 1990s into southern Sudan, the LRA no longer has an active presence in northern Uganda. It now operates in the newly independent republic of South Sudan, especially in the Equatoria states and in Western Bahr el-Ghazal; in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Haut and Bas Uélé districts; and in the eastern Central African Republic, where most of the group’s senior leaders and fighters are now thought to be.

How big is the LRA?

Military pressure and massive defections spurred by a Ugandan amnesty have greatly reduced the LRA’s numbers to the low hundreds, scattered in units of five to 10 across three countries. Its continuing attacks on civilians are widely thought to be aimed at mere survival rather than motivated by any clear political agenda.

What is the LRA’s humanitarian impact?

Immense. "The conflict in northern Uganda is the biggest forgotten, neglected humanitarian emergency in the world today," Jan Egeland, then UN under secretary general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, said in November 2003, decrying the lack of international and government assistance to civilians.

In northern Uganda, people have now mostly left the protected villages for their homes, but face enormous challenges in rebuilding “normal” lives as efforts to develop the region’s basic infrastructure have had limited success.

Across the three countries where its fighters are now active, an estimated 440,000 civilians have fled their homes in fear of being killed, mutilated, abducted or raped. This has kept them away from their fields, greatly affecting food security. LRA activity, and the remoteness and inaccessibility of the affected regions, have also prevented adequate humanitarian access to civilian populations in need. 

After a botched joint assault on an LRA base in northern DRC in December 2008, the group launched a series of raids that left at least 700 dead. More recently, between January and August 2011, the LRA has conducted 254 attacks, resulting in 126 deaths and 368 abductions.

How has the LRA lasted so long?

The Ugandan government has pointed to the difficulties involved in fighting a guerrilla insurgency in harsh terrain, the support the LRA enjoyed (and, according to South Sudan, continues to enjoy) from Khartoum, and the presence of so many children among the group’s ranks as reasons for its failure to eradicate it.

But in northern Uganda, there is a widespread sense that efforts towards both military and negotiated resolutions have been half-hearted, that senior military personnel profited from the conflict, which national political considerations also helped to prolong.

Credence is lent to this argument by a 2004 paper by the International Crisis Group [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2004/africa/northern-uganda-understanding-and-solving-the-conflict.aspx ] , which said the war allowed Museveni “to maintain an unreformed and corrupt army as a key pillar of the regime [and] gives him the arguments with which to resist mounting international pressure to reduce defence spending drastically. It also gives him pretexts to maintain the political status quo by denying the opposition a power base and curtailing freedom of expression and association in the name of 'the war against terrorism'."


What about peace talks…?

The LRA did enter into negotiations with the Ugandan government or intermediaries (notably Acholi religious leaders) on several occasions, most recently in 2006, following intensified military pressure and a cut in support from the Sudanese government. These talks resulted in the finalizing of a peace accord [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=77481 ] in 2008. But at the last minute Kony refused to sign, citing fears that he would be handed over to the ICC. Religious leaders in South Sudan and Uganda have recently called for negotiations to resume, but there has been no indication of Kony’s – or Museveni’s - willingness to take part. According to the International Crisis Group, [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/horn-of-africa/uganda/182-the-lords-resistance-army-end-game.aspx ] “there is no prospect of a negotiated end to the LRA problem”.

However, one product of negotiations has borne considerable fruit: more than 26,000 members of the LRA and other armed groups availed themselves of the Uganda Amnesty Act and some of them are now working with the Ugandan army to track their former comrades.

…and joint military action?

After the debacle of 2008’s Operation Lightning Thunder, joint military operations, usually Ugandan-led and with US logistical support, have continued in all countries with an LRA presence. A Joint Information Operations Centre has been established in the northern DRC town of Dungu, with the participation of the UN stabilization force in DRC, MONUSCO. 

Despite some tactical successes, the LRA’s threat to civilians has not been diminished by these military operations, while cooperation among the states involved has not always been strong: in recent months the DRC has called for all foreign troops fighting the LRA to leave, claiming the group was no longer active on its soil. Uganda’s engagement has also been scaled down recently as a result of the LRA no longer threatening its security.

Meanwhile, over the past 18 months, the African Union has appeared to take the LRA threat and the need for a coordinated response more seriously. But it has yet to appoint a promised special envoy or make significant headway in forming an announced Regional Intervention Force. Necessary funding for the force has not been forthcoming.

What next?

The recent US deployment of 100 military advisers to support the armies in the three affected countries - as part of the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act - has led to renewed hopes in some quarters that the LRA might soon be neutralized. But several factors weigh against the group’s imminent demise: its scattered presence over a vast area, the difficult terrain, the lack of coordination between the affected countries and their limited military capacity and political will, as well as a tendency, especially in DRC, to play down the threat posed by the group.

Alongside this military objective, another key priority is to address and mitigate the humanitarian consequences of the LRA’s presence. "[The] response urgently needs scaling up,” UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a 4 November report to the Security Council.

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94260</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210932040941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The Lord’s Resistance Army was one of several armed groups to emerge in northern Uganda in the late 1980s with the aim of overthrowing the government of Yoweri Museveni, who himself came to power at the head of a rebellion in 1986.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: US advisers limited to &quot;support&quot; role in tracking down LRA</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210904450285t.jpg" />]]>NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.</description><body><![CDATA[NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.
 
 They “are not directly involved in the operation to find members of the Lord's Resistance Army”, said Major James Rawlinson of the US Special Operations Command, Africa, in a statement to IRIN. While they will be “working and living closely with African security forces”, the focus is “on enabling their ability to better conduct command and control, planning and coordination”.  
 
 In testimony before the US Congress in October, Alexander Vershbow, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, said “the bulk” of the 100 advisers would be based in Uganda but “small teams would deploy forward in partnership with local forces, to help them improve their skills on the front-lines”. 
 
 They will carry small-arms weapons only for self-defence, he said. Vershbow would not describe the weapons for the Congressional panel.
 
 The main goal, both said, is to help the militaries of Uganda, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR) share intelligence, which would allow for prompt and concerted action against the LRA. 
 
 The failure of Operation Lightning Thunder in 2008 against an LRA camp by Uganda, the DRC and South Sudan, was blamed on poor coordination among the combatant forces and a lack of operational secrecy. Seventeen US military advisers provided support for the operation. 
 
 In its immediate aftermath, LRA units went on the rampage, killing hundreds of civilians and forcing tens of thousands to flee their homes.
 
 At present, 440,000 civilians in the region are displaced, most in DRC, because of LRA activities, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
 
 “Our intention is to supplement host nation military efforts with advice and assistance that maximizes the flow of information to, and synchronizes the activities of host nation units in the field,” said Rawlinson. 
 
 Vershbow said he hoped “fusing the intelligence information with the operational plans” would lead to the elimination of “the remaining leadership of the LRA".
 
 Raising questions
 
 Congressman Brad Sherman, a Democrat from California, criticized Vershbow for being “vague” about the US operations. In comments to CNN, Senator John McCain, a Republican from Arizona, echoed those sentiments: “The LRA is one of the most atrocious and barbaric organizations in history and I applaud the goal, but I would like to know more.”
 
 Richard Downie, a fellow and deputy director of the Africa Programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC, cautioned that the increased US involvement did not guarantee the LRA’s days were numbered.
 
 “I think you do have to be a little bit cautious in your expectations,” he said. “The difficult thing here is ultimately the responsibility is going to lie with the militaries on the ground.”
 
 Ashley Benner, a policy analyst for the Enough Project, a Washington-based NGO that advocated for the US mission, worried that only sending advisers “will not make enough of an impact and, when the desired results are not seen, will likely lead to their premature withdrawal”. 
 
 She called on the Obama administration to urge African countries to improve their special forces, convince European countries to provide logistical assistance, defuse tensions between regional governments, and ensure the protection of civilians. 
 
 “The advisers should be tasked with helping to develop and coordinate a targeted apprehension strategy and improve US oversight of mission planning and execution,” she said. “Only then do we have a real chance of finally apprehending Joseph Kony and his senior commanders and bringing them to justice.”

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 pd/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94261</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210904450285t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Peter Maido, “These LRA rebels are more than monster killers”</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211319060426t.jpg" />]]>GULU 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - The latest wave of LRA violence in South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has left hundreds of civilians affected. Peter Maido, an aid worker with the Justice and Peace Commission in Tombora, in South Sudan&apos;s Western Equatoria state, fled his village of Ezo after surviving recent LRA attacks in the area.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - The latest wave of LRA violence in South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has left hundreds of civilians affected. Peter Maido, an aid worker with the Justice and Peace Commission in Tombora, in South Sudan's Western Equatoria state, fled his village of Ezo after surviving recent LRA attacks in the area.

“We are seeing what nobody has ever experienced in his/her life. These LRA rebels are more than monster killers. I can’t even go to my village because the rebels are roaming everywhere and killing whoever they come across; they are roaming in groups of five to 10 people. 

“The killings are so intense but you cannot know when they happen because the area is so remote with no roads. Sometimes we get reports of killings after a week.

“The situation has gone very silent because it’s not a priority for government. We struggled for our freedom as South Sudanese but why are we being left alone with no protection?

“The government gets serious when it come to issues of Abyei, Kordofan and Darfur, but why not the LRA problem?

“There is no civilian protection, there is no one to rescue children and women abducted by the LRA. The South Sudan army say their work is to only protect the borders but not following and fighting the LRA.

“Youths are fed up, they are forming paramilitary groups armed with spears, bows and arrows to defend themselves but this is dangerous [because] everybody will get armed escalating violence.

“Last year government promised to provide five million South Sudan pounds [US$1.9m] to support these paramilitary groups but nothing has been done so far.

“People have fled villages and are living in IDP camps where conditions are deplorable. In Ezo alone there are 13 camps; three camps have been set up specifically for people fleeing DRC and CAR.

“Information from abductees says LRA leader Joseph Kony was in Bitima [a town in northern DRC close to the border with South Sudan], a few months ago, but of late he is somewhere in CAR.  

“The reason why the LRA are concentrating in these areas is because of the thick vegetation with plenty of wild food like fruits, yams and the cover it provides for their hiding.

“Some of the LRA groups make periodic movements to Wau and Raja [in South Sudan] towards Darfur to trade with nomadic tribes. Normally when they return from these places, they become very strong because of the ammunition and food they have acquired. 

“People have nothing to do, you can’t farm but only wake up every morning, sit and wait for what the day will bring.

“The relief being provided is very little, people are surviving out of the mercy of God.

“The only way out of this problem is for government to fight the LRA like we did in the liberation struggle so that people return to their villages.

“All the LRA rebels, including their commanders, should be flushed out of the area and apprehended to bring everlasting peace for us.”

ca/mw
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94267</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211319060426t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - The latest wave of LRA violence in South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has left hundreds of civilians affected. Peter Maido, an aid worker with the Justice and Peace Commission in Tombora, in South Sudan&apos;s Western Equatoria state, fled his village of Ezo after surviving recent LRA attacks in the area.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Nighty Acayo, &quot;I don’t know where to begin to start another life.”</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211228580035t.jpg" />]]>LELA OBARO 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - Nighty Acayo, 28, spent eight years in rebel captivity traversing northern Uganda, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR). She escaped in October from the DRC as the rebels were relocating to CAR.</description><body><![CDATA[LELA OBARO 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - Nighty Acayo, 28, spent eight years in rebel captivity traversing northern Uganda, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR). She escaped in October from the DRC as the rebels were relocating to CAR.

“I was abducted by the LRA rebels in 1993 from my home village in Lela Obaro. The group was led by Obong Kijura, who is now dead and I don’t regret his death.

“We stayed in northern Uganda, moving from Gulu, Amuru and parts of Lango districts in the 1990s till 2005 when the rebels moved to DRC. We were the first group to go to DRC with Vincent Otti.

“It wasn’t easy in DRC because we had to battle with MONUC [the UN Mission].

“It was all peace in 2006 when the peace talks were being negotiated in Juba. We thought the peace talks would bring us home but they failed.

“Since then, life has not been easy in DRC. It’s all fighting, either the SPLA [South Sudan army], UPDF [Ugandan army] or DRC forces. Even the civilians are fighting us.

“The LRA has spread into smaller groups and they are operating in South Sudan, DRC and CAR but most rebels are now in CAR.

“I escaped from my group when we were going to CAR last month. We were being led by Otto Sam; we were 60 LRA fighters split into smaller groups of 5-10 fighters.

“My children couldn’t walk so they [the rebels] left me. I had three children to carry.

“We hid in the bush and the following day I found my way to a main road. I could see civilians armed with machetes, bows and arrows. I could hear them talking in Lingala, saying they would kill any LRA they found.

“Luckily I saw a man riding a bicycle. He was carrying a woman. I jumped into the middle of the road and stopped him. I pleaded with him not to harm me.

“The man asked me where I was from and I told him that I had escaped from the rebels. The man became so furious but the woman stopped him from harming me.

“He took me to a DRC army detachment in Bangadi. They kept me for four days and later transferred me to Dungu.

“While in Dungu, the Congolese army handed me over to the Ugandans. They flew me to Bunia, then to Entebbe.

“The fighting is intense and the rebels are on the rampage, moving to CAR. Joseph Kony [LRA leader] has ordered all the rebels to assemble in CAR. Ocan Bunia is the only one still left in the Garamba park with three groups; he is on his way to CAR with the remaining fighters.

“Kony has called his fighters for a briefing to get ready for the next offensive LINK.

“We don’t know where Kony is but all I know he is somewhere in CAR. He no longer uses a satellite phone, he doesn’t want any one near him with a phone. Kony communicates through letters or uses an emissary to convey his messages to his commanders.

“Some of the rebel commanders want to come out but they are worried they will be arrested. They say they want peace talks to resume but that depends on Kony. That is why Kony has ordered them to relocate to CAR.

‘The rebels are still many but most of the lower ranking rebels are Congolese children and those abducted from CAR. There are still many children being held by the LRA besides those born in captivity. They have abducted so many Congolese women and children.

“I thought I wouldn’t make it back to my village. I am happy to be home with my family but the painful part is I found my father has died. I don’t know where to begin to start another life.”
   
ca/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94266</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111211228580035t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LELA OBARO 21 November 2011 (IRIN) - Nighty Acayo, 28, spent eight years in rebel captivity traversing northern Uganda, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR). She escaped in October from the DRC as the rebels were relocating to CAR.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Sub-Saharan sanitation targets “two centuries away”</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290759390875t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector. [ http://www.wateraid.org/ ]
 
 Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) are being sidelined as governments concentrate on health and education, says the WaterAid report. Meanwhile, people’s lack of access to clean water and basic sanitation services is holding back social and economic development in the region, costing around 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) every year. 
  
 Loss higher than development aid
 
 Inadequate WASH services cost sub-Saharan Africa more than the whole continent receives in development aid - US$47.6 billion in 2009 - according to WaterAid. 
  
 The World Health Organization (WHO) estimated the financial impact of inadequate WASH facilities by looking at the health issues linked to poor hygiene, child mortality, waterborne tropical diseases, the time people spend collecting water; and reductions in educational achievement due to illness and girls’ attendance rates at schools. 
  
 “Diarrhoea, 90 percent of which is attributable to inadequate sanitation and dirty water, is the single biggest killer of children in Africa, and yet sanitation targets are off-track,” Tom Slaymaker, one of the report’s authors, told IRIN.
 
 Every day, 2,000 children die from diarrhoea in sub-Saharan Africa. Four out of 10 people do not have access to safe water, while seven out of 10 do not have appropriate sanitation facilities. 
  
 The disparity between rich and poor is stark. Poor people in sub-Saharan Africa are more than 15 times more likely to practice open defecation due to inadequate or poorly maintained toilets. 
  
 “Unless this changes, we won't see educational progress and it will hold back progress on child health. If you look at development in industrialized countries, sanitation has been key to enabling economic growth and achieving acceptable living standards,” said Slaymaker.
 
 Ministries not powerful
 
 Progress has been slow partly because WASH is not “sexy”, he commented. “On one level it's just a question of political will. Sanitation is not a sexy topic - politicians much prefer to say they're opening a hospital or school, rather than building some toilets.” 
  
 Most policy-makers in charge of WASH “have access to clean water and good sanitation, so they may not be motivated to address it in a distant rural part of the country,” said WaterAid senior policy analyst John Garret. 
  
 Slaymaker noted that “The water ministry is generally less powerful relative to the education and health ministries - which [tend to] have more civil servants and more leverage with the ministry of finance during and after the budget process - [so] in the scramble for funds, the water ministry and sanitation organizations lose out. This all contributes to the sector being a low priority."
 
 Water and sanitation is not an easy sector to reform, given it is usually spread across different ministries, and there is often “no single unified voice in the national budget process for sanitation”, he added.
 
 “Last chance”
 
 WaterAid calls on donors to double the global aid flow to WASH with an additional $10 billion per year in the run-up to 2015, the deadline for achieving the MDGs.  
  
 African governments need to commit at least 3.5 percent of GDP to sanitation and water to get back on track, Slaymaker told IRIN. Only Lesotho, Kenya, Niger and Tanzania are currently spending more than 0.9 percent of GDP on WASH. In Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Liberia, Madagascar, Nigeria, Uganda and Zambia, the most recent expenditure figures fall well below the original 2009 commitment of 0.5 percent of GDP. 
  
 “Despite all the political commitments, we haven't seen the finances to back it up,” Slaymaker told IRIN. African heads of state met in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, earlier in 2011, and although many of their governments had made a commitment in 2009 to spend 0.5 percent of the annual budget on sanitation, “only one or two countries… realized that,” he said. 
  
 Despite this challenge, Slaymaker still thinks the MDG goal can be met if politicians drastically change course. “This is the last chance to make an effort to get back on track,” he told IRIN. “It's a question of… concerted partnership between donors, governments and the private sector. What's lacking at the moment is that concerted drive.”
 
 jl/aj/he 
  
  
 FACT BOX
 
 Over one billion people will miss the global MDG sanitation target if things continue unchanged 
  
 In Asia, India will not reach its MDG on sanitation before 2047, while Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal will not achieve the target before 2028. 
  
 Lack of access to water and sanitation costs African and Asian countries up to 6 percent of their gross domestic product (GDP) each year. 
  
 In India the shortfall in water and sanitation services cost the economy around 6.4 percent of GDP - the equivalent of US$53.8 billion in 2006, according to the World Bank.
 
 In Ethiopia, 193,000 deaths per year are WASH-related, and 71.4 million people have no access to sanitation facilities.
  
 Similar figures apply to Mali, Niger, Benin, Ghana and Congo, where 194,000 deaths a year are WASH-related and 49.5 million people have no access to sanitation facilities. 
  
 According to WaterAid, the Côte d'Ivoire administration targeted 0.06 percent of its GDP to water and sanitation, Ghana spent 0.29 percent, Liberia 0.28 percent, Madagascar 0.28 percent, Nigeria 0.18 percent, Uganda 0.41 percent and Zambia 0.56 percent.
 
 (Sources: World Bank; WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme, 2010; national government documents 2008-2010; WaterAid) 
  
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94241</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290759390875t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Once upon an epidemic</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111171306550437t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Like many classic stories, Vumi&apos;s starts with a chance encounter that takes him far from home where the Ugandan primary school student is tempted by alcohol, cigarettes and sex. What happens next is just one story told as part of a locally produced series of 12 children&apos;s books on HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Like many classic stories, Vumi's starts with a chance encounter that takes him far from home where the Ugandan primary school student is tempted by alcohol, cigarettes and sex. What happens next is just one story told as part of a locally produced series of 12 children's books on HIV.
 
 Sold as a kit and published by Uganda's Baroque Publishers, the Children's Readers on HIV/AIDS Awareness are designed as supplementary material to augment HIV awareness courses on the national curriculum. Each story centres on a theme, such as myths about HIV or its socioeconomic impacts, while also including basic information, such as how the virus is spread.
 
 Since its 2008 release, Baroque has sold 50,000 kits to 9,000 school districts and the books have proven popular. The local New Vision newspaper publishes a weekend children's supplement that includes a write-in section where children identify their favourite books. Baroque's readers have been a consistent feature.
 
 According to the authors, the books fill a gap in educational, yet entertaining, HIV awareness material for children.
 
 "If someone is reading any of these titles, they do not immediately think they are reading something about AIDS," said Benjamin Mpaka, one of the series authors. "This is a creative story... as opposed to this knowledge they're acquiring in a science or basic health lesson... We feel that is how the message can best be received."
 
 The stories' heroes tend to fall into two groups: precocious youths who teach their friends about HIV prevention or hard-working children who overcome the impact of HIV on their families. Though everything usually works out in the end, the stories are remarkably frank: Kenu fights off a rapist, Makina loses her father and is shunned by classmates because she is HIV-positive, and Adelu has to care for her two brothers when their mother falls sick.
 
 The goal was to create realistic stories that informed a young audience, while not preaching to them, despite strong religious components, Mpaka told IRIN/PlusNews.
 
 Baroque won the bid to produce the books from Uganda's Ministry of Education and Sports in 2006 and USAID funded the first round of distribution. The authors built the stories around the national curriculum, so they hew closely to Uganda's school-based HIV prevention campaign, the President's Initiative on HIV/AIDS Strategy on Communication to Youth (PIASCY). Like the controversial PIASCY, the books encourage abstinence, with no discussion of condom use.
 
 After Kenu is almost raped in "The Trap", she starts the "Be Alert Club" in which members pledge to, for instance, abstain until marriage. "No More Tears" instructs students to pray for people living with HIV.
 
 Baroque editor Cathy Mugabi said the publishing house had not received any complaints regarding the content. Instead, she said the biggest challenge was trying to overcome the fact that "people don't like reading".
 
 The kits' high price has also proved a challenge. At about US$18.50, they are too expensive for many families. Those who could afford them "would rather buy a toy or a cake than buy a book", Mpaka added.
 
 The publishers are now looking for funding to animate the series, with an idea of showing the films to communities on portable projectors as part of a national tour.
 
 ag/llg/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94229</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111171306550437t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Like many classic stories, Vumi&apos;s starts with a chance encounter that takes him far from home where the Ugandan primary school student is tempted by alcohol, cigarettes and sex. What happens next is just one story told as part of a locally produced series of 12 children&apos;s books on HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LAOS: Magdalen Muraa, &quot;I started asking myself, &apos;Why did I come here?&apos;&quot;</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111161030120140t.jpg" />]]>LUANG PRABANG 16 November 2011 (IRIN) - The Laos government is tackling its notoriously low maternal and child health indicators with a massive midwife training campaign.</description><body><![CDATA[LUANG PRABANG 16 November 2011 (IRIN) - The Laos government is tackling its notoriously low maternal and child health indicators with a massive midwife training campaign [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94213 ]. 
 
 Magdalen Muraa, mother of three and a UN Volunteer from Uganda, arrives at Luang Prabang's regional hospital every morning at 7am to help train the future midwives. She had previously worked in a Laotian village in the northeast, the only African there. 
 
 "After being a nurse for three years in Uganda, I wanted to become a midwife because it is a joyful thing. I then trained for two years and worked as a midwife and trainer for 10 years. When I saw the posting for a nurse midwife clinical trainer in Laos I thought, 'Why don't I give that a try?' 
 
 "At home, in Uganda, we have so many midwives and I felt that I could help. 
 
 "I took a one-week intensive course in Laos language training when I arrived in 2010 and I moved to a rural part of Xiengkhouang Province in the northeast of Laos. 
 
 "I lived under stress. As an African, everyone in the village was always saying 'Come and see, come and see!' They wanted to touch my skin and see me up close. I would get so humiliated and at the end of it, I would stay indoors. I would just go to work from 6am to 9pm and then go home. My only colleague was my TV. 
 
 "And I started asking myself, 'Why did I come here?' 
 
 "But I came as an expatriate to be able to transmit information and when I thought about it, people were really kind. Even though I lived in this intense situation, I learned and I never worried about my safety. And one thing is, I have never met arrogance in this country. 
 
 "Here they have many impractical ideas about maternal health. They only allow new mothers to eat rice, and they cannot drink water. For one or two weeks after the baby is born, everyone comes to visit the family, at a time when the baby and mother have weak immune systems. 
 
 "These are things we have to change. But we have to know the culture and respect it, while we try to also show new ways to the community. 
 
 "Midwifery takes maternal health to a higher level. You can have midwives, but if they don't have passion, then it's not going to work. 
 
 "Now that I am in Luang Prabang, I am much more at ease than when in the village. I will go back to my family in Uganda in a few months and it will have been two years for me as an African in Laos." 
 
 nb/pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94215</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111161030120140t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LUANG PRABANG 16 November 2011 (IRIN) - The Laos government is tackling its notoriously low maternal and child health indicators with a massive midwife training campaign.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
