<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Syria</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 14:30:39 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>SYRIA: New UN response plan awaits government agreement</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.

The director of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, John Ging, presented the plan to governments, NGOs and regional organizations at a meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, the international platform used to discuss humanitarian concerns in Syria, on 20 April.

"Syria has recognized there are serious humanitarian needs and that urgent action is required," Ging said. "We now need to get agreement from the Syrian authorities to implement the Response Plan. In the meantime, we're mobilizing resources to make it happen."

The US$180 million plan includes dozens of projects to respond to the needs of one million people over six months, with the bulk of the money going towards food and health care, but also for the repair of basic services and to support livelihoods to avoid a descent into poverty by many Syrians affected by a deteriorating economy.

What began as peaceful protests against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in March 2011 has become an increasingly violent conflict between an armed opposition and government security forces, resulting in a death toll of more than 9,000, according to Robert Serry, UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, with many more injured or detained.

The head of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent has told IRIN there could be as many as 400,000 people displaced, and the International Committee of the Red Cross says there is a “continuous flow” of people leaving their homes in search of safety, some of them living in schools, mosques and churches.
 
The response plan comes after a nine-day government-led assessment in March of areas affected by the unrest. The government has not accepted the UN figure that one million people are in need in Syria.

"We don't have any crisis in Syria; it is not Somalia," Syria's ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Faysal Khabbaz Hamoui, told reporters after the 20 April meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, according to Reuters. [ http://af.reuters.com/article/commoditiesNews/idAFL6E8FK6LC20120420?sp=true ] State media has often said there is no problem in Syria except for the “terrorists” it blames for the violence.

In recent days, however, the government has become increasingly willing to recognize humanitarian needs in the country, with al-Assad and his first lady appearing on state TV packing food parcels for distribution.

But the government insists the state should lead humanitarian assistance.

Syrian Arab Red Crescent

“The government is concerned about a number of things,” Valerie Amos, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, told IRIN in an interview on 5 April. “They are keen that any help in country comes from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. Their capacity is already stretched, and they need support. So getting additional supplies in, but also getting additional capacity on the ground, is critical.”

The Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) has been trying to shake off perceptions among some donors of partiality, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ] and while international aid agencies have commended SARC for “outstanding” work in extremely difficult circumstances, they insist other agencies must be allowed in to help share the burden.

There were international aid agencies in Syria before the unrest, but their roles have largely been limited to helping Iraqi refugees and other developmental projects, unrelated to the current situation.

“We have put some very clear proposals,” Amos said. “The government has come back. They have said they want the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead. We are happy for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead, but we need additional capacity on the ground.”

The release of this response plan comes amid those negotiations with the government. The UN says they wanted to share the plan with donors so that there was no delay when approval for implementation is given.

Observers say going ahead with its release without government buy-in was a bit of a gamble: it could pressure Damascus to move more quickly to ensure humanitarian access; but could also backfire by raising the government’s defences.

Either way, the UN is well aware the plan’s success depends on the government’s consent, including its willingness to quickly issue visas to aid workers, clear shipments at customs and allow the UN to set up field offices.

Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, told IRIN the Red Crescent has already been in discussions with UN agencies like the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the World Food Programme, to coordinate the implementation of the response plan, but said he did not have information about whether the government had agreed to it.

A separate $84 million plan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] by UNHCR to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan has been funded at less than 20 percent since it was launched at the end of March.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95332</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Syria’s forgotten refugees</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705152t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind. She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind.
 
She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.
 
“It was as if there was a war in my home,” she recounted.
 
She could not move; could not breathe; could not do anything. Militias killed nine members of her family that day, while she stood in the other room, effectively paralysed.
 
Those were the early days of sectarian warfare in Iraq. Tens of thousands of other deaths would follow over the course of the next two years.
 
***Samia told IRIN her story [ http://irinnews.org/Report/95338/Samia-Why-can-t-they-just-take-us-out-of-here ] years later from the rural suburbs of the Syrian capital, Damascus, where she now lives as a refugee with her husband and two of her children.
 
She is desperate to get out of Syria, where she says she continues to receive threats from across the border in Iraq.
 
“Until now, I get calls saying if you come back, we will kill you,” she said.
 
The current unrest in Syria has only made things worse - food prices have risen, she is reliving memories of war, and worst of all, her family’s resettlement in the USA has been indefinitely stalled, with limited alternatives for leaving Syria if the situation there continues to deteriorate.
 
While the world focuses on the tens of thousands of Syrian refugees fleeing an increasingly violent conflict between the government and opposition forces, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis in Syria - the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - have been all but forgotten. The 102,000 registered refugees, amid a government estimate of 1 million Iraqis in total, now face a more uncertain future than ever - and some of them are crying out for help.
 
“Please,” Samia begged this IRIN reporter, “Consider me your mother. Do something to help me. Let our voices reach America…Why can’t they just take us out of here?”
 
Flight from Syria
 
Until now, there has been no mass departure of Iraqi refugees from Syria. But according to government figures, in 2011, 67,000 Iraqis in Syria returned to an Iraq which, while significantly safer than in 2006-7, is still one of the most dangerous places in the world. That number is a significant jump from previous years: In 2009 and 2010 combined, the number of returns from Syria was less than half that, according to statistics recorded by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the Iraqi Ministry of Displacement and Migration.
 
The number of Iraqi refugees in Syria is expected to keep dropping, with the overall registered refugee population expected to be 90,000 in the course of 2012, down from 127,859 in January 2011, according to international community’s 2012 Response Plan for Iraq. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_604.pdf ]
 
One senior aid worker told IRIN most of these returns have been willing, voluntary and ultimately “the best solution”.
 
But the Brookings Institution, calls their return “premature” [ http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2012/0227_syria_humanitarian_ferris.aspx ] and a survey [ http://www.unhcr.org/4caf376c6.html ] by UNHCR just before the unrest in Syria started found that most refugees in Syria were still unwilling to return home permanently.
 
“In situations like this, often, refugees have to decide between two difficult situations and they will have to decide which is the least problematic,” Panos Moumtzis, UNHCR’s newly-appointed regional coordinator for the Syria crisis, told IRIN last month.
 
Much smaller numbers of Iraqis in Syria have fled a second time - into Turkey, and to a lesser extent Lebanon and Jordan, where entry poses some challenges.
 
Struggling to survive economically
 
Most Iraqis in Syria live in Damascus and the business capital, Aleppo, relatively unaffected by the violence in Syria, which has killed an estimated 9,000 Syrians since March 2011. Thus “they have continued to enjoy relative stability and peace,” Moumtzis said.
 
Until now, UNHCR has been able to continue its regular assistance programmes for Iraqi refugees, even in places as far as Hassakah, in the northeast.
 
But the devaluation of the Syrian currency, sanctions and a deepening economic crisis in Syria have affected everyone, including refugees who were economically vulnerable to begin with and who are forbidden from legal work as refugees in Syria.
 
The vast majority of the Iraqi refugee population in Syria gets food assistance, which UNHCR says has helped to stave off negative coping mechanisms and keep malnutrition at bay, but refugees say they are eating less and even selling food to make ends meet.
 
Mohamed*, an Iraqi refugee in the northern Syrian city of Halab, receives 10,500 Syrian pounds a month (about $183) for his family of seven as a food allowance from UNHCR; but the bill for rent, water and electricity is higher. And as food and gas prices have more than doubled in some cases, his family has been forced to change their eating habits, eating one loaf of bread per day instead of two, for example.
 
His family depends on remittances - now affected by the devaluation of the Syrian currency - from family in Iraq to survive. UNHCR recently increased the food allowance from 1,100 to 1,500 pounds per person per month (about $19 to 26); and intends to increase cash assistance for the most vulnerable by 40 percent to compensate for the increase in prices.
 
Samia, in rural Damascus, says her family sells the food they receive from the World Food Programme in order to pay rent and carry them over until the end of the month.
 
“I try to manage, scraping a bit from here, a bit from there to make ends. Only God knows how much I’m suffering,” she said.
 
Her daughter has lost significant weight, she said, and the family has reduced its food intake to basics like bread, tomatoes and oil, refraining from fruit, chicken, cheese and other perceived luxuries.
 
Forbidden from formal employment in Syria, most Iraqis work in the informal sector - in hotels or in tourism - an industry hard-hit by the unrest. During a UNHCR survey of more than 800 refugees in February, 40 percent of respondents reported a decrease in their monthly income, and 13 percent had lost their employment altogether, Helene Daubelcour, UNHCR spokesperson in Syria, told IRIN. Ninety percent of them said they had higher food expenditures.
 
According to UNHCR, about 10,000 Iraqi refugees were living in hot spots like Homs, Dera’a and areas of rural Damascus (Harasta, Zabadani, Duma) when the Syrian conflict began. About half of them have since moved to other areas of the country, displaced once again and in need of more assistance.
 
Their secondary displacement has also driven up rent prices, as the pressure on the availability of accommodation increase.
 
“You see the domino effect,” Daubelcour said.
 
At a roundtable discussion [ https://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/events/2012/0224_iraq_displacement/Event%20Report.pdf ] hosted by the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement and the International Rescue Committee in February, participants pointed to tensions between Iraqi refugees and displaced Syrians as they compete for diminishing resources.
 
Re-traumatization
 
More than direct violence, refugees in Syria are at risk of re-traumatization, with 78 percent of refugees surveyed by UNHCR saying the current situation had had a negative impact on their mental and physical well-being, including nightmares and recollections of the past. The anxiety has led to an increase in domestic violence, Daubelcour said.
 
“We feel that what happened in Iraq could happen again,” said Mohamed, who says he was kidnapped and tortured by the Mahdi Army, a Shia militant group, in May 2006.
 
“I’m afraid of everything around me,” said Samia, the Iraqi who was in the other room when her family was killed.
 
In response, UNHCR has further developed its psychosocial support and counselling.
 
Of the 1,600 Iraqis from Syria who registered with UNHCR in Turkey, most said they did not feel safe.
 
“[They said] they already went through this once in Iraq and they have no intention whatsoever of waiting for it to hit them more particularly,” one senior aid worker in Turkey told IRIN. “It seems to be that they are leaving pre-emptively.”
 
Stuck in Syria
 
The problem is that many of them cannot do so.
 
Some 18,000 Iraqi refugees who had already been accepted for resettlement to a third country or were awaiting interviews, have had their files frozen. Initially delayed due to new US security procedures, the cases have now been put on indefinite hold because resettlement countries have had more difficulty conducting interviews amid the unrest.
 
Both Samia and Mohamed’s families have had their suitcases ready for months, believing they were to travel any day; others were reportedly turned back at the airport. They are now “stuck” in Syria until a solution is found.
 
“There are a lot who had the expectation of resettlement and will not be resettled any time soon,” said Andrew Harper, UNHCR representative in Jordan.
 
Refugee advocates have called for completing the process by video conference, but UNHCR representatives say that option, as well as the possibility of processing them in another country, is simply not manageable for such a large number of people.
 
“Frankly speaking,” said the aid worker based in Turkey, “I don’t think it is realistically doable.”
 
Nor would it necessarily be welcomed in neighbouring countries, which are themselves hosting Iraqi refugees and have resettlement processes of their own.
 
“Whether they jump the cue or not, that’s quite a sensitive issue,” the aid worker pointed out.
 
This has left people like Samia and Mohamed “between a rock and no place”, [ http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/24/world/middleeast/unrest-strands-iraqis-in-syria-awaiting-american-visas.html ] as the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project [http://refugeerights.org/ ] put it - unwilling to return to Iraq’s continued violence, uncomfortable with the rising insecurity and economic challenges in Syria, but unable to leave for fear of losing their chance at permanent resettlement elsewhere.
 
Mohamed said he was told that if he left for Jordan or Turkey, his case could be closed. UNHCR says there is no guarantee resettlement cases will be taken up at the same stage if refugees leave for another country.
 
“I don’t want to waste these years that I invested here and throw them away for nothing,” he told IRIN. “I spent six years here. There’s no way I’m going to start over again.”
 
Freedom of movement
 
Others don’t have the financial means to leave Syria in the first place.
 
“If we had any way of going elsewhere, we would have left,” Samia’s daughter, Zeinab*, told IRIN.
 
But the doors would not necessarily be open to them. Iraqis can get a visa for Turkey at the border, and have been able to enter Lebanon on tourist visas (about 100 have done so). But Jordan, which has opened its doors to fleeing Syrians, has all but closed the border to Iraqis, observers say, out of a fear that a mass influx of Iraqis would overrun the already strained infrastructure in their small country, already hosting many Iraqis from 2003 onwards.
 
“Of course, there are different considerations [for Iraqis],” Jordanian government spokesperson Rakan al-Majali recently told IRIN. “There are specific rules and regulations governing the entry of Iraqis which existed before the crisis in Syria and continue to exist.
 
“A humanitarian situation does not justify breaking rules that apply to a specific group.”
 
UNHCR acknowledges that this could lead to a situation in which it becomes too violent for Iraqis to stay in Syria, too dangerous to go back to Iraq and impossible to enter Jordan. It would then be up to the international community to lobby other countries to take these refugees in.
 
In addition to the Iraqis, there are around half a million Palestinians and some 8,000 refugees from other countries - Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, even Afghanistan - who can’t necessarily go back to their countries of origin.
 
“At the moment, we would like to see the borders remain open,” regional refugee coordinator Moumtzis said. “Of course, the final decision is on the neighbouring countries to make sure that this is implemented.”
 
“With 45% of registered Iraqi refugees having been in Syria for over five years, and decreasing opportunities for resettlement, the character of the refugee situation will become protracted in nature,” says the response plan.
 
*Names changed to protect identities of refugees
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95336</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705152t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind. She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ-SYRIA: Samia, &quot;Why can&apos;t they just take us out of here?&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706284t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
 
For years, it was a stable and welcoming refuge, but since an uprising against the government began last year, Syria, too, has become a dangerous place. [http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Syria-s-forgotten-refugees].
 
Among the refugees are 18,000 who were in the pipeline or final stages for resettlement abroad. Initially delayed due to new US security procedures, the cases have now been put on indefinite hold because resettlement countries have had more difficulty conducting interviews amid the unrest. Samia* and her daughter Zeinab* told IRIN their story from the outskirts of Damascus.
 
Samia: “My brother and his kids were visiting [Samia’s house in Baghdad]. I was making tea in the kitchen. Militias entered the house. I could hear gunfire in the other room. It was as if there was a war in my home.
 
“I was virtually paralyzed. I wasn’t able to move. I couldn’t do anything.
 
“Nine members of my family were killed: my brother, his wife, their young kids and my parents.
 
“Me and my daughter were in the kitchen. My husband and other kids were at the petrol station. That’s why we weren’t killed.
 
“I couldn’t speak for hours. I didn’t know what to do until the neighbours came to my house… At first, they hid us in the garden, and then they brought us to Syria.
 
“Until now, I get calls saying, ‘If you come back, we will kill you’… We didn’t know who they were… and I don’t know anything until now.
 
“Since 21 February 2006, until this hour, I swear to God, it’s as if I’ve been slaughtered. It’s as if I am dead.
 
“When we came to Syria, we applied for resettlement... We are five: the three kids, and me and my husband…We [were accepted in December 2010] and were supposed to travel in February 2011.
 
“But someone from the [International Organization for Migration, IOM] got in touch and said the papers for my youngest son were not complete. She said the other four of us could travel, and he would follow in two weeks or a month at most.
 
“From February to October, we waited for the visa for America for the four of us.”
 
Zeinab: “In October, they said `Get your bags ready. You will travel to America’.”
 
Samia: “Then, the IOM got back in touch with us, saying only my youngest son would travel. Now he’s in America and I’m still here… I fled Iraq with my son so that he’s not killed. Now they’re taking him to America and leaving me behind? ... There is nothing dearer than a son… If they tell me I can’t go to my son, I’ll just set myself on fire now. Death is better for me.”
 
Zeinab: “They shocked us. It was a big surprise to us… People with cases that were [not as serious] as ours have travelled. Why are we still here? What is the secret?”
 
Samia: “I don’t eat. I don’t drink. Wherever I go, I cry…
 
“My situation is dire… Help me because I can’t stand it any more. I don’t have a home. I don’t have money. My son is in America… My husband is 60 years old. He has kidney failure. He needs an operation outside Syria.
 
“My daughter volunteers with a humanitarian organization. We are living off of her stipend: $150 a month [much of which goes towards her expenses].
 
“If only you could see my daughter, she is extremely thin because we don’t have enough food. We sell the food that comes to us from the UN to pay the rent. I try to manage, scraping a bit from here, a bit from there to make ends meet. Only God knows how much I’m suffering.
 
Zeinab: “Prices used to be so cheap in Syria. We were comfortable. But now the situation has changed. Everything is frightening. The prices are higher. The situation is different.”
 
Samia: “I am scared and worried. We don’t want a repeat of what happened in Iraq… My [Syrian] neighbour, who lives below me, was killed. Nobody knows who did it. If they come to kill my neighbour, how do you want me not to be affected? If the violence is reaching the citizens of the country, can’t it affect me too?
 
“I am not a citizen of this country. The citizens of this country are fighting each other. How can I ensure my security? How can I feel safe? I don’t know where to go. I was safe here, I was comfortable. But now I am afraid. I don’t sleep at night.
 
“They could come from Iraq and kill me. They can reach me here…We heard of an Iraqi store owner in Syria who was killed. People came from Iraq to kill him… Until now, I am getting threats from Iraq… I’m afraid of everything around me.
 
“I don’t understand [what the problem with the resettlement is]. All I understand is that until now, the visa hasn’t come.
 
“What is our fate? They could get us out if they wanted to. They already registered us and accepted us. Why can’t they just take us out of here? The same way some people have been taken to Romania. Why not us?
 
“My suitcases are packed. I’m just waiting.”
 
Zeinab: “If we had any way of going elsewhere, we would have left.
 
“We can’t go back to Iraq, me and my family. We are afraid. What happened to us - we don’t want to go through that again.
 
“We know people who have gone to Turkey, Jordan… But we have no money… The visa costs money... How am I going to earn a living in Jordan?
 
“So we’re here, waiting for the visa…
 
“My mother has psoriasis all over her body. My father’s left kidney failed. My younger brother has no work. He is frustrated. He can’t propose [to any woman]. He has no means to propose… no money, no stability. We are all just sitting here.
 
“We are frozen. Our lives are frozen right now.
 
“Day after day, we tell ourselves, `Maybe the visa will come in a day, a week, a month.’ That’s how we’re living. Every day, we hope that nothing [bad] is going to happen… We are wondering where we can go if things get worse. That is what we are worried about. We spend all night thinking.
 
“We’ve almost lost faith.”
 
Samia: “Please… Consider me your mother. Do something to help me. Let our voices reach America… so that they find us a solution.”
 
*Names have been changed to protect the identities of the refugees
 
ha/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95338</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706284t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>JORDAN: Civil society at heart of Syrian refugee response</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204110913460466t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations. 
 
But these civil society organizations are increasingly trying to coordinate, and despite the relative chaos, they have shone in recent months, especially as the first point of contact for many Syrian refugees arriving in Jordan.
 
“Community-based organizations are probably providing most of the assistance going to the Syrians,” one senior international aid worker said. “They should not be underestimated. 
 
“But the government has very serious concerns about some of the groups working there and about what some of their objectives may be,” he added. 
 
Here is a sample of the players on the ground at the forefront of the effort: 
 
Civil society: There was a sizeable Syrian community in Jordan before the unrest, and it has been a starting point for many fleeing Syrians. They stay with family or friends in extra bedrooms or living rooms. Some Jordanian landlords have also been very generous, allowing Syrian refugees to stay for free. In the northern Jordanian border town of Remtha, a compound-turned transit facility donated by a Jordanian landlord temporarily houses Syrians who flee to Jordan illegally, until they can find a sponsor and a place to stay. 
 
Muslim organizations: Many Syrians fled to Jordan after their government crushed a revolt by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood in the central town of Hama in 1982. Some of the children of that earlier wave of refugees formed the Syria Woman Organization in 2006 to help Syrians in need in Jordan. While their children run around in their office in the capital Amman, women in niqab register new Syrian arrivals and provide them with furniture, medicine, baby food and cash with which to rent apartments. 
 
Another active organization with links to the Brotherhood is the Islamic Charity Centre Society, which has also been registering refugees and distributing aid in border regions. “The Muslim Brotherhood play a big role in aid, but it’s hidden,” said one Syrian activist in Jordan. 
 
Al-Kitab wal Sunnah Association is another active player. These organizations appear to have the greatest reach, and certainly more than the UN. (Some refugees fear registering with the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, because they believe identifying themselves as having fled Syria will put them in danger if they try to return; UNHCR can currently only register refugees in Amman). 
 
Syrian activists and diaspora: The Syrian diaspora has played a large role, sending everything from cash to containers of clothes from as far as the USA and Australia. Syrian activists in Jordan receive the items, but they are so busy smuggling aid into Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] that after the month-long shipping period, donations for refugees sometimes end up sitting in warehouses, waiting to be sorted and distributed. 
 
The Gulf - The Red Crescent Society of the United Arab Emirates has donated 6,000 food parcels, 1,000 hygiene kits, 1,000 heaters and 10,000 blankets. Societies from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Kuwait have also done assessments and are planning to help. While Red Crescent aid has been coordinated through the Jordan Red Crescent and the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization, other assistance from the Gulf has been less organized. In one case, a Gulf country set up a tent and requested donations for Syrian refugees. What ended up in Jordan was a container of unsorted items, with slaughtered chickens mixed in with clothes, powdered milk, broken tea glasses and medication without an expiry date.
 
Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization (JHCO) - Charged by the government to coordinate the aid response to refugees, JHCO is increasingly getting involved in the response. (Normally, it works externally more than internally, “under Royal guidance”). It is trying to create a master list of refugees registered with different organizations to avoid “double-dipping”. It is too early to tell how well they will play their new role, but they seem to have the respect of international agencies. 
 
International community: Arguably late to join the effort in a significant way, the UN and other international aid agencies are now gearing up a larger response, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] not only in Jordan, but also in Turkey and Lebanon, with an US$84 million appeal. [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/uploads/SyriaRRP.pdf ] In Jordan, UNHCR is leading the charge, with strong involvement from other agencies like the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which has worked in Jordan for decades. UNHCR’s main goal is to build the capacity of JHCO to coordinate the community-based organizations. But the response plan lays out projects ranging from cash assistance for vulnerable families to psychosocial support for children. The international community is also taking steps to better understand and tap into the activities of the community-based organizations on the ground. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95273</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204110913460466t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISASTERS: Over 50 million affected in Muslim world in 2011</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.  

In 2011, 38 of the 57 OIC member countries and 55 million people were affected by “disasters and chronic emergencies”, Atta Elmanan Bakhit, OIC assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition. [ http://www.dihad.org/ ] Disasters brought a total financial loss of US$68 billion in those Muslim countries, he said, quoting figures that will be published in OIC’s annual report, to be released later this month.  

These numbers do not include political crises, namely the Arab Spring, and are tabulated based on information from member states. They are up from 2010 when 36 countries and 48 million people were affected, with $53 billion in losses, according to an OIC survey.  

“In the Muslim world now, we have regularly a lot of disasters,” Bakhit said, adding that the OIC has had no choice but to start playing a larger role in humanitarian affairs. The OIC is active in coordinating humanitarian assistance in Somalia, where it has access [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94010 ] in many areas Western aid workers do not; and along with the UN, the OIC accompanied the government in the first humanitarian assessment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95102/SYRIA-Aid-workers-give-cautious-welcome-to-start-of-humanitarian-assessment ] of areas affected by the unrest in Syria.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95226</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: A “new humanitarianism” at play in Syrian crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271412330761t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.

Largely restricted by the Syrian government, traditional humanitarian agencies have been unable to access many of the areas affected by more than a year of unrest in Syria.

A new generation of aid workers - working through personal contacts and online networks - have been filling the gap. They say donors and international agencies are increasingly using them to get aid across, raising a number of questions around international law and ethics.

“We do everything: journalism, medical care, smuggling,” said Ahmed Almasri, a Syrian refugee in Jordan, as he takes a puff from his sheesha pipe. “We do everything. We have all become superman.”

One year ago, Almasri worked as a manager at a Duty Free shop in Syria. Now, he is one of the main players smuggling aid into Syria via Jordan.

It is a project that consumes his life - he calls his mother to wish her a happy Mother’s Day while en route to drop off medicine to other activists who will arrange for them to be smuggled across the border.

He met his current girlfriend, another Syrian activist, in Amman, after she too fled because she was wanted by the Syrian government. They joke about naming their future children Dera’a, after the southern Syrian town where the uprising started.

He gets calls in the middle of the night - “Are you Ahmad Almasri? We have medical supplies for you from Qatar. Come pick them up at the border.” He lives off of savings and remittances and runs on little sleep and too much caffeine.

In a smoke-filled room in the Jordanian border town of Remtha, he and a few other activists - some Syrian, some Jordanian - sit around in tracksuits discussing logistics, the floor cluttered with ashtrays, cups of coffee and cell phones.

“A 13-year-old boy who was wanted has just crossed the border illegally,” announces another Syrian refugee, Abdu Abazid, as he gets off the phone. He himself has just arrived from Dera’a, where he was also involved in the movement of supplies. “We have to go pick him up.”

Their networks stretch from Dubai to New Jersey to Barcelona to Australia. Members of the Syrian diaspora send them everything from satellite phones to blood bags. They then tap into a network of truck and taxi drivers, or smugglers - often working for free - to take items across the border. From there, another network of activists gets the items into any city or specific family in Syria, or to a network of doctors who then coordinate among themselves to get the medicines to the areas most in need. Syrians on the other side of the border inform Almasri and his crew if it is safe to try to smuggle things across on any given day, depending on the size of the security presence.

“At first, we each worked independently,” Almasri says.” But it became so big we needed to coordinate and get organized.”

Now they joke they resemble a mafia. Many links in the chain don’t know each other - but the system works.

Activists approach donors

It works so well that in March, Almasri decide to approach donors.

He was eager to get some big weight behind his and others’ efforts and move their operations from a few items here and there to larger-scale operations.

He said he had attended several meetings where donors expressed a desire to help, but did not know how.

“One way or another, they have to help. How can they help? Is there any channel other than us? What - are they going to drop aid by helicopter?”

So he wrote a pitch.

“Since we have worked for an extend time inside Syria and expanded our work when we left it, we were able to organize ourselves in order to achieve the delivery of a variety of aid (medical, humanitarian, equipment for communication),” he wrote in a letter he sent to various governments, UN agencies and NGOs. “Here in Jordan we have a considerable large group of activists, we are able to work nonstop around the clock, and connect with official and semi official organizations in order to achieve our goals.”

At first, he said, the response was timid.

“They said: `As governments, we don’t deal with individuals’.”

But Almasri and his colleagues insisted they could deliver the aid, and also be accountable for it.

“We told them we could document our spending… We can abide by any system you want - we can track who we gave it to, when it arrived.”

Eventually, he says, the pitch worked.

He says he is now awaiting a shipment of more than US$1 million of medical equipment from one government. Another organization has promised to supply enough for an entire field hospital.

He will not sign a contract for these items. Before they get to him, they will pass through the hands of many organizations whose names will officially be on the books. But his group of activists will ultimately deliver them. “They don’t ask how we do it.”

Many donors are cagey when asked about their aid work in Syria; they insist they cannot disclose the identities of their “local partners” because it would put the latter at risk.

IRIN spoke to two international aid agencies that admitted to using activists to get aid into the country.
“We were looking around for ways and means to do what we felt was vital,” said one international aid worker. “We had to find a way of getting this essential support and assistance to these people without going through the normal channels. It was when these networks presented themselves that we felt this was an opportunity and we took it…

“We have a responsibility and a mandate to assist in whatever way we can when the need is there,” he went on. “That’s what we’re attempting to do in these incredibly difficult circumstances.”

Some of it has to remain off the books, he added, which “has not made things easy in terms of our donors.” 

Other agencies look the other way when the aid they provide to Syrian refugees in Jordan is diverted.

“Some Syrian refugees take the excess food aid they receive back to Syria. They find a way,” said Khaled Fayez Ghanem of the Islamic Charity Centre Society, a Jordanian group that is helping Syrian refugees along the border. “We don’t get involved,” he told IRIN with a smile.

“Those who donate [to Jordan] know the aid is not just for the refugees,” a second international aid worker added.

The government recently agreed to a peace plan that includes unhindered humanitarian access, but there is thus far no evidence of its implementation. It has, however, since the beginning of the crisis, granted the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) permission to operate relatively freely. But SARC is already very stretched and not yet fully trusted by donors and activists. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]

Is it legal?

Under international humanitarian law (IHL), it is illegal to provide aid to residents of a country without its government’s permission - unless that country is considered to be in the midst of an armed conflict. In the latter case, aid agencies would be legally entitled to provide aid in rebel-held areas with the opposition’s agreement.

But international law experts say the unrest in Syria has not yet reached the classification of “non-international armed conflict”, as defined by Common Article 3 [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/380-600006 ] of the Geneva Conventions on the laws of war and their second Additional Protocol [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/475-760004 ] - which says the opposition must demonstrate “responsible command” and “exercise such control over a part of its territory as to enable them to carry out sustained and concerted military operations”.

In a February report, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/A-HRC-19-69_en.pdf ] the UN Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry into Syria, found that while violence in certain areas may have reached the requisite level of intensity to qualify as armed conflict, the FSA and other opposition groups had not yet reached the necessary level of organization.

This has left the international community hamstrung. Stalled by vetoes at the Security Council and diverging approaches to the crisis, it has been unable to take decisive action. So where does that leave humanitarianism, or humanitarian intervention, as it has sometimes been called?

“On one hand, we have an international legal framework that requires the applicability of IHL to activate under Common Article 3 the possibility of an impartial humanitarian body - ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] or the United Nations - to offer its services to the parties,” says Claude Bruderlein, director of the Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research at Harvard University. “On the other hand, we have a growing pressure for non-consensual intervention… as a way of providing some protection and safety to the population in Syria,” he told a web seminar organized by Harvard on 15 March.

Amid this growing and “paramount” tension, many humanitarians are calling for a “new humanitarianism” - one that would be based in legitimacy and not legality.

“Smuggling or cross-border operations [are] perfectly legitimate if the intent is to help people who cannot be helped in other ways. In fact, there is an obligation to do so,” said Mukesh Kapila, special representative of the Aegis Trust, an NGO that campaigns against crimes against humanity and genocide.

A longtime humanitarian, Kapila was formerly secretary-general of the International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRC), UN humanitarian coordinator in Sudan and head of conflict research at the UK Department for International Development (DFID).

“We need to revisit what humanitarianism really means in this day and age,” he told the seminar, noting the morality of humanitarian assistance was increasingly distrusted. “We have a confidence crisis…

“Our problem,” he went on, “is that we are seeking solutions to today’s complex problems with ancient instruments. And those ancient instruments are either bodies of laws that have grown up over 50 years in an ad-hoc manner or ancient channels, the legitimacy of which is questioned, like the post-World Wars Security Council, with self-constructed groupings that increasingly have very little respect in the world we live in.”

This month, Kapila crossed into Sudan’s Nuba Mountains illegally to assess humanitarian needs.

“I’m quite impatient with arcane arguments on the legal side of this whole debate about humanitarian access,” he said. “[The discussion] is leading us nowhere at all. Clearly, it’s not a question of legality. It’s a question of legitimacy.”

Ian Hurd, associate professor of political science at Northwestern University in Illinois, says there are three ways in which humanitarians can claim that intervention in cases like Syria is lawful: a changing perception of what sovereignty means; a re-interpretation of the UN Charter; and the Responsibility to Protect doctrine.

But, “in all three of these justifications for intervention, we’ve moved beyond the framework of international law,” he warned during the Harvard seminar. “So the question is not so much - what is legal, but perhaps, what is useful?”

“New humanitarianism”

Participants of the seminar suggested the international community should stop looking to international law for a solution, and instead look for practical alternatives, like turning embassies of Syria over to the opposition; taking financial and/or diplomatic measures against perpetrators of crimes in an effort to pressure them; and providing logistical, training and skills support to the opposition to help people survive. And if all that fails:

“When we cannot protect, it is better to say so, and let people find their own measures of self-protection, rather than give them false hopes, alibis and fake assistance which often leaves them more vulnerable,” Kapila said.

But for many in the aid world, Kapila’s vision of a “new humanitarianism” crosses a very thick red line.

“There is a system put in place by the UN,” said one aid worker. “You can’t get rid of international law.”

“If we don’t stick to our mandate as an institution, we won’t be credible,” said Ruba Afani, ICRC spokesperson in Jordan. “Our dialogue with those who have an influence on the humanitarian situation is built on transparency to gain the trust necessary for us to reach people who need help.”

But the debate is longstanding: Kapila’s call to re-envision humanitarianism echoes one made by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, now special envoy to Syria, more than a decade ago as notions of sovereignty were changing and human rights became a more universal currency.

“[These changes] do oblige us to think anew about such questions as how the UN responds to humanitarian crises; and why states are willing to act in some areas of conflict, but not in others where the daily toll of death and suffering is as bad or worse…

“If it is to enjoy the sustained support of the world’s peoples, intervention must be based on legitimate and universal principles. We need to adapt our international system better to a world with new actors, new responsibilities, and new possibilities for peace and progress,” he wrote in an op-ed [ http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/stories/kaecon.html ] in 1999.

Arguably, the theoretical debate has not evolved much since then, but in practice, Ahmad Almasri, Abdu Abazid and others are living examples of this “new humanitarianism”.

“Since we began our work in this field, and due to our resources on the inside, we have accomplished a success rate of 95%,” Almasri wrote in his pitch. “We are very confident that with your added help we can deliver more aid to our people in Syria. The Syrian people are in a dear [sic] need for your assistant…. In the name of humanity, in the name of friendship and in the name of compassion we ask you to ….. Please help us, help the Syrian people.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95209</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271412330761t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Syrian Red Crescent fighting perceptions of partiality</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021145270065t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria. 

SARC needs more than US$10 million in order to maintain current levels of operations and expand mobile health clinics to all hot spots, its president, Abdul Rahman Attar, told IRIN on the sidelines of a meeting of Red Crescent and Red Cross societies from the Arab world in Dubai on 28-29 March, where he has been lobbying other Red Crescent societies for financial support. 

“Until now, we don’t have enough support [from Arab donors]. Because they are mixing the politics with the humanitarian,” Attar said. “They say: ‘We are afraid to send you materials’.” 

Pointing to the Saudi and Kuwaiti donors as examples, he said: “They are just following the political agenda, the government agenda. It’s not only a humanitarian problem. It’s political.” 

In a region where Red Cross and Red Crescent societies “don’t enjoy the freedom their sister organizations in the West do,” as one Red Crescent volunteer from the region said, there is a perception among some Arab donors that SARC is too close to the Syrian government. 

On the ground in Syria, some activists have voiced similar concerns and have at times resisted help from the Society. One member of the international Red Cross/Crescent movement told IRIN SARC still was not trusted - a major problem given SARC, with the support of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), is the only major relief organization with access on the ground. The government recently accepted a peace plan which includes unhindered humanitarian access, but observers are careful to be too optimistic. 

Since March 2011, when anti-government protesters began taking to the streets, Syria has descended into near civil war with armed groups and defectors battling government troops, which have attacked certain areas with tanks and heavy artillery. According to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, more than 7,500 people have died - mostly civilians. Attar told IRIN as many as 400,000 people are now displaced, though the number keeps fluctuating. 

Image problem?

SARC provides advanced first aid to people affected by hostilities; distributes emergency relief items to those displaced; and runs healthcare clinics in areas where government clinics have not been operating because of the unrest. It also evacuates wounded people. 

In one extreme case, after the Red Crescent risked its volunteers’ lives in reaching the Baba Amr neighbourhood of Homs - then under siege - to evacuate injured Western journalists, the latter refused to enter the ambulance - insisting on rescue by ICRC instead. 

But SARC has been fighting hard to dispel this image - reminding people that its volunteers have died trying to provide aid to those affected, including SARC Secretary-General Abd-al-Razzaq Jbeiro, who was shot dead on 25 January in an attack on a vehicle clearly marked with the Red Crescent emblem. 

“We can assure any organization or Syrian that we will not work with any part of the government because otherwise, we lose our independence,” Attar insisted to IRIN.

Attar, whose father established the Society in 1942, has been with the movement for 40 years. 

“We have proven to the Syrian people that we are the only body that was able to be effective on the ground,” he told participants of the meeting of the General Assembly of the Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Organization (ARCO) on 28 March. “I call for moving away from politics when providing humanitarian aid to others.” 

According to Ibrahim Osman, director of the Middle East and North Africa region for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), which coordinates and supports national societies, the perception of partiality has been “fading away… and people are starting to realize the Society is doing a great job on the ground.” 

SARC funding

In recent weeks, Kuwait pledged $1 million and Qatar donated two ambulances to SARC directly. 

“The ability of Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Societies to help one another in spite of many and difficult adverse relations between their respective governments is a most valuable characteristic,” Mohammed Al-Hadid, member of the Standing Commission of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, the highest body governing the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement, said during the meeting. 

But the reality is that bilateral direct aid, while growing, has been limited. Nearly all of the $10.8 million SARC says it has spent since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in March 2011 has come from IFRC and ICRC.

And some donors are still skeptical. 

The United Arab Emirates Red Crescent, for instance, which has spent over six million dirham ($1.63 million) in supporting Syrian refugees in Jordan, and is gearing up assistance for refugees in Lebanon, has held back from supporting SARC so far because “we don’t think it is the right time yet,” said its chairman, Ahmad Humaid Al Mazrouie. 

“As soon as we can liaise things with the right international organizations, we will do that,” he told IRIN at the sidelines of the conference. “We have to do it carefully.”

Abdullah Al Hazaa, secretary-general of ARCO, which represents all national societies in the Arab world, said some aid had been given to SARC directly, but most national societies were waiting until it was safe for their own teams to enter Syria. He said he had had discussions with SARC’s president and was awaiting directives on how best to help. He did, however, voice concerns about SARC’s ability to deliver, citing a shipment of medicines that he says was stuck at the Syrian border for six weeks because SARC had to wait for government permission to bring it into the country. 

“Unfortunately, even SARC, they cannot take action because it’s out of their hands.”

One Arab donor told IRIN supporting SARC is “too political” and a lose-lose situation: The opposition could see support for SARC as tacit support for the government, while the government could accuse the donor of feeding and supplying the rebels. 

Others see SARC as a pioneer - moving beyond the “social activities” that societies in the region were accustomed to. “SARC is a new model for national societies in the Arab world,” said Yaseen Ahmed Abbas, president of the Iraqi Red Crescent.

But according to one well-placed source within the international Red Cross/Crescent Movement, it was less a matter of pioneering and more a matter of SARC’s “survival”. 

Volunteer-led

In the early days of the unrest, he told IRIN, SARC did not get very involved. But its volunteers - members of the communities in which they lived, went ahead and helped people anyway, without instructions or guidance. Their leadership faced a choice, the source said: “become irrelevant” or follow the volunteers’ lead. It chose the latter. And while there were initial concerns about the close relationship between SARC’s leadership and the government, the source said, Attar was eventually able to use his connection with President Bashar al-Assad to ensure humanitarian access for his organization, “strike a balance” and, ultimately, best serve those in need. 

He said there was no evidence of any partiality in the delivery of aid, and that the quality and professionalism of the Red Crescent was “above standard” - a view echoed by Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of ICRC operations for the Near and Middle East. 

“Many of the misperceptions and accusations against SARC that have been voiced on twitter, facebook and other media are unfair and unjustified,” she told IRIN on the sidelines of the summit, saying SARC volunteers had made “miracles”.

But despite changing perceptions, there are still roadblocks. 

Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, acknowledged “we are stretched to the maximum.” 

Because no international agencies have been allowed to enter Syria, all those who want to help have had to do so through ICRC and SARC. (There are international NGOs present in Syria, but their projects focus on Iraqi and Palestinian refugees - though they are open to Syrians as well). SARC is distributing World Food Programme food, for instance. 

Erksoussi said the Society had up to 15,000 volunteers, with 14 branches and 80 sub-branches across the country, but was still hamstrung. 

“We are replacing government services [like health clinics] in areas affected, but we cannot replace those services for long. We don’t have enough support to carry on a long operation like this. So we move from one place to another to cover the emergency needs.” 

ICRC

Asked what was preventing ICRC from strengthening its capacity on the ground, Megevand-Roggo  said it was not a question of funding. 

“The most important thing is to get the trust of all parties that we are really working on humanitarian grounds. The situation in Syria is very complex, very difficult, extremely sensitive, extremely politicized.” 

ICRC is also trying to move SARC away from an over-reliance on volunteers by paying salaries for more staff; while IFRC has helped train volunteers and provide insurance. 

Erksoussi said SARC needs ambulances and equipment for mobile clinics, as well as medicine for chronic illnesses. Displaced and affected people need food, hygiene kits, mattresses, blankets and clothes.

But one of the biggest constraints, he told IRIN, is a lack of logistical and operational support, especially as it becomes harder to find drivers willing to take supplies to hot spots. 

“When you want to support, you must support everything from A-Z,” Erksoussi said. “You can’t give me 100 tons of aid which I cannot distribute because I do not have enough fuel…

“It’s good that support is being offered to refugees for instance, in Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon, but the main bulk of the need is still in Syria, and the agency in the driver’s seat is SARC,” he added. “If you want the aid to reach the people, you will have to contact the movement and discuss the needs. If you just want to donate and say you donated… it can be done through a lot of channels, but I assure you it will not reach anybody.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95204</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021145270065t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Unrest affecting entire communities</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg" />]]>REMTHA/MAFRAQ 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - As Ramisyah Ali El-Zaabi fled across the Syrian border - scaling a dirt wall, crawling under a fence and dropping to the ground amid gunfire - her eight-month-old daughter slept. </description><body><![CDATA[REMTHA/MAFRAQ 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - As Ramisyah Ali El-Zaabi fled across the Syrian border - scaling a dirt wall, crawling under a fence and dropping to the ground amid gunfire - her eight-month-old daughter slept.

Afraid that her cries might draw attention, El-Zaabi fed her baby a pill to knock her out before she, her husband and four of their children set out on a 2.5-hour trek across the desert to reach the Syrian border and cross over into Jordan.

“God saved us from death,” she told IRIN from a run-down, overcrowded guesthouse [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/SYRIA-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] in the northern Jordanian border town of Remtha, where she arrived at 2am with two suitcases and effectively no money.

She said she knew they were facing death when they paid a smuggler 15,000 Syrian pounds (US$262) to get them out of the southern Syrian city Dera’a, but they had no choice but to leave.

Syrians fleeing from hot spots like Dera’a say increased army operations in the area in the last few weeks have made life there all but impossible. According to aid workers and the independent international commission of inquiry into Syria, appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, the year-long unrest, which at first affected only targeted individuals or those who went out to protest, is increasingly affecting entire communities as it nears civil war.

In El-Zaabi’s town of Jiza, on the outskirts of Dera’a, more than half the stores are closed, she said; others are vandalized or looted. Pharmacies are open 1-2 hours a day; electricity comes on for three.

Bread is sometimes hard to find, and mazout (diesel) ran out last month, she said. Before she left, they used wood to make fires instead. Accessing basic goods has become a dangerous task at times.

“One day, I left home to get gas and bread, and five people were shot right in front of me,” said Abu Suleiman, of the Hay Ashira neighbourhood of the central city Homs, another hotspot, as he waited in line for assistance from the Jordan Red Crescent in another Jordanian border town, Mafraq. He fled on 3 March.

In both Dera’a and Homs, people can only go out easily during the day. Anyone who leaves their home in the evening hours risks being shot, refugees in Jordan told IRIN. Checkpoints are everywhere.

“They used to search our homes once in a while,” El-Zaabi said. “Now, daily, they search for specific people or occupy homes.”

Abu Suleiman said that in Hay Ashira, that government-allied militia burned homes they found empty.

One group of young men, who did not give their names for fear of reprisals against their families still in Syria, spoke to IRIN just hours after arriving at the Remtha guesthouse on 21 March.

They said militias and armed men in fatigues opened fire in their village, Saham al-Golan, at the edge of Dera’a Governorate the morning of their flight. When people sought shelter in their homes, the armed men then went door to door, taking away young men to serve in the military or searching for specific people on lists.

Having heard and witnessed horror stories - several of the young men spoke of a friend who was killed in his home the day before and an acquaintance who said he was raped while in detention - they fled when the security services came their way. About 30 of them left Dera’a together, they said. Only seven made it to Jordan; the whereabouts of the others are unknown – either arrested during the three-hour journey to the border, or allegedly shot by security forces as they tried to get across.

Saham al-Golan village borders the demilitarized zone of the Golan Heights - a disputed territory between Syria and Israel administered by UN peacekeepers and off-limits to the Syrian military. For that reason, it was relatively peaceful, the young men said, until recently. In the last month, army tanks have entered the village several times, and arrests and killings “are increasing by the day”.

Nithal Hassan, a refugee from al-Mizareeb village of Dera’a, said: “At first, they used to kidnap or arrest specific people. Now, there is random shooting. In every neighbourhood, there is a checkpoint. Sometimes you can leave the house, sometimes you can’t.”

“Brutally murdered”

In its second report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/A-HRC-19-69_en.pdf ] to the Security Council in February, the UN commission of inquiry said entire families were being affected - either “brutally murdered”, especially in places like Homs, or abducted, despite taking no part in clashes, for the purposes of revenge or ransom.

Commission member Yakin Ertürk told [ http://www.un.org/News/briefings/docs/2012/120323_Syria.doc.htm ] journalists on 23 March that according to refugees interviewed by the Commission, excessive use of force at protests was no longer the main reason people were fleeing the country. Rather, they reported Syrian army attacks on entire villages in apparent signs of “collective punishment”, she said.

On 25 March, Human Rights Watch said [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/25/syria-local-residents-used-human-shields ] Syrian government forces used local residents of the northern governorate of Idlib as “human shields”, forcing them to march in front of the army during arrests and attacks on towns.

Refugees told IRIN the risk to women and children was also growing - a view corroborated by the Commission.

“In such [house] raids, women were targeted for arbitrary arrest and detention, in many cases also to force male relatives to turn themselves in,” the report said.

Abdelbasit Mohamed Jahwani, of the Baba Amr neighbourhood of Homs, brought his daughters to Jordan three months ago because he feared they would be arrested after their brother defected from the army.

With men in hiding, arrested or killed, many women also found themselves having to cope with a range of additional responsibilities in providing and caring for their families, the Commission report said.

Children are also being separated from their families, according to Khaled Erkoussi, head of emergency operations at the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, one of the few aid agencies operating on the ground. If parents are politically active, he said, they may send their children to safer areas. The reverse is also true. Young men afraid of arrest leave their families behind.

Refugees from Saham al-Golan and Jiza told IRIN their areas were increasingly void of young men, who fled to avoid arrest or military service. Some youth told IRIN they would go back to defend their families if they could get a hold of weapons in Jordan.

According to Mousab Azzawi, chair of the Syrian Network of Human Rights, which relies on a network of contacts on the ground for information, 7,600 people are displaced within Dera’a Governorate, which along with Hama, Homs and Idlib, has been the focus of increased military operations in recent weeks. As the unrest in Syria increasingly morphs into armed conflict, the UN says 200,000 people are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance across the country and many more have been affected.

“At first, for the first five or six months, we were just focusing on first aid, because that was the only need when the unrest started,” the Red Crescent’s Erkoussi told IRIN. “Then, when this moved into whole areas, or whole cities, that’s when the need has changed into relief and providing healthcare to villages or sub-villages.”

More people fleeing country

Other changes are happening too.

Where displacement used to be largely temporary - families would stay with relatives for a few weeks during military operations in their towns and then go home - Syrians are increasingly leaving the country altogether and insisting they cannot return until the regime changes.

Azzawi said his network’s statistics show a sharp rise in the number of deaths in the last few weeks, including an increase in the number of people killed by snipers.

Nazih Janeydeh, a nurse at the Remtha facility, told IRIN there has been a doubling in the number of cases entering his clinic in the last two weeks - many of them gunshot wounds.

Refugees from the same communities have been rediscovering each other in this guesthouse in Remtha after fleeing separately. Huddled under trees under a strong sun, they share their stories. One man from Dera’a told IRIN his brother was shot in the head by a sniper as he was trying to smuggle people out on a motorcycle.

The government says it is trying to restore security and clear these areas of “terrorists”. The Arab League, in a report based on its observer mission to Syria, acknowledged there were armed groups operating other than the Free Syrian Army (FSA), a group of defectors and armed civilians whose stated goal is to defend civilians but who have increasingly conducted offensive operations.

More serious clashes are a distinct possibility: A former FSA commander named Mustafa told IRIN the FSA had “plenty of weapons” – delivered by Sunni allies within the army or smuggled into the country through Lebanon and Iraq. “We need heavier weapons, not more weapons.” The UN Commission of Inquiry report said the FSA was increasingly carrying out offensive operations; and another source said the opposition was getting larger, receiving more weapons, using heavier weapons in the last month, and becoming more militarized.
 
But activists say the increase in military operations in places like Dera’a is part of a push by the government to quell the opposition movement in more restive cities.

Either way, civilians are paying the price.

“We had to leave to live,” said Abderahim Douaik from the Hamideya neighbourhood of Homs, who arrived in Mafraq some three months ago. “Staying simply was not an option.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95171</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">REMTHA/MAFRAQ 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - As Ramisyah Ali El-Zaabi fled across the Syrian border - scaling a dirt wall, crawling under a fence and dropping to the ground amid gunfire - her eight-month-old daughter slept. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Khalil Al Asfar, “I felt it was my duty to do something to help my Syrian brothers”</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221622100939t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Khalil Al Asfar, from Dera’a in southern Syria, was barely 20 when he left the country in 1990 to try his chances in the USA, where he became the successful manager of a plumbing company in New York.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Khalil Al Asfar, from Dera’a in southern Syria, was barely 20 when he left the country in 1990 to try his chances in the USA, where he became the successful manager of a plumbing company in New York.
 
As he watched the harsh crackdown on protests by the government, Al Asfar decided to do something. He founded an association called Syria First Coalition, [ http://www.syria-first.com/ ] and began collecting donations from Syrians living in the USA. With the funds, he bought and distributed relief aid to Syrians who have sought refuge abroad or smuggled it to those still inside.
 
He is one of many among the Syrian diaspora who have decided to go back home and find creative ways to help. In the absence of unhindered access by humanitarian aid agencies, actions like his have become vital in supplying relief items to vulnerable civilians inside Syria. Al Asfar told IRIN his story as he brought medical supplies to a pick-up point in Jordan.
 
“The idea of creating Syria First Coalition came immediately after I saw how the uprising in Syria, that began in my hometown, Dera’a, was heavily and cruelly repressed by the regime. If I look at my life now, I can say I’ve been quite a lucky man. I felt it was my duty to do something to help my Syrian brothers who were still in the country and whose lives had become hell.
 
“We organized several charity events in the States those past months, and with the money collected, I came here in Jordan in January 2012 where I joined local activists who escaped from Syria, who I first talked to by email and through Skype calls. They put me in touch with Syrian refugees here, in Amman, but mostly in the towns of Irbid and Ramtha, a few kilometers from Dera’a, which is located just across the border.
 
“So far, we already distributed hundreds of food parcels and other commodities for the Syrian families living here. Sometimes, I also use our funds to finance some micro-investments, like today when I just brought a fridge and a new washing-machine to a group of 15 refugees sharing a small apartment in Irbid.
 
“Another part of our activities is to gather medical supplies, like basic medicines or cervical collars [neck braces], and to get them smuggled inside Syria through secure channels. Some doctors in Syria tell us what is needed, and we make it pass to Dera’a across the border. Then, it is redistributed along other channels all over the country.
 
“But my best memory remains probably the event we organized in January for 100 children from Syria, here in Amman. During one afternoon, we brought them to a playground where we organized games and other activities with them, and we offered each one a small gift. It was fantastic to see those kids - a lot of whom have been traumatized by what they saw and what they experienced - to laugh and smile again, even if it was only for a brief moment.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95135</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221622100939t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Khalil Al Asfar, from Dera’a in southern Syria, was barely 20 when he left the country in 1990 to try his chances in the USA, where he became the successful manager of a plumbing company in New York.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: UN asks for help in responding to Syrian refugee crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203231441230517t.jpg" />]]>REMTHA 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - At the edge of this busy border town, a set of old, overcrowded buildings has become a transit house for Syrians fleeing to Jordan illegally.</description><body><![CDATA[REMTHA 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - At the edge of this busy border town, a set of old, overcrowded buildings has become a transit house for Syrians fleeing to Jordan illegally.

Designed for 500, the compound now houses up to 800 at times. Those who do not find space inside sleep in the open under trees. The compound has no gate - external traffic passes through it as children run around without supervision. The toilets are strewn with days-old faeces, with women’s sanitary napkins piled up in the corners.

No one is fond of the place - not the UN, not the NGOs which provide services, not the Jordanian police officer who runs it - but there are few alternatives.

Apartments in northern Jordanian border towns are filling up and some landlords have doubled the rent.

Refugee camps are already under construction along the border. But opening them entails a political decision Amman is not yet willing to take, as Jordan tries to play a delicate balancing act between providing humanitarian aid to the Syrians without calling them refugees and taking strong action that would offend the Syrian regime.

Nor are camps an ideal solution for aid workers, who much prefer refugees to live a normal life in apartments.

But as Andrew Harper, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Jordan, put it: “If there is a lack of international support, there may be no option.”

Until now, the UN has played a limited role in the response to the Syrian refugee crisis. But as a year-long anti-government uprising in Syria becomes increasingly violent and refugees keep streaming out, the scale of the problem is becoming too big for host countries Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey to handle alone. And with the situation expected to get worse, the UN is now trying to prepare for a future influx.

“On a daily basis, there are hundreds of people who continue crossing the border,” said Panos Moumtiz, newly-appointed regional refugee coordinator for UNHCR. Given there is yet “no light at the end of the tunnel” with regards to a political solution, he told IRIN, “we know that on a pragmatic level, we need to be ready.”

UNHCR today appealed [ http://www.unhcr.org/4f6c501e6.html ] for US$84 million to cover immediate humanitarian needs for Syrian refugees in the next six months and to ensure systems are in place to be prepared for more arrivals. That price tag is likely to rise as needs are re-assessed in the coming weeks and months.

There are currently more than 30,000 Syrians registered with UNHCR across the region, but around 96,500 in need of humanitarian assistance, the agency says. That number is expected to double, according to the UN’s contingency plans.

“The burden”

Jordan is fast becoming the most desirable option for Syrian refugees. Some come here after fleeing first to Lebanon or Turkey, or from as far as northern Syrian cities Aleppo and Idlib. Syrians say they feel safer here than in Lebanon, where some elements of its government support the Syrian regime; and more comfortable than in Turkey, where they may encounter linguistic problems.

So far, Jordan has done a reasonable job of responding to the crisis. But the refugees are increasingly testing the small, resource-poor country’s weak infrastructure, already stretched to the limit by the presence of nearly half a million Iraqi refugees.

Jordan’s economy is based mainly on remittances and foreign aid. The national debt is $20 million and unemployment stands at 13 percent. The government subsidizes bread, water and fuel; and is also shouldering the cost of Syrians going to school and accessing medical care for free.

It is a country accustomed to hosting refugees - they have flowed here during several crises over the decades - and people do not question their presence.

“Of course they are welcome here. Where else would they go?” one taxi driver said.

But from the taxi drivers to the highest levels of government, there is a level of resentment at having to carry the “burden”, as government spokesman Rakan al-Majali put it, alone.

“We did not want to demand international help before responding to this crisis,” he told IRIN. “But we are confident that our Arab brothers and the international community will not let Jordan down.”

Needs beginning to increase

Many Jordanian families - economically vulnerable to begin with - have been hosting Syrian refugees in their homes.

“They’re basically sharing their shirts, their gas bottles, their bedrooms - anything they can share,” Harper told IRIN. “There’s an incredible demonstration of good will at the moment, but there’s only so much resources people can share before it becomes exhausted.”

According to community-based organizations, that has already begun happening. Jordanians who had rented out apartments to Syrians for free can no longer afford to do so and have, in some cases, had to kick their guests out.

Up six flights of dark, dusty stairs, Um Maher and eight other members of her family live in a soulless apartment with mouldy, damp walls, donated beds, no toilets, and running water only once as week. They fled from the Syrian flashpoint city of Homs. Her husband now works for 250 Jordanian dinars a month, all but 40 of which goes towards medicine and rent.

It is people like these UNHCR wishes to support financially, but has so far been unable to do so on a wide scale. While the family is registered with UNHCR, the only help it has received is from the Syrian Woman Association, a community group formed by an older wave of Syrian refugees who fled to Jordan in the 1980s.

Short of cash

The more protracted their stay in Jordan, the more vulnerable these new refugees are becoming. Some were able to support themselves when they first arrived, but have since exhausted their savings. The Islamic Charity Center Society, for one, is registering people who have been in Jordan for months but only now are starting to need assistance.

The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) says refugee children as young as eight or nine are working in coffee shops and garages because their families are so desperate for cash inflow. The agency is also concerned about families marrying off their daughters young as a way of coping.

New arrivals from Syria are arriving with less means.

Nithal Hassan spent four months hiding in a cave outside the southern Syrian town of Dera’a after security services came looking for him. By the time he arrived in the Jordanian border town of Mafraq, he had the equivalent of $15 in his pocket.

As the crisis in Syria continues, many have gone extended periods without work and have had to spend their savings to survive. They cannot sell their homes or cars because the market has stopped. Those who do come with the hugely de-valued Syrian pound cannot exchange it for much on the market.

“So even the rich are needy when they arrive,” said Masara Srass, who leads the Syrian refugee response for the Syrian Woman Association.

The long-standing Syrian community in Jordan absorbed many of the new arrivals into their homes and helped them with cash, food, blankets and furniture. But as the number grows, this, too, has become unsustainable. And the organizations themselves need support.

“We want international organizations to help us build our capacity, give us money. They need to help. Otherwise, how can we keep working?” said Eqbal Ebrahim of the association.

One of the weaknesses of these local groups has been coordination. There is an excess of food and a lack of cash to support families who are renting. Various different organizations have been registering families, and according to aid workers, many of the latter have received aid many times over.

Local aid agencies are already trying to amalgamate all their lists, but UNHCR hopes its new response plan will contribute to improved coordination and a clearer strategy for the government’s response - which has come under some criticism for lacking direction and having no clear lead ministry.

“If the government had a plan, would the situation here have gotten so bad?” asked one aid worker at the Remtha guesthouse.

International burden-sharing

The government spokesperson, al-Majali, said the number of Syrians in the country has so far been manageable.

“The movement between the two countries has always existed in the thousands,” he said. “Now they’re staying longer - these are just details.”

The government is ready to open the camps as soon as the numbers necessitate it, he added. “We are prepared to help our brothers no matter what the size of the problem.”

But Harper insists the international community needs to be part of the solution.

“If [we] are serious about international burden-sharing and trying to help those in need, then Jordan is doing the first step, the second, third and fourth steps, but at some point, it can’t do it alone.”

The UNHCR response plan includes cash assistance for vulnerable Syrian families and support for host communities, including the refurbishing of schools and health facilities.

As part of the plan, UNICEF hopes to repay the Jordanian government for the tuition and textbooks costs of Syrian children going to school, who number at least 10,000 according to al-Majali.

Through its partners, it is also hoping to provide psycho-social support for traumatized children who wet their beds, jump at every sound and whose vocabulary has come to include blood-covered streets and rocket-propelled grenades.

The International Organization of Migration (IOM) is requesting funds to be able to monitor the border and evacuate Palestinians or Iraqis in Syria who may eventually need to flee.

The Jordanian government will also be conducting an assessment of the refugee population in the coming weeks, to better define the needs.

Some agencies, like UNICEF, present in Jordan for decades, have been able to use some of their own funds to start projects immediately. But others, like UNHCR, have been hamstrung. “In Jordan, we’ve got basically nothing to work with at the moment,” Harper said.

As funds become available and the UN starts providing more assistance, people who have not registered with UNHCR are likely to come out of the woodwork, which will put an additional pressure on aid, he warned.

The UN is preparing a separate three-month plan for a response to humanitarian needs within Syria, where there are an estimated 200,000 displaced people in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. It will be launched in a few weeks, following the results of a government-led assessment of affected areas, in which technical staff from the UN and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation are also taking part.

Other agencies, like the Jordan Red Crescent, will be launching their own appeals.

“The capitals around the world who are deploring what is going on [in Syria] should also step up [with support],” Harper said. “We will see whether the rhetoric is hollow on the humanitarian front.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95149</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203231441230517t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">REMTHA 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - At the edge of this busy border town, a set of old, overcrowded buildings has become a transit house for Syrians fleeing to Jordan illegally.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>JORDAN-SYRIA: Refugees say it is becoming harder to leave</title><pubDate>Wed, 21 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203202202050486t.jpg" />]]>MAFRAQ 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - A few hundred metres from the dusty, sleepy crossing that divides Jordan and Syria, Mohammad* waits on the roadside clutching a plastic bag and his blazer.</description><body><![CDATA[MAFRAQ 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - A few hundred metres from the dusty, sleepy crossing that divides Jordan and Syria, Mohammad* waits on the roadside clutching a plastic bag and his blazer.

After 147 days in detention for participating in anti-government protests in his hometown of Dera’a in southern Syria, he left his wife and seven children behind and crossed into Jordan illegally, through a gap in barbed wire fencing. He had no choice, he says; those who are jailed have their names put on lists at the border barring them from leaving legally.

Syrians do not require a visa to enter Jordan, and before a popular uprising began in Syria last March, thousands of people crossed the border in both directions daily. 

For a month now, Mohammad’s family has been trying to cross into Jordan legally to join him, but time after time, they have been turned back at the border. 

Refugees and aid workers say the Syrian government has closed its official border crossing with Jordan to anyone with a new passport and to families, women and children. It allows only those who already have Jordanian stamps in their passports, or young men who come individually, to cross. 

“The [government] doesn’t want people leaving Syria in droves and refugees bringing negative media attention,” Mohammad told IRIN. 

The Syrian uprising began peacefully in March 2011 demanding democratic reforms, but the opposition has become increasingly armed in the face of a violent crackdown by the Syrian government. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says more than 7,500 people have been killed - mostly civilians in what has become a near civil-war. Up to 200,000 people are displaced within Syria, aid groups say, and tens of thousands of others have fled to Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. 

More illegal crossings

Jordanian government spokesperson Rakan al-Majali told IRIN only 2,400 of the 80,000 Syrians who have crossed into Jordan in the last year have done so illegally.

But those numbers are rising because of increased border restrictions, according to the Islamic Charity Centre Society, a local group working along the border in the nearby town of Mafraq. 

In the last two weeks alone, 500 families have crossed into Jordan through the barbed wire fencing, said Khaled Fayez Ghanem, coordinator of Syrian refugees’ relief at the centre’s Mafraq branch.

“They started refusing families to leave,” he told IRIN. “When families leave, it gives the impression of a crisis in Syria.” 

Mohammad communicates with his family through a smuggled Jordanian SIM card. They are hosted in a village near the border called Naseeb - as “refugees within Syria” - to facilitate their daily travel to and from the border. 

On this day, Mohammad is waiting for them once more. 

“I was here yesterday. I am waiting for them again today. If they don’t come today, we’ll find a way of getting them out illegally.” 

His children tried splitting up and crossing one by one, but because their passports are brand new, he said, they were turned back on the assumption that they would claim refugee status in Jordan.

“Even with a bribe, we can’t get them out.” 

Ghanem says families have had to pay Syrian customs officials bribes of up to 50,000 Syrian pounds (US$873) to cross the border. Others are afraid to even try. 

Attacks on buses

Abu Suleiman, of the restive city of Homs’ Hay Ashira neighbourhood, said on 3 March Syrian soldiers shot at the bus he was travelling in towards Jordan, 5km from the border.

“People are afraid to go legally because of attacks on buses crossing the border,” said another refugee who identified herself as Um Fawaz, from the Baba Amr neighbourhood of Homs. 

Ahmed Sharaf, who owns a shop just outside the official border crossing, said traffic had been gradually decreasing. “There is a lot less movement from Syria now.” 

Those who come illegally walk 1.5km to get from the Syrian border to the Jordanian border, sometimes carrying injured people. Once on Jordanian territory, the army picks them up and takes them to be registered. They require a Jordanian sponsor to sign for them, and then they are free to enter Jordan. 

According to Ali Rashid Shdaifat, head of the Jordan Red Crescent branch in Mafraq, some passport offices in Syria have closed, making it more difficult for Syrians to get passports to travel. 

Ahmed* decided to flee Homs after he was twice arrested, detained and, he says, tortured. He tried three times to cross the border into Jordan. 

“The first time, they wouldn’t let us out. They said we would protest internationally and make Syria look bad. The last time, when we neared the border, we met people who said people who tried to leave were being targeted: women were being killed, and men electrocuted.”

He had to travel to the capital Damascus to get passports made for his wife and kids. The process took 5-6 days and cost a 25,000 pound ($436) bribe to get authorization to travel, required for all young men in Syria. He asked them to put an old date on the permission letter so it would not be obvious that he was trying to flee recent violence. He says he was accepted for travel only because his son was ill. He arrived in the Jordanian capital Amman on 17 March; his wife was forced to travel the next day. 

*not his real name 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95120</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203202202050486t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAFRAQ 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - A few hundred metres from the dusty, sleepy crossing that divides Jordan and Syria, Mohammad* waits on the roadside clutching a plastic bag and his blazer.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Why humanitarians wary of “humanitarian corridors”*</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211157290042t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - The crisis in Syria has left many at a loss as to how best to respond. Several countries have floated the idea of a humanitarian corridor. On 16 March, Turkey’s prime minister said he was considering intervening as far as 10km into Syria to create a “humanitarian buffer zone” to help refugees get out. Anne-Marie Slaughter, until recently the director of policy planning at the US State Department, has also called for a “no-kill zone” inside Syria.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - The crisis in Syria has left many at a loss as to how best to respond. Several countries have floated the idea of a humanitarian corridor. On 16 March, Turkey’s prime minister said he was considering intervening as far as 10km into Syria to create a “humanitarian buffer zone” to help refugees get out. [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/16/us-turkey-syria-erdogan-idUSBRE82F0JE20120316 ] Anne-Marie Slaughter, until recently the director of policy planning at the US State Department, has also called for a “no-kill zone” [ http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/24/opinion/how-to-halt-the-butchery-in-syria.html ] inside Syria. 

For many frustrated by the lack of action at the Security Council, a so-called “humanitarian” corridor seems an obvious solution. But the concept makes many humanitarians uncomfortable. Here are a few reasons why: 

Corridors are, by definition, limited in geographical scope and thus “not an ideal solution,” according to Ruba Afani, spokesperson of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Jordan. 

The government would have to agree to a corridor… and then abide by its agreement. Many observers are skeptical. “I would expect the Assad government to bombard or starve any such territory,” said Ian Hurd, an expert in international law and associate professor of political science at Northwestern University in Illinois. 
 
The massacre at Srebrenica is a good example of why a corridor would require a protective military presence to be effective. Who would police a corridor in Syria? 

At the moment, there is no Security Council resolution authorizing such an intervention. “Despite their neutral character, the success of humanitarian truces, zones, or corridors will inevitably rely on the international community’s political will to take coercive action in protecting civilians in Syria,” writes Claude Bruderlein, director of the Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research at Harvard University. 

Syria is increasingly perceived as a theatre for proxy war and struggle for influence between Sunni countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey, and Shia countries like Iran. A unilateral intervention by Turkey or any other country could spark a whole other series of problems, and could well be seen as a declaration of war. 

Aid workers worry that humanitarian rhetoric could be used to further political aims. “There are certain interest groups that would like to have a humanitarian corridor because it would improve the position of the opposition,” one aid worker told IRIN. Slaughter’s proposal involves arming the Free Syrian Army, composed of defected soldiers, to protect the “no-kill zone”.

A humanitarian corridor would presumably allow Syrians to flee safely, but is freedom of movement a major problem? “What we have actually found is that the majority of Syrians who wish to leave have been able to leave,” said one senior aid worker, noting that Syrians have travelled to Jordan from as far north as Idlib and Aleppo. “We’ve been able to speak to people - even in areas under siege - who have been able to leave, but many of them did not want to.”

The debate over the militarization of humanitarian access jeopardizes negotiations for humanitarian access. “By calling a political and military intervention “humanitarian”, Ms Slaughter blurs the lines and makes it more difficult for humanitarians to do their jobs,” wrote [ http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/28/opinion/the-question-of-intervention-in-syria.html?_r=1 ] Béatrice Mégevand-Roggo, head of operations for the ICRC for the Near and Middle East. 

“If humanitarian actors are not perceived as neutral and impartial, it’s impossible for us to help those in need,” said Amanda Pitt, spokesperson of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in New York.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95101</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211157290042t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - The crisis in Syria has left many at a loss as to how best to respond. Several countries have floated the idea of a humanitarian corridor. On 16 March, Turkey’s prime minister said he was considering intervening as far as 10km into Syria to create a “humanitarian buffer zone” to help refugees get out. Anne-Marie Slaughter, until recently the director of policy planning at the US State Department, has also called for a “no-kill zone” inside Syria.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Aid workers give cautious welcome to start of humanitarian assessment</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203191113300124t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - A government-led assessment of Syrian areas affected by unrest began yesterday with a visit to the restive city of Homs, heavily devastated by nearly a month of shelling.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - A government-led assessment of Syrian areas affected by unrest began yesterday with a visit to the restive city of Homs, heavily devastated by nearly a month of shelling.
 
Technical staff from various UN agencies, including the World Food Programme (WFP), the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO), as well as from the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC) are accompanying the mission, which is meant to visit the governorates of Homs, Hama, Tartous, Lattakia, Aleppo, Dayr Az Zor, rural Damascus and Dera’a. 
 
The government did not specify which cities would be visited within those governorates, meaning there is no guarantee that the aid workers will be able to access the most devastated areas. 
 
“This obviously falls short of the proposal for unhindered humanitarian access. It’s not what we asked for,” said Amanda Pitt, spokesperson of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). “But it does give us an opportunity to collect information, to see for ourselves what the situation is in places and what the needs might be.”
 
It may also grant them access to areas even the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) - the two aid organizations with the most access in Syria - have not been able to reach. 
 
In opposition-held areas where the government may not be able to go, humanitarians expect to be able to enter anyway, with the help of the SARC or local religious leaders. They also expect to mobilize an immediate response if they identify urgent needs. UN and OIC aid workers will also come to their own conclusions and analysis from what they see. 
 
“We’re participating in good will because we really didn’t have a choice,” one aid worker said. 
 
The hope is that this initial assessment will prepare groundwork for other technical missions on more specific issues, including water and sanitation, or specific groups of vulnerable people, like drought-hit farmers. 
 
Already, “there is some movement” by the government, Pitt said, in granting visas to the specialists to enter the country to support the humanitarian team on the ground. 
 
The government’s refusal to grant full humanitarian access has put the UN in a difficult position - under great pressure to provide relief to the increasing number of people affected by a growing crisis, but restricted by what it can do under international law without the government’s permission. 
 
UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos spent two days in the Syrian capital Damascus on 7-9 March, lobbying high-level government officials to allow aid workers to go “where they want, when they want, to provide humanitarian help,” Pitt told IRIN from New York. 
 
After Amos’ visit, the Syrian government responded that it needed “more time” to consider her proposals, Pitt said. 
 
Instead, it offered to conduct this assessment - a move that falls far short of what aid workers have demanded.
 
The president of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Jakob Kellenberger, warned yesterday [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/news-release/2012/russia-syria-news-2012-03-18.htm ] that people in areas affected by the unrest have been suffering for several months and that the humanitarian situation could deteriorate further. 
 
The government has cracked down violently on anti-government protests that began more than one year ago. Since then, the opposition has become increasingly armed, leading to a state of near civil war and more than 7,500 dead - mostly civilians, according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. 
 
Kellenberger again called for a daily cessation in fighting to allow aid workers to evacuate the wounded and deliver relief items. OIC Secretary-General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu made a similar call [ http://www.un.org/News/briefings/docs/2012/120316_OIC.doc.htm ] on 17 March, saying: “We cannot reach hospitals, displaced people and those in need.” 
 
The proposal for a humanitarian “pause” - in other words, a temporary, but regular ceasefire for a pre-determined period of time is distinct from a humanitarian corridor [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95101/Briefing-Why-humanitarians-wary-of-humanitarian-corridors ]: a “safe” geographical area that would have to be secured militarily.
 
While it continues to lobby for full unhindered access - as Amos put it in a 15 March statement, [ http://reliefweb.int/node/483231 ] “there is no time to waste” - the UN has been delivering aid through local partners, like the Red Crescent. WFP, for example, is delivering food to 100,000 people made vulnerable by the crisis through SARC. UNICEF and WHO are similarly using SARC and other local partners to get aid in.

On 14 March, ICRC and SARC were able to visit the towns of Rastan, Talbiseh and Al Zaafaraneh, in Homs Province, to assess the need for humanitarian action. They found 12,000 people displaced by recent fighting [ http://reliefweb.int/node/483601 ] in need of mattresses, blankets, food, baby formula, basic medicines and vital medication for chronic illnesses. 

“Given that tens of thousands of people may have been displaced from Baba Amr alone, we need to be able to see what people really need and where they are so that we can flesh out the plan,” Pitt said.
 
Syrian aid groups estimate that the crisis has displaced as many as 200,000 people within the country, in addition to tens of thousands of others who have fled beyond its borders. 
 
WHO has received requests from local NGOs for life-saving medicines and trauma kits, among other things. Syrian authorities have granted WHO permission to conduct an assessment of hospitals and primary healthcare facilities in the governorates of Dera’a, rural Damascus, Homs and Dayr Az Zor, the organization said in an update. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_3641.pdf ]
 
The UN has been working on a three-month response plan, and will be making an appeal for funds to help the needy inside Syria, but the “missing link” has been an assessment that would confirm the suspected needs. 
 
This mission may not be enough to satisfy donors, aid workers said. 
 
OCHA is looking at allocating about US$10 million, through its Central Emergency Response Fund, for emergency projects within Syria. 
 
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) will be launching a separate appeal for funds as early as this week to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Turkey and Jordan.
 
According to ECHO, the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm, 20 million euros have already been pledged globally for humanitarian efforts inside Syria and in the neighbouring countries that are hosting its refugees. 
 
Pitt stressed the need for calls for humanitarian access to remain independent from political discussions by UN member states and bodies. “If humanitarian actors are not perceived as neutral and impartial, it’s impossible for us to help those in need.”
 
ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95102</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203191113300124t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 19 March 2012 (IRIN) - A government-led assessment of Syrian areas affected by unrest began yesterday with a visit to the restive city of Homs, heavily devastated by nearly a month of shelling.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Call for educational reform to create &quot;knowledge society&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 
 
"[Arab countries] will have no alternative but to tackle this issue," said Amat Al Alim Alsoswa, assistant secretary-general and director of the Regional Bureau for Arab States at the UN Development Programme (UNDP). "If you talk about any kind of reform - political, judicial - education is an integral part of it. Otherwise, it will be an artificial reform," she told IRIN at the sidelines of the event in Dubai. 
 
The Arab Knowledge Report (AKR), published by UNDP and the UAE-based Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation, called for action to better enable the region's youth to participate in the so-called "knowledge society" and move beyond the poverty and unemployment that led to mass demonstrations and the toppling of several governments last year.
 
According to some estimates, more than 60 percent of the population of Arab countries is under the age of 25. 
 
But the potential of Arab youth has so far been limited by weak corporate governance, high rates of corruption, weak indicators of freedom, absence of democracy, increasing rates of poverty and unemployment, restrictions on women's freedom and the failure of economic reforms to achieve social justice and provide youth employment opportunities, the report said.
 
The report found that the Arab world continues to lag behind, with a "sharp drop" in cognitive skills among youth, including problem-solving, written communication, use of technology, and the ability to search for information. The average student scored 33 out of 100 in these areas. 
 
Other statistics are equally scathing: In 2007, 29 percent of Arabs above the age of 15 were illiterate, compared to 16 percent globally; in 2010, 19 percent of Arab children under 6 had access to public childcare centres, compared to 41 percent globally; and Arab students continued to rank poorly in international exams. The region has seen an exponential growth in internet use, but remains below the global average in terms of its exploitation. 
 
The Arab Spring changed some of that - youth clearly used technology to communicate their message, and in many countries their protests have led to a freer and more democratic environment. (Broadening freedom of thought was one of the main recommendations of the 2009 Arab Knowledge Report. [ http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2009/october/the-arab-knowledge-report-2009-towards-productive-intercommunication-for-knowledge.en ]) But this year's report warns that Arab countries need to do more to take advantage of the openings provided by the Arab Spring. 
 
The Arab world must develop the infrastructure for information technology; encourage innovation; create an investment-friendly environment; focus on social, political and economic reforms; and improve education. 
 
Education neglected intentionally?
 
For a long time, observers say, many Arab governments intentionally neglected education because they thought that an uneducated public would be less likely to rebel. 
 
Shortcomings in the education system were also due to a "culture of silence", Hassan El Bilawi, professor of the sociology of education at Helwan Unviersity in Cairo, told the audience at the launch. "We have before us a cultural challenge - we are suffering from cultural backwardness. Many changes took place in the Arab world but they have not been related to the methodology of teaching or the culture of schools. We have to make sweeping reforms," he said. 
 
Past reforms have been seen as a "technical task" entrusted to bureaucrats in Arab ministries of education, without the support of state policies or civil society, said Moudi Al Homud, former minister of education of Kuwait. "Consequently, we have failed." She urged governments to move beyond the "cosmetics" of educational reform. 
 
But Ghaith Fariz, director of the report, said the knowledge gap is due to more than just poor education. 
 
"It's an issue that involves all sectors of the society. It's much beyond education. Civil society has a role. Family has a role," he told IRIN. Intellectual property rights is another area, for instance, in which "we, as Arabs, are basically absent." 
 
Participants at the report's launch also highlighted the importance of youth being involved in finding solutions. 
 
"If we take the lead, we will destroy what the youth have done," said one participant from Jordan. "The youth have to define the next steps." 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95075</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Towards better coordination of aid response</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies should use Syrian civil society and the private sector to deliver medical and food aid to communities in need inside Syria, humanitarian agencies from the Arab and Muslim world said at an operational/technical meeting in Cairo on 4 March.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies should use Syrian civil society and the private sector to deliver medical and food aid to communities in need inside Syria, humanitarian agencies from the Arab and Muslim world said at an operational/technical meeting in Cairo on 4 March.

“The ability of humanitarian actors to get entry visas to Syria and operate there is constrained,” Ramus Egendal, a senior regional emergency coordinator at the World Food Programme, said. 

The Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society and the International Committee of the Red Cross are the only aid agencies with access to the volatile parts of Syria at the moment. But they have limited capacity and even their access has been inconsistent.

“This is why we need stronger and more effective humanitarian access through local organizations,” Egendal said. 

Access was among the main points of discussion at the meeting, hosted by the Arab League, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and The Humanitarian Forum, [ http://www.humanitarianforum.org/ ] which called for better coordination in the delivery of aid both inside Syria and to refugees in neighbouring countries, especially in the area of access to health care. 

“Health conditions inside Syria are very bad. Syrians are in bad need of help,” said Ahmed Al Ganayny, who represented the World Health Organization (WHO) in the meeting.

Aid workers lack clarity on the exact humanitarian conditions inside Syria as most aid agencies have not had the chance to conduct a full assessment of the situation. But hospitals are reported to have run out of essential supplies; broken down medical equipment cannot be replaced; and medical workers are fleeing the violence, having been targeted on many occasions. 

“Some medical workers, including Syrian Red Crescent personnel, have even been killed although they carried the badge of their organization,” Amer Awof, the head of Syrian Relief, a Vienna-based humanitarian agency, told IRIN. “Fearing for their safety, most of these medical actors have left their fields of work, leaving thousands of Syrians who are in bad need of medical assistance high and dry.”

UN agencies, NGOs and host organizations agreed at the meeting to prioritize the treatment of injured victims of the fighting in Syria, as well as delivery of medicine to patients of chronic diseases. WHO said it will collaborate with other agencies in securing supplies needed in hospitals, including fuel, generators and medical equipment.

Syrian Relief says around 35,000 Syrians have been injured, but have limited access to medical assistance. The organization says basic medicines, including anaesthetics, are about to run out. 

“This means that there will be no surgeries in volatile areas inside Syria in a short time from now,” Awof said. “Kidney failure patients have no chance of undergoing kidney dialysis. Other patients with equally dangerous health conditions cannot find treatment either.”

Participants of the meeting agreed to form a network of agencies working in the health sector to share information about the exact needs of Syrians both inside and outside Syria. 

“This must actually be done in complete transparency,” Al Ganayny said. “The data in this regard must also be valid.”

Lessons

The meeting in Cairo was one of several attempts to improve technical coordination between the various responders to the crisis in Syria. Another meeting scheduled for 8 March in Geneva will bring together UN agencies, the humanitarian aid arm of the European Commission (ECHO), the Arab League, OIC and NGOs. 

Observers say a lack of coordination has wasted time and effort, and created frustration.

In Jordan, for example, where 75,000 Syrians have fled, aid agencies have rushed to send food aid but neglected other needs, said Mohamed Al Hadid, president of the Jordanian Red Crescent, which has tried, unsuccessfully, to send aid to Syria for seven weeks now. 

“Some of these refugees have rented homes in Jordan,” he told IRIN. “This means that they need money to pay for the rent. But the lack of coordination makes this need absent from the minds of most humanitarian assistance planners.”

He said more than a quarter of the newly-arrived Syrians in Jordan were in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. 

In the violent year-long crackdown on anti-government protests, another 50,000 Syrians have fled to Lebanon; and 11,000 to Turkey, according to the respective Red Crescent societies. The crisis has displaced 200,000 Syrians within Syria, and pushed 250,000 families below the poverty line, Syrian Relief said. 

Islamic presence

The Arab Spring has created new openings for increasingly engaged [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94010 ] humanitarian aid agencies from the Muslim and Arab world.

“Islamic charities and humanitarian agencies have managed to do wonderful work in volatile areas for some time now. There are tens of Islamic charities that offer humanitarian assistance in many parts of the world,” said Hany El-Banna, chairman of the Humanitarian Forum, which promotes dialogue between humanitarian actors. “I think the political changes taking place in the Arab world these days will encourage even more organizations to appear on the surface.” 

The OIC, a rising power in the area of humanitarian coordination, is in negotiations with the Syrian government about opening a relief office in Damascus, according to Rami Inshasi, head of relief programmes for the OIC. 

“If the government agrees to this, this office will play a major role in delivering humanitarian assistance to Syrians inside Syria,” he said. “In the case of Syria, a large number of Islamic organizations want to do something, but they do not know how. If they find an answer to this question, they will do wonderful work.” 

Inshasi will be part of an OIC team that will head to the Syrian-Turkish border on 6 March to supervise the delivery of aid to Syrians who fled to Turkey. He will also lead a mission to the Syrian-Jordanian border to assess the needs of the Syrians in Jordan. 

Other smaller organizations, such as Saudi-based International Islamic Relief (IIR), have been delivering humanitarian assistance to Syrians in neighbouring countries for four months now.

Mohamed Al Said, director of the IIR’s Cairo office, says his organization has already distributed hundreds of tons of food, medicines, and other needs to the Syrian refugees. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95011</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 05 March 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies should use Syrian civil society and the private sector to deliver medical and food aid to communities in need inside Syria, humanitarian agencies from the Arab and Muslim world said at an operational/technical meeting in Cairo on 4 March.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Inside the anti-uprising movement in Syria</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202221154580477t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - In Syria’s commercial capital, Aleppo, posters plastered across the city tell the story of a community which, until recently, has been largely voiceless in the violent events of the past year.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - In Syria’s commercial capital, Aleppo, posters plastered across the city [ http://www.elaph.com/Web/news/2012/2/715360.html ] tell the story of a community which, until recently, has been largely voiceless in the violent events of the past year. 
 
The posters say opposition to the Intifada, or uprising, does not mean support for the regime.
 
This objection resembles one in the capital Damascus last July, when Christians, who have thus far not joined the protest movement en masse, covered walls in the Bab Tuma neighbourhood with posters denouncing the “Friday celebrations” by regime loyalists, which took place while both security officers and civilians were being killed. 
 
Since March 2011, what began as peaceful protests against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad have increasingly turned into an armed rebellion.
 
Many Syrians, including dissidents, have opposed the nearly one-year popular uprising not because they support al-Assad, who has been accused by the UN high commissioner for human rights of possible crimes against humanity in the crackdown on protesters, but because they fear for the future of their country without him.
 
These people, so-called loyalists, describe the uprising as a crisis, or `azmah’ in Arabic: a challenging phase to be overcome by the government eventually. 
 
As the international community increasingly turns against al-Assad, analysts say a consistent proportion of Syrians have maintained a detached, if not hostile, position towards the “opposition”. Their reasons range from a desire for stability, regardless of its authoritarian enforcement, to the perception that elements of the opposition are inherently violent and radical. Ethnic minorities view the uprising through a survivalist lens, fostered by the narrative of the regime and some personal accounts. This has further polarized versions of the events and reduced the possibility of any reconciliation. IRIN hears from these segments of the population whose voices have often been drowned out by the protests and the gunfire. 
 
Another Iraq?
 
In its violent response to the uprising, the Syrian government has framed the situation for those Syrians abstaining from protests as a choice between stability (`istiqrar’) and chaos (`fawda’), the “unknown” ensuing from its collapse, analysts say. 
 
“Even if the revolution was peaceful, Alawis wouldn’t accept the overthrowing of the regime, as it would bear negative consequences for all Syrians,” said Aref*, a 26-year-old artist from a village on the outskirts of the western port city of Latakia, who belongs to al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect.
 
Many of Syria’s Christians point to the stories of the more than one million Iraqi refugees - many of them Christians - who fled to Syria after sectarian violence in their country as an example.
 
“Without dialogue Syria will become a new Iraq,” the Chaldean Bishop of Aleppo said this month. [ http://www.asianews.it/news-en/Without-dialogue-Syria-will-become-a-new-Iraq,-Aleppo-bishop-says-23964.html ]
 
Recent reports [ http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2012/0221/As-Al-Qaeda-moves-fight-to-Syria-violence-in-Iraq-drops-sharply/%28page%29/2 ] about al-Qaeda and various Sunni jihadist groups coming from Iraq to join the armed struggle against al-Assad have further worried Syrian minorities, some of whom have already started fleeing in fear. [ http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/syrians-flee-their-homes-amid-fears-of-ethnic-cleansing-7079802.html ]
 
A mid-December poll by The Doha Debates [ http://www.thedohadebates.com/news/item/index.asp?n=14312 ] found that 55 percent of Syrians wanted al-Assad to stay in power, in large part out of fear for the future of the country. (The poll surveyed 1,000 respondents, 46 percent of whom were from the Levant).
 
Minorities
 
About 11 percent of the Syrian population, including the ruling family, follows Alawism, an offshoot of Shia Islam. The minority Alawis have ruled the majority Sunni country since 1970, when Hafez al-Assad, Bashar’s father, took power in a coup. 
 
Worried about its future in a post-Assad Syria, the majority of this sect has either brushed aside protests or stood against them. 
 
“Alawis generally remember positively the days of Hafez al-Assad, as someone who brought stability to a chaotic country,” points out Fadwa*, a 27-year-old Alawi maths graduate from Salhab, near the central resistance town of Hama. Her words point to a willingness to put stability before human rights: Syrians enjoyed wider freedoms in the “unstable” 1950s, before merging with Egypt in the United Arab Republic in 1958.
 
Stability is also crucial to the interdenominational beneficiaries (`mustafidin’) tied to the regime, as is clear from the loyalty of the Sunni-Christian bourgeoisie in Aleppo and Damascus. Ensuring the support of urban traders has been a persistent feature of Baathist rule even under Hafez al-Assad, who managed to prevent the Damascene mercantile classes from joining the Islamist uprising in the 1980s by co-opting the head of the Damascus Chamber of Commerce, Badr al-Din al-Shallah.
 
But there are signs of waning support among the middle-upper classes, with the first mass demonstrations in the wealthy Damascene neighbourhood of Mezzeh [ http://www.joshualandis.com/blog/?p=13590 ] on 18 February. As shortages of bread and fuel increase, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94914 ] private bank assets decline, tourism drops and the inflation rate doubles, Sunni and Christian urban traders are increasingly being affected. 
 
Perception of violence
 
But a widespread perception of the opposition as radical and violent still has many worried. 
 
The opposition is composed of several divergent groups with the same goal but different approaches. The so-called Local Coordination Committees of Syria are groupings of  loosely affiliated activists who organize protests on the ground; the Syrian National Council is the main political opposition group outside Syria; and the Free Syrian Army is a group of defectors and other civilians who have taken up arms. While this may sound cohesive and hierarchal, analysts say much of the opposition is not. And they do not discount the possibility that outside terrorists are taking advantage of the unrest, as the government claims. 
 
Aref, for one, believes the FSA to be a cloak for other armed groups, a concern highlighted by the International Crisis Group (ICG) in its latest report on Syria. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/egypt-syria-lebanon/syria/B031-uncharted-waters-thinking-through-syrias-dynamics.aspx ] 
 
“Even if they shared the just demands of the revolution, Alawis got scared and confused by the bloody events,” said Anisa*, a 26-year-old Alawi from a village near Hama, who holds a master’s degree in economics. 
 
Fadwa, the maths graduate, said she has friends who began as dissidents, but switched sides out of fear of an Islamist uprising. 
 
While the regime has tried to demonize its peaceful opponents since the protests began, analysts say the opposition movement’s initial attempt to portray itself as wholly peaceful - despite a clear resort to violence among some elements [ http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/02/201221315020166516.html ] - has also tarnished its credibility. 
 
Even the most liberal Alawis say they are increasingly alarmed by the recent escalation of attacks against government forces, and fear a descent into sectarian conflict. 
 
“The FSA should limit its operations to protect protesters and refrain from attacking the army, as this could lead to a split in the army along sectarian lines,” said Fadwa. 
 
Sectarian split 
 
The majority of conscripts in the Syrian Army are Sunnis who do not necessarily trust the ruling elite, who make up much of the security apparatus. 
 
Ibrahim al-Hajj ‘Ali, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood from Aleppo, and an officer who defected from the army to coordinate armed insurgents, said he was more likely to encourage defections among trusted Sunni soldiers than “members of the Syrian ruling sect”.
 
The ICG says the FSA has captured Syrian security officers and forced them to confess to using violence against protesters or to being ordered to shoot anything that moves. 
 
"The Free Army's posting of forced confessions by captured security officers, who, in at least one instance, show evident signs of torture - stands as a first cautionary tale", it said. 
 
The FSA insists that soldiers who refuse to fire on unarmed protesters defect of their own volition.  
 
But Bushra*, a 28-year-old bank employee from Mahrusah, a village near Hama, said she knew of a case in which insurgents killed a security officer after forcing him to announce his defection from the army on video. While her story is difficult to verify, it mirrors many others told amid loyalist circles. 
 
Existential threat
 
These stories and others have led to a perception of the opposition as deeply sectarian.
 
“If there’s a civil war, they’re not going to differentiate between loyalist and dissident Alawis,” Bushra said. “The word of the regime is the only one able to protect us.”
 
According to Aref, the opposition has demonized the Alawi community, portraying it as an entity indivisible from the regime, a unique gang of `shabiha’ (loyalist thugs): “They have forgotten our contribution to Syrian history, the numerous progressive Alawi thinkers.”
 
The Alawis top the list of religious minorities who have come to link their survival with the permanence of the regime, regardless of their historical presence in Syria centuries before the Assads came to power. 

As early as April 2011, checkpoints had sprung up in the Sitta wa Thamaneen neighbourhood of Damascus, an Alawi stronghold, home to many lower class members of the security services, and by summer, Alawi families in some urban centres started migrating to their original rural areas, fearing for their safety.
 
“Some Alawis are convinced that they will eventually be besieged by fundamentalist Sunnis,” said Aref, “and they’re getting ready to face this threat by arming themselves”.
 
This, despite the fact that the status quo they are willing to fight for granted privileges only to a “restricted circle”, noted Anisa, the economics graduate. “Those in the security forces and the army are at the bottom of society, as those who benefited from the regime can afford to send their sons to work or study abroad.”
 
In the event of a successful revolution, Alawis who were involved in the repression of Sunnis may flee en masse to their mountainous homeland, the ICG said. This could lead to retaliatory attacks by Sunnis, not only on them, but also on communities that had no role in the repression, deepening the risk of sectarian conflict, it added. 
 
Different languages
 
By demonizing each other, analysts say the opposition and loyalists have started speaking two diametrically opposed languages. 
 
Perhaps to escape what they see as a frightening reality, many Alawis have become overtly confident that the regime will prevail. 
 
“The government will survive; Alawis have no doubt about it… and it will overcome the crisis stronger than before,” said Bushra. 
 
“Most Alawis believe that Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiyya satellite channels are making the revolution bigger than it is,” Fadwa added. But observers say many loyalists, particularly Alawis, lack an objective view of the opposition and are overly swayed by the regime’s propaganda.
 
Nevertheless, the increasingly polarized narratives have deepened cleavages in the way the various communities reconstruct history. 
 
Aref remembered the Hama massacre of 1982 - in which the government is said to have killed at least 10,000 people at once to crush an Islamist revolt - as the result of a political confrontation with the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood, resolved in favour of the government, thanks to the support of both Alawis and Sunnis. Al-Hajj, the Muslim Brotherhood defector, recalled the events of Hama as the beginning of an ongoing struggle against the regime, with the only difference that in those times there were no cameras to record the crimes of the regime. 
 
Still, the loyalists interviewed for this report have played no role in the current repression and have taken steps to distance themselves from the regime. Some of them accept democratic elections in the near future as a way of out the conflict. 
 
“Fundamentalists need to be marginalized in fair elections,” Aref said. 
 
But while they are ready to conceive of a Syria without al-Assad, loyalists remain worried about an abrupt overthrow of the government, insisting on more guarantees of stability from the opposition and greater transparency of its armed operations. 
 
Raja’a*, a 26-year-old Christian from Damascus who half-heartedly sympathizes with the opposition, complained the Syrian National Council was focused on overthrowing the regime without giving any sort of guarantees about the future of minorities.
 
"There are many doubts (about the SNC)... Their declarations are limited to the departure of the regime, whereas after... no one knows what will happen.” 
 
Asked what it would take to get the so-called loyalists to come around, she answered: “Unfortunately, it is difficult to change their position... because it is war of existence.” 
 
*Not a real name
 
ag/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94931</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202221154580477t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - In Syria’s commercial capital, Aleppo, posters plastered across the city tell the story of a community which, until recently, has been largely voiceless in the violent events of the past year.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Worrying signs for food security in Syria</title><pubDate>Tue, 21 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211214260812t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT/DUBAI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Experts worry that Syrians will have increasing problems accessing food in the coming months, as prices rise, conflict disrupts supply lines, dwindling finances strain subsidies and imports face challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT/DUBAI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Experts worry that Syrians will have increasing problems accessing food in the coming months, as prices rise, conflict disrupts supply lines, dwindling finances strain subsidies and imports face challenges. 

Nearly one year of unrest in Syria has made it difficult for aid workers to assess the exact food needs in the country, but the little information that does exist suggests that the accessibility and affordability of food are already shrinking, while the availability of food could also become a problem later this year. 

“Life in Syria has become harsh,” an inhabitant of Sanhaya, a Damascus suburb, told IRIN. “Electricity is cut off up to six hours a day, sometimes more. Heating oil and fuel are very difficult to find,” he added. 

A resident of central Damascus told IRIN bread has become difficult to find, especially in the evening. Milk, `labneh’ (a soft, spreadable, yogurt-like cheese), cheese and olive oil can also be hard to find, he said. 

In its latest update on global food security [ http://documents.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp244850.pdf ] published on 10 February, the UN World Food Programme (WFP) said 1.4 million people have become food insecure since March 2011, when a popular uprising against President Bashar al-Assad spurred a violent crackdown by government forces, which has killed at least 5,400 people, according to the UN Refugee Agency. Food insecurity is focused in “hotspots” like Homs, Hama, rural Damascus, Dera’a and Idlib, WFP said. 

“The situation is too volatile and the information coming out of Syria too patchy for us to take a meaningful view of the impacts on food security at this stage,” Nicholas Jacobs, media officer for the UN special rapporteur on the right to food, told IRIN. 
 
Similarly, WFP has been unable to do a comprehensive food security assessment, including finding out what, if anything, is lacking in the markets. 
 
“The situation is very fragile now for asking questions,” said one aid worker who preferred anonymity. 

The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS) said in October [ http://www.fao.org/giews/countrybrief/country.jsp?code=SYR ] that the prolonged unrest was causing disruptions in food distribution channels, leading to localized shortages in several markets. 

The case of Homs

The city of Homs, which has been under siege for more than two weeks, is one of the most affected. 
 
“There are no commercial activities. The city is closed,” said Saleh Dabbakeh, spokesperson of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Syria, which, along with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society (SARCS), is delivering food to people in Homs. “If you cannot leave your house for a week… if the shop is closed or the shop owner is unable to leave to get food… how can you have food?” 

A resident of the Al-Kosoor neighbourhood of Homs, which is still controlled by government forces and not the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA) which has taken control of other parts of the city, said people began storing food at the beginning of the siege, but supplies are running low. Most bakeries are closed and people have to wait in line for hours to find bread, he said. 

"We lack everything,” he told IRIN by phone. "We rely on cans and stored food, like lentils and beans, to survive, as the regime has closed the access to the city, preventing new arrivals of supplies.” 

“I may run out of stored food in the next three or four days."

He said he had not received any assistance as blocked roads made it impossible for any vehicles to access the neighbourhood.
 
But a resident of another neighbourhood of Homs said the situation was not as bad as has been reported in the news. He told IRIN there was food in stores, especially in areas controlled by the FSA, which appeared well supplied with food, money and weapons, he said. 

But even in calmer areas, like the capital Damascus, some items - even basic commodities like bread or rice - can be lacking in the markets for days at a time, said the aid worker quoted above. 
 
“It is localized. Maybe today there is none. But tomorrow there is twice the amount… It is not consistent. It’s up and down,” he told IRIN. 
 
Prices rising

But aid workers and analysts said that for now, these shortages are limited, and are not due to a lack of food in the country, but rather difficulty in bringing products from the countryside to urban centres. 

“There is no shortage of food in the proper sense of the term,” the ICRC’s Dabbakeh said, “but basic products in some pockets of the country are becoming hardly affordable or accessible for the population, as many have lost their jobs and as insecurity is complicating the transportation of supplies.”

Damascus residents say the price of a 25-litre bottle of cooking gas has, since the protests began, risen from the equivalent of US$4.3 to between $8.7 and $14, while a tray of 30 eggs has increased from $3.1 to between $5.2 and $6.9, and a kilo of potatoes from 35 US cents to between $1 and $1.3.

Meanwhile, a European Union oil embargo and widespread economic sanctions have led to a depreciation in the local currency from 46 Syrian pounds to the dollar in early August 2011 to 58 Syrian pounds to the dollar on the official market, and up to 75 on the black market. Most of the depreciation occurred in the last two months of 2011. 

Inconsistent and misguided subsidy policies by the government, combined with declining fuel imports from Turkey and a cut-off of European Investment Bank funding for power station projects, has led to a massive fuel shortage and rise in fuel prices, according to Ayesha Sabavala, a Syria analyst with the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). The opposition accuses the government of hoarding fuel for its own tanks, while government supporters say the insecurity has deterred delivery trucks. WFP says fuel prices have tripled since March, which has had a knock-on effect on food prices. 

“Prices of food and other essential commodities have peaked over the past months and are likely to remain relatively high due to the volatile situation,” regional WFP spokesperson Abeer Etefa told IRIN.

Trouble with imports

Until recently, Syria's agriculture sector employed 40 percent of the workforce and accounted for 25 percent of gross domestic product. Syria used to be self-sufficient in wheat production, but has imported anywhere from 1.6 to 4.6 million tons of cereals in each of the past 10 years, with imports rising dramatically in 2008-9 and 2009-10 because of drought and the spread of yellow rust, GIEWS said. 

Some 300,000 farmers and herders who were already vulnerable due to recurrent drought have been made even more vulnerable [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94888 ] because of the instability. 

Still, certain parts of the country - like Syria’s agricultural heartland, the coastal plain dominated by al-Assad’s sect, the Alawis - have been unaffected by drought and flooding and have remained relatively stable during the months of instability.

Last year, with better agricultural conditions, the number of hectares planted grew by about 10 percent. Nevertheless, the national production of cereals decreased - if only slightly, from 2010 levels, due to late and erratic rains - to about 4.7 million tons. This is less than the 5.9 million ton annual average in the seven years before the drought, according to GIEWS.

Should decent rains so far continue until mid-April, the harvest promises to be good this year, but GIEWS predicts Syria will still need to import about four million tons of cereals in the 2011-12 season to meet demand. 

Food imports are not subject to the severe economic sanctions placed on Syria by Western countries, but the Wall Street Journal reported last month that the sanctions have made it difficult for Syria’s state grains agency to secure food at competitive prices. [ http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204257504577152812303493678.html ]
 
And the problem is likely to get worse half-way through this year, according to Mario Zappacosta, a GIEWS economist who focuses on the Near East. 

“Usually the bulk of imports come before the next harvest in September, when all the stocks of national products are running out,” he told IRIN. “The situation will be tough from mid-2012 onwards, because then they have to import [more significantly].” 

Imports of food will be more expensive because of depreciation of the currency, EIU’s Sabavala said. According to WFP, port activities have already been reduced to 40 percent of their previous capacity.
 
Assistance 

In August 2011, WFP began distributing emergency food assistance to 22,000 people made vulnerable by the insecurity, and is expanding those distributions to reach 100,000 people as the needs rise. But because of the insecurity, its distributions have not reached parts of Homs, Hama, Idlib, Dera’a and rural Damascus - probably the areas most in need. 
 
Those areas are covered by ICRC, which in close coordination with SARCS, has distributed thousands of food parcels and hygienic kits to the neediest neighbourhoods in more than 20 towns and villages.
 
The government also subsidizes basic goods like bread, rice and sugar, which has helped contain the rise in food prices, until recently. But with a huge drop in oil revenue, a devalued currency and dwindling foreign reserves, the government cannot sustain the current level of subsidies, the EIU said in its most recent monthly report on Syria. The increase of the price of butane gas by 60 percent in mid-January “reflects growing concern about the unsustainability of subsidies,” the EIU added. 

Analysts said cuts to oil subsidies could have a political effect.

“If the economic situation extends to such an extent that it’s unsustainable - including food and fuel shortages - it might turn the business community, which has so far supported al-Assad, against him,” Sabavala said.
 
ah/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94914</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211214260812t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT/DUBAI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Experts worry that Syrians will have increasing problems accessing food in the coming months, as prices rise, conflict disrupts supply lines, dwindling finances strain subsidies and imports face challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Insecurity makes drought-hit farmers even more vulnerable</title><pubDate>Fri, 17 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150858220003t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT/DUBAI 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Instability in Syria has aggravated an already vulnerable situation for tens of thousands of farmers and herders affected by recurrent drought, but only a fraction of them have received assistance because of chronic “serious underfunding” of humanitarian programmes in Syria, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warns.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT/DUBAI 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Instability in Syria has aggravated an already vulnerable situation for tens of thousands of farmers and herders affected by recurrent drought, but only a fraction of them have received assistance because of chronic “serious underfunding” of humanitarian programmes in Syria, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warns. 
 
“They are really in bad shape. They need assistance,” said Abdulla Tahir Bin Yehia, FAO representative in Syria. “We are willing and able to reach many of the farming communities affected by the drought and the crisis, provided resources are made available by the donor community.”
 
“[But] no single donor has given us a single penny this year,” Bin Yehia said. “Funding from the donor community is absent.”
 
So far, FAO - a technical agency which needs to be funded to operate - has relied on its own funds, as well as money from the UN Central Emergency Response Fund. 
 
Drought has hit much of northern and eastern Syria since 2006, causing tens of thousands of farming families to migrate [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85963 ] to informal camps bordering urban centres in search of work. 
 
“As they are considered internally displaced people, they lack the status of refugees and can hardly benefit from international assistance,” Rula Asad, co-founder of the group Al Hababeen, one of the few providing them with some relief, told IRIN. 
 
But in the months since March 2011, many of those areas - namely Homs, Hama, Idlib and suburbs of Damascus - have been swept up in a popular, and increasingly armed, uprising against President Bashar al-Assad, who has responded, in some places, with mortar and grenade attacks, as well as fire from tanks and helicopters. 
 
Because of the ongoing crisis, some 18,000 migrant farming families have had to return to their areas of origin in the northeast, and “are now left with no source of income and are in need of humanitarian assistance in order to re-start their livelihood activities,” said Abeer Etefa, regional public information officer for the World Food Programme (WFP). 
 
Despite better rainfall in 2011, many of those who returned to their farmland did not plant because they had no seeds and “we could not help due to a lack of humanitarian funding,” FAO’s Bin Yehia said. Farmers in drought-hit areas are mostly small-scale and thus there are few opportunities for casual labour in these areas, he added. 
 
Reduced mobility
 
Rising transportation costs and reduced mobility as a result of the insecurity in some parts of the country have contributed to business and livestock losses among rural people in the central, coastal, eastern and southern governorates who have been less able to market their products, FAO said. 
 
In the northeastern drought-hit areas, herders now have less mobility because of the insecurity, which has also discouraged farmers from pursuing their seasonal migration to western parts of the country for casual agricultural labour. Areas in the west where agriculture remains healthy are now suffering from a shortage of seasonal casual labour. 
 
Most irrigation pumps are powered by petrol, but a fuel shortage has hiked fuel prices, and subsequently prices of spare parts, animal fodder and transportation have increased. Thus even those who were able to scrape together a harvest are struggling, and exports have decreased. (There are differing explanations for the cause of the fuel shortage. Some say the government is hoarding it to fuel its own tanks and to collectively punish the population. Others say drivers trucking it in have been deterred by the insecurity).
 
While last year’s national production of wheat was the best in the past five years, 65,633 families were unable to plant because of a lack of seeds or suffered crop failures in the 2010-11 season despite the better conditions, Bin Yehia said. 
 
This year’s rains have been decent so far, but must be sustained until mid-April to ensure a good harvest in June. 
 
FAO support
 
FAO has supported 7,000 small herders in Hassakah, Deir-ez-Zor and Homs governorates with animal feed; 2,000 farmers in Deir-ez-Zor with seeds; and 500 women-headed families with income-generating activities in Hassakah and Idlib governorates - “but this is a small number out of 65,000 households who need humanitarian assistance.”
 
Combined with those made vulnerable by drought in the two previous years, a total of nearly 300,000 households have needed “life-sustaining assistance” in the last three years, Bin Yehia said, and less than 20 percent of them have received it because of the lack of funding. 
 
ah/eo/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94888</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150858220003t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT/DUBAI 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Instability in Syria has aggravated an already vulnerable situation for tens of thousands of farmers and herders affected by recurrent drought, but only a fraction of them have received assistance because of chronic “serious underfunding” of humanitarian programmes in Syria, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warns.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Violence, sectarianism stalk Homs</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents. 
 
 Some 160km north of Damascus, Homs has become a focal point of the conflict between government forces and protesters demanding that Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad step down. 
 
 The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says more than 5,000 people have died across the country since the popular uprising began in March. According to the Violence Documentation Center [ http://www.vdc-sy.org ] a website run by a network of Syrians in different cities, more than 1,800 have died in Homs alone as a result of the government’s violent crackdown on protesters. 
 
 But what began as peaceful protests have taken an increasingly violent turn in Homs. Some locals have now formed an armed resistance to the regime’s forces, supported by members of the Free Syrian Army, a paramilitary organization composed of army deserters.
 
 “Armed people are roaming the city and are regularly clashing with the army,” a resident of Homs told IRIN. The military presence in the town of 820,000 has increased significantly in the past few weeks and many opponents fear the regime could try to strike the city with a decisive blow, as it did to quell a revolt in the city of Hama in the 1980s, killing tens of thousands of civilians. 
 
 “There are tanks and soldiers everywhere in the city,” said Alaa, a 20-year-old student protester. “The Free Syrian Army is playing a crucial role by protecting the civilian population and responding to the violence of the regime,” she added. 
 
 Omar Idlibi, a prominent dissident who fled Syria and a leading member of the Local Coordination Committees (LCC), the main opposition network on the ground in Syria, acknowledged a shift towards violence among the regime’s opponents. 
 
 “The nature of people and their will to protect their families are making some of them seek revenge and engage in violent acts. This is the kind of behaviour that we refuse entirely,” he is quoted as saying in a statement [ http://www.lccsyria.org/3679 ] released by the LCC in early December. 
 
 Sectarianism 
 
 Homs, a major transportation node that forms a crossroads between the main regions of the country, used to be a microcosm of the national mosaic - made up of a mix of ethnic and religious groups, including Sunni Muslims, Christians, and Alawis, members of a minority offshoot of Shia Islam to which al-Assad belongs. 
 
 But activists say neighbours of different sects who used to live side by side peacefully have increasingly turned against one another. 
 
 Initially, the LCC accused government-allied militia of kidnapping protesters, with the number of kidnappings rising in November, it said. 
 
 But increasingly, residents say, civilians have been behind sectarian-coloured counter-kidnappings of government forces, but also of Alawi and Christian civilians, as well as Sunnis considered to be spies for the government. The LCC maintains that some counter-kidnappings are conducted only to secure the release of captured civilians. 
 
 “There should not be any doubt of the regime’s entire responsibility for the sectarian turn of events in Homs,” opposition figure and author Yassin Haj Saleh said in the LCC statement. The regime “starved [the people] and incited hate between the people of different neighbourhoods,” he said. 
 
 But other well-placed sources, said they had received reports that opposition groups were behind much of the violence in Homs. The resident quoted earlier said the kidnappings seemed to be conducted mostly by Sunnis, and said he knew of three Christians who had been kidnapped in two days this week. 
 
 Risk of humanitarian crisis
 
 In what he described as a deliberate policy aimed at “punishing” the protesters, one government opponent in Homs told IRIN that some restive areas were indeed besieged by the regime’s forces. 
 
 “Electricity there is cut off for several hours every day. Food as well as basic products, such as gas and heating oil, are difficult to find and have to be smuggled, which make them much more expensive than before,” he explained. 
 
 At this time of year, the temperature in Homs can near zero degrees at night, and there is much concern that some among the most vulnerable people, especially young children and the elderly, might not survive in those harsh conditions. 
 
 Public services in the city are still running, except in areas where clashes are taking place. Shops remain in business, though they close early; and schools are open, though many parents are afraid to send their children to class after one school came under fire, according to a second protester. 
 
 The situation is further aggravated by the fact that many people from restive areas do not want to access public medical services, because they fear they might get arrested at hospitals. 
 
 “We rely on the aid provided by clandestine doctors and volunteers from the Red Crescent,” said the first opponent said. 
 
 The Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) are the only aid agencies with access to Homs, and have distributed food supplies and medical kits to the local population. 
 
 “Since May, we’ve never really stopped. Our involvement is now even bigger than before,” Saleh Dabbakeh, ICRC spokesperson in Damascus, told IRIN. “The volunteers from the SARC are doing an amazing job, but it remains difficult for them to access certain critical areas, where they might get killed or kidnapped,” he added. He said ICRC volunteers have to deal with both the army at checkpoints and leaders of neighbourhoods once they are inside, and urged all actors to facilitate their work. 
 
 Activists say there are now clear signs that the city is heading towards a major security and humanitarian crisis.
 
 “We’re at the end of the road. We can't take this much longer,” said the first opponent. “It's getting worse every day. Keep us alive!… Stop the killing by security.”
 
 The Syrian government agreed earlier this week to an Arab League plan which calls for international observers to be allowed into the country. The League’s mission is scheduled to begin on 22 December, but observers question how much it will accomplish, given it is not allowed to access “sensitive military sites”. 
 
 According to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), almost three million people have been affected by the civil unrest which began in Syria in March. This includes thousands who have fled the country, and many more who have sought refuge with family and friends away from their homes. Food and fuel prices have risen and the economy is in decline.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94529</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Mixed report on mine action progress</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100834330375t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four – deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four –  deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.

In addition, Kasia Derlicka, director of the 90-plus country network, the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, said money for survivors was still insufficient. 

“The movement has come a long way over the past 20 years in stigmatizing landmine use and creating an international mine ban norm, even among non-signatories… but the way ahead is still long.”

She spoke to IRIN from the ongoing Meeting of States Parties in Phnom Penh, Cambodia to assess progress on wiping out cluster munitions and anti-personnel mines [ http://www.icbl.org/index.php/icbl/content/view/full/26014 ]

From contamination to clearance, highlights from the meeting and the Landmine Monitor 2011 report [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2011/ ] include:

* A total of 159 governments – 80 percent of the world’s nations – have signed the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty. Finland is the newest signatory as of 28 November. Thirty-seven states, including China and the United States, have not joined.

* Landmine action attracted record monies in 2010 – US$637 million – but the percentage allocated to survivor assistance has stagnated over the past decade at 9 percent;

* Annual total clearance of mined areas reached a record high in 2010 - at least 200sqkm - resulting in the destruction of more than 388,000 anti-personnel mines and over 27,000 anti-vehicle mines, mostly in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia, Iraq and Sri Lanka;

* Israel, Libya and Myanmar have laid antipersonnel mines thus far in 2011. Syria laid new mines along the Lebanese border in October 2011, after the Landmine Monitor 2011 report went to print. None of these countries has joined the treaty;

* Non-state armed groups in Afghanistan, Colombia, Myanmar and Pakistan laid new mines in 2010 – down from six countries in 2009;

* Requests for landmine clearance deadline extensions “have become the norm rather than an exception”, the report says. Requests must be submitted to a committee of members of the Mine Ban Treaty before the annual meeting. Twenty-seven countries - half of the most affected member states - have thus far requested extensions. None have been denied;

* Eighty-seven states have completely destroyed their landmine stockpiles, including Iraq as of June 2011. Belarus, Greece, Turkey and Ukraine failed to meet the four-year deadline in 2010 to destroy their stockpiles as set by the Mine Ban Treaty;

* Myanmar addressed the meeting for the first time as an observer on 29 November, saying landmine use deserved “careful consideration” , while defending the country’s right to mine;

* A total of 4,191 new casualties - 75 percent civilian - was recorded in 2010, a 5 percent increase from 2009. Half the reported casualties occurred in the Asia-Pacific region, with Afghanistan being the most mine-affected country worldwide;

* More attention has been given to survivors’ access to health and rehabilitation services, but such improvements were partly offset in places where armed conflict made it more difficult for survivors to access those services.

sh/pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94366</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100834330375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four – deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LEBANON-SYRIA: Residents ready to take up arms against Syrian incursions*</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111171206150453t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - In the office of the former general turned self-styled humanitarian, concerned locals and Syrian refugees talk of taking up arms to defend a country they believe the national army will not.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - In the office of the former general turned self-styled humanitarian, concerned locals and Syrian refugees talk of taking up arms to defend a country they believe the national army will not.
 
 "If you do not protect our land, we will create a resistance to protect our land," said former general Hameed Hamoud, outlining the message he had been trying to deliver to the government in Beirut concerning repeated incursions by the Syrian military into Lebanese territory.
 
 "We've been trying to make them aware that if they do nothing it will create chaos across our country."
 
 In his small office in Tripoli, the northern port that is Lebanon's poorest city and the stronghold of Sunni support for former prime minister Saad Hariri, MPs from Hariri's Future Movement nodded their approval while a delegation from the eastern Bekaa Valley border town of Arsal had travelled more than 100km to voice their concerns.
 
 Also present was a representative of the estimated 5,000 Syrians who have fled to Lebanon to escape the government's brutal crackdown on protesters demanding President Bashar al-Assad step down. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says more than 3,500 people have died since the uprising began in March.
 
 Since the initial influx, hundreds of Syrians have gone back, but others continue coming and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says more than 3,500 Syrians are registered in Lebanon. Because many are not official, actual numbers are likely to be higher. In addition, registered or not, the Lebanese government considers Syrians in the country to be internally displaced, leaving them with an ambiguous legal status.
 
 Ransacking in Arsal
 
 According to activists, both legal and illegal crossings are closely guarded, and escapees are risking their lives, whether entering or leaving Lebanon. Indeed, the delegation from Arsal claimed the Syrian military had been crossing the non-demarcated border into Lebanon almost daily over the past few months, shooting at water tanks and ransacking farmhouses.
 
 "They are looking for Syrians but there are no Syrians there. It's like they want to mobilize people to fight back," said Ahmed al-Fleete, deputy mayor of Arsal. "People there are farmers, not military. But if they have their own guns they might shoot back."
 
 In a later interview, the mayor of Arsal, Ali Hojairi, said locals had been in armed clashes with Syrian troops inside Lebanon three times in the past few months. "If the Lebanese army will not protect us we will use our arms to protect ourselves," he said.
 
 On 6 October, Syrian troops penetrated Lebanese territory and killed a Syrian national on Lebanese soil, according to a report  [ http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N11/555/42/PDF/N1155542.pdf?OpenElement ] by the UN Secretary-General on the implementation of Resolution 1559, aimed at strengthening Lebanon's sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence.
 
 The Arsal delegation said they had sent a complaint over the escalation in long-standing border violations by the Syrian military - a subject of concern in the UN report - to their local representatives in the regional capital Baalbek.
 
 But with Baalbek controlled by Shia militant group Hezbollah, a long-standing ally of the Syrian regime, which in June forced the resignation of Hariri's government, neither Fleete, nor Hamoud nor any of Hariri's MPs believed concerns over Syrian incursions were being heard by the Hezbollah-led government in Beirut. Syrian defectors and dissidents have also allegedly been arrested by the Lebanese army and sent back to Syria.
 
 "We don't feel safe in Lebanon," said the representative of the exiled Syrians, who asked to be known only as Abu Omar.
 "Refugees come to my home and now it is watched. I was interrogated by the police who wanted to know why people come and go from my house, saying they would hand me over to Syria."
 
 No concrete figures exist for the numbers of Syrian refugees who have either been killed by Syrian troops on Lebanese soil or arrested in Lebanon and deported back to Syria.
 
 Help needed
 
While Lebanon's Higher Relief Council, supported by UNHCR, has been providing assistance to the Syrians, some refugees have complained that they cannot earn a living for fear of arrest or kidnapping if they leave their shelters.
 
 "We need to make some money," said one, who has been staying with his wife and children in the remote town of Wadi Khaled, along the Syrian border, in a school-turned-shelter for approximate 400 people. "We tried to leave [Wadi Khaled] for work, but we were stopped by the Lebanese army," he said.
 
 "Just last week, two of our friends were kidnapped... at night, we are especially scared," he added.
 
 In October, Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati promised to cater to the Syrians' needs, but Lebanon's politicians remain divided on Syria's uprising, and the Lebanese government primarily supports Assad's clampdown. Rumours of complicity between Lebanese and Syrian authorities abound.
 
 As a result, Syrians are often faced with harsh treatment from Lebanese authorities, according to Nabil Halabi, a Lebanese human rights lawyer. In addition to security threats, daily needs are not adequately met, said Halabi, who has criticized the Lebanese government's aid to the refugees.
 
 Promises
 
 On 9 November, Lebanon's President Michel Sleiman said Syrian officials had been in contact and promised to respect Lebanon's independence and sovereignty. "Syria expressed regret for the unintended violations," Sleiman said in remarks published by Al-Liwaa newspaper.
 
 He also confirmed Syrian troops had laid mines along sections of the Syrian side of the border, particularly in the northeast. A source close to Sleiman's office told local English-language The Daily Star that senior Lebanese and Syrian officials had formed a follow-up committee to discuss recent alleged incursions into Lebanon.
 
 Prime Minister Mikati had earlier admitted that Syrian nationals had disappeared on Lebanese soil, while Internal Security Forces Commander Major General Ashraf Rifi alleged his officers had uncovered proof that members of the Syrian Embassy in Beirut had played a role in abductions.
 
 Having resigned from the military in protest at the Hezbollah-led armed takeover of parts of Beirut in May 2008, which the army did nothing to stop, Hamoud accused the Iranian-financed group of serving Syria's interests by ignoring Syrian military incursions and warned of rival Hariri and Hezbollah groups arming in Tripoli.
 
 asf/as/ha/mw
 
 * This report was corrected on 24 November to reflect that UNHCR has been supporting Lebanon's Higer Relief Council to provide food and non-food assistance to Syrians]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94230</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111171206150453t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - In the office of the former general turned self-styled humanitarian, concerned locals and Syrian refugees talk of taking up arms to defend a country they believe the national army will not.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Signs of a faltering economy in Syria</title><pubDate>Thu, 27 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110060948330390t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT/ALEPPO 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Mufid’s (second name withheld) small manufacturing business in a poor neighbourhood on the edge of Aleppo, Syria’s commercial capital, used to run on trust because he would receive goods and pay later - a system of trading that locals call `khamisat&apos;.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT/ALEPPO 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Mufid’s (second name withheld) small manufacturing business in a poor neighbourhood on the edge of Aleppo, Syria’s commercial capital, used to run on trust because he would receive goods and pay later - a system of trading that locals call `khamisat'.
 
 Derived from the Arabic word for Thursday, `khamisat’ meant Mufid would only pay for his textiles at the end of the week, giving him a chance to collect money from retailers for that week’s sales. For an enterprise that employs 50 workers, but has low margins and little capital, the trust-based system offered a vital breathing space.
 
 But a decade of doing business quickly changed when an uprising against President Bashar al-Assad’s government started in mid-March. Businessmen in Aleppo like Mufid learnt that the old system of `khamisat’ was no longer valid.
 
 Fearing the Syrian pound would devalue as domestic consumption withered in the face of Assad’s crackdown on protesters, Aleppo’s importers lost confidence in their market. The trust that allowed `khamisat’ to function evaporated and cash became king.
 
 “They said there was no way to get even a metre of textile without cash," Mufid told IRIN. "I couldn’t afford to pay cash to get raw materials and then wait weeks to get the money back from the retailers. I used up all my savings and then told my workers, with tears in my eyes: ‘You have no work. If there is good news I will phone you.’”
 
 There has been no need to call.
 
 Mufid, a Sunni Muslim like the majority of Aleppans and Syrians, said he knows of dozens of other small business owners in Aleppo who were also forced to lay off staff and close down.
 
 He said he was furious that the regime, led for the past half century by members of the minority Allawite sect, took his taxes but appeared unable to secure him the economic stability needed to earn a living for his family - the pact that had long kept Aleppo’s business community loyal to the Assad ruling family.
 
 Fragile economy
 
 Mufid’s story is just one example of the suffering that ordinary Syrians are facing in the face of a fragile economy - already struggling with market reforms after decades of Soviet-era central planning - which is now in serious decline.
 
 Having grown by around 3.5 percent in 2010, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) believes the Syrian economy will contract by 2 percent this year. A leading Syrian economist, however, predicts things could be much worse.
 
 “GDP will contract 10-20 percent this year. Only the fact that oil and agriculture, which make up 40 percent of GDP, and are not yet affected by the uprising, will help GDP not decline further,” said Jihad Yazigi, editor of Syria Report, the country’s leading monthly economic newsletter.
 
 Official figures for the first half of 2011 showed the government had suspended its entire investment budget, which constituted 43 percent of the state’s US$16.7 billion annual budget. 
 
 European Union and US sanctions, as well as poor relations and downturn in trade with neighbouring Turkey, are not helping.
 
 In a country where extreme poverty may have risen over the five-year period from 2005 - in large part due to the mishandling of a chronic drought - and where unemployment is running at 15-25 percent, the investment budget was central to the state’s plan to create jobs and wealth. 
 
 The Baath Party’s coming five-year plan calls for investments of $100 billion, half of which was to come from the private sector. But that now - in the words of an economist in Damascus quoted by AFP - is “out of the window”. 
 
 Tourism, which normally accounts for 12 percent of GDP, has been decimated.
 
 “I’ve worked here for 10 years and this is the worst for me,” said Ammar, a 35-year-old Kurdish waiter from a village outside Aleppo, surveying his empty café. “Now we get less income, but we pay more for life’s costs. Usually, the young, rich people come here to smoke water pipes and spend hours playing cards. Now I see few of them because they don’t want to spend money.”
 
 Ammar said his monthly salary of $143 used to be supplemented twice or three times by tips from customers, helping him provide for his wife, four children and elderly father. Now the tips barely cover his transport costs and cigarettes.
 
 His packet of cigarettes now costs $1.53, up from one dollar two months ago. The sugar in his tea has also gone up, almost tripling from 51 US cents a kilo to $1.43 in just three months. 
 
 Observers say what began overwhelmingly as a political uprising - protest banners adorned with calls for freedom from oppression, not an end to policies of market liberalization - may soon begin to turn on the economic costs of repressing it.
 
 According to the annual Conflict Intensity Index, released by risk analysis and mapping company Maplecroft [ http://maplecroft.com/ ] on 12 October, Syria has slipped from a “medium risk” country to one at “extreme risk” on a scale that helps multinational corporations assess ongoing trends for conflict and potential risks to operations or investments.
 
 “Conflict exponentially increases the risk of doing business within a country, as operations are disrupted and employees and assets are endangered,” noted Maplecroft analyst Jordan Perry.
 
 Inflation
 
 Despite a hard currency reserve that most economists put at $17-18bn, in addition to the $5bn pot to defend the Syrian pound, the cost of keeping inflation at bay for six months has clearly begun to take its toll on Syria’s finances.
 
 On 24 September, the government announced a ban on imports of all goods carrying a tariff over 5 percent, a move the minister of economy and trade acknowledged was aimed at “preserving foreign reserves”.
 
 Coffee and flour shot up by 50 percent while the price of cars, already prohibitively high in Syria with an average import tariff of 60 percent, increased 10-20 percent as dealers emptied showrooms in expectation of further price hikes.
 
 Crucially, the price of heating oil, subsidized by the state and used by the majority of Syrians to heat their homes through cold winters, is expected to more than double from 31 to 78 US cents per litre, according to Mohammed Khaled, formerly a wealthy businessman with strong ties to the government who defected to the opposition. He is now “economic representative” for the Supreme Council of the Syrian Revolution. 
 
 A Western diplomat in Damascus could not confirm that price rise, but said shortages of heating oil had already forced prices up to 51 US cents a litre, a rise of 65 percent.
 
 On 4 October, Minister of Economy and Trade Nidal al-Shaar said the government had rescinded the import ban “due to the legitimate demands of citizens, as it had more negative repercussions than expected”.
 
 af/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94077</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110060948330390t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT/ALEPPO 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Mufid’s (second name withheld) small manufacturing business in a poor neighbourhood on the edge of Aleppo, Syria’s commercial capital, used to run on trust because he would receive goods and pay later - a system of trading that locals call `khamisat&apos;.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Concerns over “rampant torture”</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110060948330390t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT 06 October 2011 (IRIN) - Six months into pro-democracy protests in Syria, allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by supporters of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime proliferate.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT 06 October 2011 (IRIN) - Six months into pro-democracy protests in Syria, allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by supporters of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime proliferate.
  
 Human rights organizations have documented numerous cases of torture in the six months since the start of the uprising, which was triggered by the torture of children: 15 boys, aged 10-15, from the southern city of Dera’a, were beaten and had their fingernails pulled out by men allegedly working for Gen Atef Najeeb, a cousin of President Assad after dawbing an Arab Spring slogan calling for freedom on a wall. 
  
 Since then, Amnesty International has documented 10 cases [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE24/035/2011/en ] of children dying in custody, some of them mutilated either before or after death; while another global campaigning organization, Avaaz, reports that 16 children died in detention after they suffered severe torture. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ]
 
 A UN-backed rights commission has urged Syria to let it into the country to investigate reports of killings and torture, including of children. "We have received many scary reports about the situation of children during the conflict," said Paulo Pinheiro, a Brazilian human rights expert heading the commission of inquiry.
  
 Crimes against humanity?
  
 Avaaz has recorded the names of 11,006 people arrested and detained in Syria, though some activists [ http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gEbYxLX6Xo6CoiJOgASCS1tElP8g?docId=CNG.21b9f1f38f9df310c09c5dfba2b881a8.4f1 ] believe the real number to be many as 15,000 people.
  
 Inside prison, detainees face what Human Rights Watch has described [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/04/15/syria-rampant-torture-protesters ] as "rampant torture".
  
 In interviews with 19 Syrian detainees in April, including two women and three teenagers, Human Rights Watch found that all but two had been tortured, including being whipped with cables and stunned with electric-shock devices while drenched in cold water.
  
 Insan, a Syrian human rights organization, said it had received numerous reports of torture where detainees have been left naked in groups for hours and doused in cold water before collectively being beaten.
  
 In May, Amnesty International reported [ http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=19436 ] cases of detainees forced to lick blood off the floor of a prison and others who had to drink toilet water after being starved for three days.
  
 “There are no signs of torture and murder abating in Syria,” said Philip Luther, Amnesty International's deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa, on 23 September, almost five months later.
  
 “The mounting toll of reports of people dying behind bars provides yet more evidence of crimes against humanity and should spur the UN Security Council into referring the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court,” he said.
  
 Syria ratified the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in 2004.
  
 Yousef’s case
  
 Yousef* has a hard time describing what happened to his brothers Sami*, 34, and Ahmad*, 36.
  
 The two had been arrested in July with other protesters in a suburb of Damascus after a demonstration - one of many in an anti-government uprising which began in March. They had been chanting for freedom and the fall of the 41-year-old Assad regime (President Bashar-al Assad succeeded his father in 2000).
  
 The beatings began on the bus, Yousef told IRIN. Security forces stood on his brothers and insulted them while beating them with electric cables.
  
 Three times a day for the first seven days, they were taken one by one for interrogation. “The interrogator would scream, ‘You want freedom?’” said Yousef.
  
 “Then he would hit them. My eldest brother, Ahmad, is very strong, so when they beat him he wouldn’t scream. So they told him: ‘You are like an ox,’ and they hit him harder.”
  
 According to Yousef, interrogators used fists, electric batons, electric cables and the so-called electric wheel, a large tractor wheel hung from the ceiling to which the prisoner is strapped while the wheel spins and the torturer hits the prisoner randomly.
  
 Holding a photo of the president, they asked Ahmad: “Who is your God? Say: Bashar is,” the men told him. When he refused, the beatings continued. “I saw all the scars on his back and his hands,” said Yousef. “Long and open wounds… Here, torture is normal.”
  
 Upon their release, Yousef’s brothers were told not to speak of their ordeal. “We are really suffering. You can't imagine,” Yousef said. “We feel as if we are in a jungle with big monsters and we are alone and without any help.”
   
 *Not real names
 
 af/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93897</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110060948330390t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT 06 October 2011 (IRIN) - Six months into pro-democracy protests in Syria, allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by supporters of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime proliferate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
