<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Syria</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Sat, 25 May 2013 07:32:55 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>How To: Get medical aid kits to Aleppo, Syria</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.

But aid workers can make it happen. In one of the latest examples, 54 tons of much-needed medical supplies arrived in Syria last month, destined for people living close to the frontlines of the conflict in the biggest city Aleppo.

“More than 60 percent of the hospitals [in Aleppo] are out of service. Many are at the frontline and used by armed personnel,” said Fares Kady, medical coordinator for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the focal point for the World Health Organization (WHO) in Aleppo.

IRIN tracked the shipment, from the first phone call from a WHO official in Switzerland, all the way to the doctors in battle-scarred Syria on 13 April.

Switzerland

Olexander Babanin is a supply officer with the WHO Crises Support team in Geneva. In October last year he made a call to a medical supplies company in The Netherlands to order medical kits to restock the standby supplies at the UN Humanitarian Response Depot in Dubai.

“When the logistic supply chain starts, it is often not known where the medical assistance will in the end exactly go,” Babanin told IRIN.

“[It] all depends on requirement and availability. My job is to make sure that warehouses are full, but of course never too full.” 

The international humanitarian logistical network means emergency stocks can be pre-positioned in key parts of the world for rapid mobilization.

Medical kits like the ones that ended up in Aleppo are standardized packages of drugs and medical equipment, designed to be useful in a variety of regions and situations.

The Interagency Emergency Health Kit (IEHK) is composed of some 90 different types of drugs and 90 medical consumables and equipment packed in 44 boxes.

A single medical kit weighs just over a ton and its content meets the needs of 10,000 persons for three months.

WHO is the coordinating authority for international health within the UN system, and every five years an inter-agency committee consisting of pharmacists and technical staff from different relief organizations decides what essential drugs and medical supplies will be included in the medical kit.

The aim is to meet priority health care needs of a displaced population without medical facilities or a population with disrupted medical facilities.

The Netherlands

At the end of 2012 in the town of Gorinchem in the western Netherlands employees of the Medical Export Group (MEG), a commercial firm, pack the medications, spinal needles, surgical equipment, and other items into labelled boxes.

Like Babanin from WHO, the MEG packers are not aware of the final destination for the aid. The company specializes in providing medical packs internationally for humanitarian organizations.

The IEH Kits are loaded onto a ship at the port of Rotterdam, 40km away, and shipped to Dubai in the United Arab Emirates.

United Arab Emirates

By January the latest emergency shipment is in Dubai, home to the Middle East UN Humanitarian Response Depot (UNHRD) run by the World Food Programme (WFP), which as well as delivering food aid, provides logistical support to much of the UN.

Nevien Attalla is the pharmacist with UNHRD in Dubai, and helped the WHO medical aid along the next part of the journey.

“The request comes in through the UNHRD customer service mailbox. To support any emergency response we manage assets so they are readily available for deployment within a 24/48 hour time frame,” Attala told IRIN.

For this outbound shipment, she has to seek approvals from the UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Health and the Narcotic & Precursor Chemical Unit in the capital Abu Dhabi. 

She also arranges WFP supporting letters for each border crossing. As soon as the shipment is cleared the aid items are packed up for transportation by truck to Syria.

The medical aid is stocked at UNHRD’s 22,500 square metre covered storage space in a desert area far from Dubai’s skyscrapers.

The warehouses, part of Dubai’s International Humanitarian City [ http://www.ihc.ae ] are close to Jebel Ali port, the world’s largest man-made harbour, and also Dubai World Central-Al Maktoum airport.

The heat in this place is often unbearable. However, inside the warehouses it is mostly fresh and cool.

“We have 5,000 square metres which are temperature-controlled between 18 and 25 degrees Celsius. There is also a cold room to guarantee the storage for cold chain pharmaceutical goods,” Doris Mauron Klopfenstein, who works in logistics for UNHRD, told IRIN.

Syria

The hardest and final section of the journey begins on half a dozen trucks - driven by Syrian truck drivers, a requirement set by the Syrian government.

The two-year conflict in Syria has caused widespread disruption of the health care system; the 54 tons (52 kits) provide enough lifesaving medicines and supplies to cover emergency health needs for three months for an estimated population of half a million, potentially a tempting target for armed groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ].

Since the beginning of the conflict WFP has reported more than 20 attacks on warehouses, trucks and cars in Syria.

The truck drivers hired by a WFP subcontractor set off from Dubai and take a route through Saudi Arabia, Jordan and then into Syria.

“The convoy remained several days at the Jordanian-Syrian border because of heavy fighting between Damascus and Dera’a Governorate,” said Elizabeth Hoff, head of the WHO office in Damascus.

Heading to the capital they cross through ever-changing government and rebel zones, and are frequently held up at checkpoints. But regular closures at the airport in Damascus and the length of the sea route mean trucks are the best option.

On 27 March the trucks finally arrive at the WFP warehouse in Alkisweh, rural Damascus. WHO and SARC carry out an assessment of the supplies, and then the aid is dispatched to Aleppo, 360km to the north.

WHO distributes 70 percent of such supplies through the Syrian Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Higher Education, and 30 percent through NGOs.

“Needs in Aleppo are increasing constantly. The health system is reeling due to the lack of medicine and medical instruments, especially for chronic diseases, and poor accessibility [geographical, social, economic and security], raising more challenges to the Syrian dilemma,” said Kady.

About six million people live in Aleppo Governorate, but since the conflict started an additional 1.5 million internally displaced persons have sought refuge in the city.

“This journey [Damascus-Aleppo] usually takes about four hours. Nowadays this road is very important for all parties of the war. The shipment passed almost 60 checkpoints and it took 11 hours,” said Kady.

On 13 April the goods are then distributed to their final destinations - two main hospitals in Aleppo and 10 health centres.

Syrian doctor Kady hopes for more supplies: “Opening new offices for humanitarian assistance and installing a safe road like a humanitarian corridor to Aleppo would be so important to decrease the suffering of people.”

But the possibility of further deliveries from Dubai is slight at the moment given the growing insecurity.

While UN officials continuously urge all parties to respect humanitarian principles and ensure safe access for relief supplies, “for the moment no further shipment of medications is planned from Dubai due to the continuing bad security situation in the entire southern part of Syria,” said Hoff.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98087/How-To-Get-medical-aid-kits-to-Aleppo-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305201430490338t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Getting humanitarian supplies into conflict zones like Syria is no mean feat, often requiring negotiations with warring parties, braving insecurity and facing repeated delays and logistical challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Concern for Syrians stuck at Jordanian border</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence. </description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures.

In Nasib village, just 2km from one of four border crossings between Jordan and Syria, there are 10,000 displaced people waiting to leave Syria, according to village imam Abu Omar. He said government security forces abandoned the village “long ago”.

The area surrounding the village is very tense, with the sound of heavy artillery “louder than ever”, [ http://jordantimes.com/article/syria-shelling-noises-louder-than-ever-to-residents-of-border-villages ] according to a local Jordanian newspaper. On several occasions in recent months, the surroundings of the village have been shelled or hit by gunfire. Just yesterday, Abu Omar said, a rocket fell in the village, causing minor injuries.

Despite the insecurity, he said, for the last seven days, Syrians attempting to cross the border have been turned back, told by border officials that the Jordanian intelligence services are currently refusing any entry, except emergency medical cases.

But Jordanian authorities deny closing the border.

"Jordan's policy towards helping Syrians has not changed," Anmar Alhmoud, Jordan's spokesperson on Syrian refugees affairs, told IRIN. Jordanian Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh said the same at a press conference on 22 May, the official news agency Petra reported.

However, the number of Syrians fleeing to Jordan without documentation has dropped dramatically in the last week, from up to 2,500 per day to “all but zero”, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). (100-150 Syrians have, however, entered daily at official crossing points with passports, according to Alhmoud.)

A village under strain

Before the Syrian conflict began two years ago, Nasib was a small border crossing, home to 10,800 people, Abu Omar said. Some 5,000 of them left during the course of the conflict, only to have their homes filled by double the number of people, displaced by violence in other areas of the country.

In the last week, Abu Omar said, an additional 10,000 arrivals - coming from as far as Idlib and Aleppo provinces in the north - have put a strain on village resources.

“Displaced people used to stay in the collective shelters for one or two days and then continue on to the crossing,” he told IRIN over a scratchy phone line from Syria. “But since the border was closed, they are staying and waiting… Some families are living between the mosques and the streets.”

Over the past two years, Syrians have become accustomed to making do with less; and the residents of Nasib have long been sharing what they have with newcomers in need. But the few commodities that used to come across the Jordanian border have all but stopped in the last week, leading to food and water shortages in the village, Abu Omar said.

Today was the first day in more than two weeks, he said, that the village had flour with which to make bread: “The necessities of life are non-existent.” International humanitarian assistance does not reach these parts, he added.

Government and rebel forces have been battling for control of areas south of Dera’a for the past few months, but in recent weeks, the government has reportedly launched an offensive to retake areas previously “liberated” by the rebels.

One Syrian family that arrived in Jordan 10 days ago told IRIN the border was open but that the rebel Free Syrian Army had lost control of the area. People were scared to move inside Syria because of violence and because the government was back in control, the family said. Abu Omar said freedom of movement, even between villages, was very limited.

Aid agencies told IRIN insecurity in the border area could be deterring people from trying to get into Jordan.

Few options for Palestinians

In addition to the Syrians stuck in border villages, hundreds of Palestinians cannot leave Syria because of Jordanian regulations prohibiting them entry into Jordan. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ]

In Jamleh village, for example, just east of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, some 300 Palestinian refugees who attempted to leave Syria are stuck in difficult conditions. Most are now staying with host families, though some have managed to reach other villages where they are renting homes; others have no shelter at all.

Humanitarian assistance to them is limited because of the dangers accessing the area.

According to the UN, 4.25 million people are displaced internally within Syria. Another 1.5 million have registered as refugees in neighbouring countries and in North Africa.

At a press conference in Amman on 22 May, Syria’s ambassador to Jordan, Bahjat Sulieman, told reporters the Syrian refugee crisis has been “exaggerated” to put pressure on the Syrian government, saying that Syrians were not leaving the country for “real humanitarian reasons”, but rather for political ends.

He declined to comment on reports of Syrians stuck on the Syrian side of the border.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98096/Concern-for-Syrians-stuck-at-Jordanian-border</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301100948400951t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN/DUBAI 24 May 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of people are gathering in villages in southern Syria, unable to seek refuge in Jordan either because of insecurity along the border or, according to some, new Jordanian security measures. In the meantime, some of them are living “between the mosques and the streets” without enough food and water, amid daily violence. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrians seeking refuge in Libya</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.

Since then the tables have turned, and many of those same families find themselves in Libya after fleeing the Syrian conflict, which has left an estimated 6.8 million people (around a third of the population) in need of urgent humanitarian assistance [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20Issue%20%2324.pdf ].

Most of the Syrian community in Libya, estimated at around 110,000 by government officials, are believed to have arrived over the past 18 months after having fled the Syrian conflict.

Shavan, a Syrian ethnic Kurd, arrived in Libya in January. "Alone, I left Syria at the end of 2011 leaving my wife and my daughter. I was looking for a place to live far away from the hell of conflict," Shevan said.

After what he says was a difficult year in Lebanon, where he struggled to pay his living costs, he went back into Syria to pick up his family and then left for Libya.

The flow of Syrians to Libya, while far lower than the numbers seen arriving in Syria's neighbours, started almost as soon as the Libyan revolution ended in October 2011.

Some come by air from Lebanon or Turkey, but most have arrived by road, heading through Jordan and then across the Sinai to the Libyan-Egyptian border town of El Salloum (in Egypt).

In the initial stages, Syrians with a passport could enter without a visa, but the rules have been tightened since the attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi in September 2012, after which only families, not single men, were allowed in.

Visa-less travel

From January this year, the coastal border crossing from El-Salloum to Musaid (Libya) has been closed to all non-Libyans without a visa, according to information from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Alongside this measure, the Libyan minister of interior invited his "Syrian brothers" who had previously entered the country without a visa, to register at any passport office to get a government letter confirming their asylum seeker status.

But it is still possible to get across the border without a visa. One Syrian who had recently entered Libya near El Salloum, and asked not to be named, told IRIN: "Smugglers charge US$500 to take Syrians across the border to Libya. I also saw some Syrian women who were using sex work to pay for their transit."

Local NGOs in Libya run by Syrians were the first to provide relief, but many Syrian refugees have been reluctant to receive such aid.

"Suspicions about Syrian secret service infiltrations led the majority away from the operational centres managed by Syrian charities," the head of the UNHCR in Libya, Emmanuel Gignac, told IRIN.

UNHCR registration

After an initial delay, UNHCR started formally registering Syrian asylum seekers and refugees in September 2012.

By the end of April 2013, around 8,000 Syrians were registered with UNHCR as asylum seekers, though because of UNHCR's lack of a formal legal agreement with the government, the asylum seekers cannot advance to the agency's refugee status determination (RSD) process.

The majority of Syrian asylum seekers in Libya are in the second city, Benghazi, due to its proximity to the Egyptian border.

Large Syrian communities are also in Tripoli, mainly in the Suq Al Jumua, Janzoor and Hasham areas, while ethnic Kurdish Syrians in the capital have established a base on the outskirts in Ben Ghashir.

Syrian charities provide support and some aid. "You can ask their help to register your kids in the local schools or to get medical assistance," Bilal*, originally from the Syrian town of Hama, told IRIN.

The delivery of items such as blankets, mattresses and kitchen cooking sets is carried out regularly by Syrian organizations along with the Libyan organization Al Wafa and international agencies like UNHCR, the Danish Refugee Council and the Italian NGO CESVI.

Visiting UNHCR teams also assist the Syrians in Tripoli and Benghazi. The agency has opened a Centre for Community Development for vulnerable cases, and set up a hotline for Syrian asylum seekers.

The call centre receives around 40 phone calls a day - often appeals for medical or cash assistance, according to UNHCR associate RSD officer Valda Kelly.

The presence of Syrians in Benghazi has created some tension, and recently the city's commission in charge of regulating foreign labour, immigrants and refugees called on the national government and congress to reduce the number of people coming into the country to avoid security, economic, political and social risks.

Why Libya?

Despite the distance from their home country, many Syrians cited a lower cost of living and greater job opportunities as the reason for travelling to Libya, rather than the more common Syrian refugee hubs like Jordan and Lebanon. Some also had spent time in Libya before the Arab Spring, when most foreign nationals were evacuated.

But living costs remain a challenge for many in the Syrian community: "I pay 600 dinars (US$465) a month for an apartment and I barely earn 900," Ali who had fled from Duma, on the outskirts of Damascus, told IRIN.

The poverty of many has given rise to practices seen elsewhere in the region: "Syrian women have been offering themselves as brides to the Libyans because they have no alternative for their survival," said Mohamed, a Syrian refugee living in the coastal town of Misrata.

Other Syrians in Misrata confirmed this was happening. "In Benghazi Syrian girls are called `sheep' for their low price. Even regular men already with one wife can afford a new young wife," another Syrian told IRIN.

Shiite fears

Many Syrians told IRIN the Libyans had been welcoming. Ahmad, a Libyan civil engineer working for an Italian company in Misrata, told IRIN: "They are our brothers as they still suffer what we have experienced. They have every right to remain in Misrata."

Local officials in Misrata told IRIN there are about 5,000 Syrian refugees in the town.

Misrata, known as a base for anti-Gaddafi militia activity, is awash with Gaddafi-era weapons, and locals say a blind eye is turned to Syrians buying the weapons for export.

Some local reports in Libya say former revolutionary fighters in Libya, particularly from Benghazi and Misrata, have been travelling in the opposite direction to join the anti-government forces in Syria.

Not everyone is welcoming though. "Because of my Kurdish name, I was threatened often at ordinary checkpoints because Libyans thought I was not a Sunni Syrian but a Shiite," said Shavan.

Syria's now two-year conflict began when people, largely of the Sunni majority, began protesting on masse against President Bashar al-Assad, of the minority Alawite sect (Shia), and has become increasingly sectarian as the violence has increased.

*not a real name

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98085/Syrians-seeking-refuge-in-Libya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>&quot;Sometimes you cannot apply the rules&quot; - Syrian rebels and IHL</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091143410929t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - In recent months, Syrian rebels have faced increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law. For guidance on the laws of war, they turn to a combination of Islamic law, IHL and their own sense of righteousness or, as one expert put it, “revolutionary justice” - with mixed results.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Syrian rebels facing increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law turn for guidance on the laws of war to a combination of Islamic law, IHL - where they are aware of it - and their own sense of righteousness, according to analysts and IRIN interviews with fighters [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words ].

A report [ http://civiliansinconflict.org/uploads/files/publications/Syria_Public_Brief_Dec_2012.pdf ] late last year by the Center for Civilians in Conflict pointed to the opposition’s lack of coherent control and command structures as a roadblock to the rebels’ ability to mitigate civilian harm and enforce IHL and human rights principles throughout their ranks. As a result, with hundreds of different militias and battalions operating on the ground, each group seems to be following its own set of rules.

As Aron Lund, an expert on Syrian opposition groups, put it: “Some groups go by Shariah law, and some groups go by rule of the gun - revolutionary justice.”

Sources of guidance

Faris al Bayoush, a former colonel now commanding a unit of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in the northwestern governorate of Idlib, said he sees the regime’s blatant disregard for human rights as all the more reason to commit himself to international norms.

“The abuses were one of the main reasons the revolution started, so of course we should respect humanitarian laws.”

He told IRIN he was well-informed of the content of all relevant international agreements because the Syrian army used to hold training courses on IHL for its officers. “They don’t respect IHL, but they teach it,” he said. He tries to ensure all his men also follow the rules by briefing them before each operation. His unit’s behaviour is, however, not only regulated by IHL but also by Islamic law, or Shariah. He views the two as complementary sources.

“[Shariah] gives us more detailed instructions,” he said. “For example, the Prophet said that you are not allowed to kill an old man, harm a child or cut down a tree.”

In contrast, an increasing number of fighters within the FSA view Islamic teachings alone as providing adequate guidance, though in many cases, they do indeed overlap, especially in the treatment of women and children.

“As Muslims, we regard Shariah law as our essential source,” said Raed al Aliwi, an engineer turned FSA commander in Hama Governorate. “We don’t have to study international laws because respecting human rights comes naturally with our religion.”

He claimed that breaches are rare, but conceded that it is sometimes difficult to make all lower-level fighters respect the rules. Many of them lack even basic knowledge of international norms, codified in the four Geneva Conventions on the laws of war and their associated protocols, which add up to more than 500 articles.

“We can do anything to topple [Syrian President Bashar al-]Assad,” said Abu Bakr, an FSA fighter in the central city of Homs. He argued that there is no need for regulations because he sees the rebels’ own judgment as sufficient: In his view, since the rebels are battling a dictatorship, they necessarily have higher ethical standards.

“We can see what is true and false,” he said, “and we are on the right side.”

Al-Ansar Brigades, a jihadist group affiliated with Jabhat al-Nusra (The Front for the Support of the people of Syria), which is considered a terrorist organization by the USA, relies on a religious scholar among its commanders who provides guidelines that all the members adhere to.

“I have no idea of what the Geneva Conventions or any other treaties say,” said Abu Mousab, one of the group’s commanders, “but I’m sure Islamic law is much better because it is the most just law in the world.”

Even among the FSA fighters who stressed their commitment to IHL, there is a growing frustration with the international community and its principles.

“We are living in the days of the fighters,” said an FSA-member who goes by the name Manhal Abu Bakr in Hama. “Sometimes you cannot apply the rules when no one else does. We lost faith in international laws and policies.”

Proclamation of principles

Rebel crimes have persisted despite codes signed by FSA leaders to address misconduct and lawlessness within the opposition ranks. For example, the FSA’s high command issued a “Proclamation of Principles” [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/FSA_Proclimation_of_Principles.pdf ] in July, committing to human rights, pluralism and democracy, and pledging to do their “utmost to uphold international humanitarian law and norms, including by treating prisoners humanely, even as the Assad regime engages in crimes against humanity”.

For observers like Michael Shaikh, director of country operations at the Center for Civilians in Conflict and author of the Center’s report examining how the Syrian opposition views the principles of IHL, this shows a certain desire to engage with these principles.

“The codes of conduct are initially often more for public perception than about actual battlefield behaviour, but there is a clear opening here.”  

Some groups are making an effort to establish disciplinary systems.

“Many rank and file said they were reprimanded when they blew something up or fired their weapons without necessity; that weapons were taken away when there were incidents of civilian harm,” said Shaikh, who conducted interviews with rebel fighters between June and October 2012. “There was an inherent perception that they had to distinguish themselves from the Assad regime.”

Some groups have been trying to encourage rebels to follow the laws of war. According to a Westerner working with makeshift hospitals near Aleppo, one activist group tried distributing pamphlets on the laws of war, supported by verses from the Koran and the Bible, and quotes from Martin Luther King as well as Mahatma Gandhi. But it was chased away by an extremist group.

The International Committee of the Red Cross recently began arranging workshops on IHL for armed opposition groups, and is in dialogue with them with the aim of visiting places of detention under their control. It also distributes pamphlets on IHL obligations to both armed opposition groups and Syrian government soldiers it meets while in the field.

The UK is also funding [ https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/foreign-secretary-statement-to-parliament-on-syria ] a programme by two consultancy firms to train rebels using an Arabic curriculum about international humanitarian law. And the Syrian Support Group [ http://syriansupportgroup.org/about/ ], a US-based group with a license to fundraise for the FSA in the US, says it only finances military councils that have adopted the FSA’s Proclamation of Principles.

Protecting their reputation

Efforts to limit rebel abuses have also been hampered by the escalation of chaos and violence.

“The big problem in Syria is not so much extremism but lawlessness and a lack of joint leaderships and structures that can deal with these kinds of things,” said Lund, who has authored several reports on Islamist groups in Syria for the Swedish Institute for International Affairs.

As such, criminality is a bigger threat to minorities than even the most extreme Islamist groups, like the Syrian Islamic Front, which has gone out of its way to reach out to Christians (though most extremist groups take a harder line on those belonging to Assad’s Allawite sect, who are often considered apostates from Islam).

“They [extremist groups] want to protect their reputation,” Lund said. “They want to do this work for the larger purpose of defeating Assad. They realize atrocities would undermine that... Random killing is not even part of al-Qaeda’s doctrine.”

Civilian protection

All rebels interviewed claimed they protect local residents during their operations by not targeting areas inhabited by civilians, or by telling people to vacate the area before they strike.

“We’ve even aborted operations when we realized we might hurt civilians,” said Abu Mousab of the jihadist al-Ansar Brigades.

The Center for Civilians in Conflict refers to other strategies to protect civilians, such as sending out scouts before their advance, or launching ambushes at night when people are less likely to be outside.

Nevertheless, civilians have often borne the brunt of the conflict due to a lack of consideration by the rebels. For example, rebels frequently endanger the population by positioning military objectives inside residential areas. In September 2012, 10 civilians were killed when the regime forces shelled a rebel position right next to an apartment building, according to the Center.

To make matters worse, rebel groups have been increasingly employing guerrilla tactics such as suicide bombings, often resulting in heavy civilian casualties. In September, for example, a twin suicide bombing in Damascus reportedly carried out by Jabhat al-Nusra killed dozens of people.

Who is a civilian?

One of the main causes for concern is, according to experts, the absence of a clear definition of who is to be considered a civilian.

“Many rebels I spoke with see themselves as civilians who picked up arms - they don’t think the rules apply to them,” Shaikh said. At the same time, when looking at their opponents, “they had a very loosy-goosy understanding of civilians as someone without a gun,” but did not apply the term to Alawis or people they perceived to be members of the Shabiha militias supporting government forces.

Others do not think in terms of “civilian” and “combatant”, which in Shariah law are not the only determinants of whether someone is a legitimate target.

In a TV interview [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yexixuNzuaY ] posted on the internet, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, traditionally considered a more moderate voice among Muslim scholars, said all collaborators working with the “unjust” Syrian government, whether civilian or combatant, should be killed, an opinion echoed by some of the fighters.

Businessmen who help fund pro-government militias “are considered like fighters” and are usually sentenced to death if found guilty of supporting the regime in one of the group’s judicial courts, said Hamza Abdulrahman, a member of the Islamist group Ahrar al-Sham in Idlib.

He, like others, admitted his brigade interrogates prisoners, using beatings - “but we don’t torture like Assad does”. Afterwards, prisoners are transferred to one of the group’s courts. Anyone found guilty of murder, kidnapping or even theft might be executed, he said. Captured soldiers from the regime’s army are also routinely killed, unless they were caught when defecting.

In spite of their growing influence, extremist groups are acting with more restraint in Syria than they did in Iraq, Lund said, “probably because they learned that when they let things go out of hand, they lose popular support and because they know the minority issue is so explosive in Syria, so they have to tread carefully.”

He warned, however, that “with time, this will probably change.”

For the full interviews with rebel fighters, click here [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words ].

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How Syrian rebels view aid access

Under international humanitarian law, parties to a conflict must allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded passage of aid, subject to their right of control. So where do Syria’s rebels stand on this? 

In spite of the differences between the various groups, all fighters interviewed said they would never attack an aid convoy, with even the most extreme groups saying they would be prepared to facilitate access for aid workers and protect them - on certain conditions.

“No one would mind aid workers, unless they are coming to spy on us,” said Manhal Abu Bakr. “We’d need to know exactly who they are. Otherwise it wouldn’t go well. There would be suspicion.”

“We have no objection to anyone coming to help, but only in coordination with us,” added Osama Hadba, a member of the FSA’s Liwaa al Fateh brigade in Aleppo.

According to one aid worker, some organizations have been careful not to brand their distributions with USAID logos, and the Washington Post [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-04-14/world/38537333_1_aid-workers-syrians-obama-administration ] reported recently that the US “feeds Syrians, but secretly”.

In addition, many rebel groups are doing their own aid distributions. “It’s a big part of their propaganda,” Lund said. “They want to come off as concerned with civilian affairs and not just fighting.” Jabhat al-Nusra, for example, has put a lot of effort into organizing bread distributions and restarting bus traffic.

Hadba, like other fighters IRIN spoke to, insisted that all civilians are equally deserving of aid, regardless of religion or political affiliation.

“If we distribute food supplies, we go from house to house and check who is in need,” said Raed al Aliwi, the FSA commander in Hama. “We don’t ask about people’s religion or political opinion.”

However, fighters conceded they mainly hand out supplies in areas where residents support their side because they do not have access to areas dominated by regime supporters.

“The real test,” one international aid worker said, will come when aid workers try to access neighbourhoods that support the government but are encircled by opposition groups. “So far, it has generally been the other way around and they've had no reason to make life difficult for us.”

Some rebel groups have, however, stopped aid trucks at gunpoint, looted their belongings, and re-distributed them to their constituents whom they believe to be in more need.

gk/ha/cb


For more on violations of IHL in Syria, see documentation by Amnesty International [ http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/summary_killings_by_armed_opposition_groups.pdf ], Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/17/syria-end-opposition-use-torture-executions#torture ], and the UN Commission of Inquiry for Syria [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A.HRC.22.59_en.pdf ], as well as the report by the Center for Civilians in Conflict [ http://civiliansinconflict.org/uploads/files/publications/Syria_Public_Brief_Dec_2012.pdf ].

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98021/quot-Sometimes-you-cannot-apply-the-rules-quot-Syrian-rebels-and-IHL</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091143410929t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - In recent months, Syrian rebels have faced increasing criticism for violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law. For guidance on the laws of war, they turn to a combination of Islamic law, IHL and their own sense of righteousness or, as one expert put it, “revolutionary justice” - with mixed results.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrian rebels on IHL: In their own words</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091208460593t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to the UN Commission of Inquiry accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, including UN peacekeepers, and possibly using chemical weapons. So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International [ http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/summary_killings_by_armed_opposition_groups.pdf ] and Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/09/17/syria-end-opposition-use-torture-executions#torture ] to the UN Commission of Inquiry [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A.HRC.22.59_en.pdf ] accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, and possibly using chemical weapons [ http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/uns-carla-del-ponte-says-there-is-evidence-rebels-may-have-used-sarin-in-syria-8604920.html ]. The capture and detention of 21 UN peacekeepers in March and another four last week also constituted a violation of IHL.

So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?

IRIN interviewed rebel fighters of various leanings and levels of authority to better understand their mindset.

(See our analysis on this issue here [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98021/Analysis-Sometimes-you-cannot-apply-the-rules-Syrian-rebels-and-IHL ]) 

Faris al Bayoush, former Colonel in the army, now commanding a unit of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Idlib Governorate:

“I’ve read all about IHL during the training courses that were organized for the officers in the Syrian army, so I know all the rules. The majority of Syrians are civilians, good people. We naturally wouldn’t want to do anything to hurt them. Of course we respect IHL because violating human rights is what the regime stands for. The FSA has been formed to protect people from their crimes... We’re also guided by Islamic law. There is no contradiction between both because their content is similar: Both sources tell us not to harm civilians, particularly not weaker elements, but the Koran gives us more precise instructions... Before each battle, I give a speech to everybody to make sure everybody has the same idea of what is permissible and what isn’t. Then we talk and discuss the issue…

“Any foreign aid worker would be treated like our guest because the civilians here are really in need of assistance… A civilian is someone who doesn’t carry a gun, no matter what sect he belongs to... Do we take precautions so that we don’t harm civilians? Frankly, I find that question weird. Everybody is in God’s hands. But of course we don’t usually launch attacks if there are civilians around…

“We try to take good care of our prisoners. We’ve taken 53 lately, and we let them go home because we had nothing to charge them with.”

Manhal Abu Bakr, FSA member, Hama Governorate:

“We’ve lost faith in international laws and policies. This is why Islamist groups are gaining ground. At first they were weak, but then people realized it doesn’t help them if they adhere to Western standards, so they grew stronger... Some say this is hypocrisy. The international community expects us to comply with IHL, but nobody cares if our rights are being violated. For example, if you catch a Syrian air force pilot who is responsible for killing hundreds of people, of course you’d kill him…

“Foreign aid workers would have to be careful. There are bad groups, thieves and criminals; they might steal their supplies or kidnap them. No one of us would mind them unless they’re coming to spy on us. We’d need to know exactly who they are before we let them near us. Otherwise there would be suspicion. We cannot afford to make mistakes because the [one mistake could be our undoing].

“We try to distribute all aid supplies coming in from Turkey evenly. Usually we give it to people who support the revolution. We wouldn’t give anything to people who support the government because as rebels, we cannot enter their neighbourhoods. But we don’t differentiate between different sects. When you see all the need, you forget about religion... We always try to take measures not to harm civilians during out operations. This is the first thing we look into when planning an attack. We alert them and tell them to vacate the area. If they feel we don’t protect them, we’d lose their support.”

Raed al Aliwi, engineer, FSA commander, Hama Governorate:

“International humanitarian law is our be-all and end-all. It’s natural for us to comply with these standards because the FSA’s main purpose is to defend the people. This is why the FSA only launches attacks on very specific places where there are armed regime supporters. In many cases, we had to stop operations because there were civilians in the vicinity... It’s easy to differentiate between Shabiha [militias who support the government] and civilians because Shabiha always carry weapons, at least a small pistol; and they only show up in places where regime troops are close by. We also know them by their dialect… Alawis in general are not a problem for us. We’re not opposed to any sect as such…

“We wouldn’t object to any aid team coming to our area, no matter where they’re from, even if they’re Israeli…

“As Muslims, we regard Sharia law as our essential source from which we derive our rules. The problem is that there are groups who draw false conclusions from it, and then they turn extremist and do terrible things...

I’m commanding 60 men, and sometimes it’s difficult to make everybody follow the rules. If anyone violates our standards, he’d be punished. The important thing is that the leader behaves well because he is the role model that all the other men follow in their actions.”

Osama Hadba, member of the FSA’s religiously conservative Liwaa al Fateh brigade in Aleppo Governorate:

“We rely on the Koran as the key source of our rules, but we also take all international agreements into account. We know about IHL because everyone can see the violations committed by the regime with their own eyes... We are humans that have been forced to take up weapons. Of course we don’t violate any human rights, unlike the criminal regime we are opposing…


“In our office, we register all human rights breaches that occur. When we arrest somebody who is charged with any of those crimes, he’ll be transferred to one of the military courts that have been established to deal with such cases. A lot of lawyers and judges have defected and started working for the revolutionary courts.

“We stop only aid convoys that supply the regime army, not the ones heading towards civilian areas… We have no objection to any foreign aid workers coming to help, but only in coordination with us. I’d be happy to accompany them…

“We protect the civilian population as much as possible. Before launching an attack, we declare the area in question as a military zone, and civilians are requested to stay away.  It’s difficult to prevent harm from the population in neighbourhoods [that support Syrian President Bashar al-Assad] because the regime troops put their tanks inside the residential areas and use the civilians as shields.”

Abu Mousab, a commander of the al-Ansar Brigades (a jihadist group affiliated with US-designated terrorist organization Jabhat al-Nusra), Deir-ez-Zor Governorate:

“One of our commanders is a religious scholar, and he is responsible for setting our rules and principles. We’re fighting for religious reasons, so following the Koran and the Sunnah [teachings of the Prophet] is paramount for us. We’re not interested in IHL because Islamic law is much fairer than any secular law…

“I have no clue what the Geneva Conventions or any other international laws say because I’m a believer, and I’m sure that the Shariah is the best law in the world. All other laws are no solution…

“We announce our attacks beforehand if it’s possible. We’ve even aborted operations when we realized we might hurt civilians… We also consider regime supporters as civilians as long as they don’t carry weapons - except informers since they are causing huge damage. If we have proof that someone is an informer, we execute them. Sometimes people are stubborn, so sometimes you have to torture them to get the information you need. If we have a prisoner who has killed people, we’ll kill him...

“Everyone responsible for crimes committed against the Syrian people deserves to be killed…

“But we’re not killing randomly, even if people aren’t Sunni. If we arrest someone, it’s forbidden to kill him unless he has committed crimes. If he has, however, he deserves to be executed…

“Any aid group wanting to help people would be welcome here. We’d be prepared to give them protection. If we have supplies to hand out, we give it out to everyone equally, also to Christian families.”

Hamza Abdulrahman, member of Islamist group Ahrar al-Sham, Idlib Governorate:

“We don’t care about IHL because the Shariah is our law. For instance, if we arrest a prisoner, we’d take him to a court. We have our own Shariah courts in every area now. We don’t execute anyone unless they are killers, or guilty of theft or kidnapping. Anyone who helps the regime in any way will also be killed, for instance businessmen who support the regime financially. They are considered as fighters, not civilians. We also execute regime soldiers if we catch them, except if they were about to defect…

“Before they are taken to court, we interrogate them, and if they don’t say what they know, we beat or punish them - but we don’t torture like Assad does. According to Shariah law, it’s forbidden to hurt anyone’s head or face. There are laws, and we follow them. We also have our own charities which distribute aid supplies. The only criterion is people’s need; their political opinion or sect is irrelevant…

“If we plant a bomb, we don’t detonate it if there are civilians around. We only launch missiles on areas held by regime forces so that civilians don’t get hurt… We wouldn’t obstruct any foreign aid team, as long as they are unarmed. Other Islamist groups might have a different view on that, for example Jabhat al Nusra. They haven’t commented on this issue, so I’m not sure. But they think like al-Qaeda. They don’t think a European or American could contribute anything good to our revolution.”

gk/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98022/Syrian-rebels-on-IHL-In-their-own-words</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305091208460593t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Like Syrian regime forces, Syria’s multitude of rebel fighters have faced growing criticism in recent months over violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), including war crimes, with groups from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to the UN Commission of Inquiry accusing them of killing opponents execution-style, torturing detainees, taking hostages, including UN peacekeepers, and possibly using chemical weapons. So how do the rebels view IHL principles? What guides their action? Who do they consider a civilian? And what do they think of aid workers?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Towards increased services for Syrian survivors of sexual violence</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg" />]]>NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</description><body><![CDATA[NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - More has to be done to ensure the health and wellbeing of women and children affected by the Syrian conflict, said Babatunde Osotimehin, executive director of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), on a recent visit to Turkey’s Nizip refugee camp, about 40km east of the southern city of Gaziantep.

One of Turkey’s newest camps, Nizip houses some 10,000 refugees, or “guests” as the government prefers to call them, in white canvas tents and containers arrayed in neat numbered rows along the rocky, sun-bleached banks of the Euphrates. 

It is, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance.

Amenities include a laundry facility, a mosque, a health clinic, hot water and hot meals, schools and playgrounds, teahouses, hairdressers and a supermarket where refugees can shop for extras using electronic voucher cards. Kids can play organized football and compete in chess tournaments, watch TV and weave rugs. There is gas and electricity, sanitation and tight security.

But Turkish authorities seem to have overlooked one important detail. According to aid workers, nowhere at Nizip, or at any of Turkey’s 16 other camps, can refugee survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.

“I am impressed by what I have seen here,” Osotimehin, a former Nigerian health minister, told a group of reporters gathered outside the camp’s school. “It’s remarkable what Turkey has done at its own expense.” But he had also come, he said, to highlight the urgent needs of pregnant and lactating women as well as victims of the sexual violence said to be on the rise across conflict-battered Syria. 

Sexual violence in Syria

Indeed, as a January report  by the International Rescue Committee put it, “rape is a significant and disturbing feature of the Syrian/civil war” - an assertion supported by surveys of refugees in Jordan and Lebanon who consistently cited sexual violence “as a primary reason their families fled the country” [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/syria-displacement-crisis-worsens-protracted-humanitarian-emergency-looms-15091 ].

Weeks later, Erika Feller, assistant UN High Commissioner for Refugees, echoed, those concerns, warning of reports that “the conflict in Syria is increasingly marked by rape and sexual violence employed as a weapon of war.” [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44230#.UWQlm_Vfo3G ]

And writing in the Atlantic last month, Lauren Wolfe, director of the Women Under Siege Project, which documents the incidence of rape in conflict zones, described how Syria’s “massive rape crisis” is “creating a nation of traumatized survivors” [ http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/04/syria-has-a-massive-rape-crisis/274583/ ].

To date, Turkey has taken in around 193,000 refugees in 17 camps, and six new camps are currently under construction. Stretched to capacity, the country has been lauded for its open-door policy and generous aid. But at least one gap remains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97851/Is-Turkey-s-approach-to-Syrian-refugees-sustainable ].

“From what we have been able to learn, there is virtually no trained psychosocial support [specific to survivors of sexual violence] currently available in the camps,” said Leyla Welkin, a clinical psychologist and gender-based violence consultant working with UNFPA.

Specific services for survivors of SGBV are rarely at the top of the priority list in emergency settings, said Meltem Agduk, a gender programme officer with UNFPA. Like others have done elsewhere, Turkish officials first focused on providing adequate food and shelter to a spiralling number of refugees.   

“You can see that our camps are in better condition compared to Jordanian camps,” said a senior Turkish official. “The people are very happy.”

The government has informed the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) that specialized staff are available to the Syrian refugees, who can be treated inside the camp or referred to hospitals outside the camp where necessary, UNHCR's office in Ankara said. 

But as Welkin told IRIN after a meeting with women `mukhtars’, or village leaders, who teared up when asked about sexual violence, “there is a significant need for professional support.” 

Psychosocial services, more generally, are available to both women and children in the camps, but a lack of private space makes it difficult for women to talk about their experiences of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), perpetuating a culture of silence that severely impedes efforts to address it.

Building capacity

That dearth of psychosocial support for survivors of sexual violence in Turkey’s refugee camps is a function of its scarcity in the country at large, said Welkin, who is based in UNFPA’s office in the Turkish capital Ankara. “When it comes to SGBV, Turkey is very underserved.” 

Lack of personnel is a challenge for the Ministry of Family and Social Policy more widely, Agduk added. In some cities, there is just one psychologist and one social worker to deal with both the normal Turkish caseload, as well as the influx of Syrian refugees (an additional 130,000 have been registered outside the camps). 

In recent years, Turkey has focused on increasing its ability to respond to domestic cases of SGBV, opening one-stop centres where survivors of SGBV can access counselling, legal advice, and other kinds of support all in one place. But Turkey has less experience in treating SGBV in the context of disasters, in which trauma is multiplied, Agduk said. 

The Turkish government has been keen to address the issue of disaster-related SGBV, she added, and has turned to UNFPA for technical expertise.

Together with the Turkish Ministry of Family and Social Policy, UNFPA has designed a pilot programme to prepare and train 24 health care workers to conduct preliminary psychological assessment and treatment in the camps. The programme will also provide general public education on SGBV, said Welkin, including an intervention specifically targeting men, “some of whom will be perpetrators”.

UNHCR has also given Turkish officials its guidelines, or standard operating procedures, for the prevention of and response to SGBV "to be shared among their staff working with Syrian refugees in the camps."

UNFPA has already trained Turkish health care workers in the clinical management of rape, including emergency contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections, and collection of forensic evidence. But in the absence of access to counselling, said Welkin, victims are unlikely to present for medical treatment, largely because of the stigma surrounding the issue. Cultural differences and language barriers have also posed challenges, Agduk said.

The new training will begin within a couple weeks, with services likely to be up and running within two months, she said. This first phase of the programme targets health care workers, psychologists and social workers at the municipality and governorate level, with the aim of building capacity inside institutions that can be carried forward. 

“My hope is that this catastrophe can serve as an opportunity for Turkey to take a step forward in SGBV prevention and intervention - that the professionals we train will be able to take these skills from the camps to their own communities,” Welkin said. 

Indeed, government officials see this programme as “opening a door” through which they can establish new services that will be available not only for Syrian refugees, but in case of future disasters.

“It is important that they are now taking it seriously,” Agduk said.

New legislation, passed last year, has significantly improved the laws governing SGBV, for example by expanding the definition to include non-married victims of domestic violence or divorced women who are assaulted by their ex-husbands.

Understanding the needs

Still, the task ahead is not easy, and not least for the fact that the UN now faces a major funding shortfall. Of the US$1.5 billion pledged by international donors to cover Syrian refugee needs for the first half of 2013, just over half has been committed. UNFPA requirements for the Syrian crisis, across the region, for the same period were $20.7 million, but so far, say representatives, the agency has received less than half of that [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97877/Promised-aid-funding-for-Syria-reaches-half-way-point ].

Another challenge is that the scale and range of SGBV-related needs among Syrian refugees are not fully clear. 

“Our concern is not about the number of psychologists trained, but the lack of information about the reality on the ground,” said Ayman Abulaban, Turkey representative of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF). He said UNICEF does not currently have information about this, but hopes to in the near future when project activities begin. 

Abulaban said there was a need to assess the gaps, to increase comprehensive prevention and response services, and to create a standardized referral system. He said he hoped a new UNICEF project to increase resilience among children and youth in the camps would help support the government in addressing the needs. (According to a recent Save the Children report, sexual violence in conflict disproportionately affects children and teenagers) [ http://www.savethechildren.org/atf/cf/%7B9def2ebe-10ae-432c-9bd0-df91d2eba74a%7D/UNSPEAKABLE_CRIMES_AGAINST_CHILDREN.PDF ].

“It is of utmost importance that Syrian refugees can access SGBV services,” he said in a written statement.

In the lead-up to its training, UNFPA, the Ministry of Family and Social Policy and AFAD, the government’s disaster and emergency management unit, will conduct a large assessment of the needs, Agduk said.

Meanwhile, as the fighting in Syria rages on, refugees continue to pour over the border, with some 7,000 new arrivals registering each day across the region. By the end of the year, warned UNHCR’s regional coordinator for Syrian refugees, the number of Syrian refugees in the region could surpass four million [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44602&Cr=syria&Cr1=#.UXjrJiuPgjU ].

The Ministry of Family and Social Policy did not answer IRIN's request for comment. 

pa/ha/cb

*This article provides additional information to an original version published on 2 May 2013. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97953/Analysis-Towards-increased-services-for-Syrian-survivors-of-sexual-violence</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Coffee and patience: a day in the life of a family hosting Syrian refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg" />]]>SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</description><body><![CDATA[SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago, as Syrian refugees began streaming across borders, Lebanese families opened up their homes. Unlike in Jordan, Turkey and Iraq, where hundreds of thousands of refugees are being housed in camps, at the beginning of the influx into Lebanon, the majority of refugees were hosted by families. Some Lebanese households took in as many as six refugee families.

But as the conflict next-door has dragged on and the number of refugees in Lebanon has grown, so too has the burden on their Lebanese hosts.

Today, most of the 425,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon are renting homes or apartments; with only 6 percent hosted by families, according to a survey by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

IRIN spent a day with some Lebanese hosts, bringing you this portrait of a family trying to balance obligation and sacrifice.

It was a series of twists of fate that brought together two families - one Lebanese, one Syrian - that did not know one another.

They met 15 years ago in a shared cab on the way to Syria, where the Lebanese family often shopped for cheaper products. Becoming friends, they met once or twice a year in Syria after that.

When Israel began bombing Lebanon in 2006, as part of a war with the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, the Lebanese family fled to Syria, where their new acquaintances hosted them for one month.

Six years later, the tables were turned.

On a sunny Thursday morning, Hannan is preparing a simple Lebanese breakfast of bread and vegetables for guests in the small Sunni village of Saadanayel, in Lebanon’s eastern Beka’a Valley.

Houda, 7, Bassima, 14, and their grandparents Sadika and Mohammad are seated on the floor of the living room, preparing to eat.

Hannan has been hosting the family of seven Syrian refugees in her humble two-bedroom house for the last five months. The children’s parents, Fadia and Houssam, have been out since early morning, like every day, searching for jobs in the surrounding cities of the Beka’a Valley. Their third child, 10-year-old Kamal, is out fetching water.

When their neighbourhood near the Syrian capital Damascus was bombed in December 2012, Fadia and Houssam called the only people they knew in Lebanon, and Hannan immediately responded.

“It's a pity. They had nowhere to go,” she said. “I couldn't say no. It would have been an offence against God not to help them.”

Hannan’s husband has a second wife, and only sleeps at the house every other day. Their five grown children do not live at home any more. So Hannan gave up her bedroom for the young Syrian couple, and is now sharing the second room with the grandparents and three children.

She spends her morning with the grandparents, interrupting their chit-chat every five minutes to take laundry off the clothesline, prepare coffee, garden, and watch over the refugee children playing in the field next door (They arrived in Lebanon too late in the year to enrol in school).

Everyone helps out with the household tasks, even Sadika, who has arthritis and leg pains. Fadia helps with the cooking and cleaning when she gets home from the job search. But as far as Hannan is concerned, that’s the easy part.

“I am used to cooking a lot of food for my visitors, so I don't mind cooking for 10 people. It is not the logistical side which is difficult. It is the financial side,” she whispers. “We are struggling to get enough food for everyone.”

The Syrian family has run out of money, so she, her husband and her seven guests live off the little money her husband gets from his pension, from their rented out horse pen, and from the garlic they grow in the backyard, which they trade for other vegetables.

They have cut back on meat almost completely and Hannan and her husband no longer buy new clothes or things for the house.

“I don't want to tell them that it's difficult, because I fear God,” Hannan says. “In 2006 when I stayed at their place it was different. I was staying with the grandparents, and it was only for a month.”

Around midday, the visitors begin stopping by. First it is the neighbours; then shisha-smoking friends of Hannan’s son, some of them Lebanese soldiers; then her own friends. They pass the time under the shadows of trees in the garden. The coffee is always flowing. The visits do not stop until late afternoon.

They chat about everything and nothing, and when the discussion turns towards the situation in Syria, Hannan springs out of her seat, and disappears into the house, finding a new task to keep busy. She doesn’t say so, but the discussions appear to make her uncomfortable. At the very least, she’s tired of it. “They spend all day talking about Syria,” she says.

At 2pm, the school bus drops off the neighbours’ children, who join the Syrian children chasing each other around the field. Shortly after their arrival, Fadia returns from hours of job-hunting. She cannot afford to take the bus every day, so sometimes she walks for kilometres.

She checks on her children, then immediately turns to helping Hannan with the daily tasks. She doesn’t get very far before a new visitor arrives.

A local representative from the Sunni political party Future Movement has stopped by. (He sometimes distributes food vouchers to the Syrian refugees, but he does not have any with him this time).

“They're lucky to have found a host family,” Anouar Choubasse says. “A lot of Syrian refugees have nothing, not even a roof.”

Fadia is a little surprised by his arrival and keeps her distance. She has tried to keep her family’s presence as discrete as possible - potentially for fear of the growing resentment [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97354/UN-To-avoid-tensions-with-refugees-Lebanese-hosts-need-support ] towards the refugees in Lebanon. She never shares her opinions about politics.

“Saadnayel has always been a [hospitable] community,” says Choubasse. “But now, I can feel the racism growing. A lot of Lebanese people are in a difficult situation and don't get any help. It's not as bad [here] as in certain villages, where they imposed curfews on the Syrians. But people are losing patience.”

This Lebanese host family appears to be no exception.

His wife may fear God, but Hannan’s husband Ali does not hesitate to speak openly when he comes home later in the afternoon.

“When I sleep here, I have to sleep on the couch in the living room. I want to sleep in the same bed as my wife again. If the situation lasts for more than two more months, I will set up the family in a tent in the garden. If they will be staying for the long term, I will build a permanent structure for them.”

He pauses to consider.

“Of course we need to help them,” he goes on. “As the Arabic saying goes: ‘If someone is good to you, be twice as good to them’. But we need our intimacy at some point.”

By 4.30pm, the visitors begin trickling out. The Syrian father, Houssam, is still not home. His wife hopes his delay means he has found a job.

While Mohammad, the grandfather, takes a nap in the living room, Fadia and Hannan have lunch together. To accommodate the constant stream of visitors, they have to eat in two shifts. Today, the women eat first. They usually mix with the men, but this change of circumstances makes them laugh. “In the old Damascene tradition, the men ate before the women,” Fadia says. “Now it's the opposite.”

Whereas both Fadia and Hannan seemed uncomfortable with some of the visitors talking politics, the atmosphere during lunch is much more relaxed.

Houssam eventually returns, still jobless. He is frustrated, but does not show it.

“I have been looking for a job for five months now and haven't found anything,” he says. “There is too much unemployment in the area and they hire the Lebanese before hiring Syrians… I could take any job, as long as it's not too physical because I have heart problems,” he adds.

They chit-chat together on the front porch until the sun sets.

At night, they watch a drama series - careful to turn on the TV only after the news is over. Hannan tries to distract them with happier thoughts.

“We don't want to follow what is happening in Syria,” she explains. “It is too emotional for the Syrian family to talk about it. When you host a Syrian family, you have to be careful and subtle about the topics you talk about. You also have to be really patient.” And apparently, you also have to have a lot of coffee.

ar/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97997/Coffee-and-patience-a-day-in-the-life-of-a-family-hosting-Syrian-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria refugees multimedia series – ‘Where the war still echoes’</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301148480319t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes, follows a Syrian refugee family over the course of a year, from their arrival in Jordan in December 2012. It is an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life, and cope with the violence at home.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Selim and Leila were farmers in Dera'a, southwestern Syria, until the day their village was shelled by government forces and they decided to leave the country. This entailed a terrifying nighttime journey on foot through government-held territory, escorted by the Free Syrian Army. To keep the children quiet and avoid detection, they gave them sleeping pills. Many of their relatives are still stuck in Syria.

Selim, Leila and their eight children now live in Za'atari, a sprawling tented camp in Jordan, just 15km from the Syrian border, which is home to more than 110,000 refugees.

This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes [ http://www.irinnews.org/SyriaSpecial/index.html ], follows the family over the course of a year, from their arrival in December 2012. The series provides an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life and the traumatic effects of the conflict back home, as well as the pressure felt by Selim to return and join the rebellion.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97954/Syria-refugees-multimedia-series-Where-the-war-still-echoes</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301148480319t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes, follows a Syrian refugee family over the course of a year, from their arrival in Jordan in December 2012. It is an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life, and cope with the violence at home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

jj/cb


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Promised aid funding for Syria reaches half-way point</title><pubDate>Thu, 18 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304181456150982t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly three months ago, donors pledged $1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis. Today, Kuwait announced the transfer of its pledge of $300 million to international aid agencies and with that, half of the pledges have been fulfilled. IRIN takes a look at the status of the remaining pledges made in Kuwait, as aid agencies threaten to suspend their work for lack of funding.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - UN officials are lauding as a “big achievement” today’s announcement that Kuwait has officially allocated $300 million promised for humanitarian aid in Syria. 

Only once before has a Gulf country contributed such a large amount of money through multilateral channels - when Saudi Arabia made a $500 million contribution to the World Food Programme (WFP) in 2008, the single largest cash donation ever made to a UN agency. 

Kuwait’s announcement is a follow-through of the pledge it made at a major international conference on 30 January, in Kuwait, which saw more than US $1.5 billion in aid promised [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97376/Donors-pledge-1-5-billion-in-aid-to-Syria-while-demanding-more-access ]; it was one of the largest and most successful fundraising events in UN history (See the full list of pledges here) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait ]. Yet hundreds of millions of dollars pledged at the conference by other donors have yet to materialize, and aid agencies in Syria are threatening to cut programming because of funding shortages. 

Kuwait has already begun handing over $275 million in cheques to UN agencies, with another $25 million going to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). 

“We are … matching our words with our deeds,” Dharar Abdul-Razzak Razzooqi, Kuwaiti ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, told journalists at a press conference today [ http://webtv.un.org/watch/kuwaits-contribution-to-the-humanitarian-situation-in-syria-press-conference/2308918834001/?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter#full-text ].

With Kuwait’s allocations, about half of the $1.5 billion has been committed or contributed, meaning the donor has provided details of the amount each recipient agency will receive or has actually transferred the money. 

“Without the Kuwait timely contribution now, we would all be in extreme difficulties, immediately,” Antonio Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said at the press conference. “This gives us the breathing space to allow [us] to wait for other countries to commit themselves as Kuwait did and to make their pledges transformed into reality.” 

In December 2012, the UN appealed for $1.5 billion to help people both inside and outside Syria in the first six months of 2013, through two UN-coordinated response plans. As of 18 April, aid agencies had received approximately $810 million towards those appeals - or about 52 percent of the requested funding.

While the January conference was meant to meet those financial needs, not all the $1.5 billion pledged at the event will go towards the $1.5 billion needed for the response plans, with some donors choosing to fund project through other channels. 

FTS has so far tracked $336 million committed for humanitarian aid towards the Syrian crisis in 2013 outside of the two appeals [ https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/pub?key=0AusGu5uwbtt-dEp0eHRzcWdVd2hBQmpBVWwxUHRjcUE&single=true&gid=0&output=html ].

Revised UN-coordinated plans, including the financial costs of aid programs for the second half of the year, will be presented at the end of May. Guterres said the number of refugees by year end could easily be triple the number accounted for in the current plans. 

Gulf donors 

The bulk of the money pledged at the conference came from Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. 

Several sources told IRIN the Emirati government is unlikely to channel much or any of its promised funding through the UN, instead spending the money through Emirati channels, including the UAE Red Crescent Authority, the Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan Foundation and the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development. 

The UAE Red Crescent Authority is running a new camp for Syrian refugees, which opened in Jordan last week and was described by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as “five-star”. Ahmad Al Mazrouie, chairman of the Authority, told a local newspaper that the camp was “strong proof” of the commitment made at the January conference, with the Authority having spent more than 50 million Emirati dirham ($13.6 million) so far [ http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/uae-funded-camp-offers-refuge-to-fleeing-syrians ].

Sulaiman Al-Turki, of the Saudi Ministry of Finance’s department of international financial affairs, told IRIN that Saudi Arabia’s contribution has already been allocated to UN agencies and the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local NGO active in the countries hosting Syrian refugees. The National Campaign for Syria has already received some of the funding, Al-Turki said, disbursed on an “as-needed basis, according to the National Campaign assessment.” 

A group of Gulf NGOs, which pledged an additional $183 million at the conference, has yet to raise the full amount promised, according to Suleiman Shamsaldeen, general manager of the International Islamic Charitable Organization, one of the organizations in the coalition. The commitment made in January, he told IRIN, was to raise and spend that amount by the end of 2013.

“They are trying to finalize the formulation…“The way it works is that these societies and NGOs commit themselves, but it doesn’t mean… they [already] have money in their pockets,” he said. 

However, Gulf NGOs have already started implementing projects, said Othman al-Haggi, head of relief at the Kuwait Relief Society, which is coordinating the efforts. A complete action plan - aimed in part at supporting fundraising efforts, focused around the Muslim holy month of Ramadan - will be published by the end of the month, he said. 

Separate from the conference, Qatar announced it would give $100 million to the opposition Syrian National Coalition’s humanitarian aid arm, the Assistance Coordination Unit. 

Other donors 

After the Gulf donors, the next largest pledges at the Kuwait conference came from the US, the European Commission’s humanitarian arm ECHO and the UK, each of which have fully allocated their funds. (The UK’s full commitment, finalized today, has yet to be reflected on FTS)

Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Japan, Malta, Mongolia, the Netherlands, Poland and Slovakia have also completely paid off their pledges, though many countries had planned their funding in advance in order to announce it at the summit. 

There are also other sources of funding for UN agencies and NGOs working on the Syria crisis, including the UN-managed Central Emergency Response Fund, which just approved $20.5 million for use by UN agencies.

The separate Emergency Response Fund (ERF) for Syria, established last June, has received $36 million in funding, of which $10 million remains available for use, awaiting project proposals from NGOs. (The ERF only funds small short-term projects to a maximum of $500,000, which must meet certain criteria. Many local NGOs do not have the awareness or the skills to submit proper proposals).

Funding machinery 

Massive bureaucratic machinery is involved in the funding of humanitarian responses to crises. Contracts have to be negotiated, signed and counter-signed, often both in the field and at the headquarters level. Depending on the amount of money involved and the sophistication, funding cycles and bureaucracy of the donor, it can take days - or months - from the moment funding is authorized to when the money is transferred to a bank account. 

Aid agencies rarely have any guarantee that promised funding will come through on any given day. Many donors, like ECHO, have separate mechanisms in place to fund emergencies, meant to speed up the process. 

However, pledging conferences, like the one in January, are almost never fulfilled completely, according to donor transparency groups.

For example, according to an analysis done by the Office of the Special Envoy for Haiti, of $9 billion pledged for Haiti at a conference in March 2010, after the 7.0-magnitude (Mw) earthquake struck the island nation, $3.9 billion had been recovered by the end of 2010. By 2012, $6.4 billion had been received. (However, many pledges were multi-year commitments) [ http://www.lessonsfromhaiti.org/download/International_Assistance/5-ny-pledge-total.pdf ].

On average, from 2000-2012, year-long UN humanitarian appeals have been funded at 66 percent [ http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/gha-CAP-2013-analysis-1412121.pdf ].

While awaiting funds at the initial stages of the Syria emergency, many large operational UN agencies tapped into financial reserves from their headquarters, “at times taking some risks,” Regional Humanitarian Coordinator for Syria Radhouane Nouicer told IRIN. Even with these funds, UN agencies are now overstretched. “This practice has limitations and cannot accommodate all urgent needs,” Nouicer said. 

“If fresh funding does not come urgently,” he added, “the response will be seriously disturbed.”

Growing needs 

Inside Syria, at least four million people are displaced; millions more have lost their jobs and are struggling with increasing food prices [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ], and unavailable healthcare [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ].

UNHCR has registered more than 1.4 million Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries, and the unofficial number of refugees is thought to be much higher. In addition to their growing needs, refugees are also placing a massive burden on their host communities in Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt, with the potential to undermine stability in the entire region. 

During the press conference, Guterres lobbied for a special fund through which governments could more sustainably support Syrian refugees and their host countries. “This is not a crisis like any other. The dimension, the intensity, the level of suffering, the level of destruction are such that this cannot be funded with usual humanitarian aid budgets,” he said. 

Funding is not the only constraint for the aid operation in Syria. Insecurity, a lack of information, and layers of required clearances from both the government and UN have also limited aid delivery. But inadequate funding has played a significant role. 

“We are precariously close, perhaps within weeks, to suspending some humanitarian support,” the heads of five UN agencies responding to the crisis said in an editorial in the New York Times this week [ http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/16/opinion/global/a-un-appeal-to-save-syria.html?_r=0 ].

The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has already announced that without additional funding “in the coming days and weeks”, it will have to cut certain aid programmes inside Syria, including vaccination efforts, mobile health teams, water provision [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97518/Diseases-spreading-in-Syria-as-WASH-systems-collapse ] and recreational activities for children. In neighbouring countries, UNICEF will no longer be able to provide water for drinking, showering or latrines for tens of thousands of refugees, and will have to cut off education for tens of thousands of Syrian children studying in Jordanian and Lebanese schools.

UNHCR is struggling to afford simple things like lighting and blankets in some of the refugee camps, let alone sufficient security measures in the increasingly insecure Za’atari camp in northern Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97778/Despite-new-police-presence-security-concerns-persist-at-Syrian-refugee-camp ]. Without new funding, UNHCR said it will have to reduce the healthcare coverage it provides to current refugees. It will also become “simply impossible” for UN agencies to provide food, clean water, schooling, shelter and healthcare for new refugees who keep streaming in, it said [ http://www.unhcr.org/516576b66.html ].

WFP has in the past had to cut food rations for people inside Syria due to lack of funding in the pipeline. It recently warned it would have to stop providing food vouchers to 400,000 refugees in Lebanon in one month and reduce the value of food vouchers for 175,000 refugees in Jordan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/un-says-81-million-urgently-needed-food-relief-35-million-syrians ].

“We heard [about] the huge generosity announced in Kuwait. We’d like to see it materialized now,” Panos Moumtzis, UNHCR’s regional coordinator for Syrian refugees, told IRIN. “The needs are more than what we are able to respond [to]. We don’t know how much longer we will be able to continue, unless a miracle happens with significant contributions.” 

Julie Thompson, who tracks donor commitments for FTS, also urged donors and recipients to inform FTS of money flows, “so we can help identify the gaps and direct resources where they are most needed”. 

af/ha/rz

*This article was amended on 19 April to correct Kuwait's allocation to UN agencies from $285 to $275 million. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97877/Promised-aid-funding-for-Syria-reaches-half-way-point</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304181456150982t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly three months ago, donors pledged $1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis. Today, Kuwait announced the transfer of its pledge of $300 million to international aid agencies and with that, half of the pledges have been fulfilled. IRIN takes a look at the status of the remaining pledges made in Kuwait, as aid agencies threaten to suspend their work for lack of funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Is Turkey&apos;s approach to Syrian refugees sustainable?</title><pubDate>Mon, 15 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304151406110542t.jpg" />]]>NIZIP 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - By all accounts, Turkey’s camps for Syrian refugees are among the best the world has ever seen. The country has spent at least $700 million to accommodate the refugees in 17 well-equipped camps along the border, at a reported cost of at least $1.5 million per camp per month. But as the numbers of refugees continue to grow with no end in sight, observers wonder how Turkey will keep up.</description><body><![CDATA[NIZIP 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - On a small piece of land beside the rushing Euphrates River, 908 white, prefabricated container homes sit surrounded by double-barbed wire fences and guard towers.

Each one - with two rooms, two windows, a door and a small bathroom - is meant to accommodate a family.

Nizip 2 Container City is one of two new Turkish camps opened recently to accommodate the swelling number of people fleeing the violence in neighbouring Syria. Both camps reached their capacity - together, 15,000 people - within one month.

Across the border, about 50,000 displaced Syrians are living in makeshift camps, including thousands who have arrived recently due to intensified violence in al-Raqqa governorate. Most of them are waiting to enter Turkey, which says it currently accepts between 500 and 1,500 refugees per day, but struggles to find room for them.

“We don’t have accommodation capacity,” Suphi Atan, a representative of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told IRIN. “How can we accept them all?”

Like Jordan and Lebanon, Turkey is struggling to keep up with the increasing burden of the conflict next door. Last month, the number of refugees across the region topped one million.

By all accounts, Turkey’s camps are among the best the world has ever seen. The country has shown great generosity, spending at least $700 million of its own money - up to $1 billion, according to some estimates - to accommodate the refugees. Nearly 200,000 Syrians live in 17 camps along the border, at a reported cost of at least $1.5 million per camp per month. But as the numbers continue to grow with no end in sight, observers wonder how Turkey will keep up [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96794/SYRIA-Turkey-opens-up-to-international-aid-in-camps ].

“The issue of course… and the Turks are equally concerned, is sustainability,” said one aid worker, who preferred anonymity.

Recent changes

Recent weeks have seen a “change in tone” in Turkey’s approach, the aid worker said.

In March, the Turkish government started registering Syrian refugees living outside of the camps, in towns and cities, to better understand their needs. It has so far registered more than 68,500, with another 33,260 awaiting registration.

In the last two weeks, it also gave the “green light” to an international NGO, the Danish Refugee Council, to begin directly assisting refugees living outside the camp - which was until now limited to ad-hoc assistance by local NGOs.

UN agencies are also increasingly active inside the camps. For example, a joint World Food Programme/Turkish Red Crescent food voucher programme allowing refugees to buy groceries using credit on electronic cards has expanded to Harran and Hatay camps, and will double its beneficiary caseload by mid-April. The government wants the programme extended to all camps as soon as possible, but WFP does not currently have adequate funding to do so.  

AFAD, the disaster and emergency management unit at the prime minister’s office, has also signed agreements with other UN agencies, including the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), to provide humanitarian aid and services to the refugees.

This month, Turkey also adopted a new law on asylum, which will introduce for the first time in Turkish history a legal framework for refugee issues in the country [ http://www.unhcr.org/5167e7d09.html ].

Across the border

Turkey’s refugee camps, across eight southern provinces, are now home to around 192,000 people, a nearly 30 percent increase since the start of 2013. An equal number of Syrians are estimated to be living outside the camps, in apartments, unfinished houses and even sheds. In the Turkish border town of Reyhanli, a two-floor wedding hall is home to more than 700 people.

Turkey’s policy has been for those without proper documents to wait - up to four months - until space opens up in one of the camps. The elderly and injured get priority. (Syrians entering with passports are free to settle outside the camps.) Across the border, tens of thousands of displaced people live in very difficult conditions [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] in a handful of impromptu camps that receive humanitarian aid irregularly, waiting for news of an opening.

Turkey plans to complete three more camps in the next month - Harran and Adana camps are the next ones scheduled for completion - with a joint capacity of 40,000.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not respond to IRIN’s request for more detailed information about its long-term plan to deal with the influx. But according to the ministry’s Atan, Turkey expects the number of refugees in the camps could rise to 300,000 by the end of the year.

“We will continue establishing the new camps to accommodate them. But of course sending humanitarian assistance inside Syria to make them live there is preferred,” he said. The Turkish government is already providing food, tents and other items to Syrians on the other side of the border.  

For Oytun Orhan, Middle East researcher at ORSAM, a Turkish think tank, the country has no choice but to maintain its “open-door” policy because any reversal would be a “total denial” of its principles.

But as early as last fall, when the number of refugee was half what it is today, he told IRIN: “the cost of the Syrian visitors is getting higher and higher day by day, socially, security-wise, but also economically.”

Longer-term approaches

Several aid agencies are already engaged in so-called “cross-border aid”, and many call for this to be drastically scaled up.

Turkish NGO IHH is currently proposing to Gulf donors the building of “well-organized” camps inside northern, rebel-controlled Syria - providing comprehensive services, including schools, clinics, mosques and eventually houses - to replace the current ad-hoc settlements there, which lack proper shelter from the elements.

“This is not a short-term crisis. It will be deeper and last longer,” international relations coordinator Izzet Sahin told IRIN. “Even if there is a ceasefire, even if there is a new period in Syria, it will be impossible for those hundreds of thousands of people to return to their houses because there is no house anymore. There must be at least a five-year plan to accommodate them.”

Observers say this was not Turkey’s initial assessment of the conflict in Syria.

“Turkey keeps telling itself it will all be over soon and everyone will go back to Syria,” said Hugh Pope, an analyst with the International Crisis Group.

Turkey has appealed repeatedly for more funds from donors to support its refugee response. But so far, donors have prioritized [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=search-reporting_display&CQ=cq201212112407SDA4PMnDgo&orderby=USD_commitdisbu&showDetails= ] the weaker, poorer governments of Jordan and Lebanon - and even then, international funding for humanitarian aid has been limited [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ].

Another solution would be for Turkey to lift the condition that undocumented asylum-seekers wait for space in the new camps, and that it accept more assistance from international organizations to help accommodate them.

“The building of the camp is more of a technical excuse,” said another international aid worker. “If people come in, we will always be able to find solutions of where people should go.”

The newest camps

For now, many fleeing Syrians continue to depend on the new camps being built.

Among the new arrivals in Nizip 2 Container City is Ahmed Fariz, who lost both legs fighting for the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA). He was the sole provider for his parents, wife and two small children. Sitting in a wheelchair, holding his smiling three-month-old son, Fariz says he was brought to the Gaziantep hospital one month ago.

The former tailor praises Turkish authorities, who he says took good care of him in the hospital and, later, in the camp, and "provided us with everything we need." The mayor of Nizip even visited him three times, he said, "and the doctors promised to provide me with artificial limbs."

A clinic is just one of many services in the camp, including cooking and laundry facilities, a TV room and a green mosque.

Saleh Al Haffez, as well as his wife, parents and five children, aged 4 to 13, are squeezed into two small rooms, but they are grateful: “The Turkish government has provided us with more than any other country has.”

Families receive mattresses, sheets, plates, pots, diapers, electric heaters and food, which comes through the Turkish Red Crescent and AFAD. At lunchtime, children carrying pots and pans queued to take lentil soup, pasta with tomato sauce, yogurt and baguettes back to their families. Eventually, the Syrians will be able to cook for themselves, camp officials said.

At the entrances to the three new school buildings are portraits of Turkey's first president, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. “Our purpose is to make the sayings of Ataturk come true,” camp manager Cengiz Gundes said, pointing to the engraved words: "Peace at home and peace in the world."

jh/ha/rz

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97851/Is-Turkey-apos-s-approach-to-Syrian-refugees-sustainable</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304151406110542t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIZIP 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - By all accounts, Turkey’s camps for Syrian refugees are among the best the world has ever seen. The country has spent at least $700 million to accommodate the refugees in 17 well-equipped camps along the border, at a reported cost of at least $1.5 million per camp per month. But as the numbers of refugees continue to grow with no end in sight, observers wonder how Turkey will keep up.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Despite new police presence, security concerns persist at Syrian refugee camp</title><pubDate>Wed, 03 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021315480411t.jpg" />]]>MAFRAQ 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The Jordanian government is implementing new measures to improve security for the Syrian refugees at Za’atari camp, where theft, riots, fires and throwing stones has become commonplace. But aid workers say the new police presence is limited by funding constraints and has yet to make a difference.</description><body><![CDATA[MAFRAQ 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The Jordanian government is implementing new measures to improve security for the Syrian refugees at Za’atari camp, but aid workers say the efforts are limited by funding constraints and have yet to make a difference.

The entrance to Za’atari - now Jordan’s fifth largest city - is a chaotic hodgepodge of Syrian refugees, Jordanian citizens, journalists, aid workers, vans and water trucks, with up to 10,000 visitors a day.

The camp, built to accommodate around 60,000 Syrian refugees, is now home to at least 140,000, according to the government. Some 50,000 arrived in February alone; between 1,500 and 2,000 more arrive every night.

As the numbers in Za’atari have swelled, safety and security have degenerated, with theft, fires and riots commonplace. Residents say there is palpable tension in the air; aid workers have been attacked, even hospitalized, and journalists beaten. Security is often the only item on the agenda at camp coordination meetings.

“We’ve got grave concerns for the security situation in Za’atari - not only for refugees, but also for our staff,” said Andrew Harper, representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Jordan. “That’s part of the reason we are embarking on a major programme with the security apparatus, so that they have the means to enhance security in camp… The sense of impunity must be removed.”

Gateway to a city

The identification system governing entrance to and exit from the camp is “opaque, confusing and open to abuse,” Mathew Russell, security advisor to the NGO Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), told IRIN.

Tents, mattresses, gas and other products are smuggled in and out through a thriving black market, which often charges refugees exploitative prices for essential goods, aid workers say. Tents and food items, clearly marked with agency logos, can be seen for sale in the nearby city of Mafraq and in the desert on the way to Za’atari.

The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has lost US$1 million worth of taps, showers, latrines and other material; UNHCR has had hundreds of thousands of dollars in kitchen supplies disappear. Even fences have been stolen, Harper told IRIN. He and others say worse crimes could be taking place inside the camp, though no one is really sure.

This month, local media reported that the Jordanian police busted large amounts of heroin sold by Syrian refugees in Za’atari. One refugee told IRIN that she was twice taken outside the camp and brought back by smugglers without being questioned. (Refugees are officially not allowed to leave the camp unless they are “bailed out” by a Jordanian citizen.)

“Imagine having a gate to a city when you are controlling everything that comes in and out,” said Saba Mobaslat, who leads Save the Children’s programmes in Jordan relating to the crisis in Syria. “It reaches a point when it is impossible.”

Anmar Alhmoud, rapporteur of the government’s higher steering committee for Syrian affairs in Jordan, acknowledged the “illegal” movement of people across the camp’s border, but said rumours of rape and the presence of weapons inside Za’atari   “are blowing everything out of proportion.”

Still, there is concern the insecurity is could be felt well beyond the camp’s borders. Some analysts, like Hassan Barrari, an international political science lecturer at the University of Jordan, say the government may fear “hidden groups” penetrating the camp and escalating problems.

“You literally have to wear a helmet”

Camp resident Hajjar Ahmad, 37, says that she no longer feels safe leaving her children on their own in their tent when she goes to collect donations from aid agencies or to visit the doctor.

“Nowadays, there are too many people going inside and outside of the camp every day,” she told IRIN. One taxi driver said he thinks twice before taking customers to Za’atari, for fear of having his car windows smashed.

Aid workers have been frequently attacked during aid distributions. Initially, riots and violent protests were motivated by poor living conditions and delays in receiving assistance. But increasingly, refugees with few other means of self-expression riot over everything, from who was first in line to their village being bombed.

“Before, riots used to happen for a reason,” Mobaslat said. “Now, riots happen for everything and nothing…You literally have to wear a helmet. You never know when you’re going to be hit by a stone.”

New arrivals to the camp, who have witnessed more violence in Syria, are “louder and more violent” than those who arrived at the beginning of the crisis, she said.

“Riots are mainly planned by single men who just want trouble,” said Marwan, a camp resident. “Most refugees riot and protest at night after planning it during the day. These are different from clashes happening in the day during aid distribution.”

Alhmoud says there are around 2,000 single men in the camp and that most of the security problems are due to such “agitators”.

Six staff of Save the Children went to hospital in January after a riot [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97197/JORDAN-Tempers-flare-as-heavy-rain-pounds-camp ]. The organization has had to replace the windows of three vehicles after they were shattered by rock-throwing children, some as young as three or four. In another incident, gendarmerie fired tear gas on refugees - who were also throwing rocks - at the food distribution site of Save the Children and the World Food Programme; aid workers were caught in the middle.

Russell said on average, six or seven “significant” incidents a week force NRC staff to temporarily move locations. “There’s a lot of start-stop,” he said. “It really does stifle work.”

One aid worker said that she does not feel safe walking around the camp as she feels “constantly harassed”.

New measures

In March, the Jordanian police took over camp management from the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization, a local NGO that had been operating the camp on behalf of UNHCR since its opening in July 2012.

Camp administration now falls to a new entity known as the Syrian Refugee Camp Directorate, which reports directly to the Ministry of Interior. Regular police man the entrance, and checkpoints of the gendarmerie (known as Darak), dot the road encircling the camp. Special forces of the gendarmerie intervene when incidents arise, and according to the prime minister, police in civilian clothes are also present. The government has decided to erect a fence and berm around the contours of the camp, Alhmoud told IRIN, “to prevent any foul play from the outside and the inside.”

"Our Syrian brothers and sisters came seeking refuge to be safe from shelling and violence in their home country,” he said. “The least we can provide them with is safety on our land.”

Alhmoud promised a “total improvement” in the security situation within a week or two, once police buildings are set up outside the camp and officers begin conducting patrols inside. “Every day, there is a difference… Things are improving… Law and order will be established.”

More needed

Aid workers urge better engagement and coordination with police, more clarity on who is responsible for what, and police training on international norms vis-à-vis refugees.

“Camps should be managed by people who have training in dealing with refugees and have the experience in delivering aid, fundraising, as well as management,” said human rights activist Issa Marazeeq.

Some police have been on UN peacekeeping missions abroad, and are attending seminars with UNHCR on relevant international norms, Alhmoud said. But Mobaslat noted, “That does not guarantee that [the knowledge] trickles down to the guy standing at the gate. Some prerequisites around international law need to be part of an induction training prior to deployment to the camp.”

UNHCR has struggled to keep up with the “massive demand” for training that is “overwhelming the whole system,” Harper said.

Funding remains another major constraint: There is not enough money for sufficient lighting and electricity, let alone for a large security force.

UNHCR will be providing over $2 million in support for the new Syrian Refugee Camp Directorate, including accommodation and vehicles, to allow the police to respond more quickly and to patrol inside the camp, but Harper said it will not suffice.

“[The Jordanian government has] basically put a freeze on recruitment of security and police because they don’t have any money. So how are they supposed to provide law and order for 500,000 refugees [in the country]? They don’t have the vehicles; they don’t have the troops; they don’t have the water; they don’t have the fuel or the tires to deal with a massive increase in their workload,” he said.

“For all those people who are questioning [the situation in] Za’atari, help us by contributing to funding this… The camp is as good as what people’s commitment to it is.”

Aid workers say there are also less-expensive tools to use: UNHCR is working through imams to promote messages of nonviolence, holding camp elections, and looking to break the camp into sections that can be more easily managed. The government has also started using boreholes to supply water from inside the camp, to decrease the number of trucks coming in from outside.

“We’re doing everything that you could expect us to do, but you have 110,000-plus people in a camp,” Harper said. “It’s a massive challenge.”

aa/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97778/Despite-new-police-presence-security-concerns-persist-at-Syrian-refugee-camp</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021315480411t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAFRAQ 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The Jordanian government is implementing new measures to improve security for the Syrian refugees at Za’atari camp, where theft, riots, fires and throwing stones has become commonplace. But aid workers say the new police presence is limited by funding constraints and has yet to make a difference.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria’s brain drain – another twist to the country’s crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict.   

“The phenomenon is ongoing and growing,” said regional humanitarian coordinator Radhouane Nouicer. The flight of professionals has affected the bureaucracy, educational institutions and factories - but nowhere is the impact felt more than in the medical sector. 

Late last year, the World Health Organization said all of the country’s nine psychiatrists and more than half the doctors in Homs had left the country [ http://www.who.int/hac/crises/syr/Syria_WCOreport_27Nov2012.pdf ]. Clinics run by the Syrian Arab Red Crescent are short of surgeons and other medical experts. 

This month, as the Syrian conflict entered its third year, the number of refugees surpassed one million. Observers worry the “brain drain” will affect Syria’s long-term future.  

“These skills are much needed for rebuilding Syria tomorrow,” Nouicer told IRIN.  

While Syria has been affected by the departure of educated people for decades due to the lack of economic opportunities and political freedom, the conflict has increased the shortages of doctors, engineers, teachers and lawyers to unprecedented levels.  

“One of the most alarming features of the conflict has been the use of medical care as a tactic of war,” the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria wrote in a report this month [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/PeriodicUpdate11March2013_en.pdf ]. “Medical personnel and hospitals have been deliberately targeted and are treated by parties to the conflict as military objectives.”   

Many professionals have had difficulty getting visas to Europe and the Gulf states, and have instead ended up in refugee camps in neighbouring countries, where aid agencies are trying to make use of their skills through community mobilization and cash-for-work programmes in the camps’ schools and health centres. Others have decided to stay to try to address the needs in their country.  

IRIN spoke to highly skilled professionals both inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions - both on themselves and their country. 

Bayan*, civil engineer from Homs: 

“I will never leave Syria because I have a vision for my country. We are working on building the future of Syria, so I have a responsibility to stay. I have asked my wife to leave because it’s not safe here, but she doesn’t want to go anywhere else either. She’s a teacher; I’m a civil engineer. I haven’t been to my office for almost two years. Instead, I’ve founded a group called the Free Syrian Engineers so that we can gather the competence of experts who are still inside Syria. Our group includes about 70 engineers in Homs, from all branches, electrical, civil, mechanical and computer engineers.  

“We’re organizing in order to work on whatever task comes up, from cleaning the streets to repairing electrical lines. We’re also working on studies on rebuilding Syria after the conflict. I know it sounds theoretical now, but it will be very important to be prepared when the time comes. Even though none of us is working in their normal jobs right now, there’s still a lot to do on the ground, in medical, relief or media work, for example. There’s a need for everything. Life is difficult, but I am happy to be here. There was a lot of work for me in Homs before the war, and there will be even more afterwards.” 

Mohamed Alkhateb, 27, teacher from Palmyra: 

“I used to teach English at a local school to children between six and 12. I was arrested in February 2012 and imprisoned for six months because I was an activist. In prison, they hit me so badly they broke my ribs. I left Syria right after they released me because I knew that if I stayed, they’d come for me again. The school has now been closed because of the shelling. Before the conflict, there were between 20 and 25 teachers in that school. About six of them joined the protest movement, and they’ve all left the country by now. It’s hard for the children. No classes, no learning. I feel sorry for them.  

“I’ve rented an apartment in Cairo that I am sharing with friends who are also refugees from Syria. I have managed to get an administrative job at a pilot training school, but it’s hard to get by. My salary is only US$200 a month, but I need $300-400 to survive. So my family has to send me some extra money. I really miss Syria, my city and my friends, but I cannot return. Life in Egypt is tough. I wanted could go to Europe, but no country would give us a visa. For the time being, I’m stuck.” 

Anwar*, 44, professional football player from Latakia: 

“I left Syria in 2012 simply because I couldn’t find a job. It had nothing to do with political reasons. I used to be a football player. Now I am working as a football coach in Dubai. It’s a good position, and people really respect me. I have never had a good job in Syria. That’s why I’ve spent a large part of my life abroad. In 2003, I was asked to return to Syria and work on a study on the state of football in the country, but that didn’t work out. Nobody listened to what I had to say.  

“I have tried to live in Syria, but I did not see any opportunities. There was no room for new ideas. There are many Syrians working in high positions abroad who were facing the same problems. It’s almost like they don’t want qualified people like us. However, I feel bad every day for not being there. I am very popular back home because of my football career, and people need something to be proud of. If I’d get any job, I’d go back tomorrow.”  

Abu Adnan*, 30, dentist from Deir-ez-Zor: 

“I have thought a lot about moving to a different country. Everybody wants a peaceful life. I’m longing for simple things, taking a stroll or having coffee in the garden. I am a dentist, but I haven’t been able to work in my profession for over a year. My clinic was completely destroyed by the shelling. I love my work, and I miss it a lot. I specialized in bridges and partial dentures. My wife is also a dentist; she has taken refuge in a town outside of Deir-ez-Zor. Our one-year-old daughter is with her.  

“There used to be thousands of doctors in Deir-ez-Zor. Now, there are only about 10 of them left. I help out in a field clinic now, suturing wounds or giving injections. We often have to amputate limbs because we don’t have the means necessary to treat the injuries. I don’t think my future will be good. Everything is destroyed. It will take decades to rebuild Syria. My wife keeps begging me to take the family outside of Syria. She is very scared; she is crying all the time. Of course, I don’t want my daughter to grow up like this. But it’s not easy to leave the city you’ve grown up in.”  

Talal Hoshan, 49, judge from Hama Governorate: 

“I left Syria because I wasn’t able to stand the regime’s war crimes any longer. I fled with my family right after the massacre in Qubair, a town near Hama, in June 2012. I saw the corpses of four children and two women, and it was clear they had been executed. As the local director of public prosecution, I had to examine the dead. While I was doing that, I cursed the regime under my breath because I had information that they were responsible. One soldier heard me and told me to keep quiet. The next day, I contacted the [rebel] Free Syrian Army. They helped us escape across the border to Turkey.  

“We used to have a big, beautiful apartment. The one we’re renting in southern Turkey is much smaller. I have no job and no income. We’ve sold our car, and our friends are helping us out. We’re better off than most refugees, but I worry about my children. I have four girls and two boys, both of whom are very sick. They are suffering from a heart disease, and they haven’t seen a doctor for a long time. I would like to take my family to Sweden because they have a very advanced treatment for that disease there. I have called the Swedish consulate, but they refused to give us visas. I don’t care about myself, but my family really needs help. My children’s condition is getting worse every day.” 

Dlshad Othman, 26, computer technician from Qamishli: 

“I left Syria in December 2011. As a Kurd, I’ve always been critical of the regime. I used to work for an internet provider in Damascus, but they only gave me menial tasks, and my salary was bad. When the uprising started, I lost my job because of my political views. Then I joined an NGO in Damascus documenting violence against journalists. I was developing ways for activists to be safe online.  

“In October 2011, I gave an on-camera interview to a British journalist. He was arrested with the footage on his laptop. I was warned by a friend, and I escaped across the border to Lebanon because I knew the security forces were looking for me. It was easy for me to find a job in the US and get a visa. I was lucky because there are a lot of opportunities for people with computer skills.  

“I don’t miss Syria at all because there was no respect, no job security, no professionalism in the work world. Here in Washington, it’s different. As a professional, I am happy here. I have a great job, a good income, insurance. I don’t know if I’ll ever go back. Here, I can actually do something: I am working for an NGO advocating internet freedom, not only in Syria, but everywhere in the world. I can also help out my family financially. 

“What do I imagine my future to be like? I don’t see my future right now. That part of my life is still missing. I hope I will find the answer to that question someday.” 

*not a real name  

gmk/af/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97736/Syria-s-brain-drain-another-twist-to-the-country-s-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Middle East food security tracking tool launched</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Researchers and civil society activists in the Arab world have always complained that a lack of information has contributed to poor policies on development and resource management.

“Arab countries do not have enough data and when they have it they are reluctant to share it among them,” says Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates.

Now, aid workers and policymakers working on food security and looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen, or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria, can turn to a handy web-based tool.

“High quality and freely accessible knowledge is power, especially for evidenced-based research for effective and efficient policy design and implementation throughout the Arab world,” said Perrihan Al-Riffai, a senior research analyst with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), which created the tool.

Launched in February, the so-called Arab Spatial [ http://www.arabspatial.org/ ], developed with the support of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), aims to be a one-stop shop for food security data from the region.

Food security has long been a challenge in the Arab world, as many countries depend on food imports for basics such as wheat flour. But uprisings in much of the region have amplified the problem [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/Egypt-s-poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ] and driven more families into poverty.

“It has been extremely difficult for the millions of people who were already struggling to feed their families before the unfolding events of the Arab Spring [and] more families now face the challenges of collapsing economies and lost jobs as a result of the instability,” said Abeer Etafa, a spokesperson of the World Food Programme.

But the precise impact has been hard to track. According to IFPRI, only half of the countries in the Middle East publish poverty figures publicly and even so, with varying frequency and accuracy.

The Arab Spatial software is designed to measure food security at national, subnational and local levels. Users can generate maps and metadata using more than 150 food security and development-related indicators related to poverty, malnutrition, disease, production and prices, public finances, exports and imports.

“Economic development is a main driver of food security, and simultaneously, food security is an important driver for economic development,” Al-Riffai told IRIN. “That is why addressing food [in]security at both the macro, as well as, the micro levels [the most vulnerable individual] will lead to a more comprehensive approach in determining and addressing a country's development challenges.”

The tool aims to empower decision-makers, civil society representatives, researchers, journalists and others. IFPRI says several government officials have already showed interest in using it and hopes governments, regional organizations and others will help fill information gaps on the portal.

In recent years, increased recognition of the similar problem of lack of data on water in the region has led to several initiatives aimed at better collection and sharing, including the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center’s Land Data Assimilation System [ http://nsidc.org/data/nsidc-0181.html ], the “Ask a Scientist” [ http://www.biosaline.org/askScientist.aspx ] initiative at the International Center for Biosaline Agriculture, data collected by the World Bank, and a new database on natural water resources in the Arab world by the German government’s Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR).

dh/af/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97613/Middle-East-food-security-tracking-tool-launched</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

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Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrians risk their health to keep warm</title><pubDate>Mon, 04 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212191350400304t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Residents of Syrian towns that have run out of heating oil say they are getting sick after resorting to burning crude oil to keep warm.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Residents of Syrian towns that have run out of heating oil say they are getting sick after resorting to burning crude oil to keep warm.

The nearly two-year conflict in Syria made fuel widely unavailable, and though spring is drawing nearer, cold spells are still intermittently hitting some parts of the country.

“The smoke stinks terribly, and many people are suffering from respiratory problems and skin irritations because of it,” said a dentist in the eastern governorate Deir-ez-Zor, calling himself Abu Adnan. “But what can we do? We need warmth and we need something to cook our food with.”

Residents of rebel-held areas of Deir-ez-Zor, Idlib, Aleppo, Hama, Homs and Rural Damascus governorates say heating oil, known as mazout, as well as diesel and gasoline have all but disappeared from the market. 

“Last winter, the problem was that fuel became very expensive,” said Abu Adnan. “This winter, you almost can’t find it any more.” 

“People are coming to me with lung problems from inhaling the smoke,” said Hassan Hamidi, a doctor in the town Apamea in Hama Governorate. “There are also a lot of bad burns because the oil is easily flammable, and so accidents are frequent.”

Mohamed Elmi, regional adviser for food and chemical safety at the World Health Organization (WHO) says burning unhealthy products is an unfortunately common coping mechanism in conflict zones. 

“Whenever there is an emergency situation, people typically respond by burning crude, wood or furniture - whatever they can get their hands on.”

While it is difficult to determine the health risks without knowing the specific qualities of the crude delivered in Syria, he said, the smoke is generally harmful. 

“It usually contains higher levels of sulphur and carbon monoxide, which is very bad for the respiratory system and can cause headache and nausea - particularly because people tend not to open their windows while they are heating.”

Several other factors, including lack of hygiene [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97518/Diseases-spreading-in-Syria-as-WASH-systems-collapse ], dirty water, and stress - could also be at play. 

In recent months, rebel fighters have made considerable gains in the northern and eastern governorates, where all of Syria’s major oil fields are located. According to opposition sources and media reports, the opposition has captured four out of five oil wells in Deir-er-Zor, and one out of two in Hassakeh Governorate in the north. 

However, nobody is running the wells held by the opposition because almost all oil workers have fled, according to Samir Seifan, a prominent Syrian economic analyst who used to advise the government but is now in Dubai and affiliated with the opposition. 

Going up in smoke

While oil production has slowed dramatically, crude oil pirated from wells is available in moderate amounts. Where crude is not accessible, people have found other means of keeping their houses warm - but at a long-term cost. 

Manhal,* a fighter with the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Hama Governorate, said people have even started cutting down trees from the orchards. “We are losing our trees, and this means our lives will be much harder in the future. We are regressing.” 

Residents of Hama also started burning desks and chairs from schools, Manhal said: “Survival is the only thing people are thinking of now.” 

In some opposition-held areas, rebels are regulating where residents can cut firewood. In the northwestern governorate of Idlib for example, FSA fighters have started policing the olive groves, said Ibrahim, a resident in Maaret al-Numan. 

“This winter, people cut down 500 hectares of olive groves around our village because the cold can be very cruel. Now, the FSA makes sure that only some branches of the trees are cut. We don’t want to turn our country into a desert.”

Still, different groups are trying to benefit from the oil wells in opposition-controlled territory.

“Some people use their connections to obtain oil from the FSA, and then they sell it,” said Abu Emad*, an activist in Rural Damascus. “So, you now find merchants offering crude in many regions.”

*not a real name 

gm/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97582/Syrians-risk-their-health-to-keep-warm</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212191350400304t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Residents of Syrian towns that have run out of heating oil say they are getting sick after resorting to burning crude oil to keep warm.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Diseases spreading in Syria as WASH systems collapse</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302210532150234t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 21 February 2013 (IRIN) - After two years of conflict in Syria, waterborne diseases are on the rise, compounding a growing humanitarian crisis. Typhoid and hepatitis A are spreading because water pumps are not running, sewerage systems have broken down, and chlorine for purifying water is running out.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 21 February 2013 (IRIN) - In Salqin, a small town in Syria’s northeastern governorate of Idlib, three members of the Islamist rebel group Ahrar al Sham are lying sick with a contagious fever characterized by an inflammation of the intestinal tract.

“We are living together, and now we are all suffering from the same disease,” said the commander of the unit, Hamza Abdurrahman, having difficulties speaking because of his sore throat. “The doctor told us we had typhoid because we drank dirty water.”

The rural area near the Turkish border has seen a growing number of infections in recent weeks, Abdurrahman told IRIN.

“There is no running water, so people drink from the wells or the rivers.” The only alternative is buying water from tankers, which is very costly. “You have to pay about US $35to fill up the tank on your roof. This is why poor people are having a problem.”

After two years of conflict in Syria, waterborne diseases are on the rise, compounding a growing humanitarian crisis. Typhoid, an infection caused by salmonella bacteria, has been reported, in addition to hepatitis A, a highly contagious viral liver disease.

Infections are spreading due to a confluence of trends, said Elizabeth Hoff, representative of the World Health Organization (WHO) in Syria. For example, water pumps cannot be run because of the shortage of electricity and fuel. The resulting lack of drinking water is in addition to an almost complete breakdown of the sewage and the waste system in some regions, she said.

Hence, people resort to drinking from rivers or wells that might be contaminated with faeces. To make matters worse, these risks of infection coincide with the collapse of the health system [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. According to WHO, more than half of all hospitals in Syria have been damaged; more than one third are out of service. Many doctors have left the embattled cities, and medication is often not available.

“Everything is coming together,” Hoff told IRIN. “This is certainly a crisis with a very grave outlook.”

Hepatitis, typhoid

WHO has registered 800 cases of hepatitis across Syria and 2,500 cases of typhoid in mostly rebel-held, northeastern Deir-er-Zor Governorate alone.

In Apamea, a city of about 10,000 in Hama Governorate, Hasan Hamidi is one of only two doctors who remain.

“Before the conflict started, I diagnosed four or five patients a year with hepatitis A,” he said. “Now, it’s four or five a day, most of them children.” When the clinic where Hamidi used to work was destroyed by shelling, he set up a small practice in a private house. However, lacking equipment and medical supplies, there is not much he can do to help his patients.

“I have no medication for hepatitis A, so I can only tell my patients to rest in bed and stick to a low-fat diet.”

Patients with mild cases usually recover, he said. In more severe cases, however, the situation often turns critical.

“There are hospitals in Hama city, but people are scared of being arrested there. So they stay here, and some die from their diseases because they have no access to medical help.”

Nearly 70,000 people have been killed since the uprising started in March 2011, according to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. As the conflict has escalated in recent months, living conditions have deteriorated drastically.

According to an assessment by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the water supply available in the affected governorates has fallen to one third of the pre-crisis level.

“The situation is concerning and in some areas, the shortage of water is serious,” said Iman Morooka, a UNICEF spokesperson in Syria. “For instance, in certain localities of Deir-er-Zor, water pumping [for drinking, cleaning, washing] has dropped by up to 90 percent,” a result of fighting, damage to the infrastructure, power cuts, lack of maintenance, and lack of fuel and electricity.

The health risk due to lack of, or poor quality, water is particularly high for children, she told IRIN. The swelling numbers of displaced people, currently two million, are aggravating the problem, with many of them living in overcrowded shelters without access to basic sanitation.

Lack of water treatment chemicals

Even tap water has become a health hazard since the national production of water treatment chemicals has almost ceased. In some areas, the main water sources are controlled by the opposition, and so water authorities cannot even access the water source for testing and purification.

The International Committee of the Red Cross has been providing water treatment chemicals to governorates, and in some cases has trucked water into certain areas until more permanent solutions could be found.

UNICEF is now “prioritizing interventions in the water and sanitation sector,” Morooka said. The agency has just started importing chlorine to provide safe water for 10 million people - almost half of Syria’s population.

Leishmaniasis

The figures for affected people are probably incomplete: due to lack of access, WHO has to rely on local NGOs for information. The data that is available suggests that Deir-er-Zor has been more affected than any other governorate. The diseases reported from there include leishmaniasis, a skin infection transmitted by a sand fly causing ulcers similar to leprosy.

“In the countryside, rubbish is piling up and sewage is running into the streams, making the swamps next to the villages grow. This is why the flies are multiplying,” said an Amer*, a citizen journalist in Deir-ez-Zor. “Before, the government used to drain the swamps. Now nobody does.”

Amer said he recently visited a clinic because he was suffering from a rash. When he talked to the doctors, they told him they had seven new cases of leishmaniasis every day - in that clinic alone.

According to WHO, “leishmaniasis is a poverty-related disease. It affects the poorest of the poor and is associated with malnutrition, displacement, poor housing, illiteracy, gender discrimination, weakness of the immune system and lack of resources… Epidemics flourish under conditions of famine, complex emergencies and mass population movements.” 

“The state suspended all vaccination programmes, and medicine is so expensive that people cannot afford it,” said Amer. “Everybody is poor now, and everybody is living in this dirty atmosphere.”

According to WHO’s Hoff, leishmaniasis has been spreading as displaced people brought it to cities where the diseases had not occurred before. Moreover, she warned, the health risks might increase even more as soon as the weather gets warmer.

“Now, we’re in the cooler months, but Syria will heat up soon, so the current level of infections is an alarm bell for me.”

gmk/ha/cb

*Corrected to clarify the nature of leishmaniasis and how it is spread

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97518/Diseases-spreading-in-Syria-as-WASH-systems-collapse</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302210532150234t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 21 February 2013 (IRIN) - After two years of conflict in Syria, waterborne diseases are on the rise, compounding a growing humanitarian crisis. Typhoid and hepatitis A are spreading because water pumps are not running, sewerage systems have broken down, and chlorine for purifying water is running out.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Becoming refugees once more: Palestinians from Syria return to Gaza</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231304300509t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Some 150 Palestinian families have fled the violence in Syria and returned to Gaza, but their homecoming has been far from easy.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Ahmed Dweik’s family knows a thing or two about the refugee experience.

Theirs started in 1948, when his father fled his Palestinian home town as Israeli forces captured the village of West Batani near Ashdod in present-day Israel.

From there, he settled in a refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, further south, until the 1967 Arab-Israeli war pushed him to search for an easier life abroad. He went first to Egypt to study, then to Yemen to find work.

That is where Dweik was born. But like his father, he too sought better opportunities, migrating to Syria to look for a better paying job and settling close to Yarmouk, the largest camp for Palestinian refugees in Syria.

“But what happened to my father after the 1967 war happened to me in 2012,” Dweik told IRIN.

In mid-2011, Dweik was in Yarmouk when the authorities opened fire on demonstrations and he was forced to take shelter for a few hours until it was safe to be on the street.

“I knew it was time for me to leave, but where to?”

Yemen, where he grew up, was facing its own unrest, and other Arab countries have made it harder [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] for Palestinians to enter.

That left Gaza, the tiny strip of land under siege by Israel and Egypt, where living conditions are difficult and expected to worsen, according to a recent UN report [ http://www.unrwa.org/userfiles/file/publications/gaza/Gaza%20in%202020.pdf ].

More than 60 percent of the population does not have secure access to food, 39 percent live under the poverty line, and 29 percent are unemployed.

Dweik, his wife and child are among some 150 families who have returned to Gaza from Syria, according to the Action Group for Palestinians of Syria (begun by a number of Palestinian figures and NGOs in response to the flight of refugees from Syria). Of those, 154 people have registered with the UN relief agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA).

Syria is home to more than half a million Palestinian refugees who were driven from their homes in the 1948 and 1967 wars. The UN and Palestinian officials are increasingly concerned over their fate [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96103/SYRIA-Palestinians-being-drawn-into-the-fight ] in the bloody Syrian conflict.

The Action Group had documented the deaths of 990 Palestinian refugees since the beginning of the conflict in Syria, while many others are missing.

Tens of thousands have sought refuge from the violence with host families in Syria and in government or UNRWA facilities in Syria [ http://unrwa.org/userfiles/2012122163648.pdf ]. Another 20,000 and 5,500 have fled to Lebanon and Jordan respectively, though Tariq Hamoud, who coordinates the Action Group and recently published a study [ http://www.prc.org.uk/images/stories/pdfs/Ssyria_Study_on_palestinian_refugees.pdf ] on the impact of the Syrian crisis on Palestinian refugees, says the number of Palestinians who have fled Syria, including to Turkey, Egypt and Libya, may be as high as 50,000.

A difficult return

But the return to Gaza is particularly challenging, according to UNRWA’s head of operations in Gaza Robert Turner.

"We don't expect a significant number of returning refugees because of the difficulties reaching the Strip,” he told IRIN.

In December, following a heavy round of shelling in Yarmouk, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas urged [ http://english.wafa.ps/index.php?action=detail&id=21355 ] the international community to help Palestinian refugees in Syria to return to the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT).

But “nothing changed”, Adnan Abu Hasna, of UNRWA’s communication division in Gaza, told IRIN.

Gazans who wish to cross through the Egyptian border require proper travel documents, and Egyptian officials are reportedly [ http://www.prc.org.uk/images/stories/pdfs/Ssyria_Study_on_palestinian_refugees.pdf ] subjecting Gazans returning from Syria through Egypt to “profound security examinations”.

When Faragallah Abu Jarad, who lived in a Palestinian camp in Dera’a for more than three decades, was forced to leave Syria with his family of 11, he and his two sons ended up in an Egyptian prison for one month where he was subjected to questioning before he was allowed to return to Gaza, he told IRIN.

Egyptian authorities at the Rafah border crossing also denied Dweik entrance to Gaza because he did not have a proper visa or permission. The only way in was through a network of illegal underground tunnels connecting Gaza and Egypt.

“It was risky,” Dweik said. “But here I am.”

But these Palestinians are returning to a place that can offer little in the form of security or opportunity.

After Dweik’s tortuous journey and an attempt to rebuild a life in Gaza, war hit again - and right next door.

The eight-day Israeli offensive on Gaza last November brought memories of violence flooding back. Dweik lives near a government building that was pounded in an Israeli attack.

"Everything was shaking: windows, doors, even the building, but thank God that my family wasn't hurt,” he said.

He was afraid once more, "but what can I do about it? I suffered a lot to come back here, and I'm afraid that the Egyptians will arrest me if I leave to Egypt, because I entered Gaza via a tunnel.”

Abu Jarad said he is glad his family is safe; but finds it hard to cope with Gaza’s high unemployment and poverty levels.

“It’s not only safety we want,” he told IRIN, “but we also want to rebuild our lives, which have been stolen by war… We left almost everything.”

He is now fixing an old house that his parents inhabited for decades. The walls are cracked and some windows broken because of the Israeli bombardment in November.

Many, though not all, of those fleeing Syria have extended families in Gaza that offer some support.

The returnees also have access to the same UNRWA-provided services as all other Palestinian refugees in Gaza: food, education, health care. They can also apply to UNRWA’s job creation project for six months or one year of employment to get them started, UNRWA’s Abu Hasna said.

“More than that we cannot offer them.”

A Gaza government official, speaking to IRIN on condition of anonymity, said returnees can seek social assistance from the government, as can any other resident of Gaza. But he said it would be very difficult, not only politically, but also logistically and financially, for Gaza to take in a large number of Palestinian refugees from Syria who were not originally residents of Gaza.

Dweik called for more attention, including financial and housing assistance, to those who fled their countries of refuge, "because they left with nothing in hand but themselves, looking for a safer place where they can live, not to be refugees all over again.”

ad/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97474/Becoming-refugees-once-more-Palestinians-from-Syria-return-to-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231304300509t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Some 150 Palestinian families have fled the violence in Syria and returned to Gaza, but their homecoming has been far from easy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrian refugee women exploited in Egypt</title><pubDate>Thu, 31 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301311453540520t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Lina Al Tiby, a Syrian activist living in Cairo, runs a support network for Syrian women refugees; helps them adapt to life in Egypt; and tries to persuade them not to allow poverty to push them into sex work or unwanted marriage.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Lina Al Tiby, a Syrian activist living in Cairo, runs a support network for Syrian women refugees; helps them adapt to life in Egypt; and tries to persuade them not to allow poverty to push them into sex work or unwanted marriage.

Arriving in Egypt with little more than the clothes they are wearing, some Syrian women see marriage as the only means of survival [ http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2012/11/the-plight-of-syrian-refugees-in-egypt.html ].

"Egyptian men tell Syrian women they will marry them to help them and their families, but… can’t these men help Syrian women without marrying them?" said Al Tiby.

They tell the Syrians that if they marry them they will take care of their needs, a trend encouraged by certain preachers who encourage Egyptian men to marry Syrian refugee women, describing this marriage as a kind of jihad [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LW9bNj-Yxnc ] (Arabic).

Such statements have been criticized in Egypt: The Egyptian National Council for Women Rights (NCWR) issued a statement this month saying the marriages were “crimes committed against women under the guise of religion” [ http://www.ncwegypt.com/index.php/ar/media-centre/ncw-news/645-hotlineara ] (in Arabic).

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says 14,375 refugees and asylum seekers from Syria are registered with them in Egypt. At the end of November 2012, the Egyptian government estimated the Syrian community at close to 100,000 [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Note_on_Syrians.pdf ].

There is no estimate of the number of Syrian women who have married Egyptian men, but Syrian refugees told IRIN the number is on the rise. A similar trend is happening in Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ].

Exploitation

Laila Baker, the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) representative in Syria, who has seen similar things elsewhere in the region, told IRIN the relationships are exploitative: “If there is an imbalance of power based on gender roles, and you take advantage of that, that’s exploitation… They’re picking out young girls, usually under-age. Wealthy people from Jordan, the Gulf, Libya are saying they will take these girls, marry them and give them a better life.”

The issue is a sensitive one in Egypt where few are prepared to speak out about it. But several Syrians told IRIN they felt families were being exploited, and that often marriages were “on the cheap”, without the usual reassurances that the groom can support the bride or even the gifts exchanged at weddings.

“Syrian families living in Egypt are in deep trouble; their financial conditions are very difficult. So when a man comes to propose to their daughters, they immediately agree, regardless of whether this man is suitable or not,” said Tiby.

“Most of these marriages happen with very small dowries; some marriages happen without dowries at all. In this case, these marriages contradict all prevailing customs in both Egyptian and Syrian societies,” she said.

Abu Omar, a Syrian cobbler in his mid-forties, who fled to Egypt last month, lives in the 6 October neighbourhood on the outskirts of Cairo, and says there is a new man knocking on the door of his apartment every day to ask whether there are unmarried Syrian women inside who want to get married to Egyptian men.

"It is becoming both annoying and humiliating," Abu Omar said.

"Egyptians should understand that by doing this they are not helping Syrians, but exploiting their difficult conditions."

A joint assessment [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Joint_assessment_for_Syrians_November_2012_Final.pdf ] of Syrian refugees carried out by UNHCR, the World Food Programme (WFP) and the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) identified severe harassment, survival sex and forced marriage as some of the protection concerns facing the community, alongside violence, security threats (theft and physical aggression), and deteriorating livelihoods.

Fear of harassment and exploitation is one reason why Abu Omar keeps his 17-year-old daughter hidden when Egyptian strangers knock at his door.

Al Tiby’s Syrian friend Tareq* was not quite as successful in hiding his own daughter, 13: He recently received a call from an Egyptian mosque preacher asking to marry the girl. He refused and now says he is concerned about her safety.

Vulnerable

The conflict in Syria has been marked by attacks on women. A recent report [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/syria-displacement-crisis-worsens-protracted-humanitarian-emergency-looms-15091 ] by the International Rescue Committee described rape as "as a significant and disturbing feature of the Syrian civil war" and as the “primary” factor in the exodus of women and children refugees to neighbouring countries.

More than 700,000 Syrians have fled to neighbouring countries [ http://www.rescue.org/blog/infographic-staggering-impact-syria-crisis ], especially Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon. Some 3,000 Syrians are leaving their country every day.

*not a real name

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97387/Syrian-refugee-women-exploited-in-Egypt</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301311453540520t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Lina Al Tiby, a Syrian activist living in Cairo, runs a support network for Syrian women refugees; helps them adapt to life in Egypt; and tries to persuade them not to allow poverty to push them into sex work or unwanted marriage.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Donors pledge $1.5 billion in aid to Syria while demanding more access</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212270916150026t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. But donors said financial resources were not enough: they called for more humanitarian access and respect for the neutrality and safety of aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. 

“What we saw in today’s conference is the entire world coming together in order to show solidarity with the Syrian people and alleviate its suffering,” Sheikh Sabah Al-Khalid Al-Hamad Al-Sabah, foreign minister of Kuwait, which hosted the conference, said in a press conference after the event. “This is what we can do right now in addition to the political track.” 

The largest donors were the Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates each pledged $300 million), the United States ($155 million) and the European Union ($136 million), though donors from as far as Iran, China and Botswana also made contributions. The final tally is still being calculated. 

Most of the money will go towards the UN’s  Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] for more than 700,000 Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries and its Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] for aid within Syria, but some contributions will also go through the International Committee of the Red Cross and NGOs from the donor countries, while others have yet to be allocated. 

The conference represented a big shift in the focus of major international players, who for months, aid workers argued, were more focused on political and security aspects of the conflict, while appeals to address its humanitarian impact went unheeded [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ].

“It is important, even as major political issues are debated and we try to devise a strategy on the way forward, that we not forget the humanitarian crisis which has unfolded inside Syria and along its borders - which has gotten much worse,” Robert Ford, the US ambassador to Syria, said. 

At least two million people are displaced within Syria, with more than 700,000 others having registered as refugees in neighbouring countries, where the capacity of their hosts to respond has reached its limit. 

Antonio Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said there was “no light at the end of the tunnel” with the UN expecting the number of refugees to surpass one million by June. 

Within Syria, one quarter of schools and one third of public hospitals are not functioning and 40 percent of ambulances have been damaged. There are shortages of bread and medicine, and hundreds of thousands of already vulnerable Palestinian refugees are now further in need. 

But donors said aid in Syria was not only a question of funding, pointing to limits on humanitarian access and respect of international humanitarian law. 

They repeatedly raised concerns about aid reaching all areas of the country, with some calling for more cross-border aid to enter from Turkey and others insisting that the UN find ways of reaching more people. 

“I give you my pledge,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told them. “The United Nations will make sure that these resources are used in the most effective way possible to deliver life-saving aid to the people in need.” 

Some donors said they were also supporting other channels to deliver assistance. 

“We are prepared to fund any channel that allows help to get to people," Kristalina Georgieva, European Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, told IRIN. “If there is protection, security for humanitarian organizations to do good work in opposition-controlled areas, we are funding them already.” 

Others, like the US, have called for more coordination with the opposition groups. 

“We believe the Syrian opposition coalition can help facilitate reliable access to areas outside government control so professional humanitarian organizations can reach those in need,” said Anne Richard, assistant secretary of state at the US Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration. 

UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Valerie Amos agreed the UN needs to further strengthen ties with opposition groups who control militias on the ground, as well as with the humanitarian aid arm of the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition, known as the Assistance Coordination Unit. 

This month, the Coalition accused the UN of “giving” the Syrian government money through its humanitarian response plan - an allegation categorically denied by the UN, which has emphasized its neutrality. 

“We do not give aid to the Syrian government; we give aid to the Syrian people,” Amos told journalists. 

She said more aid reaches opposition-controlled areas than is popularly realized. For example, half of the aid from the World Food Programme goes to areas controlled or disputed by rebels, but noted that there is nearly no city in Syria that is clearly controlled by one side or the other. 

Still, aid workers face massive challenges, with hundreds of armed groups on the ground which do not necessarily coordinate. 

Amos cited one case late last year in which the UN tried to send a convoy of supplies to the central city of Homs. They had to pass 21 checkpoints on the way from the capital Damascus. They negotiated their way through 20, but were turned back at the last one. 

Diplomatic delegations said humanitarian aid would only ever be a band aid and urged the Security Council to find a political resolution to the conflict. 

Nabil El Araby, secretary-general of the Arab League, called for an international meeting to agree on a ceasefire, with the quick dispatch of a peacekeeping force. 

“I urge, again, members of the Security Council to feel the sense of responsibility to humanity and history,”  Ban said. “We cannot go on this way.” 

But, he said, the ultimate responsibility to end the killing fell on the Syrian government.

ha/oa

*This article was amended on 1 February to reflect the fact that the European Commission is not currently funding any cross-border aid operations in Syria.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97376/Donors-pledge-1-5-billion-in-aid-to-Syria-while-demanding-more-access</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212270916150026t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. But donors said financial resources were not enough: they called for more humanitarian access and respect for the neutrality and safety of aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrian refugees head to Lebanon’s Shia south</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>TYRE 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Initially concentrated in Lebanon’s northern and eastern areas along the border with Syria, Syrian refugees (mostly Sunnis) are increasingly settling further south, in Lebanon’s Shia heartland, dominated by the political and militant group Hezbollah, a long-time ally of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.</description><body><![CDATA[TYRE 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Initially concentrated in Lebanon’s northern and eastern areas along the border with Syria, Syrian refugees (mostly Sunnis) are increasingly settling further south, in Lebanon’s Shia heartland, dominated by the political and militant group Hezbollah, a long-time ally of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Manal Tayyar fled to Lebanon after fighting erupted in her neighbourhood of Tadamun, on the outskirts of the Syrian capital Damascus last July. Neighbours tended to an injured person in her apartment; she left it stained with blood.

She followed her husband, who had been working in Lebanon before the Syrian crisis began, to live in the southern coastal city of Tyre in a room with a leaking ceiling, where the water and electricity are cut for days at a time. She sold her gold earrings to pay rent to an unsympathetic landlord, and then welcomed her mother, sisters, nieces, nephews and brother-in-law in the same room when they fled a few months later.

“And our whole family will follow us,” her mother Khidra Hamad told IRIN. “No one will stay in Syria under the bombs.”

Aid workers are yet to fully understand what is driving people south, given the sectarian sensitivities in a polarized Lebanon, but reckon it could be one of a few things:

Like Tayyar’s husband, there were many Syrian migrants working in Lebanon before the war who have since brought their families. Others estimate that the poor towns and villages of the north have reached their absorption capacity, and that refugees may believe they have more chances of finding work in the south.

In addition, Lebanon’s south - for decades the scene of war and occupation - is now one of the safer parts of the country, so far shielded from the problems that have engulfed places like the northern border city of Tripoli or even the capital Beirut, where a spillover of the Syrian conflict has led to fatal clashes and kidnappings between supporters and opponents of the Syrian government.

Worries

Some southerners are concerned, however.

On 23 January, the mayor of Tyre called a meeting with aid workers to discuss the growing needs.

“The [Syrian refugees] are increasing day by day,” Hassan Dbouk told IRIN after the meeting. “We are very worried about the future problems that may result by their presence here - at all levels: economic, social, security.”

In the past two months, he said, Tyre has seen an increase in commercial sex work, petty theft, children begging and even the disappearance of laundry from clotheslines. He said the timing of the increase suggested Syrians were involved, but there was no direct evidence of the link.

“The level of incidents is still low, but we are very worried about the future,” he added. “Human beings are human beings. If they become hungry, robbery will increase, crime will increase, begging will increase, the social problems will increase.”

He also referred to increased job competition in an area with already high levels of unemployment; and the public health implications of overcrowding.

Need for More Aid

Unlike in the northern district of Akkar and the eastern Beka’a Valley, where a large-scale humanitarian operation has been under way since 2011, aid agencies only began ramping up aid in the south late last year.

So far, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has registered 10,612 Syrians living in Lebanon’s two southern governorates, with another 22,300 awaiting registration meetings.

The Social, Humanitarian, Economical Intervention for Local Development (SHEILD), a local NGO which has been tracking new arrivals, says there are at least 20,000 families in southern Lebanon who have not registered. (SHEILD transports refugees who want to register by bus to UNHCR’s nearest office in Sidon, a one-hour drive north of Tyre and even longer for those coming from rural villages.)

Many of the unregistered cross the border illegally - fearing any contact with Lebanese intelligence (with whom foreigners in southern Lebanon are obliged to register) - and live quietly in remote rural villages along the Israeli border where “the situation for them is very miserable,” according to Rima Khayat, SHEILD’s project manager.

Some Syrians in those areas live in abandoned schools, tents or - in the case of one family - in the engine room of an elevator shaft, Khayat said. At least 2,000 of the unregistered refugee families have not received any assistance, she said, though some international NGOs are hoping to reach them soon.

But locals say the aid in the south is limited: “Refugees in the south don’t have anything - there is little NGO presence here,” said Anis Slika, the mayor of the small southern village of Al-Fardis, north of the Syrian-Israeli border.

“Everyone is working in the north and in the Beka’a,” Khayat told IRIN. “We’re working with very limited resources.”

Even in the main city of Tyre, where most agencies have offices, assistance to some refugees has been slow.

Tayyar has been waiting two months for a registration meeting. Insufficient staffing has led to a backlog and UNHCR says the wait for registration at the Sidon office is three months on average. (It prioritizes registration for cases in need of urgent assistance; and several NGOs provide aid to those who are not yet registered).

Aid agencies recognize the increasing needs and are scaling up.

The World Food Programme (WFP) began distributions in December and the UNHCR is set to open a second southern office in Tyre in the coming weeks to speed up registration. (UNHCR’s national staffing levels have increased from around 60 at the start of the crisis to more than 250 today). The Lebanese civil society portal Daleel Madani [ http://daleel-madani.org ] advertises many vacancies for aid workers in the south.

Possible tensions

While the limited aid has so far been justified by the much smaller number of refugees in the south, the stakes here may well be higher.

“In the south, you have a community that is mostly pro-Bashar,” said Sahar Atrache, an analyst with the International Crisis Group, referring to the Syrian president, who has been accused of heinous crimes against a mostly Sunni opposition.

“Probably those [refugees] who go south are not as aligned with the opposition,” she told IRIN. “But some people [in southern Lebanon] are so extreme, saying things like ‘Let Bashar kill them all and finish with it,’ so this could cause problems.”

By all accounts, sect has not been an issue so far.

Tayyar’s family said they had not had any problems in this regard, and the mayor of Tyre is quick to point out that “nobody asks the Syrian refugees if they are Sunni or Shia, with or against the Syrian government… We believe that Syrians are from the same origin - we are [all] Arabs.

“The problem [between sects] in Lebanon is a political fight; not a social fight.”

Shia Lebanese have been welcoming Sunni refugees in the Beka’a Valley, for example, since the beginning of the crisis.

But there are potential trigger points.

Already in the north, where majority Sunni Lebanese are hosting Sunni “brothers”, resentment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97354/UN-To-avoid-tensions-with-refugees-Lebanese-hosts-need-support ] is beginning to build between the impoverished locals and their guests who are perceived to be receiving all the aid. Aid workers are increasingly stressing the need for donors to fund programmes for both Syrians and their host communities to avoid such tensions.

“The south is the most sensitive area,” Atrache said. “If there is an overload [of refugees] there, the resentment you saw in the north, you’ll see it also in the south. But then you have the political and sectarian problem; the problem will become much more acute.”

Avoiding a crisis on its territory may be one of the reasons Hezbollah has also assisted refugees, Atrache said. The group has made a point of publicly differentiating between its political positions and its humanitarian aid. But, Atrache said, the aid may also be a way for Hezbollah to “control the refugees”, amid rising fears.

“There is fear that the number of Syrians will increase and they will end up staying forever,” said Abdel Majid Saleh, a member of parliament from Tyre with the Amal Movement, a Shia party belonging to the ruling March 8 alliance. “We took in the Palestinians on the basis that it would be 10 or 15 days, one month, two months; 64 years later, the Palestinians are only increasing.

“The fear is that Lebanon’s demographics will be shaken,” Saleh told IRIN, referring specifically to Christians becoming more of a minority, and a possible influx of Sunni extremists or Syrian opposition figures with a security-related agenda in Lebanon. “It is our right to be cautious.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97355/Syrian-refugees-head-to-Lebanon-s-Shia-south</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TYRE 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Initially concentrated in Lebanon’s northern and eastern areas along the border with Syria, Syrian refugees (mostly Sunnis) are increasingly settling further south, in Lebanon’s Shia heartland, dominated by the political and militant group Hezbollah, a long-time ally of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UN: To avoid tensions with refugees, Lebanese hosts need support</title><pubDate>Mon, 28 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301281530060660t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - On 30 January, world leaders will meet in Kuwait to pledge financial support for aid operations in Syria and for hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled to neighbouring countries. But aid workers and government officials in Lebanon warn that donors must also channel funds towards assisting poor Lebanese communities, to diffuse rising tensions between the refugees and their hosts.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - Donors channelling funds towards Syrian refugees in Lebanon must also assist their poor Lebanese hosts to diffuse rising tensions, aid workers and a government official said ahead of an international pledging conference for humanitarian aid to Syria and its neighbours.

“We have seen a growing sense of resentment among the Lebanese host communities that see assistance going to refugees and not to them,” Robert Watkins, humanitarian coordinator in Lebanon, told IRIN. “It is causing some tensions.”

Most of the more than 220,000 Syrian refugees who fled to Lebanon have settled in the poorest parts of the country, in districts like Akkar in the north and Ba’albek or Hermel in the eastern Beka’a Valley.

The North Governorate is home to 20 percent of Lebanon’s population but 40 percent of its poor, with more than half the people living under US$4 a day, according to a 2005 study [ http://www.ipc-undp.org/pub/IPCCountryStudy13.pdf ].

Despite their poverty, people of the north have been undeniably welcoming to refugees, taking them into their homes for months and covering their food, water and electricity needs, aid workers said.

Nearly two years later, more than 60 percent of the refugees are now renting their own homes. But their presence - in some 550 villages across the country - has depleted government-provided supplies in pharmacies, increased competition for jobs, raised the price of housing, and, in some cases, more than doubled the population of the town or village.

“Changing winds of opinion”

“We are reaching the point of suffocation for Lebanon,” said Hala El Helou, emergency coordinator at the Lebanese Ministry of Social Affairs, which is responsible for helping the refugees.

“There have been many reports by the security forces of an increased number of security incidents that include Syrians,” both as aggressors and as victims, she told IRIN, pointing to killings, beatings and thefts. Reports of forced prostitution, early marriage and child begging have also increased, she said. “It’s a reflection of the social and economic situation.”

One of the early incidents was the October launching of a Molotov cocktail into a municipal building hosting refugee families in a village in Akka’rs Wadi Khaled area. No one was injured.

“It was simply a sign of the changing winds of opinion whereby the period of unrestricted hospitality and generosity was beginning to change,” said one aid worker who preferred anonymity.

In a more recent incident [ http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Politics/2013/Jan-15/202285-blast-at-syrian-refugees-spot-in-north-lebanon.ashx#axzz2JGfkQu2C ] this month, explosives blew off the roof of a house sheltering refugee families near the town of Aidamoun, also in Akkar.

Sahar Atrache, an analyst with the International Crisis Group in Lebanon, said Syrians are now taking an unfair share of the blame for all the ills in society: “Whenever you have a robbery, a rape, it’s because of the Syrians, as if Lebanese don’t do these things.”

“The initial reaction of the Lebanese community was different,” explained Dana Sleiman, spokesperson of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Lebanon. “They were even picking up Syrians from the border. But 20 months have passed since then.”

Implications for aid

This tension has also had implications for aid workers.

One Western researcher said locals near Qobayat Village in Akkar initially “welcomed” aid workers there with stones, a sign of the indignation at the aid delivered only to Syrians in a region historically neglected by the Lebanese government.

Some locals have also tried to exploit the situation to their advantage.

“Some Lebanese landlords attracted Syrians into their houses to have them [the houses] rehabilitated,” said Mads Almass, country director for the Norwegian Refugee Council, which gives landlords funding to make their homes more fit to shelter refugees. “When they got told that their houses didn’t meet our criteria, we received threats to expose us to the media.”

Watkins said the aid community has seen this shift in the feeling of host communities and tried to design programmes accordingly, focusing on improving the overall conditions and services in these areas to benefit both refugees and their hosts. These include programmes that would buy drugs to replenish pharmacies, inject cash into the economy by offering cash-for-work projects for Lebanese people, and provide credit to help small businesses start up.

“But these [kinds of programmes] are, unfortunately, very difficult to find donors attracted to,” Watkins said.

“Conceptually, [donors] understand how important that is,” he continued, “but if they are told they have a limited amount of resources and they will choose between injecting cash into the Lebanese economy to help the Lebanese population or injecting cash into a relief operation which is providing food and shelter to refugees who are bereft of both, they generally opt for the latter.

“But there are tensions, and those tensions will only get worse.”

Donor interest?

An international conference [ http://www.unocha.org/syria-humanitarian-pledging-conference ] to take place on 30 January in Kuwait aims to garner funding for aid projects inside Syria [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] and in neighbouring countries hosting nearly 700,000 registered refugees. The appeals amount to more than $1.5 billion, but donors have given less than $50 million since they were launched in December.

UNHCR has implemented so-called quick-impact projects - such as equipping mosque halls, opening a public library, and supporting agricultural co-operatives - after holding sessions with Lebanese communities at which residents expressed their village’s needs as they saw them.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) has also done similar projects in Wadi Khaled and in the Beka’a Valley’s Arsal town, both home to many refugees. Country Director Luca Renda said he hopes to expand these kinds of programmes across the country and is in contact with many donors on this issue: “We hope the Kuwait meeting will yield results,” he told IRIN.

The Regional Response Plan, spearheaded by UNHCR, includes projects supporting host communities, as does the Lebanese government’s separate appeal for $180 million, which was launched in December and is currently being revised in line with the constantly growing refugee numbers.

Observers say the government’s capacity to deal with the mounting refugee crisis is limited, given the economic problems the country is facing and its polarized politics. Lebanon is the only country in which refugees are not housed in camps, but rather are living in towns and cities with the support of local people.

The Minister of Social Affairs, Wael Aboufaour, recently told [ http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Local-News/2013/Jan-26/203817-abu-faour-refugee-camps-inevitable.ashx#axzz2JFXVg6FL ] the Lebanese newspaper The Daily Star that camps may soon be the only solution.

One quarter of population

El Helou said there were 811,000 Syrians in Lebanon - including refugees, migrants and visitors. Added to a Palestinian refugee population of at least 450,000, the foreign “guests” are equivalent to a quarter of the Lebanese population. The UN expects the number of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, already equivalent to five percent of the population, to increase to at least 300,000 by June.

“Without additional support, Lebanon cannot handle that,” El Helou said. “Lebanon has reached the limit.”

At all levels, observers say, the government has become consumed by the Syrian crisis and its impact on Lebanese soil.

As a result of upheaval in the region, the Lebanese government has downgraded economic growth estimates for 2013 from 4 percent to 1.5 to 2 percent, Samir El-Daher, adviser to the prime minister on economic affairs and development, told IRIN. The crisis has hit Lebanon’s exports through Syria, border trade with Syria and tourism industry.

Aid agencies have already tried to tailor their programmes accordingly. Instead of distributing food, for example, the World Food Programme (WFP) gives refugees vouchers to redeem food at local shops with which it has signed contracts. Instead of creating jobs for Syrians specifically, UNHCR is trying to regularize the status of those refugees who entered illegally to make it easier for them to move around freely and access the common job market. The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) is rehabilitating schools in which both Syrian and Lebanese students study in an effort to ensure that its emergency work for Syrian refugees feeds into long-term development of the region.

ag/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97354/UN-To-avoid-tensions-with-refugees-Lebanese-hosts-need-support</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301281530060660t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - On 30 January, world leaders will meet in Kuwait to pledge financial support for aid operations in Syria and for hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled to neighbouring countries. But aid workers and government officials in Lebanon warn that donors must also channel funds towards assisting poor Lebanese communities, to diffuse rising tensions between the refugees and their hosts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Sanctions hit humanitarian aid to Syria</title><pubDate>Fri, 25 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301240618490210t.jpg" />]]>DAMASCUS 25 January 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian and developmental aid agencies in Syria say international sanctions against the country have made their operations harder.</description><body><![CDATA[DAMASCUS 25 January 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian and developmental aid agencies in Syria say international sanctions against the country have made their operations harder. 

Last August, Italian NGO Terres des Hommes (TDH) sent its regular request for a financial transfer from Europe for its aid operation in Syria. 

Then it waited. And waited. And waited. 

After 15 days of delay, it contacted the bank in Italy, which informed the NGO that the transfer had been rejected.

“Receiving money from Europe to Syria is a disaster,” said Emanuela Rizzo, TDH country representative. The bank required a long list of documents, including the NGO’s agreement with the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, its memorandum of understanding with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, a letter vowing not to fund “terrorist” groups, and a list of implementing partners.

After two months and a 200 euro (US$267) administrative fee, TDH was able to get the money transferred through a different Italian bank with an affiliate in Syria. “But it’s becoming incredibly difficult,” Rizzo told IRIN. 

Other aid agencies struggling to transfer money have resorted to wiring money to banks in Lebanon and physically driving across the border to pick it up. Aid coming in via social solidarity networks has had to do the same.

Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, the USA, European Union, Turkey and the League of Arab States, among others, have imposed a series of sanctions on Syria’s arms, banking, energy and oil sectors, as well as on specific individuals, with the stated aim of stopping state repression of protests, initially, and later, of weakening the government.

“Significant economic repercussions”

But as outlined in a 2012 report [ http://www.diis.dk/graphics/Publications/Reports2012/RP2012-13_Sanctioning_Assads_Syria_web.pdf ] by the Danish Institute for International Studies “the sanctions regime has had significant economic repercussions beyond the Syrian state and government.” 

Through “second-order effects”, like increased inflation, higher fuel and food prices, difficulty importing, higher unemployment, decreasing salary levels, and a fall in purchasing power, including access to food, “the sanctions add to the socioeconomic costs of the conflict and are likely to exacerbate pre-existing socioeconomic difficulties, particularly affecting the lower social strata of the population,” the report said. 

While humanitarian aid is exempt from the sanctions, aid agencies say they - like most Syrians - have been affected indirectly. For example, sanctions have made it harder to find and more expensive to procure items for their operations. 

Factories have struggled to import raw materials - a result of sanctions affecting bank transactions and contributing to a fast depreciation of the Syrian pound, but also of insecurity affecting supply lines. As such, many vendors that aid agencies used to rely on have shut down.

When the conflict began in March 2011 (shortly before the first round of sanctions in May 2011), the Syrian pound was trading at 47 to the dollar. Today, its value has depreciated to 76 at the official rate and 88 at the black market rate, which has at times surpassed 100. 

Before the Syrian crisis, 26 factories producing nappies (diapers) and other hygiene products were registered with the Chamber of Commerce in Damascus. But when TDH put out a tender in October, only four were open and only one made a proposal. Even then, it could not provide the full quantity needed.

“For them, it was not feasible at all,” Rizzo said. As a result, four projects helping more than 4,000 people were delayed by two months. 

“Prices have gone up so much,” added Louisa Seferis, emergency co-ordinator for the NGO Danish Refugee Council (DRC) in Syria. 

She too is affected by a lack of availability: DRC used to be able to procure winter clothes from one factory in Aleppo that could produce 10,000 pieces a day. Now Seferis struggles to get 15,000 a week, split between several factories.

Other agencies have had to start importing items from abroad at a higher price and with a longer wait.

Trucking companies are now asking for more money to transport humanitarian goods as fuel shortages increase, prices rise and roads become more insecure, according to Radhouane Nouicer, regional humanitarian coordinator in Damascus. 

Vendors are also less patient and pickier about payment.

“Procurement has become a real hurdle,” said one aid worker who preferred anonymity. “With every single vendor, their quote is valid for at best 10 days now. You have 10 days to complete the procurement and pay at the price they provide to you. Every vendor wants money right away. The transaction for us takes time. The people cannot wait for money as they could before.” 

WFP operations affected

A severe fuel shortage has also forced the World Food Programme (WFP), which requires 12,000 litres of fuel per day for its operations, to negotiate with the government for permission - now in hand - to import fuel [ http://www.wfp.org/content/fuel-shortage-blocks-aid-support-syria-un-warns ] from abroad for humanitarian operations. 

While much of its procurement of food was international to begin with, WFP has shifted even further towards international procurement as local prices have been rising, for two reasons: it became more cost-effective to buy internationally, and buying such large quantities locally would further drive up the price of food. 

Most importantly, sanctions have increased humanitarian needs in the country, adding to the aid caseload, Nouicer said.

Many people can no longer afford their medicines or fuel to heat their homes. Others have lost their jobs and are now in need of assistance. 

“Sanctions on the banking and energy sectors affect everybody in a country,” he said.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97335/Sanctions-hit-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301240618490210t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAMASCUS 25 January 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian and developmental aid agencies in Syria say international sanctions against the country have made their operations harder.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>