<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Swaziland</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 17:31:05 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Without land reform, small farmers become &quot;trespassers&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204232148290834t.jpg" />]]>BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District. 

Like most smallholder farmers in Malawi, they did not have a title deed for the land Dyton was born on, and in 2009 she and about 2,000 other subsistence farmers from the area were informed by their local chief that the land had been sold and they could no longer cultivate there. 

Dyton and her neighbours did not immediately accept the devastating change in their circumstances. They had already been removed once from the land during former President Hastings Banda’s regime in the 1970s and had not been allowed to return until Banda’s regime ended in 1994 and the cattle ranch established there by his political ally, John Tembo, had ceased to function. 

After receiving the go-ahead from the district commissioner, they continued to farm the land for another season. But in 2010, as they prepared to plant, they were met by a police van and the chief, Fennwick Mandala, who warned them not to come back. The next day, the farmers again set out for their fields, but this time they were met by tear gas and rubber bullets and that night six of them were arrested and charged with trespassing. 

Since that time, said Dyton, “life has been very hard on us.” With a game reserve on one side of the community and the Shire river and Mozambique border on the other, there is no other available land for them to farm and the family now ekes out a living selling firewood they gather from the nearby forest. The three oldest children have had to drop out of school to help their parents. 

“People aren’t getting enough to eat,” said Isaac Falakeza, another community member. “Some are doing piece work on other people’s gardens, others are harvesting water lilies. You can see how malnourished the children are.” 

User rights only 

In Malawi, like most other countries in the region with the exception of South Africa, Botswana and Zimbabwe, more than 60 percent of land is customary, meaning that it is mostly untitled and administered by local chiefs on behalf of the government, with local communities merely enjoying user rights. 

The system has led to many abuses, with some government officials and chiefs selling off customary lands and dispossessing smallholder farmers who are already competing for dwindling arable land as Malawi’s population increases. 

“There’s nothing [they] can do because they’re not protected in any way by the law,” said Blessings Chinsinga, a lecturer at the University of Malawi’s Chancellor College, who is researching the political economy of land grabs and land reform in the country. 

In a research report co-authored by Chinsinga, he notes that the issue of “land grabs” in Malawi dates back to Banda's transferring of large parcels of land from smallholder farmers to the estate sector, largely to the benefit of political elites, men like John Tembo who helped sustain his regime. 

Stalled land reform 

Following the ousting of Banda and the transition to democracy, the government set up a Commission of Inquiry on Land Reform the findings of which formed the basis of a new land policy in 2002. The policy attempts to address smallholder farmers’ lack of security of tenure by allowing them to register their customary land as private property, but the legislative changes needed to implement the policy have not gone through parliament and the land reform process has effectively stalled. 

“Politicians own massive tracts of land; they benefited from the previous system, so they’re reluctant to adopt a new legislative framework that would correct the land imbalances,” commented Chinsinga. 

In recent years, the government of recently deceased president Bingu wa Mutharika focused public investment on boosting the productivity of smallholder farmers through its farm input subsidy programme. The programme was credited with several years of bumper maize harvests, but as Malawi went into financial crisis last year, the sustainability of the programme was called into question and the number of beneficiaries was reduced. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93954/MALAWI-Farm-subsidy-programme-shrinks ] 
Critics of the programme, like international NGO Grain, point out that “all the fertilizers and seeds in the world cannot make much difference for the great mass of farmers in Malawi, who do not even have enough land to grow the food their families need.” 

Green Belt Initiative 

A 2010 report by Grain, [ http://www.grain.org/article/entries/4075-unravelling-the-miracle-of-malawi-s-green-revolution ] noted that Malawi’s lack of land reform had resulted in increasingly inequitable distribution of land, with large tracts of farmland ending up in foreign hands. In 2009, the government allocated 50,000 hectares of farmland to the government of Djibouti, reportedly in exchange for assistance constructing an inland port in Nsanje. The details of this and other such deals are shrouded in secrecy, according to Chinsinga who has focused his research on land transfers relating to the government’s Green Belt Initiative (GBI). 

Another programme championed by Mutharika, the GBI aims to acquire 340,000 hectares of irrigable land along Lake Malawi and the banks of the Shire river with the goal of increasing agricultural production and national food security. Several foreign companies have acquired land under the auspices of the programme which, according to Chinsinga’s paper, “views customary land as an unlimited reservoir that can be targeted for conversion for privatization”. 

Rather than increasing food security, the paper suggests that, “land transfers under the GBI could have tremendous negative implications on livelihoods, food security and social justice”. 

Illovo Sugar 

Chikhwawa District is already dominated by sprawling sugar plantations owned by South African sugar giant Illovo Sugar. According to several sources, Illovo is intent on expanding its presence in the area and enjoys government support because of the much needed foreign exchange it generates. 

The 2,000 hectares of land once farmed by Dyton and her neighbours is now owned by a company called Agricane, which is leasing it to Illovo for sugar cane production. Agricane’s country director, Bouke Bijl, explained that his company bought the land from a bank which had acquired it from John Tembo after he defaulted on a loan. 

Like Chief Mandala, he described Dyton and other farmers who complain they have been dispossessed, as trouble-makers with no ancestral claims to the land. "There was a directive from the District Commissioner that they shouldn’t have been there and should make way for development but they chose not to understand that," he said, referring to the 2010 standoff between the farmers and security personnel. 

Ironically, Agricane's core business is providing technical support to clients, many of them international donors who are implementing community development projects. Bijl noted that the company's biggest challenge in carrying out such projects was the issue of land tenure. "We're seeing a lot of projects collapse because the communities have never been prepared sufficiently to deal with it," he told IRIN. 

He added that once the land outside Bangula starts generating a profit, a trust fund will be established to support community development in the area, and donors will be approached to fund irrigation schemes that would benefit local smallholder farmers. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95363</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204232148290834t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGULA 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Dorothy Dyton, her husband and seven children used to make a living farming just over a hectare near the town of Bangula in southern Malawi’s Chikhwawa District.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Nurses demand protection from TB infection</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810288t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hospitals are not protecting their workers from tuberculosis (TB) infection, say nurses in Swaziland, who recently staged a rare public demonstration to draw attention to how vulnerable they are to this highly infectious disease. </description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hospitals are not protecting their workers from tuberculosis (TB) infection, say nurses in Swaziland, who recently staged a rare public demonstration to draw attention to how vulnerable they are to this highly infectious disease. 

Nurses attached to the National TB Hospital in Swaziland's commercial hub, Manzini, are blaming inadequate infection measures at the hospital for the risk they face. TB is one of the primary killers and the main opportunistic disease in people living with HIV and AIDS. In a country with the world's highest HIV prevalence, 80 percent of HIV-positive people are co-infected with TB. 

A study conducted in neighbouring South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) Province has found that the incidence of extensively drug-resistant (XDR-TB) and multidrug-resistant (MDR) TB is six to seven times higher among health care workers than among non-health care worker patients. There are no official figures for health care workers infected with TB in Swaziland. 

Health personnel warn that government's inaction could make things worse. "Government is killing us with its negligence. We just buried one of our sisters [another nurse] who died of TB. She contracted TB at the hospital where she worked," Abigale Dube, a nurse and member of the Swaziland Democratic Nurses Union (SDNU), told IRIN/PlusNews. 

There are no national guidelines on TB infection control measures in the country's health care facilities, and nurses say this makes matters worse. 

"What we gathered is that in the other hospitals, nurses have contracted multidrug-resistant TB because they are exposed to the disease on a daily basis. This can only mean their working environment is unsafe," said Nurses' Union General Secretary Nathi Kunene. 

A nationwide strike attended by all nurses would ensue if issues like poor ventilation, unhygienic conditions and a lack of protective gear were not addressed, Kunene said. 

Swaziland has the world's highest TB infection level, and a 2010 survey found that 7.7 percent of all TB cases involved multidrug-resistant TB, putting it among the countries with the highest rates of this variant of the disease. 

According to a recent report [ http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/18/1/11-0850_article.htm ] on MDR-TB in Swaziland, "the high prevalence of drug resistance in a country already facing a huge epidemic of TB and HIV shows an urgent need for major interventions in terms of detection, treatment, and infection control". 

Health services are being overwhelmed by the number of patients. "There is a shortage of nurses in Swaziland. The country does not pay well compared to other countries, and we have nurses trained here who are doing quite well in Europe, where they are in demand,” said Nurse Dube 

“The reason they don't stay here is the same reason that the remaining nurses are in danger - no money to make the hospitals safe places to work, so there will be fewer nurses as they grow sick and die." 

The Ministry of Health has responded to rising TB rates by "decentralizing" TB care from Mbabane, the capital, and Manzini to some regional health facilities, so that patients do not have to take long bus trips to receive treatment. 

Even with 15 clinics nationwide now offering free TB testing, the number is still inadequate, and transport costs and user fees at health facilities are still a major hurdle for patients. 

The National TB Programme announced this week that Swaziland's TB response has received a US$19.4 million boost from the Global Fund to fight Tuberculosis AIDS and Malaria. One of the areas that will be strengthened is infection control measures at healthcare facilities. 

"Following the declaration of TB as an emergency, the country has already geared to working in an emergency mode in the fight against the epidemic,” it said in a statement. “The funding will go a long way in addressing TB challenges." 

jh/kn/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95364</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810288t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hospitals are not protecting their workers from tuberculosis (TB) infection, say nurses in Swaziland, who recently staged a rare public demonstration to draw attention to how vulnerable they are to this highly infectious disease. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: TB preventative therapy scorecard</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221135570456t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Tuberculosis (TB) is the leading killer of HIV-positive people globally. Almost 15 years ago the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNAIDS recommended that people living with HIV be given isoniazid preventative TB therapy (IPT), to prevent active TB, but national implementation of IPT has been slow.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Tuberculosis (TB) is the leading killer of HIV-positive people globally. Almost 15 years ago the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNAIDS recommended that people living with HIV be given isoniazid preventative TB therapy (IPT), to prevent active TB, but national implementation of IPT has been slow. 

IPT, intensified TB case finding, and infection control are now the World Health Organization’s three strategies for reducing TB among people living with HIV, also known as the "Three I's for HIV-TB." 

IRIN/PlusNews charts the uneven adoption of TB preventative therapy in southern Africa, which has the unhappy distinction of bearing some of the world's highest HIV and TB burdens. 

Botswana 

After rolling out IPT at three pilot sites, the country began a national IPT rollout in 2001 that allows for symptomatic TB screening to rule out active TB as a prerequisite for IPT. By 2005 IPT was being offered alongside voluntary HIV testing and counselling, antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission services, although pregnant women and children under 16 are not eligible for IPT in Botswana. 

Three years later, doctors and nurses were prescribing IPT at more than 600 health facilities, according to the Botswana Ministry of Health. By 2007 the country's IPT programme had enrolled about 72,000 eligible patients. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85871800 ] 

In 2009, a clinical trial conducted in Botswana found that taking IPT for 36 months prevents significantly more cases of TB in people living with HIV than simply taking a short course of IPT for six months.

Like neighbouring South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia, all HIV/TB co-infected patients are eligible for HIV treatment, regardless of their CD4 count (a measure of the immune system's strength). 

Lesotho 

As of September 2011 the country had not yet implemented IPT, but was set to finalize draft national guidelines. 

Malawi 

The WHO estimates that the country accounts for about 2 percent of HIV-TB co-infected patients globally. Malawi has adopted IPT and uses symptomatic screening to rule out active TB, but guidelines recommend that IPT be stopped in patients who recently started taking ARVs. All HIV-positive patients are started on ARVs if they are diagnosed with TB. 

Mozambique 

The country carried about five percent of the global HIV-TB burden in 2010, according to WHO. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85856183 ] In recent years it embarked on an aggressive scale-up of IPT provision, and increased the number of HIV patients on IPT almost 20-fold between 2008 and 2010. TB screening of HIV-positive people shot up 60 percent in the same time. In 2011 the country disseminated updated IPT guidelines, but is not yet completely in line with WHO recommendations because it does not prescribe IPT to pregnant women. 

Namibia 

IPT has been rolled out to HIV patients and others who have been in close contact with someone recently diagnosed with active TB. To qualify for IPT, people living with HIV must meet specified requirements - for example, they must be relatively healthy, with no history of alcoholism or liver disease. HIV-positive children also qualify for IPT, provided they have never received it previously and have not had active TB in the last two years. [ 2011 natl guidelines http://www.scribd.com/doc/85863343 ] 

HIV-negative children up to five years of age who have been in close contact with someone who has active TB and is still infectious also qualify for IPT, as do adults who have been in contact with such a person and have compromised immune systems due to conditions like diabetes and leukaemia. However, as the country's 2011 national HIV strategic plan notes, IPT implementation and monitoring have been limited by the lack of a dedicated plan to track HIV-TB services. 

About 60 percent of TB patients are co-infected with HIV and so are eligible for treatment regardless of their CD4 count. All people living with HIV are eligible for ARVs if they are diagnosed with TB. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85859185 ] 

South Africa 

Almost 300,000 people were co-infected with HIV and TB in 2010. The country is estimated to account for about 24 percent of the world's HIV-TB burden, according to the WHO. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85856183 ] 

South Africa has had national guidelines for administering IPT since 2002, but coverage remains low, partly due to a lack of awareness among health care providers, according to small qualitative studies by the Aurum Institute, a South African health research organization. 

The country's recent large-scale IPT trial among gold miners failed to prove that community-wide IPT worked better than the recommended targeted provision to high risk groups, but did demonstrate IPT's protective benefits against active TB. 

The Aurum study also confirmed that IPT reduces the risk of death for people living with HIV by halving the risk of dying in HIV-positive patients on or just starting antiretrovirals (ARVs). Based on this finding, South African guidelines no longer discourage the use of IPT in ARV patients. [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/95042/SOUTH-AFRICA-Preventative-TB-trial-disappoints ] 

Swaziland 

In a country where about 85 percent of TB patients are co-infected with HIV, health workers use symptomatic screening to rule out active TB and prescribe IPT. In 2009 about 2,000 HIV patients received IPT, according to a report by the HIV/AIDS news service, AIDSMap. [ http://www.aidsmap.com/Spurring-community-engagement-to-ensure-the-proper-implementation-of-the-Three-Is-for-TBHIV/page/1733423/#item1733431 ] By 2010 Swaziland accounted for about 1 percent of the world's HIV-TB co-infection cases. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85856183 ] 

Zambia 

National guidelines were drafted in 2010, allowing health workers to prescribe IPT for HIV patients without signs of active TB. While Zambia lagged behind the region in adopting IPT, its decision to recommend IPT for national use was bolstered by the use of IPT in the large-scale TB prevention ZAMSTAR clinical trial, which took place in Zambia and South Africa. About 23,000 people, or 2 percent of the global HIV-TB burden, is in Zambia. 

Zimbabwe 

An estimated 4 percent globally of the people co-infected with HIV and TB live in Zimbabwe. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/85856183 ] Although the most recent TB control guidelines do not recommend the use of IPT, in 2011 the country was in the process of developing national IPT guidelines. 

llg/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95141</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203221135570456t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Tuberculosis (TB) is the leading killer of HIV-positive people globally. Almost 15 years ago the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNAIDS recommended that people living with HIV be given isoniazid preventative TB therapy (IPT), to prevent active TB, but national implementation of IPT has been slow.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Diets downsized by financial crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 16 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904151618430429t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 16 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is 6am in rural Mliba in central Swaziland, and Melody Thwala and her seven-year-old granddaughter Thandi are busy with their daily task of harvesting wild `umbhidvo’ weeds before Thandi goes to school. Thwala will use what they have gathered to make a spinach-like dish to supplement the family’s one daily meal.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 16 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is 6am in rural Mliba in central Swaziland, and Melody Thwala and her seven-year-old granddaughter Thandi are busy with their daily task of harvesting wild `umbhidvo’ weeds before Thandi goes to school. Thwala will use what they have gathered to make a spinach-like dish to supplement the family’s one daily meal.

“My grandchildren have a meal at school and this is a relief to me. At our home we have only one evening meal,” said Thwala, a widow who lives with her unmarried daughter and four grandchildren.

According to a report by the UN Country Team in Swaziland, [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/ImpactoftheFiscalCrisisSwaziland.pdf ] released on 16 March, a fiscal crisis which started early in 2011 has put an additional strain on poor households like Thwala’s and worsened poverty in a country which already had high rates of unemployment and food insecurity and the highest HIV rate in the world. 

The report, based on a November 2011 survey of 1,334 households, found that poor households have had to adopt extreme measures to cope with reduced incomes resulting from job losses and wage cuts, as well as higher food and fuel prices and reduced access to social services. About half of rural households and one third of urban households have cut their number of meals or meal portions and in more than one out of four rural households, meals were skipped for the entire day.

“In rural areas and especially among female-headed households, coping mechanisms are supplemented by other budget management methods, such as gathering of wild food and harvesting immature food,” write the authors, who warn that the crisis threatens to halt or reverse progress Swaziland had made in reaching the Millennium Development Goals in health, education and food security.

Swazis usually eat their `umbhidvo’ with maize meal, the national staple food which is grown in almost every garden and farm. But a year of low rainfall reduced the usual yield from Thwala’s maize garden by half and she cannot afford to buy maize meal.

“That is why our meals are one a day,” said Thwala, adding that the family had been forced to sell a cow which had provided them with milk.

Cutting back on food and selling household assets were found to be two common coping mechanisms among households which experienced economic “shocks”, the most common of which were rising food prices and reduced labour income. 

“Starting from an already weak situation, food security seems to have deteriorated as households have been coping with the consequences of the fiscal crisis combined with the rising food price,” notes the assessment.

A significant drop in revenue from the Southern African Customs Union in the wake of the global economic slowdown helped precipitate Swaziland’s financial meltdown over the past year [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91609/SWAZILAND-Facing-up-to-a-financial-crisis ], but according to Sibusiso Hlatshwayo, an independent financial consultant in Mbabane, the capital, this was not the only factor. 

Vanity projects

“Government’s spending choices on vanity projects that have been criticized by the IMF [International Monetary Fund] have not changed, and the government’s unaffordable public service employee rolls that are the highest in Africa per capita have not been cut back. Secondly, Swaziland’s economy was shrinking long before the global recession; large, decades-old businesses have been relocating from the country and there is no new investment,” he said, adding that the government’s lack of money to pay its suppliers had resulted in small companies going out of business, putting more people out of work.

The financial crisis has also hit social services with grants to the elderly [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92263/SWAZILAND-Government-suspends-pensions ] which had helped women like Thwala support their families suspended, and the government no longer paying school fees for many orphaned and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93726/SWAZILAND-Financial-crisis-forces-schools-to-close ] including two of Thwala’s grandchildren. 

UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative and acting UN resident coordinator in Swaziland Jama Gulaid pointed out that the financial crisis had also led to an acute shortage of fuel for government vehicles. “If vehicles are grounded for lack of fuel, how does one deliver outreach services and or conduct field supervision?” he said.

A spokesperson at the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare confirmed that its officers had had to curtail visits to impoverished households in remote, rural areas.

Children moved to cheaper schools

The report suggests that households living in rural areas have been harder-hit by the crisis than those in urban areas, and that female-headed households and those with members living with HIV were most likely to resort to cutting educational expenditure. Among these households, almost one fifth had withdrawn children from school, and more than 10 percent had moved children to lower quality schools.

Samantha Zwane, a single mother of two children, has held the same job of receptionist for 10 years, but her rare pay increases have not kept up with the ever-escalating costs of food, electricity, bus transport and other supplies. 

“I had to choose between moving from a three-room to a two-room flat, even if it meant we would have to all sleep together in a room, or enrolling my daughter and son in a cheaper school. The only flat I could find was far away and it would mean higher commuting costs [so] I had to change the children’s school,” she said.

While the grim economic situation is prompting people to make necessary if painful decisions, so far they are managing to cope. Starvation is not yet a problem although malnutrition is widespread and is leading to an unreported crisis of stunting in children’s growth, according to UNICEF.

“Nutrition is a challenging area for most countries in East and Southern Africa, including Swaziland,” said Gulaid. “Yes, external shocks worsen the situation but there are many contributory factors. We need multiple strategies to address child malnutrition and everyone must do more - the government, households/communities, development partners and the private sector.”

The survey concludes with several recommendations for improving public financial management, increasing employment and setting up social welfare services which would better prepare households for occasional economic downturns.

jh/ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95088</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904151618430429t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 16 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is 6am in rural Mliba in central Swaziland, and Melody Thwala and her seven-year-old granddaughter Thandi are busy with their daily task of harvesting wild `umbhidvo’ weeds before Thandi goes to school. Thwala will use what they have gathered to make a spinach-like dish to supplement the family’s one daily meal.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Reaching out to gays for the first time</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907211220090218t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - If caught, any Swazi engaged in a same-sex relationship will be arrested and jailed. But public health officials are using Valentine&apos;s Day to urge gays to trust promises of confidentiality and test for HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - If caught, any Swazi engaged in a same-sex relationship will be arrested and jailed. But public health officials are using Valentine's Day to urge gays to trust promises of confidentiality and test for HIV.
 
"February is known as the month of love, when couples express their love for each other through gifts, especially on Valentine's Day. The purpose of our new campaign, called 'The Love Test', is to encourage couples to undergo HIV testing," said Simon Zwane, Deputy Director of Health.
 
He acknowledged that in Swazi society gay sex is taboo but said the health ministry was actively extending its reach to include gay couples in HIV counselling and testing.
 
"Couples need to be consistently aware of their HIV status. This will result in them making joint decisions on risk reduction in their relationships," said Zwane.
 
Swaziland's HIV prevalence has remained the world's highest for years, with about a quarter of all adults living with HIV.
 
Several NGOs, including the Alliance of Mayors’ Initiative on Coordinated Action against AIDS at the Local Level (AMICAALL) and the family planning company, PSI International, are partners in the nationwide campaign, the first health initiative in the small impoverished country to acknowledge the existence of gays and welcome them to make use of HIV testing and counselling services.
 
"Just admitting that there are gays in Swaziland is a big step for a government ministry," said Alicia Dlamini, a HIV testing counsellor in Manzini, the country’s industrial hub.
 
Three months ago the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Magwagwa Gamedze, a traditional chief appointed by King Mswati, dismissed a recommendation by a United Nations working group on human rights that Swaziland enact a law to protect gay members of society. Gamedze said so few, if any, gays live in Swaziland that the bother of drafting such a law was not worth the effort.
 
"It was difficult for government to formulate a policy on homosexuals or enact a law to recognize them because they actually formed a minority if ever they existed. Their numbers do not permit us to start processing a policy," the justice minister said.
 
Very little information is available on same-sex couples in Swaziland and no gay organizations are involved in "The Love Test" campaign. The Gays and Lesbians Association of Swaziland (GALESWA), formed in the 1990s, has only one known member.
 
The constitution does not safeguard the rights of homosexuals, and sodomy laws dating from the early 20th century are still on the books. King Mswati has reportedly called same-sex relationships "satanic", and Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini has called homosexuality "an abnormality and a sickness".
 
Human rights groups regularly criticize Swaziland for its anti-gay laws, and note that discrimination against gays is routine and acceptable in the conservative society of this small country.
 
"AIDS is not a 'gay disease' in Swaziland. It is almost entirely spread by heterosexual relationships... No one blames gays for AIDS in Swaziland, they just blame gays for being alive and being gay, so it is hard for a gay person to risk exposure," Alicia Dlamini pointed out.
 
Dlamini's fellow HIV counsellor, Thamie Shongwe, feels the health ministry's Valentine's campaign to test couples will fail to attract same-sex couples.
 
Lucky Gama (not his actual name), 24, a gay auto mechanic, agreed. "A lot of gays are afraid that if they go to get tested they will be found out and disgraced. Maybe the police will be called to arrest you, because this is Swaziland.” 
 
There is a high level of mistrust. “I have heard of my gay friends say they are in fear because there is a test they give you without you knowing it that shows if you are gay,” Gama said. “I did get an HIV test but it was at school when all the students volunteered to take a test, so the testers were not on the lookout for gays."
 
jh/kn/he

---------------------------

Swaziland: “We may be oppressed but we are going to survive.”
 
Sabelo Simelane (not his real name), 21, has an easy smile, a quick laugh and gestures animatedly when he talks. If he feels he can take you into his confidence, he is forthright about his life as someone whose sexual preference makes him an outlaw and a social outcast in his country, Swaziland, where same-sex partnerships are a crime.
 
"As long as I can have my friends and do what I want, I don't mind keeping my secret. If I want to live out in the open I can move to South Africa, which is only an hour away. But my mother needs me, not just financially because I support her but she likes me keeping her company. My father lives with his second wife. I may be a man now but he still beats me when he sees me, out of habit I guess. He doesn't know who I love, no one does except Paul, my special friend.
 
I see on the Internet that... in America [people] blamed gays [for] bringing AIDS there, but in Swaziland nobody blames gays because government refuses to believe there are gay Swazis. Lots of my friends sleep with women - I do - but my heart isn't in it. My heart is with Paul. He is like Paul in the Bible. He had his Damascus moment when he had to choose which path to take. He saw me on this path and he joined me, and we've been in love ever since.
 
I got HIV tested because I am responsible. They don't ask if you are gay and I don't tell - why would anyone do that and get discriminated against? People think they have a right to insult and even throw stones at gay people. We keep quiet. We are very knowledgeable about HIV - all my friends know to get tested and wear condoms. We may be oppressed but we are going to survive."
 
jh/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94857</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907211220090218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - If caught, any Swazi engaged in a same-sex relationship will be arrested and jailed. But public health officials are using Valentine&apos;s Day to urge gays to trust promises of confidentiality and test for HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: No money, no CD4 tests</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101050948230446t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Swaziland is still short of lab reagents needed for CD4 count testing, which is used to initiate and monitor patients on antiretroviral treatment, and HIV-positive people are growing increasingly frustrated as the country enters its fourth month without a way to establish the strength of their immune system.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Swaziland is still short of lab reagents needed for CD4 count testing, which is used to initiate and monitor patients on antiretroviral treatment, and HIV-positive people are growing increasingly frustrated as the country enters its fourth month without a way to establish the strength of their immune system.

“This is setting us back years in the way we treat people living with HIV and AIDS. Government says it has no money to buy the chemicals needed to determine CD4 counts,” Thembi Nkambule, director of the Swaziland Network of People Living with HIV and AIDS (SWANEPHA), an umbrella organization for the country’s HIV and AIDS support groups, told IRIN/Plus News.

Deciding on when to start a patient on ARV drugs is usually based on a combination of CD4 cell count test results and HIV disease progression, which the World Health Organization (WHO) has defined according to four clinical stages, with stage four being AIDS. In addition, guidelines for managing patients on ARV therapy also use CD4 count testing to measure the impact of the medication on the patient's health.

The government’s ongoing financial crisis again hit the health sector in October 2011 when supplies of lab reagents - the chemicals needed to operate the CD4 count apparatus - began drying up. Since December, CD4 count testing has virtually ground to a halt in Swaziland, which has the world's highest HIV prevalence.

Shortages of HIV programme supplies in Swaziland were first reported in mid-2011. Although the stock-outs have been largely blamed on reduced revenues from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the country also opted not to apply for funding in Round 10 from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria. Instead, it chose to assume financial responsibility for HIV treatment itself, at a time when SACU revenues were already expected to decline.
	
Health Minister Themba Xaba said in a statement, “We need R7 million [US$875,000] to purchase the CD4 machine reagents, which is a lot of money. This, however, does not mean that patients are not getting any treatment. There are clinical stages and guidelines that are used.”

In the absence of a CD4 count test, guidelines suggest that patients at stage three or four, determined by observable symptoms defined by the WHO, should be started on ARVs.

“Doctors can only go by how a patient tells them he or she is feeling, or if there are symptoms. The problem is that many people with HIV do not get sick or have physical symptoms while their CD4 counts are dropping to the level where they must take ARVs,” said Nkambule.

“Not having accurate information on CD4 counts puts the doctor in the same position as performing surgery blindfolded."
	
According to Nkambule, equipment for monitoring liver and kidney function is also out of order. “When government ran out of money we were promised by government that the health sector would not be compromised," he added.

The health ministry is looking to the Ministry of Finance to come up with the necessary funding. Xaba has advised HIV-positive people to have their CD4 tests conducted at private labs. However, the test costs R150 ($19), which is unaffordable in a country where 70 percent of the population live below the poverty line. 

“For many of us coming up with bus fare to the clinic is a big challenge. Taking CD4 tests is not a one-off thing.  Many tests are required. I would say few people are going to private doctors for these tests,” said Mandla Tsela, an AIDS testing and counselling officer in Manzini.
	
AIDS groups have criticized the constant uncertainty: in 2011, the country also experienced ARV stock-outs and had to be bailed out by the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which gave the country $7 million in emergency funding in August. Swaziland now has a buffer stock of first-line ARVs that should last until April 2012.	
“Why does there have to be a crisis or something has to break down before any action is taken? First the people living with HIV and AIDS were put at risk because of the supply of ARVs, and now we don’t know really who should be on treatment because they don’t have their CD4 counts,” Nkambule said.
	
jh/kn/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94707</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101050948230446t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Swaziland is still short of lab reagents needed for CD4 count testing, which is used to initiate and monitor patients on antiretroviral treatment, and HIV-positive people are growing increasingly frustrated as the country enters its fourth month without a way to establish the strength of their immune system.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Fledgling environmental authority up against big business</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland&apos;s drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland's drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.  

Communities like this one were at the mercy of polluters until the Swaziland Environmental Authority (SEA) was established five years ago.  

An environmental watchdog group comprising 16 scientists from various fields, SEA is tasked with enforcing Swaziland's 2002 Environmental Management Act as well as various international environmental treaties to which Swaziland is a signatory.  

“Our acting director is on site now seeing what happened and if mitigation efforts are really happening. We do not take anyone’s word on anything until we do our own investigations,” information officer Gcina Dladla told IRIN from SEA headquarters in the capital, Mbabane.  

Although the authority is funded by government and falls under the Ministry of Tourism and Environmental Affairs, Dladla explained that the agency is independent and polices government operations in the same way as it does the private sector's.  

With Swaziland’s only environmental NGO largely dormant, SEA's small staff are all that stand in the way of this tiny kingdom's natural resources being exploited or mismanaged. However, concerns have been raised about the agency's ability to stand up to powerful private and government interests intent on putting profit and development before environmental concerns, especially after it gave the go-ahead for an iron ore reprocessing plant to be opened at the Ngwenya Iron Ore Mine, northwest of Mbabane.  

Ngwenya ceased operations in the 1970s but due to its status as one of the oldest mines in the world, was declared a World Heritage Site by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO. Indian-owned mining company Salgaocar now intends to reprocess the low grade iron ore dumped at Ngwenya to extract its mineral content.  

Critics of the venture, mainly consisting of tourism operators and businesses in the Ngwenya area, have pointed to the threat of heavy metals seeping into a dam which supplies drinking water to Mbabane, but according to Dladla, no iron ore processing will take place on site. Instead, the dumped rocks will be loaded onto trucks for transport to Mozambique.  

"There are no chemicals being used," he said. "We will be monitoring the site as part of our inspection duties to make sure this remains the case.”  

Palms greased?  

However, scepticism surrounding Salgaocar's operations at Ngwenya remains, particularly following allegations in the local media that the company gave iPads to cabinet ministers involved in the licensing decision and salvaged the 2011 Swaziland International Trade Fair when government failed to find sponsorship from local firms. 

“No mining license has been issued in 30 years, and all of a sudden there is this big rush to get this operation started. How can you not be suspicious?” asked Almon Simelane, a tour guide from the region.  

Dladla admitted that the authority had been under pressure to grant approval, but insisted that "we did a thorough job".  

"We have to protect ourselves also, because the environmental authority is new and we have our reputation on the line. If something goes wrong tomorrow, the persons who put pressure on you for approvals come back and blame you,” he added.  

The Swaziland Investment Promotion Authority (SIPA) told IRIN that the government’s push to open mining operations at Ngwenya was part of an effort to attract more foreign investment by demonstrating that business needs could be accommodated efficiently.  

A local businessman and environmentalist who declined to be named pointed out that Swaziland's mining and manufacturing sectors were still relatively small, but that if government wanted to encourage more heavy industry in the country, it would need SEA to remain independent. "Swaziland is generally a pristine place still, but that can change, particularly with the population growth we are experiencing," he told IRIN. "It is to government’s benefit to see that SEA is working."  

SEA land challenge  

One of the greatest challenges for SEA is protecting the 70 percent of land in the country controlled by traditional chiefs. Swazi chiefs have the authority to allocate land to their subjects for farming, building homes and raising livestock, but pressure on the land has increased with the tripling of Swaziland’s population since Independence in 1968.  

Some of the land given by chiefs to homesteaders has been degraded to the point of desertification, a problem that has been exacerbated by increasingly dry weather, with the Swaziland Meteorological Department announcing recently that rainfall trends over the past two decades show a persistent drop.  

“One of our jobs is to communicate with the public and the traditional authorities: do not put cattle pens alongside streams which are used by people downstream [and] when a donga [ditch created by erosion] appears, fix it or the whole hillside will erode away,” said Dladla.  

It is a huge task for a tiny agency whose resources have been further limited by Swaziland's current financial crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93821 ]. "We are seeing the effects," said Dladla. "If we have to go out and do monitoring and government says there is no gas for our cars then the trip has to be postponed to another day, but it is still made. If government says no hiring of new personnel... we work with what we have."  

Ishmael Ndwandwe, an SEA environmental analyst, said the authority would continue to enforce environmental protocols in Swaziland "as long as we have our independence… We can stand up to the pressure because we know the environmental issues of this country,” he told IRIN.

jh/ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94660</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 18 January 2012 (IRIN) - Recently hundreds of dead fish floated to the surface of a stream which was the only water source for a rural community in Swaziland&apos;s drought-prone eastern region. A local sugar processing plant admitted to accidentally discharging toxic effluent into the stream, and brought in water tanks to supply the community until clean-up operations could be completed.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines: 
 
 1. Swaziland's financial meltdown - As early as January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was warning that drastic measures were needed to stave off a financial crisis in the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91609 ] The IMF's recommendations were largely ignored and the country's economic freefall continued with the main losers being the elderly whose pensions were suspended, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92263 ] orphans and vulnerable children whose school fees went unpaid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] people living with HIV who faced an uncertain supply of antiretroviral drugs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] and subsistence farmers who stopped receiving government support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94113 ] The outlook for 2012 does not look any better with officials already predicting an increase in food security for most Swazis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94481 ] 
 
 2. Malawi's escalating political and economic crisis - Concerns about human rights and economic mismanagement saw Malawi fall out of favour with Western donors who had provided 40 percent of the country's budget. The withdrawal of UK aid to the country in June hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ] President Bingu wa Mutharika's increasingly autocratic rule, together with rising food prices and fuel shortages, contributed to widespread protests in July. The security forces' heavy-handed response, which left at least 18 people dead, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93325 ] did nothing to restore donor confidence in the government. Poverty looks set to worsen in rural areas where many smallholder farmers are no longer benefiting from a reduced Farm Input Subsidy Programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93954 ] and in urban areas where a slew of price increases are already taking their toll on the poor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94498 ] 
 
 3. Deepening poverty in Madagascar - Two years after a coup which deposed President Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar's political crisis remains unresolved and sanctions which froze all but emergency donor aid remain in place. IRIN's coverage tracked how the country's political stalemate has made an already poor country, even poorer [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92236 ] with the demise of free primary school education, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92235 ] a severely under-funded health sector and increasing levels of food insecurity made worse by a shortage of rain followed by flooding. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91970 ] In one impoverished town, IRIN followed a group of girls who had abandoned school to pan for a few flecks of gold. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92938 ] Signs that the country might finally be moving towards the restoration of democracy have not been enough to lift the sanctions, but donors have continued to find ways to deliver desperately needed aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94351 ] 
 
 4. Continuing political instability in Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's unity government remains far from unified and incidents of political violence escalated following President Robert Mugabe's call for elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91506 ] Despite some improvements in the dire state of affairs at public health facilities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93765 ] and more assistance to orphans and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93858 ] mainly due to donor programmes, many Zimbabweans still faced economic hardship in 2011. Dry weather in the country's southern provinces caused crops to fail and put an estimated one million rural Zimbabweans in need of food assistance by the end of the year. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94286 ] In urban areas, a shortage of clean water and sanitation caused an outbreak of typhoid [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94237 ] and created the conditions for a potential resurgence of cholera. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94452 ] 
 
 5. South Africa’s borders - The region's most developed nation is a magnet for migrants, but economic pressures fuelled continuing attacks on foreigners in 2011, particularly those operating shops in townships. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] The government's handling of xenophobia was deemed inadequate by civil society groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] while changes in policy indicated an official hardening of attitudes towards migrants. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94337 ] A two-year moratorium on deportations of undocumented Zimbabweans came to an end in October, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] new legislation created more hurdles for asylum-seekers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] and an unofficial policy of barring migrants from entering the country had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ] 
 
 6. Flooding and livelihoods - Heavy rain at the beginning of the year brought localized flooding to many parts of the region, decimating crops and testing authorities' disaster preparedness. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91754 ] The floods claimed 104 lives in Namibia and a further 91 in South Africa, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93294 ] washed away the possibility of a harvest for subsistence farmers in Lesotho [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91925 ] and threatened the food security of affected populations throughout the region. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91881 ] 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94564</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Bleak outlook for food security</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106131230560823t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - Archaic agriculture practices and erratic rainfall in the recent planting period is expected to lead to an increase in food insecurity for most of Swaziland’s 1.1 million people in 2012, says a government agriculture official.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - Archaic agriculture practices and erratic rainfall in the recent planting period is expected to lead to an increase in food insecurity for most of Swaziland’s 1.1 million people in 2012, says a government agriculture official. 

“Generally crop production prospects for the 2011-12 season have been severely compromised and the overall picture is just a bad one. The country will slide back into the need for food assistance for a majority of the population,” Thembumenzi Dube, an Agriculture Ministry economist, told IRIN.

Rains failed during the October planting season in the usually productive central middleveld, as well as the generally drought-prone eastern and southern regions. The virtual absence of irrigation systems makes the country all the more dependent on the right amount of rain falling at the right time. 

Crops can still be planted in December, although in recent years the first quarter of the year has often seen extreme weather patterns, from flooding to bouts of searing and sustained heat.

At Mpaka, a railhead in eastern Swaziland, after a month without rains, localized flash floods on 14 December washed away subsistence farmers’ young maize plants.

Thuli Thwala, a widow with two children, watched the effects in despair. “We have been praying for rain all this time. Now we have nothing,” she told IRIN.

In the 1970s Swaziland was a net exporter of food, but since the early 1990s the country has been dependent on donor assistance to greater or lesser degrees. In 2010 more than one in 10 Swazis depended on food aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90750 ]

“The last three to four years had already shown signs of steadily increasing staple food crop production but this season will be bad compared to last year. Of course in some cases farmers can still grow other food crops such as sweet potatoes and sugar beans but the risk remains high with limited rainfall,” Dube said.

About two thirds or more of the population rely on subsistence farming, although agriculture accounts for only 7.9 percent of gross domestic product. 

Chiefs hampering modernization

“The problem is that 70 percent of the population live as peasant farmers on communal Swazi Nation Land [SNL] which is operated under a system of chiefs. They practice the farming methods of their ancestors. No irrigation and little by way of fertilizer. They just drop in seeds and hope for rain. The failure to modernize will have its effects felt again this year,” Charles Ndwandwe, a manager at a food distribution centre in the central Manzini region, told IRIN. 

About 10 percent of the country is arable, and less than 1 percent of this land is used for export crops like pineapples and sugar cane. 

The remaining arable land lies on SNL, where small-scale farmers depend on rain-fed agriculture. People live on the land without secure tenure or title deeds, and chiefs can evict people at will. 

Without title deeds, SNL farmers cannot use their land as collateral to secure loans for irrigation equipment or other land improvements. Land reform proposals call for Swazis to be “owners [of land] rather than squatters” with the aim of driving forward agricultural modernization.

However, land reform faces stiff political opposition: King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, imposes his authority through the chiefs’ system, and providing secure land tenure would undermine his rule, according to analysts.
 
Tractor problems

Agricultural services provided by the government are also diminishing, as the country grapples with a dire financial crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=9398 ]. The provision of subsidized government tractors and drivers has been disrupted by a lack of spare parts and the inability to pay fuel costs. Apart from lower costs, the operators are trained in cultivation techniques. 

“Private owned tractors on the one hand are not in good condition in most of the cases and the drivers are usually not well trained. The unavailability of government tractors was just adding salt to the injury as the rains were already delayed. The unpreparedness this season due to various reasons may have played a major role also [in food production] but more than anything it just compounded an already fragile and compromised situation,” Dube said.

Maize is subjected to price controls, which makes it unattractive for cultivation by commercial farmers.

“It would do no harm to deregulate the maize marketing process and let market forces determine producer prices. Guaranteeing local producers the prevailing maize market prices would be an incentive for farmers who have access to irrigation infrastructure to produce dry maize. The country would be able to produce green maize throughout the year [if irrigation systems were in place],” Dube said.

jh/go/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94481</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106131230560823t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 15 December 2011 (IRIN) - Archaic agriculture practices and erratic rainfall in the recent planting period is expected to lead to an increase in food insecurity for most of Swaziland’s 1.1 million people in 2012, says a government agriculture official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Failing healthcare system renews HIV activism</title><pubDate>Tue, 13 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003011506120160t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A new wave of HIV activism is rising in Swaziland as people living with HIV take to the streets in protest, many for the first time in their lives, over continued shortages of antiretroviral (ARV) treatment.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A new wave of HIV activism is rising in Swaziland as people living with HIV take to the streets in protest, many for the first time in their lives, over continued shortages of antiretroviral (ARV) treatment.
 
 Swaziland 's deepening financial crisis is taking a toll on service delivery, and the country is experiencing an unprecedented number of protests over issues such as school closures and a lack of HIV treatment. While Africa's last absolute monarchy does not allow formal political opposition to operate, a new brand of HIV activism may be taking hold as anger mounts over a lack of ARVs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92722 ]
 
 “People living with HIV and AIDS are more politically active," said Thandi Nkambule, director of the Swaziland Network for People with HIV and AIDS (SWANEPHA), an umbrella body. He noted that there are similarities between Swaziland's newfound HIV activism and established movements in neighbouring South Africa. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93877 ]
 
 “The leaders of the HIV support groups are joining the marches because they know that [government] leadership lacks the political will to meet the needs of people living with HIV and AIDS.” About a quarter of all adult Swazis are living with HIV and about 47,000 patients nationally were on ARVs at the end of 2009, according to UNAIDS. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92526 ]
 
 Shortages of HIV programme supplies in Swaziland began making headlines in mid-2011. Media reports have largely attributed stock-outs to reduced revenues from the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU), but the country also opted not to apply for funding in Round 10 from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria. Instead, it chose to assume financial responsibility for HIV treatment itself, at a time when SACU revenues were already projected to decline. Domestic funding has proved insufficient to back this decision. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94209 ]
 
 Rising voices on the ground
 
 Thandi Khumalo has been on ARVs for a year. Earlier in 2011 she took part in her first trade union protest as part of a “Week of Global Action” to press for political reform in Swaziland.
 
 “The clinic where I go has never run out of ARVs, like some other places that have been hit by the government financial crisis, but I know people in our support group who have experienced interruptions," she said during a demonstration. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92722 ]
 
 "I have never been involved in politics... [but] we all live in fear that this will happen to us - that is why I am doing this political march. Something has to change in the way this country is run, or we will die,” Khumalo told IRIN/PlusNews. “This is survival for me." 
 
 The Ministry of Health has disputed allegations that Swaziland is experiencing sporadic shortages of ARVs, and Health Minister Themba Xaba recently said anyone experiencing stock outs should contact him personally. The minister also alleged that pro-democracy groups have used allegations of ARV stock-outs for political gain, but activists disagree.
 
 “The shortages of medicines and basic supplies in hospitals are real - that is why the nurses staged a protest action this year," said SWANEPHA member Solomon Thwala, who added that SWANEPHA members have been verifying and reporting stock-outs that the government continues to deny. 
 
 In August the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) gave the country US$7 million in emergency funding, but this was only for first-line ARVs. Swaziland now has a buffer stock of first-line ARVs that should last until April 2012. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94209 ]
 
 Prudence Simelane, a garment worker, also joined demonstrations to protest shortages of the drugs that she says have given Swazis hope, but which she feels can no longer be entrusted to government. “Swazis never cared about AIDS - they were told they would die if they got HIV and there was nothing they could do - but now we can live with HIV." 
 
 She surprised herself by joining in recent demonstrations. "We have hope because of the ARVs - people are thinking about their lives, and about the future,” Simelane said. “That is why we are so frightened - because we can’t trust government to keep us supplied with drugs."
 
 jh/llg/he
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94456</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003011506120160t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A new wave of HIV activism is rising in Swaziland as people living with HIV take to the streets in protest, many for the first time in their lives, over continued shortages of antiretroviral (ARV) treatment.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Counter-trafficking measures trail commitments</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity. 
 
 Southern Africa has many of the conditions traffickers capitalize on: endemic poverty and unemployment that create a demand for better opportunities, and high rates of regular and irregular migration that mask the movements of traffickers and their victims. 
 
 The region has no shortage of protocols, frameworks and action plans for dealing with human trafficking, but the net result of all these agreements has been no more than a handful of prosecutions. 
 
 "African countries are more than happy to sign documents and attend conferences, but step out of the room and they're happy to have lunch and forget about it," said Ottilia Maunganidze, a researcher on the International Crime in Africa Programme at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria. 
 
 Maunganidze was addressing a roomful of experts and government officials mainly from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) who gathered in Johannesburg, South Africa, recently to look at ways of turning commitments to counter human trafficking into action. 
 
 The key international framework for combating this crime is the 2000 UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, also known as the Palermo Protocol [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/protocoltraffic.htm ]. Its lengthy definition of human trafficking includes “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception…for the purpose of exploitation.” Twelve of the SADC's 15 member states have ratified the protocol, which committed them to enact legislation to make human trafficking a criminal offence. 
 
 More than a decade later, only six have passed comprehensive laws. Several others have partial laws or, in the case of South Africa, bills waiting to be passed [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportId=93104 ], while five countries lack any specific legislation. 
 
 "If trafficking is not a crime in your country, everything else is symptomatic," warned Johan Kruger of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 
 
 Maunganidze pointed out that merely passing legislation is not enough. Mozambique has passed legislation, but has never prosecuted a case. "Criminalisation has to happen in practice," she told the meeting. 
 
 This means developing national action plans that involve social workers, medical professionals, public prosecutors and the police; establishing a central anti-trafficking unit; allocating resources to assisting victims; and signing bilateral and multilateral agreements with the countries victims originate from and pass through. 
 
 SADC countries adopted a 10-year strategic plan of action to combat trafficking in persons in 2009 that incorporates many of these measures. There is also a protocol on gender and development with a deadline of 2015 to put in place measures to eradicate trafficking. Maunganidze says this is "probably very idealistic", and cites the difficulty of identifying and addressing some of the root causes of trafficking, as well as the limited resources and political will so far devoted to responses. 
 
 Most trafficking in southern Africa is for the purpose of sexual exploitation, but trafficking for forced labour is growing and is even more hidden, according to Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, regional representative of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 
 
 Criminal syndicates are usually engaged in these activities, and many people still lack a clear understanding of what trafficking is, adding to the difficulty of detection and prosecution. "Organized crime can't be prosecuted in the same fashion as other crimes," said Kruger. "You have to connect the dots, you need proactive intelligence and international cooperation." 
 
 "In Africa, we're making some progress in creating an environment to assist victims, but where we need more work is prosecutions," Mariano-Joaquim told IRIN. "Prosecution is lagging behind the identification of victims, and even prevention." 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94445</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Contesting the Global Fund audit</title><pubDate>Wed, 07 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - On the heels of a decision by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to cancel its next round of funding, the Swazi government is calling on donors to come to the impoverished country&apos;s aid. However, there are fears that the result of a recent Global Fund audit may dissuade donors even as HIV organizations contest its findings.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - On the heels of a decision by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to cancel its next round of funding, the Swazi government is calling on donors to come to the impoverished country's aid. However, there are fears that the result of a recent Global Fund audit may dissuade donors even as HIV organizations contest its findings.
 
 Economic constraints forced the Global Fund to cancel Round 11 grants at its board meeting in late November in Ghana's capital, Accra. HIV activists in Swaziland say the cancellation has jeopardised the scale-up of HIV programmes. The country is also contesting a recently released Global Fund audit that alleges nearly US$6 million in aid was misused. 
 
 With an HIV prevalence of about 26 percent, Swaziland cannot afford to fund HIV treatment domestically - an estimated 90,000 Swazis are in need of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs, according to international medical humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières. 
 
 In early 2010, the Swazi government announced it would take over funding for all ARVs, excluding paediatric drugs, from the Global Fund, but a lack of money led to ARV shortages in 2011. Swaziland recently received stopgap funding from the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) to help supply first-line ARVs until the end of April 2012. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94209 ]
 
 HIV organizations contest audit findings
 
 The audit report released on 31 October by the Global Fund's Office of the Inspector General (OIG) recommended that Swaziland pay back $5.8 million of around $100 million in grants it had received between 2003 and 2010. 
 
 The report says the money due for repayment has been misspent as part of budget overruns, or unbudgeted or unapproved expenses, and the situation has been compounded by a dearth of supporting documentation and oversight. [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/oig/reports/ ]
 
 Swaziland's Country Coordinating Mechanism (CCM), which handles the disbursement of Global Fund grant money, denied any corruption, theft or fraud in a statement.
 
 "We are completely transparent," said Derek von Wissell, director of the government's National Emergency Response Council on HIV and AIDS (NERCHA). "There is a lack of understanding about the way things work in Swaziland.” 
 
 NERCHA has joined the CCM in insisting that no money was misspent. Both bodies say inadequate local accounting practices were largely to blame for the appearance of financial discrepancies that in fact did not exist.
 
 Among the audit's findings were poor controls in terms of unbudgeted expenditure, such as the purchase of vehicles used to support feeding schemes but not included in original work plans. In its report, the OIG does not question the need for the vehicles, but has asked NERCHA to provide evidence that the nearly 40 vehicles purchased were used in line with Global Fund grant objectives. 
 
 Without this evidence, the OIG has recommended that the roughly $1.8 million used to purchase the cars be refunded. 
 
 The money went to vehicles that you can plainly see are transporting food to neighbourhood care points," said Alicia Dlamini, a systems manager with a HIV testing and counseling NGO that depends on international donations. "This is not money that disappeared into someone’s overseas bank account.”
 
 Unapproved expenditure was also found in the construction of rural centres built for the care of orphaned and vulnerable children, where costs ran about $1 million over budget, despite fewer than the projected number of centres being built. 
 
 Keeping up with the times
 
 Dlamini maintains that the Global Fund Secretariat approved the expenditure, but the audit disagrees, highlighting the need for better guidance from the Secretariat to Fund recipients in order to avoid similar situations in future. 
 
 Von Wissell says these situations are historically rooted. "The original plan of the Global Fund was, ‘Let’s get the money out there and get the results’. We were told go buy the drugs we need and get vehicles if they are needed," he told IRIN/PlusNews.
 
 "At the Global Fund now, such flexibility is gone. We started getting money in 2003 and the Global Fund was just starting up, so monitoring systems were just starting up for both of us. You can’t apply 2010 rules to what was done in 2003," Von Wissell said.
 
 Since its inception in 2002, the Fund has tried to implement increasingly tighter financial controls, most notably after the Fund discovered fraud in several countries in 2010. The Fund subsequently instituted a high-level panel to review financial management. [ http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?indepthid=93&reportid=94360 ]
 
The OIG conceded that financial reporting guidelines had changed over the years but urged NERCHA to improve its financial oversight, and produce missing supporting documentation.
 
 "We order a big batch of drugs on behalf of the Global Fund, to be sent to government’s Central Delivery Stores, which then may lose an order or an invoice - this is Swaziland, and it happens," von Wissell said. 
 
 "We go back to the suppliers for a certifiable invoice, but this is not accepted by the Global Fund. The drugs are there. The money was legitimately spent, but the OIG says there is no proof - 60 000 people are alive today because of those drugs,” he added.
 
 The UN recommends that the principal recipients of Global Fund monies, such as NERCHA, should use 14 percent of the annual grants received for programme monitoring and evaluation. 
 
 According to von Wissell, NERCHA has never received more than about 2 percent of annual grants for evaluating Global Fund expenditures.
 
 In its audit, the OIG recommended a commitment of Global Fund money and expertise to improve the monitoring and evaluation capabilities of the Fund’s recipients in Swaziland.
 
 Wooing the donors?
 
 Prime Minister Sibusiso Dlamini has called on the international donor community to come to Swaziland’s assistance “in this hour of need”, but his call may encounter some resistance if donors are alarmed by the findings of the Global Fund’s audit report.
 
 HIV organizations and government maintain that the audit has created false impressions, which may jeopardise future funding for a country that has already seen shortages of HIV treatment, testing kits and related laboratory tests, according to Alicia Dlamini, a systems manager at an HIV testing and counselling NGO that depends on international donations.
 
 “If donors think monies were squandered in Swaziland, they will write off the country," she told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 Thembi Nkambule, director of the Swaziland Network of People Living with HIV and AIDS, an umbrella body, said the cancellation of Round 11 may already have jeopardised the government's commitments to scale up HIV treatment and prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission.
 
 jh/llg/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94413</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 07 December 2011 (IRIN) - On the heels of a decision by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to cancel its next round of funding, the Swazi government is calling on donors to come to the impoverished country&apos;s aid. However, there are fears that the result of a recent Global Fund audit may dissuade donors even as HIV organizations contest its findings.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A deadly funding crisis</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding. 
 
 That money for HIV/AIDS efforts is not as plentiful as in previous years hardly comes as a surprise. UNAIDS notes that the global economic crisis appears to have put an end to a decade of funding increases by donors - after flattening out in 2009 for the first time, international AIDS assistance fell by 10 percent in 2010. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] 
 
 Nandini Oomman, director of the HIV/AIDS Monitor, which tracks AIDS spending at the Washington-based Centre for Global Development, admits that “we are in a bad situation” and faced with “less money and more [health] priorities”. Moreover, non-communicable diseases have overtaken HIV/AIDS as the leading cause of death worldwide. Global and national leaders are now confronted with a “set of tough choices”, she noted. 
 
 Zimbabwe’s Minister of Health, Dr Henry Madzorera, believes it is still too early to gauge the full impact of the global funding decline. “We do anticipate that [this] will have a negative impact on our universal access goal… that the consequences of this global economic meltdown will be catastrophic to our programmes… [and] will take us back many years,” he told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 The big squeeze 
 
 As the world’s largest donor to HIV/AIDS efforts, the United States contributes 54 percent of international AIDS financing, but the Centre for Global Development warns that in America’s current political and fiscal climate, this level of support for AIDS funding may have reached a “tipping point” and “will be increasingly difficult to maintain in coming years”. 
 
 Oomman pointed out that the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) was protected by legislation until 2013, so cuts in the funding mechanism may not be as deep as feared. “The real questions [about the future of PEPFAR] will open up in two years, when the US is faced with reauthorizing PEPFAR,” she noted. 
 
 In the meantime, the US global AIDS budget has been cut for the second year running - funding for PEPFAR in 2012 will be US$90 million less than the current allocation - and support for the Global Fund has flat-lined. 
 
 The cost implications are huge, particularly for countries such as Uganda that rely heavily on PEPFAR. According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), less than half of the people needing treatment in Uganda get it, and PEPFAR currently supports 75 percent of all patients receiving ARVs in the country. International donors are increasingly requesting that Uganda look for domestic funds to support its response. 
 
 Although South Africa is better resourced and funds more than 80 percent of its treatment costs, it still receives substantial amounts from foreign donors. PEPFAR’s shift from direct service provision to technical assistance has caused hospices and institutions that were providing ARVs to close down, and patients have been referred to a public health system that is overstretched and poorly equipped to deal with the growing numbers, Nokhwezi Hoboyi, district coordinator for the Treatment Action Campaign, told journalists at a press briefing. 
 
 The UK’s Department for International Development (DfID) is also cutting bilateral aid for HIV/AIDS projects in developing countries by 32 percent, from £59.9 million ($92 million) to £41 million ($64million), between now and 2015. 
 
 Bailing out of the Fund? 
 
 With many donor countries preoccupied with the economic crises on their doorsteps and slowly starting to reduce their HIV/AIDS funding, the Global Fund remains a crucial player despite its latest setback. The amount of money that the multilateral body has made available since it was created in 2001 was “absolutely unprecedented” said Dr Eric Goemaere, head of MSF South Africa’s medical unit. 
 
 On 28 November, MSF warned that many low-income countries with a high HIV/AIDS burden were relying heavily on money from the Global Fund to continue providing treatment as well as to scale up their programmes. Some countries have been unable to implement the most recent World Health Organization guidelines, which call for earlier initiation of treatment and better first-line drugs. 
 
 The Global Fund has also been hit by a crisis in confidence in recent months, after reports of grant mismanagement found by the Fund’s Office of the Inspector General and the findings of a high-level independent review panel that recommended major changes to its accountability structures. 
 
 Oomman told IRIN/PlusNews that rather than “buckling down” to fix the Global Fund model, however, donors were “bailing out” by failing to live up to their commitments. “This doesn’t absolve the Fund of the responsibility to fix itself and reform… but it was created by the donors and should be fixed by the donors,” she commented. 
 
 High-burden nations need to do more 
 
 With its future at stake, the Global Fund has been encouraging emerging markets to pick up the baton, but the reality is that financial backing from traditional donors such as America and the European countries is still vitally important. “If I were an emerging market government, would I put my money in [an organization] which Western donors are pulling out of?” Oomman asked. 
 
 Activists agree that although some countries with high HIV prevalence rates still can’t afford to put a lot of money into their AIDS response, they cannot be completely absolved. 
 
 “Sustainability depends on domestic funding. Even in this hard economic environment, countries can at least lay down the enabling instruments that will grow over time and take over from donor funds when these funds dry up,” Zimbabwe’s Madzorera acknowledged. 
 
 “African governments are not doing enough at this stage,” he said, “and it cannot be allowed to be ‘business as usual’ in the face of this global economic crisis.” 

Read more on the impact of the HIV/AIDS funding crunch: http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?Indepthid=93&amp;reportid=94341
 
 kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Feeling the pinch</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch. 
 
 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 
 
 According to medical relief agency Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), funding shortfalls caused the government to cap the number of people starting on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment at 2,000 new patients for 2011, even though an estimated 15,000 people are on waiting lists for the drugs. Only 12 percent of those in need of the life-prolonging medication are receiving it. 
 
 NGOs have been asked by the Ministry of Health to limit HIV testing because there is no money available to buy drugs to treat those eligible for ARVs. Access to drugs for opportunistic infections and testing for CD4-counts or viral loads is extremely limited. 
 
 DRC is largely dependent on the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to finance its treatment programmes, and other donor projects are winding up, making the country even more dependent on dwindling Global Fund grants. 
 
 Uganda 
 
 Poor funding in 2010 led HIV care facilities to reduce patient enrolment. Service providers said they were afraid to encourage people to test for HIV in case they needed ARVs and were unable to provide the medication. In August PEPFAR responded [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90288 ] to appeals from healthcare providers overwhelmed by patients by making a commitment to increase its support to the national treatment programme. 
 
 However, HIV programmes remain poorly funded and Uganda's appeal for $270 million from the Global Fund in Round 8 was rejected. Although the government now contributes some $60 million annually to buying HIV drugs from a local manufacturer, critics say HIV/AIDS efforts will remain stunted unless the government makes a more meaningful contribution [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86336 ]. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 In November 2011, South Africa's leading HIV/AIDS lobby group, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), which is largely dependent on the Global Fund, released a statement warning that without this money, TAC will be forced to close its doors and retrench 280 employees in 130 branches at the end of January 2012. TAC volunteers distribute over 5 million condoms a year and the group's treatment literacy project educates patients about HIV treatment in many of the country's public health facilities. 
 
 As some donors pull out entirely and others shift from programme implementation to technical assistance, many patients who previously got their treatment from well run NGOs are being transferred to already overcrowded public health facilities. 
 
 Burundi 
 
 Following a Global Fund rejection [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=81105 ] of its application for money in November 2007, the government said there was a gap of $83 million to cover all the needs of the national AIDS strategic plan from 2007 to 2011. 
 
 In 2010, HIV-positive patients in some parts of the country complained that they were unable to access drugs to treat opportunistic infections [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90128 ] and many could not afford a CD4 test, which measures immune strength and is required before health facilities can initiate patients on ARVs. 
 
 At the end of June 2011, World Bank funding - more than $50 million over a nine-year period - for Burundi's AIDS response ended and has not been renewed. The Global Fund and the World Bank have been Burundi's largest HIV donors. In September, associations of people living with HIV reported [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93657 ] that several of their members had died due to an ongoing shortage of ARV drugs. 
 
 Swaziland 
 
 The country with the highest HIV prevalence has been grappling with shortages of HIV treatment, testing kits and laboratory tests essential for initiating and managing patients on ARV treatment, caused mainly by a drop in revenue from the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU) as a result of the global economic downturn. 
 
 Swaziland recently received emergency funding from PEPFAR to help supply first-line ARVs until the end of April 2012, but further ARV shortages have been predicted. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 An estimated 96 percent of the HIV budget is donor-funded, with the Global Fund and PEPFAR providing the largest portion. Mozambique’s Round 9 funding has not yet been released due to concerns over poor financial and supply management, and its Round 10 grant proposal was not approved. Other donors, including the Clinton HIV/AIDS Initiative, have withdrawn support as the UNITAID grant comes to a close. 
 
 Mozambique is expected to face shortages of first-line ARVs by the end of 2012 or even earlier, unless an emergency funding request to the Global Fund is approved. The country is looking for other funding alternatives to help bridge the projected shortfall. 
 
 Kenya 
 
 HIV/AIDS funding received a blow when the Global Fund rejected its proposals in rounds eight and nine. Kenya has a projected $167 billion shortfall to cover its HIV programmes up to 2013. The country has put more than 400,000 people on ARVs, but another 600,000 need the drugs and have no access to them. 
 
 At the end of November 2011, HIV-positive people in Coast Province, eastern Kenya, held demonstrations over the lack of drugs in health facilities, forcing people to purchase the drugs from private pharmacies, but many who can't afford the drugs are going without. 
 
 Kenya's Cabinet has proposed [ http://blog.usaid.gov/2011/09/seeking-a-sustainable-solution-for-hiv-funding-in-kenya ] that the Ministry of Finance create an HIV/AIDS Trust Fund to support scaling up the HIV response. If approved, the government will contribute 1 percent of its annual revenue to the fund. 
 
 kr/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94363</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Opposition to military spending grows</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200412241t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland spends 4.7 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on paying, equipping and barracking the 3,000 soldiers in its army, and now parliament has passed a US$8 million supplementary budget for the force, provoking a rare public reaction in questioning the role or even the need for an army in view of the deepening economic crisis.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland spends 4.7 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on paying, equipping and barracking the 3,000 soldiers in its army, and now parliament has passed a US$8 million supplementary budget for the force, provoking a rare public reaction in questioning the role or even the need for an army in view of the deepening economic crisis. 
 
 Prime Minister Sibusiso Dlamini’s remark at a recent meeting of newspapers editors that “The army exists so we might sleep peacefully at night”, was the catalyst for an unprecedented debate about the role of the armed forces. 
 
 The consistently food insecure country with its predominantly agrarian society, where about 70 percent of the 1.02 million population lives on $2 or less a day, allocates 4 percent of government spending to agriculture, while 17 percent is spent on the security services. 
 
 Only the budgets for general administration and education receive a larger amount of money from the donor-dependent government, while health gets a 10 percent share. Swaziland has the world's highest HIV/AIDS prevalence, with one in four people aged 15-49 infected with the disease. 
 
 2011 has seen unprecedented public protests against the rule of sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, King Mswati III, sparked by an economic crisis that has led to severe cuts in social services, such as education, pensions and support for orphans and vulnerable children. 
 
 “The fiscal crisis in Swaziland has reached a critical stage,” Joannes Mongardini, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Deputy Division Chief, said in a statement after the conclusion of a country inspection earlier this month. 
 
 “Government revenue collections are insufficient to cover essential government expenditures. More importantly, key social programmes like the fight against HIV/AIDS, free primary education, the support for orphaned and vulnerable children, and elderly grants are being negatively affected.” 
 
 Swaziland’s financial crisis began in earnest after revenue from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) - the world's oldest customs union, comprising Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland and South Africa, which applies a common set of tariffs and disproportionately distributes the revenue to member states - declined significantly in the wake of the 2008 global slowdown. 
 
 Military spending as a ratio to GDP ranks it 18th in the world, according to the CIA World Fact Book. An estimated $40.5 million is allocated annually to the Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force (USDF), excluding supplemental budget requests. 
 
 Parliament is forbidden to debate military budgets, and details of specific military spending are cited as a state security matter. 
 
 “We actually do not need the army. Most of the army’s resources are spent on the borders and on providing security at royal residences,” said an editorial in the Times Sunday newspaper. “To protect us, that is the duty of the police.” 
 
 A letter published in the newspaper asked: “How can we get a peaceful night’s sleep when civil servants are told to take salary cuts, and the elderly are told they will not get their grants? Government says there is no money, so why is there so much money then to feed soldiers? Are they preparing for war? Against whom? The only thing that can cause conflict is the lack of [government] service delivery.” 
 
 Vincent Dlamini, secretary general of the National Public Servants and Allied Workers Union (NAPSAWU), told IRIN the government said it intended retrenching 7,000 public sector workers and reduce the retirement age to 55 years of age, while maintaining the retirement age of 60 in the army. 
 
 “The country is not at war and so there is no need to spend 4.7 percent of GDP on the army. Government is complaining about the huge wage bill but is keeping more people in the army,” he said. 
 
 Joyce Ndwandwe, a member of the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress, Swaziland’s oldest political party, which is banned, told IRIN: “When I need a soldier for my protection, where is one? They are all at the king’s palaces - they only come out when the workers strike.” 
 
 The formation of an army coincided with the banning of political parties in 1973, after Mswati’s father, King Sobhuza, decreed the country’s independence constitution invalid and assumed all executive, legislative and judicial powers for himself and his descendants. Political opposition parties were outlawed, as were public demonstrations. 
 
 The British colonial authorities, who administered Swaziland as a protectorate from 1902 to 1968, considered a Swazi army superfluous as the country faced no external threats, and if neighbouring Mozambique or South Africa turned hostile there would be no contest, with or without an army. 
 
 Public demonstrations demanding political and economic reform have become more frequent, and the security forces - police, prison officers and a sprinkling of army personnel - have often been heavy handed in response to protesters. 
 
 “The truth is, when civil servants are not paid they will take to the streets, and then we will see the army in action,” a supervisor in the agricultural ministry, who declined to be named, told IRIN. 
 
 The wage bill for public servants, reputedly the largest per-capita public workers’ bill in Africa, has been paid, but there are concerns that the economic crisis will lead to the government being unable to meet its public sector salary commitments in future. 
 
 “Swaziland’s security is threatened by AIDS, and AIDS must be recognized as this country’s true enemy” Constance Mdluli, the financial officer of Women for an AIDS-Free Swaziland, an advocacy and HIV/AIDS support group based in the second city of Manzini, told IRIN. 
 
 “We have the world’s highest percentage of people living with HIV, and AIDS is devastating our homes and businesses, our schools and our religious institutions. Why do government’s priorities not reflect who the true enemy is and put all our resources into fighting this real and not imaginary enemy?” 
 
 tt/go/he 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94336</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200412241t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland spends 4.7 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on paying, equipping and barracking the 3,000 soldiers in its army, and now parliament has passed a US$8 million supplementary budget for the force, provoking a rare public reaction in questioning the role or even the need for an army in view of the deepening economic crisis.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Funding fiasco leaves country short of lab supplies</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/20070822t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - First there were national shortages of HIV medication, then of HIV tests, now Swaziland lacks the lab tests essential for initiating and managing HIV patients on treatment. To make matters worse, the country chose not to apply for the international funding that could have safeguarded antiretroviral (ARV) stocks.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - First there were national shortages of HIV medication, then of HIV tests, now Swaziland lacks the lab tests essential for initiating and managing HIV patients on treatment. To make matters worse, the country chose not to apply for the international funding that could have safeguarded antiretroviral (ARV) stocks.
 
 Shortages of HIV programme supplies began making headlines in mid-2011. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] Media reports have largely ascribed stock-outs to reduced revenues from the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU), due to the global economic downturn. In 2010, SACU began to review its revenue-sharing formula, including the possibility of re-allocating Swaziland, Lesotho and Botswana smaller shares. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/72782944 ]
 
 Changes to the formula remain under review but by mid-2010, declines in overall SACU revenue were enough to raise alarm among academics at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, who advised Swaziland to move away from over-reliance on SACU disbursements to fund its HIV programme. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91103 ]
 
 But Swaziland chose not to apply for Round 10 funding from the Global Fund to Fight HIV, TB and Malaria. Its July 2010 Round 10 application - which was ultimately denied - focused instead only on strengthening community health systems. When Global Fund money for ARVs officially ended in April 2011, the Swazi government informed the international financing mechanism it would take over ARV funding after allocating funds from its national budget.
 
 The most likely lifeline may only come in late 2013. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94161 ]
 
 The decision was driven by government beliefs that the percentage of the national budget it had allocated to treatment was enough, according to Vulindlela Msibi, executive director of Swaziland's country coordinating mechanism (CCM), which manages Global Fund money.
 
 No money, no drugs, no tests
 
 According to Aymeric Péguillan, Swaziland head of mission for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), the consequences of the government's decision not to seek international support for HIV treatment were predictable.
 
 "In the Round 10 application, there was no line for commodities so it was an already accepted situation that government was going to take over the huge majority of ARV procurement," Péguillan told IRIN/PlusNews. "Everyone could see this coming."
 
 While the government initially assured development partners like MSF that health and education would be protected as it cut spending amid tough financial times, this has not been the case.
 
 "In actual fact, the health sector is really struggling to negotiate a share of national revenue and we do not see a 'plan B' - there is no money available in other departments," said Péguillan. "It's difficult for partners to get a clear picture of what money is available every month and how it's allocated... The Ministry of Finance calls the shots and it's quite difficult for us to work on any sort of prediction or planning with the Ministry of Health."
 
 Samuel Vusi Magagula, deputy director of health services with Swaziland's Ministry of Health, did not respond to IRIN/PlusNews requests for comment.
 
 Msibi said the country was now looking to re-apply for ARV funding as part of the Global Fund's next round, and is considering reallocating current Global Fund financing to the ARV programme. In a statement, the CCM has called Round 11 a "do or die" moment for the country's HIV and tuberculosis response.
 
 However, the Global Fund has more than halved the estimated amount of money available in Round 11 as lower interest rates and a weaker dollar conspire with possible decreases in donor funding. If Swaziland is successful, it will only see this money in late 2013. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94161 ]
 
 Temporary measures
 
 After ARV stock-outs were reported, the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) gave the country US$7 million in emergency funding in August; however, this was only for first-line ARVs.
 
 With this assistance, the government was able to sign a 12-month tender for the drugs via the US-funded Supply Chain Management Systems project, according to PEPFAR spokeswoman, Kate Glantz.
 
 In August, South Africa announced it would lend its embattled neighbour about $313 million. According to South Africa's National Treasury Department, it is waiting for Swaziland to sign the papers needed to disburse the first $104 million tranche, which should go to priority areas such as health and education. [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/72782619/South-Africa-Statement-on-Swaziland-Loan ]
 
 Swaziland now has a buffer stock of first-line ARVs that should last until April 2012. However, the country was still experiencing stock-outs of essential laboratory supplies - which may be tied to partially delayed Global Fund disbursements. Slated to support programmes, salaries and some of these lab supplies, the first disbursement of $10.9 million arrived in the country last week.
 
 Despite several bail-outs this year by international donors, neighbouring countries and international NGOs, Swaziland remains in the grips of a months-long shortage of lab reagents needed for CD4 count testing, which measures the immune system's strength and is needed to start patients on ARVs, as well as toxicity testing important in monitoring patients' responses to treatment.
 
 Although the situation has improved, with MSF and PEPFAR-supported programmes sourcing reagents for some areas of the country, Péguillan said it was far from ideal and as of mid-October, there had been no government response to the shortages.
 
 "It is far from great and still very fragile and a temporary solution but not as bad as it was a month ago," he told IRIN/PlusNews. "Yet, there is still uncertainty for months to come and around the supply of HIV test kits as well."
 
 llg/kn/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94209</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/20070822t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - First there were national shortages of HIV medication, then of HIV tests, now Swaziland lacks the lab tests essential for initiating and managing HIV patients on treatment. To make matters worse, the country chose not to apply for the international funding that could have safeguarded antiretroviral (ARV) stocks.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Soon every African village will know what the weather may bring</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008091519t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data. 
 
 The Coordinated Regional Climate Downscaling Experiment (CORDEX), [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91170 ] an initiative of the World Meteorological Organization is now able to render the data from regional climate models to the scale people live in, and decision makers work at. The information will not only help countries but also communities in their efforts to adapt to changing weather patterns, and to tailor their disaster risk reduction plans. 

The effort is geared to feed into the next assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), due to be released in 2014. 
 
Although CORDEX aims to “downscale” the data for all regions of the world, Africa has been identified as the most vulnerable by the IPCC and a priority for the initiative. Historically the continent has been under-researched, but for the next two years will be a focus for the programme. 
 
Chris Lennard, a scientist at the Climate Systems Analysis Group at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in South Africa, which has one of the only two climate modelling groups downscaling the projections in Africa, said by mid-2012 climate data for people living within 50 kilometres from each other will be available across Africa. 
 
 The other African group, also in South Africa, is based at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in Pretoria. 
 
 "There are climatologists outside the project who are downscaling up to a 22 km resolution as well," said Lennard. “Although this means data at the scale of cities will be available, when assessing vulnerabilities to climate change in a place like Johannesburg there are many other factors that need to be considered external to the city such as water and food security and power provision for example.” 
 
 How it works 
 
 Projecting the impact of climate change is a complicated process that takes into account changes in the long-term averages of daily weather patterns and many other factors. Climate models are used to simulate processes that occur in the atmosphere, such as the movement of moisture and heat as well as the possible impact of increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases on these processes. 
 
 During two meetings in 2011, over 20 African climate scientists met to analyse CORDEX produced data. They decided to divide Africa into three regions for analysis - Southern, East and West. They then sub-divided the regions according to the common characteristics of the rainfall patterns in them. For instance, West Africa has been split into a Southern and Northern region because the south has two peaks per rainy season and the north has only one. 
 
 Climatologists often split regions according to common rainfall patterns because the variables that affect rainfall - movement of air, pressure, temperature, radiation, moisture content - also drive climate change. 
 
 Unfortunately, not all African countries can be assessed because of a lack of adequate scientific support and observational data. 
 
 During the first stage of CORDEX, scientists tested the ability of the various regional climate models to generate data based on actual climate statistics for the period 1988-2010. "The selected historical timeframe is too small to look at any long-term trends," said Lennard. "We wanted to see how the regional climate models simulated the past so we can say something about how they might simulate the future." 
 
 The 14 regional climate models also include factors like the level of small-scale convection, and the interaction between the land surface and the atmosphere. The scientists then work on a consensus position based on the results generated by all the models. 
 
 "We have completed this stage and are busy writing up our results so they can be included in the IPCC 5th assessment report," said Lennard. 
 
 The teams are now awaiting results of global projections of climate change from 12 global climate modelling groups already at work in Europe, the US and elsewhere. 
 
 These groups - including the Abdus Salam International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy; the Swedish Meteorological and Hydrological Institute; the Danish Meteorological Institute; and the Iowa State University - are among the world's foremost global climate modelling institutions. They have simulated the earth's climate as far back as 1950 and look as far forward as 2100. 
 
 "Once the global climate model data become available we will start downscaling them, and the downscaled results will be shared with the African teams for analysis. We expect to have the first downscaled model data early in November," Lennard said. 
 
 Making sense of the numbers 
 
 The projections are critical for communities that must adapt to a moodier climate with limited resources. Initial IPCC assessment reports tended to focus on global climate models and predictions that did not factor in underlying socioeconomic conditions or the vulnerability of communities, writes Saleemul Huq, one of the IPCC’s lead authors. [ http://pubs.iied.org/17103IIED.html?c=climate ] "So, for example, model-based physical impacts in the Netherlands look similar to those in Bangladesh - in part because the two countries share a similar topography, both being low-lying deltas - but in reality the impacts on people, and the options for adapting to these, are likely to differ widely,” Huq notes in a briefing paper for the International Institute for Environment and development (IIED). 
 
 “The Netherlands is technologically and financially rich and can adapt to rising sea levels by raising dykes. Bangladesh, on the other hand, cannot afford to build dykes around its entire coast, even if that was the best adaptation solution." More recent IPCC reports have gone for a "more rounded picture of which countries and regions are at highest risk from climate change". 
 
One of the unique characteristics of the CORDEX Africa campaign is that African climatologists will meet with other African scientists who study vulnerability, adaptation and the impact of climate change on people, to translate the model numbers into meaningful, usable information. Experts from countries that include Benin, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe will analyse the data.

"These scientists [who study humanitarian impact of climate change] know for example what thresholds, which, if crossed more frequently would impact detrimentally on communities, so whether the people in a certain area are more vulnerable to five days or eight days of continuous rainfall,” said Lennard. 
 
“We are coming together so that the impacts scientists can ask climatologists their questions, who will then analyse the model output with these questions in mind and provide them with information they can use."
 
 Their answers will also inform the analysis included in the IPCC's fifth assessment, which is devoting four chapters to adaptation. The previous report, in 2007, carried just one chapter on the topic. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94127</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008091519t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: No more subsidized agricultural inputs</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004071101110781t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s economic crisis has forced the government to put on ice the agricultural input scheme that has made the survival of many subsistence farmers and their families less precarious on communal Swazi Nation Land, where 70 percent of the 1.1 million population live.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s economic crisis has forced the government to put on ice the agricultural input scheme that has made the survival of many subsistence farmers and their families less precarious on communal Swazi Nation Land, where 70 percent of the 1.1 million population live. 
 
 “There is no seed subsidizing now. We used to do it, and we are talking about reviving the programme,” Xoxile Nxumalo, of the agriculture ministry, told IRIN. Under the Swazi Agricultural Development Programme, seeds were sold at a discount or provided free of charge to subsistence farmers working on communal land. 
 
 Nxumalo said discussions were taking place to provide discount tractor hire. Poor farmers could previously use the government’s tractor fleet at reduced rates but fuel shortages have put a stop to the service. In 2010 a government tractor could be hired for about R130 (US$17.30) an hour, compared to about R200 (US$26.60) per hour for a privately owned tractor. 
 
 This is the first growing season where the inputs have been withdrawn. Planting starts when the rains begin, usually between October and November. The mountainous highveld usually has ample rains, and enough rain falls in the warmer middle veld for most of the crop production. In the drought-prone low middle veld and eastern lowveld rainfall is often problematic and food assistance has regularly been required in the past two decades, particularly in the eastern Lubombo region. 
 
 A recent long-range prediction by the Swaziland Meteorological Department forecast rains arriving late in 2011, but ending at their usual time in March/April, so reducing the cropping season. 
 
 “Seven out of ten Swazis survive as peasant farmers on government-owned land, and while subsistence farming worked when the population was small, a growth in population has meant this old way of doing things is not sustainable. Swaziland has become dependant on food aid, despite the nation’s ability to feed herself,” Amos Ndwandwe, an agriculture field officer in the central Manzini region, told IRIN. 
 
 “It is not that Swaziland lacks good land. We have lots of good land, but the land management system is a feudal arrangement that was not made for modern times. If the small landholder farmers could pool their land and get financing for irrigation and modern equipment, Swaziland’s food security would be ensured in one season,” he said. 
 
 Thembumenzi Dube, a statistician at the agriculture ministry, told IRIN: “The area planted in 2010/11 was 70,344 hectares, which showed an increase of about 20 percent compared to the previous season. The increase in area planted could be attributed to a number of factors, including the onset of the rainfall season countrywide, with fair distribution. 
 
 “The seasonal [rainfall] forecast had also indicated normal to above normal rainfall in the October to December period... The Ministry of Agriculture’s efforts to encourage farmers to make use of available resources such as tractors could have also played a role,” he said. 
 
 The maize harvest for the 2010/2011 season was 84,696 metric tons, against a national requirement of the staple grain of 113,000 tons, in a season when small-scale farmers had access to subsidised seed distribution and tractor hire. 
 
 The 2011 planting season has coincided with a dry spell and most small-scale farmers are dependent on rain to water their crops. Security of tenure is tenuous on Swazi Nation Land, and the majority have few or no financial resources to improve the land or install irrigation systems. 
 
 Food insecurity 
 
 King Mswati directly appoints Swaziland’s about 300 chiefs, who can arbitrarily evict any of their subjects from communal land. Analysts say this ensures that the ban on political activities reaches all domains of Swazi society, as anyone seen to be involved in political activity can have their land confiscated without recourse. 
 
 “I live on the banks of a river [the Nkomati]. My maize crops could easily thrive if I had a simple pump and piping. What I harvest would pay for the loan, but I have no collateral because there is nothing to offer the bank. We Swazis live under chiefs - this land belongs to the king,” Sipho Magagula, a farmer in the eastern Lubombo region. 
 
 “The last harvest [earlier in 2011] was better than last year but some people are still on food assistance, especially in the Lubombo region,” Nxumalo said. 
 
 More than 100,000 Swazis receive some form of food assistance from governmental programmes and international donor schemes. 
 
 Other social services such as educational grants and pensions have either become erratic or have been suspended as the country ruled by sub-Sahara’s last absolute monarch, Mswati III, struggles to deal with the decline of receipts from the Southern African Customs Union, and profligate spending by the government and the royal household. 
 
An agricultural specialist, who declined to be named, told IRIN “There are 200,000 OVC [orphans and vulnerable children] in Swaziland, and if you add the growing number of people on Swazi Nation Land with inadequate crop yields, we are looking at least a third of the population needing food assistance.” 
 
 tg/go/he 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94113</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004071101110781t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s economic crisis has forced the government to put on ice the agricultural input scheme that has made the survival of many subsistence farmers and their families less precarious on communal Swazi Nation Land, where 70 percent of the 1.1 million population live.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: New aviation rules ground HIV-positive pilots</title><pubDate>Tue, 25 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005051307140311t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swazi HIV activists are up in arms over pending aviation guidelines that will stop people living with HIV from ever piloting an aircraft.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swazi HIV activists are up in arms over pending aviation guidelines that will stop people living with HIV from ever piloting an aircraft. 
 
 "This is pure discrimination, and if the rule is enforced it will be challenged on constitutional grounds prohibiting such bigotry," said Helen Dlamini, a human rights activist in the central commercial town of Manzini, site of Swaziland's only airport. 
 
 New Civil Aviation Authority Regulations for 2011 prohibit the granting of pilots’ licences to individuals who are HIV-positive or have tuberculosis. Routine medical examinations are required while applying for licences and the examining doctor is compelled to conduct an HIV test. The test results would be given to the Civil Aviation Authority, which has no confidentiality policy, despite a Health Ministry policy of confidentiality for HIV-positive people. 
 
 "Not only would I not get a pilot's licence, the reason could be made public if anyone wanted to look at the records," said a Swazi man in his 30s who wished to stay anonymous. Because he is HIV-positive, he is worried he may have his licence revoked when he is required to reapply for one in future. 
 
 AIDS activists say the discrimination is unfair because HIV is a manageable condition if the patient is on antiretroviral treatment, widely available in Swaziland. 
 
 It is illegal to terminate a worker's employment based on his or her HIV status, and while such firings still do occur, they can be challenged in the Industrial Court. 
 
 "In the early stages of HIV a patient may be incapacitated by illnesses that can be as debilitating as a bad flu, but this passes and the condition is controllable with ARVs," said Dlamini. "The aviation rules suggest that an HIV-positive person is incapable of operating an aircraft. 
 
 "I am reminded that a large number of bus and taxi drivers and truck drivers who operate the big rig vehicles are HIV-positive, and their ability to do their jobs has never been questioned," she added. "If being HIV-positive means you cannot operate a large and complex vehicle because the public would be in danger, why has this issue never been raised on the roads? There are only a handful of private planes in Swaziland and with one commuter airline bringing a few passengers a day from Johannesburg, there's no comparison." 
 
 The new aviation guidelines issued by the Ministry of Public Works and Transport state: "An applicant for a medical certificate with Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) shall be assessed as unfit. An applicant for a medical certificate who is positive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) shall be assessed as unfit." 
 
 However, a transport ministry source told Plus News that there was some "wiggle room" for HIV-positive applicants. 
 
 "Our concern is with AIDS; there is an option for the applicant who is HIV-positive but claims he doesn't have AIDS to submit to a medical investigation to prove he does not have AIDS," said the source, who preferred anonymity. "Remember, licences are also denied to people with speech impediments, diabetes and other conditions. Whatever physically impairs a pilot from 100 percent efficiency is a factor." 
 
 He did not say, however, who would investigate applicants to determine whether they had AIDS. 
 
 The issue is important in Swaziland, where about 40 percent of sexually active adults are HIV-positive. With national unemployment also standing at 40 percent, there has not been a shortage of unskilled workers. However, the replacement of trained skilled workers has proved a challenge for the country's businesses and industries, according to the Swaziland Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 Stanley Kunene, an HIV-positive career guidance counsellor in Manzini, said he had never acted on his own urge to learn to fly an aircraft, but fears for those whose dream is blocked by the new aviation regulations. 
 
 "The story of AIDS has always been about the future – how to keep people safe from AIDS, how to keep HIV-positive people alive for a long time. Restricting people's career choices is denying them a future," he said. 
 
 jh/kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94061</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005051307140311t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swazi HIV activists are up in arms over pending aviation guidelines that will stop people living with HIV from ever piloting an aircraft.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Will social services continue?</title><pubDate>Mon, 17 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703228t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 17 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s parliamentarians are questioning the purpose of a social safety net covering children, the elderly and the disabled. One dismissed it as little more than a public relations exercise, but in the teetering economy the recipients often depend on these small grants and pensions for survival.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 17 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s parliamentarians are questioning the purpose of a social safety net covering children, the elderly and the disabled. One dismissed it as little more than a public relations exercise, but in the teetering economy the recipients often depend on these small grants and pensions for survival. 
 
 “Why do we continue with this assistance [to orphans and vulnerable children, (OVC)], pensions and school fees for primary school students]? It seems as if we are trying to impress some people here,” said parliamentarian Patrick Gamedze in the assembly on 13 October. His colleague, Nichodemus Mashwama, also called for an end to government payments for primary school students, although this is stipulated in the constitution. 
 
 Other MPs backed Mashwama’s call for a constitutional amendment to abolish government payments aimed at achieving universal primary education. Some questioned why MPs should be held accountable for school fees, old age and disability pensions, and grants for OVC when government had no money to pay for them. 
 
 Donor-dependent Swaziland has been plunged into a financial crisis since receipts from the Southern Africa Customs Union dried up in the wake of the global 2008 slowdown, but finance minister Majozi Sithole recently conceded that government corruption cost the country nearly twice the annual amount budgeted for social services. 
 
 King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, rules a landlocked country between South Africa and Mozambique, where about 70 percent of the 1.1 million Swazis live on US$2 a day or less. It has the world's highest HIV/AIDS prevalence, with one in four people aged 15-49 infected with the disease. 
 
 Earlier in October the Acting Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Magwagwa Gamedze, told the UN Working Group of the Universal Periodic Review of Swaziland that government was fulfilling its constitutional obligation to pay for primary school education in a roll-out programme that currently funds children in grades one and two, and this would be expanded to accommodate all students up to grade five by 2015. 
 
 A US$350 million bailout package, put together by South Africa after international finance institutions declined to lend unless the country restructured its finances, is awaiting signature of the Memorandum of Understanding to release the money. 
 
 The government has shown little interest in signing the memorandum, which lists “confidence-building measures” towards democracy human rights and fiscal reform, as well as the “overhaul of its budgetary systems”, among the loan conditions. 
 
 The Times of Swaziland, the country’s only independent newspaper, pessimistically noted that the South African loan was “as good as dead”. 
 
 The debate on the future of social services was prompted by submissions from the Deputy Prime Minister, Themba Masuku, on the suspension of grants to the elderly. “We do not know where we will get the money to pay elderly grants,” he commented. 
 
 Partial payments 
 
 Most pensions were suspended in the first quarter of 2011. In June only 6,480 pensions were paid, while at least 40,000 pensioners without bank accounts received nothing so that OVC grants could be paid instead. Masuku did not respond to parliamentary questions as to when regular pension payments would resume. 
 
 “The money is so little - only R600 (US$80) a month - that few of the elderly can afford to pay the high service fees charged by banks for accounts,” Amos Zwane, president of the Swaziland Old Age Society, told IRIN. 
 
 “Whether they have accounts or not, no pensioner has received any money from government in three months,” Zwane said. “We go to the collection points, but there is nothing. There is no explanation.” 
 
 Sharon Dlamini, who lives in Ewandle in the central Manzini region, told IRIN “I ride the bus one hour to collect my pension and there is nothing for me. My grandchildren suffer. It has been so long since I ever used that money for myself, because I need it to pay their school fees and all their needs.” 
 
 The 65-year-old widow said, “They are suffering now. I live in rags and I go hungry, but I was happy to help them because those children have no one in the world but their granny. But there are no grants for us any more.” 
 
 tg/go/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93981</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200703228t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 17 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s parliamentarians are questioning the purpose of a social safety net covering children, the elderly and the disabled. One dismissed it as little more than a public relations exercise, but in the teetering economy the recipients often depend on these small grants and pensions for survival.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SWAZILAND: Corruption exceeds social services budget</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2005398t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s Minister of Finance, Majozi Sithole, has told the Senate that each year the country loses nearly double the annual social services budget to corruption, and non-governmental organizations are not being spared.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s Minister of Finance, Majozi Sithole, has told the Senate that each year the country loses nearly double the annual social services budget to corruption, and non-governmental organizations are not being spared. 
 
 “Because of these practices service delivery has suffered,” Sithole told the upper house, composed mostly of appointees of King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, on 10 October 2011. 
 
 The donor-dependent country sandwiched between Mozambique and South Africa is on the brink of insolvency and its financial crisis means that social services from schooling to pensions have either been discontinued or severely disrupted. 
 
 Sithole estimated that about R80 million (US$10.6 million) a month was disappearing - amounting to about R960 million (US$128 million) annually - while the government’s 2010/11 budget allocated R562 million (US$75 million) to social services, including R182 million (US$24.2 million) for education and R252 million (US$33.6 million) for health. 
 
 The government established the Anti-Corruption Unit in 1998 and the first graft conviction coincided with Sithole’s speech to the Senate after a private company was found guilty for the overcharging of goods supplied under a government tender. 
 
 In a 2005 interview Sithole told IRIN: “Some highly placed individuals connive with government officials to inflate contracts or even make government pay for services that were never rendered. The playground for corruption is in goods and services, as well as construction projects.” 
 
 South Africa has agreed to give Swaziland a US$350 million bailout after several international finance institutions, among them the International Monetary Fund (IMF), declined to throw the country a lifeline unless it restructured its finances, including trimming a public sector wage bill estimated at R872 million (US$116 million) annually, reputedly the largest per-capita public workers’ bill in Africa. 
 
 Swaziland has yet to sign the Memorandum of Understanding to release the money. 
 
 About 70 percent of the 1.1 million population live on US$2 or less day and the country has the world's highest prevalence of HIV/AIDS, with one in four Swazis aged 15-49 infected with the disease. 
 
 An economist at a South African bank in the capital, Mbabane, who declined to be named, told IRIN that corruption was “a systemic problem coming from a government that answers to no one and is accountable to no one. The finance minister lists the causes of corruption, and these are all officials who collude with companies to steal from government through various means, or who take bribes and hire their girlfriends and relatives for jobs instead of qualified candidates.” 
 
 Pro-democracy and socio-economic protests have gathered momentum in recent months, but there has been little indication that Mswati’s government is taking steps to bring about reform. 
 
 Thandi Nkambule, director of the Swaziland Network for People with HIV and AIDS (SWANEPHA), an umbrella group for NGOs dealing with HIV/AIDS issues, told IRIN: “Corruption is a known reason why government is in a financial crisis. The shortage of ARVs [antiretrovirals] for HIV-positive Swazis is a result.” 
 
 A systemic problem 
 
 Sithole said some high ranking government officials were “forcing business people to finance what appears to be a just cause… while on the other hand taking a lot [of the donated money] for their own private use.” 
 
 He told the Senate: “We hear of cases where the finances of charitable organizations are diverted and used to pay scholarships for friends and lovers abroad… We hear of cases where donations are made publicly but collected secretly by senior people, and by the time the [organization’s] treasurer comes to collect, the funds are already taken but not submitted to the organization.” 
 
 Thandi Zwane, a social welfare worker who provides food to the homeless in Matsapha Industrial Estate in Manzini, told IRIN: “If [finance minister] Majozi [Sithole] knows who is doing this, it is too bad he didn’t name names… never ever has a government official in Swaziland been jailed or fined for corruption, and yet they are the ones driving it.” 
 
 A director of a Manzini-based social welfare NGO, who declined to be identified, noted: “I almost wish Majozi [Sithole] had kept quiet about donor funding getting stolen. We all know it happens and… the organizations themselves must keep a tight lid on their fundraising.” 
 
 “It’s just a drop in the bucket compared to what government corruption costs,” the director told IRIN. “It will make donors think twice about giving to Swaziland. Without donor funding we are done [for], and we provide services that government does not.” 
 
 tg/go/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93950</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2005398t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s Minister of Finance, Majozi Sithole, has told the Senate that each year the country loses nearly double the annual social services budget to corruption, and non-governmental organizations are not being spared.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Swaziland mulls multi-million dollar bailout</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20067111t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 26 September 2011 (IRIN) - South Africa recently granted a US$350 million bailout to Swaziland’s King Mswati III - following desperate overtures to his neighbour to stave-off his kingdom’s financial meltdown - but the king has now cooled to the idea and left the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) unsigned and the loan in limbo.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 26 September 2011 (IRIN) - South Africa recently granted a US$350 million bailout to Swaziland’s King Mswati III - following desperate overtures to his neighbour to stave-off his kingdom’s financial meltdown - but the king has now cooled to the idea and left the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) unsigned and the loan in limbo. 
 
 The first tranche of the three-tranche loan was scheduled to be released in August 2011, but among the loan conditions were “confidence-building measures” on democracy, human rights and fiscal reform, as well as the “overhaul of its budgetary systems”. 
 
 These vague conditions were dismissed by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the country’s largest union federation and alliance partner to South African President Jacob Zuma’s ruling ANC government, as giving “breathing space for the regime,” and not “serious” in inducing a democratic transition, while pro-democracy activists in Swaziland dismissed it out of hand as a “betrayal” of the Swazi people. 
 
 Mswati’s government is reportedly trying to source additional finance from non-traditional sources of revenue such as Qatar and Kuwait, but as these efforts proceed so the country sinks further into the financial quagmire. 
 
 The impact of the current financial crisis is severe [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] and according to the World Food Programme, annual production of the staple maize since 2000 has gradually dropped - from an average of 100,000 tons to about 70,000 tons - a consequence of erratic weather, high input and fuel costs, HIV/AIDS and the declining use of “improved agricultural practices”. 
 
 Stocks of antiretrovirals have become alarmingly low and were reportedly standing at one month’s supply. Swaziland has the world's highest prevalence, with one in four Swazis aged 15-49 HIV-positive and about 70 percent of the population living below the poverty line. 
 
 Dimpho Motsamai, a researcher in the Africa Conflict Prevention Programme at the Pretoria-based think-tank the Institute for Security Studies, told IRIN South Africa’s loan “was small and will be quickly absorbed” and the government needed to look for other financing opportunities. 
 
 However, the MOU created the impression in Swaziland the country was being “dictated to” and issues of sovereignty and patriotism had reared their heads. 
 
 “The government does not fully appreciate the magnitude of the fiscal crisis, the potential for a social crisis and the need for dialogue… They think it is just about money and think it will be fine if they get a loan as it will address the liquidity crisis. It’s a band aid approach… [But] it is not about money. It’s about governance,” Motsamai said. 
 
 Government has opaque accounting systems of its spending and has approved multi-million dollar vanity projects such as the Sikhuphe International Airport. It also has a free-spending and unaudited Royal Household, and there have been recent disclosures in the media that more than US$10 million each month disappeared from government coffers. Meanwhile, Circular No 1, 2010, provides politicians (from the prime minister to regional administrators) with numerous perks - from entertainment allowances to their water, rates and electricity bills being paid. 
 
 The public sector wage bill is difficult to assess, as the budget for the security personnel is withheld for “security reasons” as are payments for an indeterminate number of traditional authorities. 
 
 “Double standards” 
 
 Mswati III, in a speech on 14 September, railed against the international community for leaving his country bereft, and specifically the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for refusing to bail out his country until it had implemented economic reforms. One of the IMF conditions was the reduction of the public service wage bill, seen as too large for the country’s size, and widely regarded as a store for patronage. 
 
 Mswati, who has a personal fortune estimated at about US$200 million, said the IMF had “double standards” and was assisting countries such as Greece - which has a similar debt-to-GDP-ratio as Swaziland - with bailouts. 
 
 “However, when they [IMF] come here you see that they treat us in a different spirit. What is worrying then is why do these organizations apply different standards when dealing with Swaziland? They start making unreasonable conditions like we should retrench people and effect salary cuts. They flatly refused to discuss the bail-outs with us as they do with European countries,” Mswati said. 
 
 Joannes Mongardini, IMF head of delegation responsible for Swaziland, told local media on 22 September 2011, in response to allegations of double standards, that “Swaziland is not alone… The cuts in Europe were much more significant than those being proposed in Swaziland. Swaziland salary cuts are not extreme. The longer it takes [to restructure its finances], the more painful it will become.” 
 
 Prime Minister Sibusiso Dlamini has candidly admitted any significant public sector salary cuts or retrenchments would create social instability, although growing socio-economic and pro-democracy protests this year have been met with a heavy-handed police response. 
 
 Swaziland’s financial crisis began in earnest after revenue from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) - the world's oldest customs union, comprising Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland and South Africa that applies a common set of tariffs and disproportionately distributes the revenue to member states - declined significantly in the wake of the 2008 global slowdown. 
 
 South Africa has said if Swaziland was unable to repay the loan - if it were accepted - it would deduct it from SACU contributions to the country, although the drop in revenue receipts was one of the drivers of its financial crisis. 
 
 Home-grown recovery plan 
 
 An economist based in the capital Mbabane and working for a South African finance institution, who declined to be named, told IRIN: “There is now, and for some years has been, a way for Swaziland’s government to get out of its hole, and that is to follow IMF recommendations for such things as reducing salaries for government workers earning more than R150,000 (US$20,000) a year. This recommendation spares the lower earners.” 
 
 He said the IMF was scheduled to return in November to review the government’s home-grown financial recovery plan, but the politics of the government was to portray the international finance institution as the villain of the piece and it can “only make international lenders and donors suspicious and nervous. If they don’t do what Swaziland wants, will they be called racists and hypocrites for their good intentions?” 
 
 Recent public protests have highlighted two royal conglomerates, Tibiyo TakaNgwane and Tisuka TakaNgwane, which have extensive business dealings within the kingdom based on property developments, manufacturing, coal mining, and tourism, but are exempt from taxation. 
 
 The conglomerates were established by Royal Charter in 1968 - the year the country achieved independence - with the objective of complementing the government’s national development priorities. 
 
 However, in a recent letter to the labour union about their role, Finance Minister Majozi Sithole said the money from these entities belonged to the Royal Household and not the people, as “these entities were formed in terms of a Royal Charter which does not provide for their income to be part of government income.” 
 
 Landlocked between South Africa and Mozambique, Swaziland is not endowed with an array of natural resources like many other African countries. Coal and sugar are important exports for the country as are soft drink concentrates, and the country has a vibrant tourist industry. 
 
 tg/go/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93821</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20067111t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 26 September 2011 (IRIN) - South Africa recently granted a US$350 million bailout to Swaziland’s King Mswati III - following desperate overtures to his neighbour to stave-off his kingdom’s financial meltdown - but the king has now cooled to the idea and left the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) unsigned and the loan in limbo.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
