<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Sudan</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 09:30:54 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change. [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ]

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns, [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ] compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association, [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ] the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch, [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation] gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity. [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ]

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium, [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ] which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review. [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ]

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter. [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ]

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category, [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ] meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents. [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ]

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists, [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ] some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time, [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf] some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment. [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ]

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime”. [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ] Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities. [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ]

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous. [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ] New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR. [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ]

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM), [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ] a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ]

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement, [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ] and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies. [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ]

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

kk/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mary Venerato Laki, South Sudan returnee: &quot;We want to go to our own homeland&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg" />]]>RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan's independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.

To prevent the family's savings from being stolen by officials, she converted their money into material goods, which she transported as luggage to South Sudan's border port of Renk.

That was over a year ago.

Since then, Laki has been living in a squalid transit camp in Renk County, along with 20,000 other returnees [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan ] - some of whom have been waiting there for two years. Without the means to transport their luggage onward, they are faced with the difficult choice of remaining in Renk or selling off all that remains of their families' assets to proceed to their final destination.

Laki, like many, has been waiting with her possessions in Renk. She told IRIN her story.

"I am 60 years old, and I come originally from Juba. We went [to Sudan during the] war. Then, [we learned] there is peace in the south, and we had to return home with our children.

"I have the children of my sister, as all of [my family] died. My two sisters, my husband, my brother and my parents are all dead. I am left alone.

"[With] the little money we had, we had to rent the big vehicles that brought us here. I arrived on April 2, 2012.

"It's a terrible life here - there are so many snakes coming from the river. It's terrible. First of all, rain, wind, mosquitoes - we have been suffering with this.

"And since we came here, we have not been given any food. Some of us have been given that, and some of us not.

"There are no services. Since I came here, it's only [in the] last month I got grain and some oil. There is even no plastic sheeting for the houses.

"We are going - we want to go. We want to go to our own homeland. Our children are suffering there, and we are suffering here.

"They said there will be steamers coming to collect us. They used to tell us. that we will be going, we will be going. But until now we are waiting.

"Our money in the north, they don't use it in the south. [For] many of the people, [with] the little money they have, they bought things. If they bring money, it will be taken on the way. This is why the boat [transport barges along the Nile River] has to come to take the things.

"As a family, how can I go to start [a new life] there in Juba? I am an old woman; I'm now 60 years [old]. There's no money. I'm taking this [luggage] for the children. Also, in Juba, if there is nothing, I will sell [our possessions].

"In fact, we have to sell [some now], but [we will earn] little money, and we have to buy food with it. I have already sold some chairs and a bed.

"The clinics here are no good. I have cancer and some back problems, and they cannot help me."

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97980/Mary-Venerato-Laki-South-Sudan-returnee-quot-We-want-to-go-to-our-own-homeland-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The long road home to South Sudan</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg" />]]>RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.

When he began his journey from Khartoum, Sudan was a single state, albeit one still bitterly divided between north and south in the wake of decades of civil war, despite the signing of a major peace accord in 2005.

Since then, almost two million people have left the north for their homelands in what became the independent Republic of South Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] in July 2011. 

Many, like Deng, say they left amid increasing discrimination and reduced access to education.

The period following secession was tumultuous, marked by sporadic conflict between the neighbours’ armed forces and a row over how much Sudan could charge for piping and exporting South Sudan’s oil - a dispute that led to the shutdown of oil production, cutting off 98 percent of South Sudan’s revenue. Amid the furore, Sudan closed its common border, thereby halting the movement of both people and goods.

"Nobody anticipated on independence that the border with Sudan would be shut... that the barges would stop moving up and down the River Nile," said Toby Lanzer, the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for South Sudan and Deputy Representative for the UN Secretary-General.

Peter Lam Both, chairman of the state-run Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, says helping South Sudanese come home is one of the government's priorities, but without funds little can be done.

Luggage

Those living in and returning to the world’s newest country, which is among the least developed and most import-dependent in the world, have to put up with exorbitant prices for basic goods and household items.  For this reason - and to avoid carrying large amounts of cash that might prove attractive to officials - many returnees head south laden with large quantities of furniture and other household items, in effect, their entire life savings.

In the four camps in Renk, piles of such belongings sit beside makeshift shelters.

"The main problem, really, for the returnees in Renk is the issue of luggage. When they were brought from Khartoum or Kosti [a Sudanese river port a little north of Renk], at that time, the government had the resources to bring them with a lot of luggage," Both said.

The South Sudan government says plans to transport both luggage and people back were hampered by a lack of funds following  the January 2011 secession referendum.  In its first year of statehood, Both says the government earmarked around US$16 million to finance returns, but these plans were scotched by austerity measures necessitated by the oil shutdown.

When their turn comes to travel by barge from Renk to Juba, many returnees discover that they have more luggage than can be carried on the barges, so some family members tend to stay behind to watch over the excess cargo.

According to the International Organization for Migration, which assists the returnees, each reaches Renk with an average of one ton in luggage.

People are unwilling to leave their valuables behind, said Deng, the 24 year old. "They say if they sell their luggage... they won't find [the items they need] again, and it will be difficult to buy them again, and you're not guaranteed a job, so it's difficult," he said.

He says selling off his family's only assets is unthinkable.

"I want to go, [but] there's no way. Why would I leave my things and go alone? I would sleep where? I need to take my things to Juba [South Sudan’s capital]. There's no money. I cannot sell my things," he said.

Poor conditions

Grace Nasona, 38, has been in a Renk transit camp for eight months.

It is a "very, very dirty place. No food, no water [that's] good, no anything I want to use", she said.

"Renk County does not have a lot of facilities, and when you have 20,000 people that have arrived here, some two years ago, it puts a lot of constraints on the local population," said Both.

Local officials complain that school class sizes for both morning and afternoon sessions have swollen to up to 150 pupils. They say healthcare is also overstretched and crime is rising.

At a clinic in the Mina transit settlement, nurses say malaria is common, caused by proximity to the Nile, lack of shelter and lack of food, which weakens people's immune systems.

"We don't want to settle here, but we are waiting here until we can all go down with our possessions, and my father's [pension] dues have not been received," said Nanu Chuol, 17, while she had her four-month-old baby tested for malaria.

"The difference is that in the north, many things were available and my father was working so we could get food. But now, he's not working, and his pension hasn't come, so we can't eat much," she said.

"Your chair or your wife"

Renk became even more of a bottleneck after the oil shutdown as the government looked for other sources of revenue.

"In Upper Nile State, the authorities decided to impose some taxes on the aid agencies. That problem has been sorted out now, but of course, it did delay things," said Lanzer.

The IOM says these tax issues resulted in the closure of Renk Port for three months at the start of 2013.

Two barges packed high with luggage were docked in the port in late April. 

Lanzer says that it costs around $1,000 per person to travel downstream to Juba, and is telling people that now it is time to choose between "your chair or your wife".

"To my mind, keeping families together is a very important consideration, as opposed to having some family members stay with luggage in the middle of nowhere," he said.

"People have been stuck in this situation now, some of them for two years, and I think it's the moment for hard choices to be made. Do people want to stay here and integrate into the community? If they do, then let's help them with that. Let's work with the government to get them a plot of land. If they do want to continue on to their destination, I think the reality is that they will have to do that without their luggage," he said.

"Our job is really to help people who have no resources to return," said Both.

After a prolonged stay in Renk, and days of transportation under rain and blistering sun, he says that much of the luggage is ruined by the time it gets unloaded.

More to come

The recent resumption of oil production should refill South Sudan's coffers in the coming year, but the austerity budget will be in place until 2014. 

Meanwhile, Both says around 250,000 more South Sudanese are thought to be in Sudan, and 40,000 are living in poor conditions at transit camps in Khartoum who need to come to South Sudan soon.

And while both countries have agreed in principle to honour one another’s "four freedoms" of citizenship, property ownership, jobs and basic rights, this deal has not yet been finalized.

hm/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Renewed fighting worsens Darfur crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20069152t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support. 

An estimated 2.3 million people remain displaced by Darfur’s decade-long conflict. 

A number of peace agreements - most recently the 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur - have failed to halt the intermittent clashes between the government and rebel groups in the region. In early April [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA_Sudan_Weekly_Humanitarian_Bulletin_Issue_14_%281-7_Apr_2013%29.pdf ], fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Liberation Army-Minni Minawi (SLA-MM) in East Darfur State displaced several thousand people; SLA-MM managed to capture took two towns - Muhajiriya and Labado - for ten days, but the SAF has since retaken them. 

On 19 April, a peacekeeper was shot dead and two others were injured when unknown assailants attacked an African Union-United Nations Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) base in Muhajiriya. 

Inter-tribal violence has also broken out, with clashes between the Misseriya and Salamat communities in early April causing displacement; some fled across the border to Chad and the Central African Republic. Land disputes between the same two communities in South Darfur have caused tension and displacement. 

In January, tens of thousands were displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur ] by fighting between the Northern Reizegat and Beni Hussein ethnic groups over control of gold mines in the Jebel Amir area of North Darfur State. 

No access 

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/news.nsf/(httpIDPNewsAlerts)/2233D5B8C9EC7065C1257B5000574825?OpenDocument#anchor0 ], more than 150,000 people were displaced by renewed violence in Darfur in the first three months of 2013. 

“The ongoing war in Darfur continues to claim lives, and the longer it goes on, the more civilians die, the more people are forced out of their homes and the more people have their lives torn apart,” Mark Cutts, country head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN. 

“Regarding the recent displacements, we are largely working without accurate numbers, which makes it very difficult for us to plan for the newly displaced populations… It's difficult to estimate the numbers and the exact needs as long as we are unable to get people on the ground to assess the situation,” he said. 

“After the government retook the towns of Muhajiriya and Labado a couple of days ago, UNAMID was able to send a convoy into the area. We requested permission from the government to send a humanitarian convoy with food and medical supplies along with them, but the government rejected this request,” Cutts added. “We were told this was for security reasons. We are hoping to have access to the displaced populations soon.” 

UNAMID has also called for better humanitarian access [ http://unamid.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=11027&ctl=Details&mid=14214&ItemID=22348&language=en-US ], specifically to Muhajiriya and Labado. 
Ruari McDermott, country director for Mercy Corps and head of the international NGO forum’s steering committee, told IRIN that a number of NGOs had a presence in the field and were able to report on the situation in some areas, but faced difficulty getting an overview of the overall numbers and needs of the displaced. 

Funding 

“We have stocks to cope with the immediate needs and have access to emergency response funds at the global and national level, but this violence and displacement puts pressure on an already woefully underfunded effort to care for 4.4 million people in Sudan,” Cutts said. 
A donor conference in Doha, Qatar, recently raised US$3.6 billion for development projects in Darfur. Cutts welcomed the injection of new money into the region. 

“Often, humanitarian agencies in emergencies take over the provision of services such as water and medical care, which would ordinarily be handled by the government... With more money coming into the region, the government can rebuild these services and humanitarian partners can focus on the most urgent needs of the crisis,” he said. 

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97883/Renewed-fighting-worsens-Darfur-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20069152t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Regional insecurity adding to Chad&apos;s humanitarian needs</title><pubDate>Fri, 12 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur ] in Darfur and a recent coup [ http://www.irinnews.orgwww.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-amid-humanitarian-crisis ] in the CAR, respectively.

At least 74,000 people have fled into Chad from Darfur in the past two months, 50,000 of them in the past week alone, sparking the largest influx of refugees from Sudan into Chad since 2005, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/5167e1366.html ].

Waves of refugees

In March, the first wave of 24,000 people fled from Darfur and arrived in Tissi, a remote area in Chad’s southeastern Sila Region; 8,000 were Sudanese and 16,000 Chadians. Most of them are women and children.

"Under every tree, there are women and children who are trying to protect themselves from sunshine," Abdellahi Ould El Bah, a UNHCR programme officer on mission in Tissi, told IRIN.

UNHCR staff on the ground say they “found women and children very scared, exhausted with haggard eyes”.

In Tissi, basic amenities are lacking.

“People lack everything and are living in very dire conditions. They need food, water and shelter. People are obliged to drink water from the river,” Aminata Gueye, the UNHCR representative in Chad, told IRIN. “Those who are wounded need healthcare, while health centres or clinics in Tissi [are] not functional.”

Access to Tissi by air is impossible, meaning aid workers have to spend eight hours by road, and they have to cross 21 wadis (seasonal rivers).

With insecurity rife, more refugees are expected. "We fear a new wave of refugees in the next few days, as there are reports of continuing violence on the side of Darfur," said Gueye.

Most recently, clashes have been recorded between the Misseriya and Salamat ethnic groups in Um Dukhum, Darfur, with dozens of deaths reported.

On 12 April, UNHCR started the relocation of at least 8,000 Sudanese refugees from Tissi, to the Goz Amir and Djabal refugee camps in Sila Region. The relocation is expected to help in the provision of assistance to the new arrivals and to improve their security.

Local authorities have provided some 100 ton of food for the new arrivals, with UNHCR and partners coordinating efforts to provide emergency assistance in Tissi.

Refugee population already large

The new refugee influx constitutes a huge challenge for UNHCR, which was already facing limited resources as it provided protection and assistance to the large numbers of refugees in Chad. Months earlier, UNHCR and the governments of Chad and Sudan had started discussions on the return of Sudanese refugees to Darfur.

Eastern Chad is already home to about 300,000 refugees from Darfur [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95863/SUDAN-CHAD-The-strains-of-long-term-displacement ] and thousands of others from CAR. Chad has, since December 2012, received at least 4,000 new refugees from CAR, in addition to some 65,000 already there, according to a 6 April update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Central%20African%20Republic%20Humanitarian%20snapshot.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Besides the new refugees, Chad is also grappling with the returns of hundreds of Chadian migrants released from detention centres in Libya [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97617/Chadian-migrants-rue-Libyan-detention-ill-treatment-deportation ].

“It is with great concern that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is monitoring the multiple migration crises currently developing along the Chadian borders. IOM is already responding to the influx of 1,200 extremely vulnerable Chadian migrants returning to Chad after having been released from detention centres in Libya.

“At the same [time], IOM is in the process of providing life-saving assistance, including homeward transportation, to over 17,000 Chadian migrants, [that] are fleeing the intercommunity violence in Sudan, that are arriving in remote border towns in Chad without means to support themselves,” Qasim Sufi, IOM chief of mission in Chad, told IRIN.

Measles outbreak

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is treating the wounded in Tissi, with serious cases being referred to the towns of Goz Beida or Abéché.

At the same time, teams are trying to contend with an outbreak of measles in a nearby area: “In Saraf Bourgou only, our team has confirmed 35 cases of measles, which represents 25 percent of consultations,” said Alexandre Morhain, MSF’s head of mission in Chad [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6719&cat=field-news ]. “The disease has already killed seven children, five of whom were under five years old.”

An emergency measles vaccination campaign is expected to be launched in Tissi, with severe acute malnutrition cases and paediatric emergencies also being treated.

According to MSF, the situation of the refugees there is precarious as the rains approach. “We need to act now, because within two months it will be impossible to access this area by road.”

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97840/Regional-insecurity-adding-to-Chad-apos-s-humanitarian-needs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Kony hunt still on after CAR coup</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.

Séléka overran the capital, Bangui, on 24 March, putting Bozizé to flight. The rebels named their leader, Michel Djotodjia, the new head of state.

“I don’t think the overthrow of President Bozizé by Séléka will change our mission and position in the hunt down of LRA rebels. We are in CAR with the mandate from [the] AU [African Union] and UN [United Nations],” Uganda’s state minister for international relations, Henry Okello Oryem, told IRIN, adding that his country is committed to capturing LRA leader Joseph Kony.

Uganda has some 2,500 soldiers deployed around the border areas of CAR, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, where Kony and his fighters are thought to spend most of their time. The Ugandan troops are joined by 500 Congolese fighters, 500 South Sudanese and 350 CAR troops, all operating under the auspices of the AU. In late 2011, the US deployed 100 special forces to the region as military advisers to the effort.

Ploughing on

According to Thierry Vircoulon, Central Africa project director for the think tank International Crisis Group (ICG), “the fall of Bozizé will not change much the situation on the ground, except if the Séléka leaders insist on the departure of the foreign troops as stipulated in the Libreville agreement [a peace agreement brokered in January and breached by the latest fighting? but never successfully implemented].”

Potential problems

Some analysts say, however, that the AU’s decision to suspend CAR from the organization following the coup could have negative consequences for the hunt for the LRA.

“The AU’s suspension of CAR poses a great challenge and will slow down the hunt for Kony and his rebels. Uganda has to re-negotiate with Séléka rebels… in order for its troops to have the mandate to operate in their territory,” Ronald Ssekandi, a regional political analyst based in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, told IRIN.

Angelo Izama, a political affairs analyst at the US-based Open Society Foundation, said the hunt for Kony and the LRA would largely depend on Séléka’s control of the country.

“The deterioration of government in CAR is a significant complication for the hunt against Joseph Kony. The LRA's asymmetrical, low-tech survival strategy thrives in conditions of lawlessness and violence, especially in the hinterland,” he told IRIN.

“Already the geographical terrain, as well as the size of CAR, has been a practical constraint against the forces hunting Kony. If Séléka is unable to consolidate control, it would further the physical and tactical net within which LRA can seek opportunities to rebuild weapons caches,” he added. “The Séléka rebels do not have the capacity [to limit LRA activities]… In addition, Kony is not their problem; there are much more important emergencies to deal with.”

According to Lt Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ (UPDF) Land Forces, Kony’s fighters currently number about 400, and they continue to roam around CAR, DRC, Sudan and South Sudan. He said some LRA defectors recently reported that Kony was in Sudan’s western region of Darfur, while his senior commanders, Dominic Ongwen and Okot Odhiambo, are thought to be in CAR.

Kony, Odhiambo and Ongwen are wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/situations%20and%20cases/situations/situation%20icc%200204/Pages/situation%20index.aspx ] for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Uganda.

LRA still a threat

“The LRA no longer pose a big threat, but there are still [a] few pockets of LRA rebels operating in CAR under Odhiambo and Ongwen. They are a nuisance. They have continued to abduct, maim and kill unarmed people,” Katumba told IRIN.

“It is important to recall that, despite [the] relatively small number of remaining elements, the LRA continues to pose a serious threat to civilians, with dire humanitarian consequences, in the affected areas in CAR, DRC and South Sudan,” Abou Moussa, head of the UN Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), told IRIN via email.

In February, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported [ http://www.hdptcar.net/sites/www.hdptcar.net/files/Bulletin%20humanitaire%2001%20eng-1.pdf ] that in the country’s southeast, “there has been an increase in the LRA attacks against communities and hostages being taken.”

According to LRA Crisis Tracker [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ], the LRA was responsible for 13 civilian deaths and 17 abductions in CAR February 2013. UNOCA says an estimated 443,000 people are currently displaced in LRA-affected areas, many of them depending on international assistance for food, shelter, health care, water and sanitation. This includes an estimated 347,000 people in Province Orientale’s Haut-Uélé and Bas-Uélé districts in DRC.

Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, recently sent a message [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/fr_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/Pages/statement-OTP-18-03-2013.aspx ] to the LRA, assuring them that, should they be arrested, they would not be “tortured or killed” and would receive a fair trial.

Commitment to the cause

Analysts say if the LRA threat is to be laid to rest once and for all, countries in the region must show more commitment to finding Kony.

“It requires committed governments to arrest Kony. The ICC can only base its optimism in this practical possibility. There is no government in CAR, soft states in South Sudan and Chad, and support for LRA from Sudan. It’s plausible that the situation above favours the LRA and not the ICC,” said Open Society Foundation’s Izama.

“Kony's continued existence, and that of his entire group, is part of a much larger problem in the Great Lakes region: failure by governments to resolve internal political problems and to work together in a concerted way to bring to an end cross-border insurgencies in the region,” said Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a political scientist and senior research fellow at Makerere University’s Institute of Social Research. “Their proliferation points to the existence of problems or grievances that ought to be addressed - questions to do with citizenship and nationality, land ownership, access to services and opportunity.”

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97737/Kony-hunt-still-on-after-CAR-coup</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Imprisoned Eritreans complain of being forced to leave Israel</title><pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.

In one of the many testimonies a 28-year-old Eritrean detainee reported being repeatedly visited by a translator telling her to accept deportation to a third country (Uganda).

“He said we would not be free from the prison and we can only go to Uganda or Eritrea. I was frustrated and depressed. I do not want to go to Uganda. Today they called me and gave me a handwritten form in Tigrinya which said: `I came from Eritrea to Israel illegally and now I want to go to Uganda voluntarily. To do this I would like the Eritrean embassy to issue me a passport and all the necessary documents.’ They asked me to sign it and wanted to take my picture on video. I refused.”

Israel is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention but does not recognize Eritreans as refugees, although it does not officially deport Eritreans and allows them to stay in Israel under a group defence (temporary group protection).

Staff at the Hotline for Migrant Workers [ http://www.hotline.org.il/en_drupal/english/about.htm ], who collected the testimonies, say the government is forcibly trying to repatriate Eritreans: “These people have no access to a refugee status determination process, they are detained under the new amendment to the infiltration law that came into effect in June 2012, which allows detention of `infiltrators’ for an unlimited amount of time; now they are told they will never be allowed to leave the prison and their only option is to go back to Uganda/Eritrea. How can this be considered voluntary?” one staff member told IRIN.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in Israel, William Tall, told IRIN the Ministry of Interior made an attempt to offer relocation to some 23 Eritreans to Uganda but without any result so far.

At the end of February he told Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz there was nothing voluntary about this process [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/un-refugee-official-slams-israel-over-eritrean-repatriation.premium-1.505563 ].

One Eritrean, Tesfamihret Habtemariam, was reportedly deported from Israel earlier this month and is now in detention at Cairo airport after five years in Israel, and may be returned to Eritrea.

UNHCR advises against repatriating Eritrean nationals because of the likelihood of their being punished on return to their country.

Israel’s stance

Under an updated Anti-Infiltration law passed in January 2012, all illegal border crossers are labelled “infiltrators” and can be detained for up to three years.

The Eritreans being held in detention camps in the south are generally not notified about their right to claim asylum or given the application forms needed to do this, report NGOs.

On 18 February, official documents from the Israeli assembly, the Knesset, quote Interior Minister Eli Yishai saying deportations (by definition forced) were not yet taking place.

He said more than a 1,000 nationals of northern Sudan and Eritrea had already left voluntarily and said he hoped a lot more would decide to leave.

“And if it won't be voluntary leave, it will be involuntary - to their country or to a different third country, and there is still no third country to sign an agreement with, but I hope we do find other third countries that we'll have an agreement with, and we can transfer the infiltrators from here, from the Land of Israel, to their country or to another country, whether it is done willingly or not.”

Last week the Israel’s Attorney-General Yehuda Weinstein sent a letter widely reported in the local press to the director of the Interior Ministry’s Population, Immigration and Border Authority, Amnon Ben Ami, saying that under no circumstances should Eritrean nationals in Israeli custody be sent “to any destination outside Israel’s borders” until he (Weinstein) further clarifies these legal issues.

td/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97623/Imprisoned-Eritreans-complain-of-being-forced-to-leave-Israel</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Egypt&apos;s turmoil makes life tougher for refugees</title><pubDate>Thu, 28 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2005112116t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).

He has not worked since, though not for want of trying: He spends his days knocking on the doors of houses, firms, factories and workshops to beg for work.

“I urgently need work to feed my family, but this work has become impossible to find here,” the father of two told IRIN. “We stick to buying the basics, but these basics become harder to get each day.”

The political turmoil and deep economic crisis [ http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Backchannels/2013/0225/Egypt-s-economy-is-collapsing-and-no-one-is-stopping-it ] in Egypt, which has been hit by a slump in tourism, low investment and rising food prices, is hurting the country’s most vulnerable communities [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/Egypt-s-poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ].

Monthly inflation in January was up 1.7 percent according to the Central Bank of Egypt [ http://www.cbe.org.eg/NR/rdonlyres/C4D84EEF-2169-47C7-AAAD-A94BDCFBE868/1726/Monthly_Inflation_January2013.pdf ]. The current annual inflation rate is 6.3 percent.

African refugee rights’ groups say refugees and migrants are frequently the victims of unprovoked arrests [ http://www.efrr-eg.com/1en.html ] and disappearances, while also struggling to feed themselves and pay rent. 

“Life in Egypt for refugees has moved from bad to worse after the revolution,” said Aly Mahmud, a Sudanese refugee and the founder of the Makarem African Society, an NGO that tries to help refugees find jobs.

“As Egypt's economy shrinks, the refugees find it more difficult to earn a living or even lead a dignified life.”

As of January 2013, the number of African refugees officially registered in Egypt was 35,180, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

African refugees and economic migrants generally live in Cairo's toughest neighbourhoods, sharing dirty toilets and stinking alleyways with Egypt’s poorest citizens.

“The refugees have been affected in the same way that Egyptians have been affected,” Elizabeth Tan, deputy regional representative of UNHCR, told IRIN. “Refugees often complain about an increase in crime and the increase in the cost of living.” 

No money

Abdullah Hanzal, director of refugee NGO Sudan Centre for Contemporary Studies, said research they had conducted in January found that most African refugees in Egypt had lost their jobs since the revolution. 

“Refugees who sell on the streets said they had to stay on the streets longer to sell their wares,” Hanzal said. “And when these refugees sell everything, the money is not nearly enough to buy food for their families.”

Aly Mahmud, the founder of the Makarem African Society, has three friends who could not pay 200 Egyptian pounds (US$29) to rent a shared room in the poor Giza Governorate neighbourhood of Ard Al Liwa and were kicked out as a result.

“They spend the nights at coffee shops and the days in public gardens,” Mahmud said. “My three friends are single, but the situation is even more difficult for refugee families that fail to pay the rent.”

Local aid groups are also feeling the pinch, said Tareg Nour, executive director of Tadamon, an NGO that works to promote the welfare of marginalized refugees. “Funding no longer comes, because donors do not want to give money to organizations in countries where there is all this turmoil.”

UNHCR says applications for financial support from refugees increased substantially after the revolution. UNHCR is able to give financial support to only 25 percent of the 35,180 African refugees.

“Unfortunately, UNHCR's budget has not increased to take into consideration the increase in the cost of living,” Tan said. “But the office will be supporting grassroots and community-based initiatives in order to enhance self-reliance and income generation efforts to be implemented by the refugees.”

Organ theft risk

Hanzel says African refugees and economic migrants are prone to the most brutal forms of exploitation, including organ theft.

“A marked increase - spearheaded by traders who exploit Egypt's bad security conditions - in organ theft cases has happened after the revolution,” said Bashir Suleiman, a reporter for Coalition for Organ Failure Solutions [ http://cofs.org/home/ ] (COFS), an international NGO that identifies survivors of organ trafficking and tries to provide long-term support.

“Most refugees are deceived by organ trafficking gangs who hang out among refugees,” he told IRIN. 

Tan said UNHCR is aware of reports of organ trafficking in Egypt and has been in dialogue with the government. “The refugees are particularly vulnerable to this kind of exploitation,” she said. 

“Unfortunately, a large number of the refugees who come to us were subject to organ theft, even without knowing it,” Suleiman said. “Refugee kidneys, tissues, uteruses, ovaries and other organs are high on the list of stolen organs.”

*not his real name

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97562/Egypt-apos-s-turmoil-makes-life-tougher-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2005112116t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Humanitarian crisis in Sudan&apos;s Nuba Mountains</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg" />]]>NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.</description><body><![CDATA[NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan's South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.

IRIN has put together a briefing on the humanitarian situation and prospects for peace in the region.

Who is fighting?

The fighting, which began in June 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93052/SUDAN-Southern-Kordofan-briefing ] in the Nuba Mountains area of South Kordofan, pits the Sudanese army against the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N).

South Kordofan was a key battleground during Sudan's 1983-2005 civil war with what is now South Sudan. Many in the Nuba Mountains sided with the then-rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army, which has since become the official army of South Sudan.

While South Sudan was able to hold a referendum [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] on its independence, the SPLM-N says it remains marginalized by the northern government. SPLM-N also expresses frustration with the "popular consultations" offered to South Kordofan and Blue Nile states to determine their future, feeling theses did not provide a mechanism to guarantee their community’s rights. They have refused to surrender their weapons to government forces, which they see as hostile.

Sudan has accused South Sudan of supporting the SPLM-N, charges both the South Sudanese government and the rebels deny.

What is the humanitarian situation?

More than 200,000 people from South Kordofan and Blue Nile states have fled into South Sudan and Ethiopia, according to the UN [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_4398.pdf ]. Of particular concern are accusations of continued "indiscriminate" aerial bombardment [ http://www.hrw.org/features/sudan-bombardment-civilians-blue-nile-and-south-kordofan ] by the Sudanese Air Force and shelling [ http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=20510 ] by the two sides in the two Sudanese states.

The fighting has displaced or severely affected some 275,000 people in government-controlled areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and another 420,000 in rebel-held areas, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). According to a December 2012 Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/12/11/sudan-civilians-describe-toll-attacks ] report, "government forces have raided villages, burned and looted civilian property, arbitrarily detained people, and assaulted and raped women and girls".

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), an estimated 300 Sudanese refugees from South Kordofan are crossing the border into South Sudan, with many heading to Yida, the largest refugee camp in South Sudan’s Unity State, sheltering an estimated 61,000 Sudanese refugees.

Refugee camps [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96363/SOUTH-SUDAN-As-refugee-numbers-swell-disease-puts-pressure-on-relief-efforts ] in Unity State are under immense pressure from the rising refugee numbers; UNHCR [ http://www.unhcr.org/50fe86c39.html ] recently announced it would be opening a new camp in March to cope with as many as 60,000 refugees who could arrive during the first half of 2013. The agency warned that Yida camp was likely to face problems during this year's six-month-long rainy season; in 2012, the UN World Food Programme was forced to use costly air drops to deliver food when the rains cut off road access.

Speaking at the UN headquarters in New York in January, the director of the  coordination and response division of OCHA, John Ging, said many people in South Kordofan and Blue Nile were subsisting on roots and leaves due to a lack of humanitarian aid. According to OCHA, the NGO Save the Children Sweden has, since January 2012, screened 81,062 children under age five for malnutrition, registering 3,490 cases of severe acute malnutrition and 10,287 cases of moderate acute malnutrition.

Who is hindering access?

Describing the situation as "appalling", Ging blamed the continued civilian suffering and lack of humanitarian access on inadequate political will from both the Sudanese government and the rebels; he warned that unless humanitarian operations were allowed to proceed, more deaths and displacement were inevitable.

Despite an August 2012 Memorandum of Understanding among the Khartoum government, the SPLM-N, and a tripartite mediation group of the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States and the UN, humanitarian actors in Sudan say the agreement's three-month deadline lapsed with neither SPLM-N nor the Sudanese government allowing access or delivery of relief supplies to South Kordofan and Blue Nile.

The government and its humanitarian partners have, largely through the Sudanese Red Crescent Society, been able to provide seeds, tools, water and sanitation services, and health services such as immunization to hundreds of thousands of people in government-held areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile. However, there has been very limited assistance to populations in rebel-held areas, where recent media reports suggest the population is suffering from acute shortages of food, water [ http://radiotamazuj.org/en/article/water-shortages-hit-dalami-nuba-mountains ] and drugs [ http://radiotamazuj.org/en/article/no-drugs-nuba-mountains%E2%80%99-heiban-district ].

In a November 2012 letter [ http://sudanunlimited.tumblr.com/post/35351052341/a-letter-from-the-nuba-people ] to the international community, leaders of the Nuba people wrote: "We do not have access to food, medicine, healthcare and other basic necessities.  We look around at what is left of our homes, and see our family and friends weak from hunger and disease.  Everywhere we look, we see children, the elderly and other vulnerable people lying on the ground helpless.

"It is very hard for us to explain to our children what is happening when they ask us, ‘Does anyone in the world know what we are going through? Why is it that no one cares about us?’"

A few NGOs have managed to carry out cross-border aid operations through South Sudan. While such operations provide much-needed relief, the UN warns that they are not ideal, as they put staff of the NGOs at risk and do not allow for transparent deliveries of aid based on needs assessments.

On 10 February, the UN's independent expert on the situation of human rights in Sudan, Mashood Adebayo Baderin, urged [ http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=12979&LangID=E ] the Sudanese government "to grant me access to the entire country, in particular to Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile states" in order to assess the human rights situation there.

A senior Sudanese government official said [ http://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/no-crisis-s-kordofan-sudan-says-aid-deal-lapses ] in November 2012 that there were humanitarian needs in the two states, including water and health services, but denied that there was a crisis in the region.

What's the way forward?

In January, a coalition of more than 350 civil society organizations urged [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article45288 ] the leaders of Sudan and South Sudan to address the humanitarian situation in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and to find a lasting solution to the conflict.

"The situation is now too critical to allow civilians to be held hostage to further political intransigence," the statement, presented to the AU Peace and Security Council, read. "Only unified, sustained, high-level political pressure will break the deadlock in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile."

The AU High-Level Implementation Panel for Sudan [ http://www.peaceau.org/en/article/report-of-the-african-union-high-level-implementation-panel-for-sudan-and-south-sudan-353rd-meeting-of-the-peace-and-security-council ], chaired by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, recently released a report urging the government of Sudan and the SPLM-N to "enter into direct negotiations to seek a political solution to the conflict". It also called on the UN Security Council to reiterate previous calls for immediate and unconditional humanitarian aid to affected communities in South Kordofan and Blue Nile.

The report warned that "if either of the two parties persist in failing to permit such assistance, it will not be possible for [Security] Council to discourage any other mechanisms for humanitarian assistance that are not necessarily in full conformity with the preferred principles of impartiality and transparency".

The panel also called on both parties to "enter into direct negotiations to seek a political solution to the conflict".

While no direct talks have so far taken place, recent media reports [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201302051097.html ] indicate that Khartoum and at least some factions of SPLM-N may be willing to start negotiations.

kr/pm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97479/Briefing-Humanitarian-crisis-in-Sudan-apos-s-Nuba-Mountains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Call for humanitarian access after clashes in North Darfur</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010060757500015t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - The African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is calling for better access to tens of thousands of people displaced by recent inter-tribal fighting in gold-mining areas of Sudan&apos;s North Darfur State.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - The African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is calling for better access to tens of thousands of people displaced by recent inter-tribal fighting in gold-mining areas of Sudan's North Darfur State.

"UNMAID urges all the parties to allow it to do its assigned mission in the area - and all other areas in Darfur - relating to the delivery of humanitarian assistance and undertaking its responsibility in protecting the civilians, according to its mandate [from] the Security Council that relates to protecting the civilians and delivering humanitarian aid," Aicha Elbasri, UNAMID spokesperson, told IRIN.

The fighting broke out in early January between Northern Reizegat and Beni Hussein tribesmen over control of gold mines in the Jebel Amir area. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20Issue%2004%20%2821-27%20Jan%202013%29.pdf ], at least 100,000 people have been displaced or severely affected by the fighting, which left more than 100 dead.

"It is unclear at this stage how long the people displaced from the Jebel Amir area are likely to remain displaced. The area is still insecure and over 120 villages have been destroyed," OCHA's public information and reports officer in Khartoum, Damian Rance, told IRIN.

Though the access has been hindered by the continuing insecurity, humanitarian agencies have managed to deliver over 600 tons of food to affected communities. But they have not been able to conduct comprehensive assessment missions to gauge the exact scale of the need.

Tension high

In the locality of El Sireaf, where Jebel Amir is located, the government estimates 65,000 people have been affected. Education has also been disrupted as the displaced have taken refuge in schools. Some of the displaced came to the town with their animals, and there is concern about insufficient pasture and health risks posed by animal deaths.

The International Organization for Migration [ http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/news-and-views/press-briefing-notes/pbn-2013/pbn-listing/migrant-workers-who-fled-fightin.html ] has also reported that labour migrants from neighbouring Chad were caught up in the fighting and forced to flee back to their homes and to West Darfur State; the organization raised the alarm over 1,500 "destitute migrants" without shelter or assistance.

Although the government was able to bring the fighting under control within days, tension in the area remains high and recent media reports indicate that the fallout from the clashes continues; the Darfur-based Radio Dabanga [ http://www.radiodabanga.org/node/42746 ] reported on 6 February that some 16,000 newly displaced people had arrived in the North Darfur towns of Kabkabiya and Saraf Omra following threats by rival tribal militias. Many of the displaced are living on the streets with no humanitarian support; Radio Dabanga reported [ http://www.radiodabanga.org/node/42570 ] that authorities in Saraf Omra had allowed humanitarian access to the displaced, but Kabkabiya remained closed off.

Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/darfur-government-forces-involved-gold-mine-attacks-2013-01-30-0 ] has urged the Sudanese government to investigate reports that security officers were involved in the clashes.

Spokesperson Elbasri said UNAMID had not been able to independently verify the claim that government forces were involved in the fighting; IRIN was unable to contact Sudanese authorities for comment.

The two communities signed a government-brokered peace agreement on 17 January, and state authorities continue to mediate a long-term solution to resource-sharing in the area.

aei/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010060757500015t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - The African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is calling for better access to tens of thousands of people displaced by recent inter-tribal fighting in gold-mining areas of Sudan&apos;s North Darfur State.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Cash-strapped ICC takes on Mali</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.

Announcing her first formal investigation since taking office, prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on 16 January promised justice to victims of “brutality and destruction” in three northern regions of Mali. But with a shrinking team of investigators and a budget that has barely increased despite a doubling of the workload, some analysts are doubtful she can deliver.

“There are serious questions to be asked of the new prosecutor as to whether it is a drastic overstretch to have eight African countries being dealt with simultaneously with essentially the same level of staff and the same level of finance as her office was operating on before,” said Phil Clark, a lecturer in comparative and international politics at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. “Is it really feasible for the office to be dealing with so many cases?”

The ICC intervenes in countries that cannot - or will not - prosecute perpetrators of mass atrocities. It is intended as a court of last resort in countries where prosecutions are unlikely to happen without its intervention.

Total court funding in 2013 is around US$144 million, with possible access to a contingency fund of up to $9.3 million, compared with $138 million in 2010. The prosecutor’s office, which carries out the investigations, was this year allocated $37 million. This represents an increase of just $1.3 million since 2010 despite the addition of Mali, Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire and Libya to the docket - and these countries were themselves in addition to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, Uganda and the Central African Republic (CAR).

“They are really at the edge of what they can do with their resources,” said Kevin Jon Heller, associate professor and reader at Melbourne Law School.

Investigating through intermediaries

The ICC is examining claims of murder, mutilation, torture, attacks on protected objects, executions, pillaging and rape since January 2012 when insurgent groups began their campaign to take over northern Mali. French troops and the Malian army have been reclaiming captured towns this month, but ongoing fighting means ICC investigators are unlikely to be gathering evidence on the ground.

“It isn’t like anyone from the ICC is going to Mali anytime soon,” said Heller.

Court investigators will instead speak to French troops, the Malian government and so-called intermediaries - usually local human rights groups who gather evidence and contact witnesses in areas the court cannot access.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the International Federation of Human Rights, among other groups, continue to actively investigate human rights abuses in Mali.

The use of intermediaries by ICC investigators has been controversial in previous cases, particularly during the trial of the DRC’s Thomas Lubanga. He was convicted [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95073/DRC-Lubanga-verdict-a-first-step ] of using children to fight in his Ituri rebel group but the intermediaries who helped prosecutors build the case were accused of bribing witnesses. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, who fought on the opposite side in the Ituri conflict, was late last year found not guilty [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97079/Reactions-from-the-DRC-to-ICC-acquittal-of-militia-leader ] of war crimes. The judges in that case were not convinced by the witnesses or the evidence.

Analysts hope the ICC will not repeat past investigative mistakes in Mali.

“Using intermediaries is unavoidable in those situations, because the intermediaries will know the field very well, be able to contact witnesses in a secure manner and arrange meetings in a way that can be done safely,” said Geraldine Mattioli-Zeltner, advocacy director in the international justice programme at Human Rights Watch.

“What needs to be improved is the way it is done; [there needs to be more] understanding [that] it is not the intermediaries who are conducting investigations but the investigators, and checking who your intermediaries are - whether they are credible and what kind of promises they have made to your witnesses.”

When possible, sending ICC investigators to the scene of the alleged crimes is the best way to investigate, she said. “It takes money to be able to deploy in the field which we believe is necessary in order to do good investigations.”

The Syria question

The ICC had asked for $157 million in 2013 to reflect its growing workload but major funders including the UK, France and Germany have resisted any increases. All three, however, signed a Swiss government letter to the UN Security Council earlier this month calling on it to refer Syria to ICC.

Russia, China and the USA - none of them ICC members - are unlikely to support such a referral.

Mattioli-Zeltner questions this pressure to add new cases to the already-crowded and unfinished docket.

“There is still more work to do in Darfur and DRC and now we are piling on new situations,” she said. “We don’t think the states parties have thought through what this means. It is very important that states commit to the justice process but also commit to an institution that has the means of doing its work properly.

“At this point we don’t think the ICC has the resources to do more situations, but we think there are a number of situations that deserve ICC intervention.”

Heller goes further: “I think if the Security Council should refer Syria and not give more money to the court, then Fatou [Bensouda] should refuse to investigate.”

But a UN request to intervene in Syria would be hard to resist for a young court that has yet to make its mark. Clark says the ICC wants to be seen as an active player in the conflict zones that matter most to the international community.

“The ICC is a new institution that is trying to build its own legitimacy,” he said. “It wants to be an option the Security Council can use in times of war, but this is leading the ICC to be too available even if they don't have the resources.”

The UN has already asked the ICC to investigate in Sudan and Libya. In Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya, the prosecutor’s office initiated the cases, while the governments of Mali, Uganda, DRC and CAR referred themselves to the court.

One-sided investigations

In Mali’s case the government asked the ICC to investigate in July 2012. Once a government asks ICC investigators to come into their country, investigators in theory, under their mandate, can pursue any case they find, which means they could end up charging government officials or members of the army. But to date, self-referrals have resulted only in cases against rebels.

Heller suggests that countries such as Uganda are using the ICC to “outsource their criminal justice problems” and should prosecute their own rebel groups. “Does the ICC need to spend all its time worrying about Joseph Kony and the LRA? Of course not,” he told IRIN. “If Uganda can get their hands on Kony, with international help they can give Kony a fair trial. Uganda has a very sophisticated legal system.”

The Uganda case faced sharp criticism when investigators failed to pursue evidence of widespread human rights abuses by the Ugandan army.

Likewise, instances of alleged extra-judicial killings carried out by the Malian armed forces this month and documented by human rights groups such as the International Federation of Human Rights, and Human Rights Watch, risk remaining untouched by the ICC.

One problem is that ICC investigators rely on governments to facilitate their visit to a country, which makes it difficult for them to pursue cases on all sides, even if it is within their mandate to do so, say observers. The ICC has no police force and thus relies on the goodwill of governments to make their investigations possible.

However, the ICC Prosecutor put up the pressure on the Malian authorities on 28 January, issuing the following statement: “My Office is aware of reports that Malian forces may have committed abuses in recent days… I remind all parties to the on-going conflict in Mali that my Office has jurisdiction over all serious crimes committed within the territory of Mali, from January 2012 onwards.” [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/news%20and%20highlights/Pages/otpstatement280113.aspx ]

The prosecutor’s office did not respond to IRIN’s requests for an interview.

lc/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97359/Analysis-Cash-strapped-ICC-takes-on-Mali</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Women without men vulnerable in South Sudan&apos;s refugee camps</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204041133570655t.jpg" />]]>MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms. The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. &quot;I&apos;m scared,&quot; she said.</description><body><![CDATA[MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa* sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms.

The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. "I'm scared," she said.

Mahasa is one of many women who have fled, unaccompanied by their husbands, to Maban County in South Sudan's Upper Nile State, escaping the fighting in Sudan's Blue Nile State between government forces and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North. Mahasa’s husband is still in Blue Nile, fighting alongside the rebels.

She now lives in Doro camp, which houses more than 44,000 refugees. There, she - like other female refugees - faces daily threats of harassment, exploitation and violence, and the persistent fear that, as a woman, she will be unable to provide for her family.

Harassment

The fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, which started in June 2011, has so far displaced more than 112,000 civilians to South Sudan. Humanitarians say they were "overwhelmed" during the rainy season in the second half of 2012, as tens of thousands of refugees, most of them women and children, came pouring across the border from Blue Nile State. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and its partners scrambled to meet the basic needs of the new arrivals, who initially slept under trees and survived on fruit and stagnant groundwater.

Now, six months later, fighting continues across the border, but the rate of arrivals has eased and aid agencies are transitioning from emergency response mode to meeting the longer-term needs of the refugee population.

More than 80 percent of the refugees are women and children, says Myrat Muradov, a protection officer with UNHCR. The agency has begun to look at the particular vulnerabilities of this group, many of whom are completely dependent on food rations.

"Widows and pregnant women need much help," he said.

Because the camps are spread out across large areas, women often have to walk very long distances to reach food distributions points, and then they must carry the heavy ration bags back with them.
Mahasa, for example, walks half an hour in each direction to collect the food she needs to feed her children.

Aid workers say that on these collection journeys, single women and the elderly are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, sometimes being forced to part with a portion of their ration in exchange for assistance transporting it.

However, this is not the crime Mahasa fears most. One of the most difficult things she and other women must do is collect firewood from the bush surrounding the camp; not only is it hard work, it is also "dangerous," she says, because members of the host community often approach and harass female refugees.

"They hit us," Mahasa says. “They also take the axe from us."

Tensions between the refugees and the host community have been mounting, largely over increasingly limited resources [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97159/SOUTH-SUDAN-Tensions-grow-between-refugees-and-host-community ].

Maple*, an older woman in the camp, and Talitha*, her adult daughter, express similar fears, reporting that both men and women from the host community have hit them with sticks and chased them away as they tried to collect firewood.

"The only way to get the firewood is to hide yourself in order to protect yourself from the host community," Maple said.

Sexual violence

The issue is of growing concern for protection officers working in the four refugees camps of Maban County. Firewood collection "exposes women to humungous risks in terms of sexual violence," one officer working in the camps told IRIN.

A Human Rights Watch report, released on 12 Dec 2012, documented instances of such sexual violence and pointing out that in Jamam camp - also in Upper Nile State - women regularly walk for an hour and a half each way to collect firewood.

The Danish Refugee Council released a sexual and gender-based violence rapid assessment of Doro in October 2012. "Adult women and adolescent girls recounted cases of rape, attempted rape, sexual abuse and harassment," the assessment states. It also found that many instances of sexual and gender-based violence went unreported due to fears of stigmatization. Indeed, the assessment noted that healthcare providers in Doro camp had not had a single instance of rape reported to them since the beginning of 2012.

Support programmes launched

In an attempt to overcome the taboo against speaking about sexual violence, UNHCR has deployed a team to Doro for three months; its mission, Muradov says, is to disseminate information about the availability of post-rape care and get referrals to health services going.

The agency aims to establish a sexual and gender-based violence programme with focus groups to encourage women to talk more openly. However, the lack of female interpreters is a major barrier to this project, so, alongside income-generation projects, language training for women has been made a priority for 2013.

"It's a large part of the strategy moving into a more sustainable operation," Muradov said.

UNHCR has also launched "fuel efficiency talks", which provide training for women across all four Upper Nile camps - Doro, Gendrassa, Jamam and Yusuf Batil - on how to reduce the amount of firewood they use by up to 50 percent. Reducing the quantity of firewood used would alleviating some of the tension with the host community and decreasing the number of firewood collection trips the women have to make, lowering their exposure to potential violence

Meanwhile, UNHCR's Muradov says the American Refugee Council is focusing on psychosocial counselling, while Handicap International is looking at people with special needs. Other humanitarian agencies say they are in the initial phases of establishing income-generating projects for women, aimed at fostering economic independence for female-headed households to protect them from exploitation.

For now though, Mahasa remains worried. "Without a husband, I may not be able to provide for the children," she said.

*Family names withheld

nf-f/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97260/Women-without-men-vulnerable-in-South-Sudan-apos-s-refugee-camps</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204041133570655t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms. The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. &quot;I&apos;m scared,&quot; she said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Sudan continues crackdown on opposition groups</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102250833150349t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 15 January 2013 (IRIN) - A number of Sudanese opposition party leaders are in custody following the signing of an accord, dubbed the &apos;New Dawn Charter&apos;, under which they agreed to overthrow the government of President Omar al-Bashir and institute a federal system of government based on democracy, pluralism and the separation of religion and the state.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 15 January 2013 (IRIN) - A number of Sudanese opposition party leaders are in custody following the signing of an accord, dubbed the 'New Dawn Charter', under which they agreed to overthrow the government of President Omar al-Bashir and institute a federal system of government based on democracy, pluralism and the separation of religion and the state.

The charter, signed in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, on 6 January, calls on parties to work together to topple the regime through either “democratic civil peaceful means” or “revolutionary armed struggle”.

Among the signatories are major political opposition parties under the banner of the National Consensus Forces, a coalition of armed opposition groups named the Sudan Revolutionary Front [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95958/SUDAN-Who-s-who-in-the-opposition ], as well as a number of women's and youth groups.

Upon their arrival in Khartoum, five politicians and activists - Jamal Idris, head of the Nasserite Unionist Party; Nasserite Unionist Party member and women’s rights activist Intisar Al-agli; and Democratic Unionist Party members Abdulrrahim Abdullah, Muhammed Zain Ala’abdeen and Hisham Almufti - were arrested. The government described them as "traitors".

On 14 January in Khartoum, security officers arrested the chairman of the executive bureau of the opposition National Alliance, Abdul Aziz Khalid, for having signed the New Dawn Charter.

Scathing attacks

Government officials have launched scathing attacks on the accord and its signatories, urging clerics to denounce it in their sermons as the work of unbelievers.

While recently addressing a graduation ceremony of the paramilitary Popular Defence Forces, Sudanese presidential assistant and deputy chairman of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) Nafie Ali Nafie said, "The opposition members are traitors for collaborating with rebels to overthrow the regime and for promising a secular system."

Labelling the agreement a "false dawn", he said the government was preparing "a decisive move" against those who signed it.

Media outlets in Sudan have also reported that Vice President Al-Haj Adam Yousif has threatened to prevent opposition parties from conducting their political activities unless they reject the charter.

Opening a new Muslim complex in Gezera State, President Bashir said, "We will not allow any political party involved in a work with the rebels groups to practice politics inside the country."

Since the arrests and proclamations by the government, a number of opposition politicians have distanced themselves from the accord in hopes of escaping the clampdown.

The arrests have been widely criticized by local opposition and human rights groups as unconstitutional and in violation of the right to free speech. The Coalition of Women Politicians said in a statement, "We... strongly condemn the arrest of Intisar Al-agli, head of the coalition, who was arrested in the night in a public street without regard for the sanctity of Sudanese women."

The group said in a statement that security officers stopped Al-agli’s car and took her to their offices without giving her a reason for the arrest; the organization is demanding her immediate and unconditional release.

"The escalation methods adopted by the National Congress Party... and his [Bashir’s] quest to undermine and abuse the political opposition were the motives to sign the 'New Dawn Charter', according to the opposition leaders," said a statement by the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information. "The arrest of the partisan leaders without a warrant and without pressing specific charges, in addition to arresting them in unknown place, as well as not guaranteeing their natural rights… are serious violations to the adopted international norms in dealing with the detainees."

A pattern

The ongoing crackdowns follow earlier restrictions on groups critical of the government. Four civil society groups were shut down in December 2012, including the Sudanese Studies Centre, and the Khatim Adlan Centre for Enlightenment and Human Development. In 2011, the government came under heavy criticism following accusations [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92031/SUDAN-Rights-groups-criticize-Khartoum-crackdowns ] that security officers had sexually assaulted and tortured protestors who had participated in anti-government demonstrations in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities.

The Confederation of Sudanese Civil Society Organizations and the Campaign for the Defence of Freedom of Expression and Publishing called on the Bashir to intervene for the protection of their rights and to repeal all arbitrary decisions and actions taken against them. In a memo titled "Memorandum on Attacks on Civil Society Organisations", they also called for the removal of all unlawful restrictions on the media, censorship of the press, confiscation of newspapers and harassment of journalists.

Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/01/13/sudan-end-crackdown-civil-society ] has also called on Sudan to "allow independent groups to operate freely and conduct peaceful protests".

"Sudan should reverse its draconian steps against civil society groups, and international actors should publicly condemn such measures," Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement on 13 January. "The government-led campaign against Sudanese civil society organizations seems designed to stifle diversity, human rights and dialogue on issues of critical importance, rather than to serve any legitimate purpose."

aei/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97253/Sudan-continues-crackdown-on-opposition-groups</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102250833150349t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 15 January 2013 (IRIN) - A number of Sudanese opposition party leaders are in custody following the signing of an accord, dubbed the &apos;New Dawn Charter&apos;, under which they agreed to overthrow the government of President Omar al-Bashir and institute a federal system of government based on democracy, pluralism and the separation of religion and the state.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Fear keeps Abyei residents from returning home</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301080945310027t.jpg" />]]>ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.</description><body><![CDATA[ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.

The Abyei Area sits on the border between Sudan and the newly independent South Sudan, but which of the two countries Abyei is part of has yet to be determined. In 2005, a peace deal ending decades of civil war called for a referendum to settle the matter, but that vote has been repeatedly delayed by disagreements over who will be allowed to participate. The referendum is currently scheduled to take place in October.

The indigenous population is dominated by the Ngok Dinka community, many of whom sided with southern rebels during the civil war. But every year, northern Misseriya pastoralists - who are generally aligned with Khartoum - bring their cattle through Abyei in search of pasture. With this annual migration now imminent, there are fears of renewed conflict.

Wandering around the ruins of a home destroyed in last year’s invasion, former resident Longo Mangom said that people fled with nothing and have nothing to come back to.

“We didn’t expect it the day it happened. [Sudanese troops] came in the evening when people were resting, and people were running without taking any luggage or assets,” he said.

Mangom, who has a job with a UN agency, also fled. “We were running just for our lives,” he said.

Services trickling in

Most of the returnees remain near Agok, a town about an hour’s drive from Abyei Town, which is the base for aid agencies shuttling in food, water and healthcare.

Charities are reluctant to be based in Abyei Town or to rebuild more than light infrastructure, lest it stoke tensions between rival communities or be seen as a political move.

Returnees are caught in similar limbo.

“The returnees are coming, and they want to rebuild, but when there is still so much anger and no sufficient agreement. People are fearing,” said Mangom.

“If the two parties do not agree on who should vote, I feel that we will face another conflict,” he said.

Achuil Deng, a tea seller, says there are some basic amenities in Abyei Town. But her hut was one of many razed, and she has resorted to squatting in an abandoned government building. She must trek to Agok for food stocks.

“There’s no problem with water. There’s a hospital here, so that’s okay, as long as there are staff in it - which is not always the case,” she said.

While her husband has stayed in Agok to farm, she has brought their children home. But the schools - once filled with children from both the Ngok Dinka and Misseriya communities - are crumbling.

“There are two things I hope for my kids: They should have a country they know and that belongs to them, and they can continue to go to school so that they can have a future,” she said.

Mounting war rhetoric

Achuil Akol Miyan, minister of finance and acting chief of the Abyei Administration, based in Agok, says the Misseriya have already broadcast threats.

“It is they who said on TV Omdurman [a television station], through their chief, that they would attack us and do a lot of things to stop a referendum,” Miyan said.

The African Union (AU) indicated it would pass the matter to the UN Security Council if the two parties failed to sign on to its latest proposed agreement by 5 December. The deadline has since passed with no agreement, but Sudan’s foreign minister, Ali Karti, warned of more violence if the issue is brought to the Security Council.

His southern counterpart Nhial Deng Nhial has promised that, if people are attacked again, South Sudan’s government will not stand back and watch.

South Sudan has been courting Russia’s vote on the Security Council, with the head of South Sudan’s negotiating team, Pagan Amum, and co-chair of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee, Luka Biong Deng, recently visiting Moscow. But these overtures suffered a blow when South Sudan’s army shot down a UN helicopter on 21 December in Jonglei State, killing four Russian crewmembers. The helicopter had been suspected of being an enemy craft dropping guns to nearby rebels.

Cattle take centre stage

There are also fears that cattle-keeping communities could clash over scarce resources in the first few months of 2013, before a referendum even takes place.

“This year, I can see a number of water points drying up quickly. And, especially this year, we are expecting a large number of nomads to come with a large amount of cattle,” said Biong Deng. “The level of water is becoming low, and they are coming early. Sharing the water and grazing [land] is going to be difficult.”

“Cows are at the centre of our lives… When they are stolen, it brings a lot of anger and disputes,” said Miyan, who claims the Misseriya have stolen 3 million cows in recent years.

“These Misseriya are still doing some battles, like cattle raiding. We are having to live like this, but we hope someone comes and changes the situation,” said 15-year-old Ajak Lot Nadija.

After losing cattle in raids in 2011 and in the conflict, Najida says his family has around 60 cows left. Some stolen cattle were brought back with the help of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNIFSA), but “31 cows are still missing, and there can be no peace until they are returned”.

During a dispute with Sudan, South Sudan stopped pumping crude oil in January 2012, sending both economies into free fall. Meanwhile, UN Food and Agriculture Organization experts say that livestock trade to Egypt and the Middle East is rising. The numbers of exports are unclear, but with Sudan’s oil revenues plummeting, the Misseriya are seen as an increasingly important government partner.

Miyan claims the Misseriya have been passing through Abyei for 250 years, but now their role has been “politicized” and they have been sent to secure oil production in Abyei.

“Khartoum is giving them a deal, okay. Let them claim the land so that they can walk away with the land for grazing, and the government of Sudan will take the oil.”

“The right of grazing and water access is something we are willing to do,” he said. “But we don’t want them to block our rights” to the land.

“The Sudan government, for them the best decision is if there is a partition so that they can accommodate the Arab Misseriya,” said Biong Deng.

He says the AU proposal was more than generous when it comes to grazing rights for the Misseriya as well as a 20 percent share for Sudan in oil production, which could be as low as 3,000 barrels per day.

Rebuilding an uncertain future

Abyei’s few residents say that they expect their families and friends to come back in the coming weeks and months to plant before the rains start, around May, but that they won’t be rebuilding their lives there.

“I wish… there was no insecurity. We could have the cows and goats and rebuild our house. But the situation now is so insecure,” said Deng, the tea seller.

Tensions remain acute. People near a mosque frequented by Misseriya claim the pastoralists come to plot rather than pray. In November, a UNIFSA peacekeeper was killed at the mosque during protests by the Dinka Ngok against the Misseriya [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article44530 ].

Attempts to interview Misseriya traders in the Abyei market ended in around two dozen people demanding to know why northerners were being spoken to and insisting that permission first be sought from a local chief.

One Misseriya businessman said that he had no problem with the Dinka, but feared his business would be finished if Abyei went to South Sudan.

“People remain displaced everywhere. We hope that people can come back one day and live in peace,” said Mangom. “In case the situation is settled I’ll come back, but it’s a matter of time and resolutions.”

“I hope to have a chance to go to school. I used to go in the village [school] up to the second class, and after that, we saw that the cattle were being killed and stolen, and I went to help with the cows,” said Najida.

“I want to be teaching people. I’d like to teach them, even the elders, to keep the peace.”

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97191/Fear-keeps-Abyei-residents-from-returning-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301080945310027t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Ayom Nyol, “There is nothing left from the burning”</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212211231480654t.jpg" />]]>ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.</description><body><![CDATA[ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.

Few aid agencies operate in the area. Almost eight years after a peace deal ended decades of civil war, which country Abyei belongs to remains one of the key unresolved issues between South Sudan (which gained independence in 2011) and Sudan. The two states have failed to agree who should be allowed to take part in a long-delayed referendum - now due in October 2013 - to settle the matter.

The UN Interim Security Force for Abyei is now deployed in the area, but few of the displaced have come back.  Nyol’s husband and five children have stayed near aid and safety in nearby Agok, where many of the roughly 100,000 people from the majority Dinka Ngok community fled. But Nyol has come home to cultivate.

She now lives in a disused government building - one of the town’s only constructions still boasting a roof. Its walls are covered in Arabic graffiti, scrawls by Sudanese troops celebrating their occupation.

Nyol fears that this year’s regular southward migration of Misseriya pastoralists could spark more deadly conflict, even if the stalemate between Khartoum and Juba does not deteriorate into violence.

She told IRIN her story.

“We came to cultivate at home, but our houses are burnt and so we came here, near where the UN is, and we walk to our village about an hour from here every day, and come back here to sleep.

“I come from a village called Maryan Ker. It is one hour’s walk from Abyei Town, so I go during the day and come back at night. There is nothing left there from the burning.

“During the rains, we ran up to Agok. My husband, a farmer, is still there with the children [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92885 ].

“I came back in May 2012 when Sudan Armed Forces left and the rains came so that I could cultivate, as there was not a good place to cultivate in Agok.

“I had three relatives killed in the [2011] attack. They bombed people, and people did not know where to run, so people fell down with the bullets just like that. When they killed people, we could not go back and take the bodies for burial, even though we knew our relatives were there.

“Those of the north, they still need to come here. It seems they need this area to belong to them so we are really fearing.

“Before, they brought a cattle camp and did some grazing here, and then they brought some goods for the shops, and then they would go back in May with the rains.

“Now, they like this place, and they want the land. They want it to be theirs.

“I don’t know what’s wrong with them, because they are our relatives, and they have been staying with us for so long, but now they say this place is theirs.

“We are not comfortable with the situation, as they have looted everything, and we don’t want to see them in this area.

“These Misseriya and their cows, we don’t want them to come here anymore, as they came and chased us away.

“They took all of our cows, now we have nothing. They took around 1,000 from my family, plus all the cows of our relatives. Now nothing is left, nothing at all.

“They need land. They need our cows. They need to come here and take everything.

“Now, we don’t have cattle here, but I hope we will again bring our own cows to graze here.

“Every night, I pray that Abyei will be our area and that we can live here peacefully.”

hm/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97102/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Ayom-Nyol-There-is-nothing-left-from-the-burning</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212211231480654t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Breaking out of the cold chain</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.

Before, like almost all vaccines, the Meningitis A vaccine (marketed in Africa as MenAfricVac) was only licensed for use if kept at temperatures of 2-8 degrees Celsius.

The breakthrough follows years of rigorous testing of the effect of heat on the vaccine by the regulator Drugs Controller General of India, Health Canada [ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ahc-asc/index-eng.php ], and the World Health Organization (WHO) Vaccines pre-qualification programme [ http://apps.who.int/prequal/ ].

As a result, very remote populations will access the vaccine more easily, the logistics of vaccine campaigns will be simpler, and vaccine campaign costs will drop both for partners and for national governments, said Michel Zaffran, coordinator of WHO’s Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) [ http://www.who.int/immunization_delivery/en/ ], and Marie-Pierre Preziosi, director of the meningitis Vaccine Project, a partnership between international NGO PATH [ http://www.path.org/ ] and WHO.

Costs will not drop significantly immediately, but will diminish as more vaccines are relicensed, says WHO. Cost implication studies are under way in northern Benin and Chad. 

While cold chain limitations do not tend to limit coverage, they do overburden health workers, says WHO. 

Even industrialized country vaccine campaigns have trouble sticking to the cold chain, and each year thousands of vaccines are thrown away due to cold chain failure, even if the vaccine might still have been unaffected, according to WHO. 

“This is a breakthrough,” said Zaffran. “It is the first vaccination ever to be licensed for use in a developing country with the flexibility to take us out of the rigid temperature structure. It is a great simplification of logistics. And it opens the door for other manufacturers to follow suit.”

Why so long?

But the vaccine is nothing new - merely the license has changed following analysis of years of data on the vaccine’s stability - that is, how well it can withstand temperature rises and other conditions.

“The potential for some vaccines to remain safely outside the cold chain for short periods of time has been widely known for over 20 years,” said Zaffran in a recent communiqué. “But this is the first time a vaccine intended for use in Africa has been tested and submitted to regulatory review and approved for this type of use.”

It took decades to get here because agencies got stuck in a mindset, said Zaffran. The EPI was set up in the 1970s to immunize as many children against diseases as quickly as possible, and put in place simple rigid rules to avoid risk: one of which was to keep vaccines cold. “It was quite difficult to move away from this mentality,” said Zaffran.

Regulators and manufacturers are “very conservative in order to protect the population,” said Preziosi. “It took a while for all the documentation to be gathered to convince them to go ahead.” 

Strict controls remain: “This is not a “green light to do anything with a vaccine - it still needs to be kept… at no more than 40 degrees, for any more than four days," stressed Zaffran.

Hepatitis B next?

“The momentum is there. I am quite confident that within the next year or two, we’ll have one or two more re-licensed in this way,” he said.

Analysis on the heat stability of Hepatitis B and HPV [ http://www.cdc.gov/hpv/whatishpv.html ] (human papillomavirus) vaccines is under way; next on the list are yellow fever, rotavirus and pneumococcal disease. 

Even the oral polio vaccine - one of the most heat-sensitive vaccines - was shown to be stable when the cold chain broke down in a part of Chad, according to a recent study though WHO was emphatic that rather than licensing the vaccine it will gradually be phased out as progress towards eradication inches along. 

Meningitis progress

The MenAfricVac, which costs just under 50 US cents per dose, was designed for use in the 26 countries that span the African meningitis belt, from Senegal to Ethiopia. 

Some 100 million people aged 1-29 across 10 countries have been vaccinated thus far; a further 16 countries are planned between now and 2016. 

Early results have been very positive: Burkina Faso [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92985/WEST-AFRICA-Meningitis-cases-dramatically-down ] has had the lowest level of epidemic meningitis in 15 years, and the campaign is achieving “herd immunity” - that is, those either too old or too young to have received the vaccine have also been shown to be clear of the bacteria. 

Meningitis A could be eliminated in the meningitis belt if the mass campaign continues, says Preziosi, and if governments then incorporate it in their routine immunization programmes. 

But more funding beyond the US$160 million from the GAVI Alliance [ http://www.gavialliance.org/ ], and contributions from national governments, will be needed to complete the campaign, she warns. 

aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96827/HEALTH-Breaking-out-of-the-cold-chain</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: The state of African wheat research</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition. 

For example, in Somalia - a country better known for conflict and famine than agricultural research - postgraduate volunteers are exploring ways to reduce the country’s wheat import bill, a subject discussed in one of several research abstracts released at the recent Wheat for Food Security in Africa conference in Addis Ababa [ http://conferences.cimmyt.org/en/press-room ].

Wheat imports, which cost Somalia US$30 million to $40 million annually, consume "scarce hard currency earned from livestock exports and remittances," reports Jeylani Abdullahi Osman,one of the volunteers. He and other scholars, who studied agriculture abroad, have returned to Somalia to develop wheat varieties suitable for the country’s increasingly high temperatures. Wheat thrives in cool conditions, but is able to adapt to a wide range of climates. 

In 2005, the volunteers established the Afgoye Field Crop Research Farm (AFCRF) in the Afgoye District of the Lower Shabelle Region. There, they have been testing wheat varieties for tolerance to heat and water stress. Osman reports they have identified several promising cultivars, but a lack of technical and financial support have limited commercial production. 

Improving local wheat 

An abstract of a study published out of Cameroon notes that, while there is growing demand for bread in the country, the protein content of the imported wheat used for bread-making is less than 12 percent. High-quality wheat has 14 to 15 percent protein. 

Lead author Michael Taylor, from the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, now working with the Divisional Delegation of Agriculture and Rural Development Fontem-Lebialem in Cameroon, identifies varieties of wheat with high protein content that could be grown in Cameroon. 

Researchers from the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research report that the older wheat varieties used for making bread flour are unable to cope with new strains of stem rust - a virulent fungal disease that can devastate crops within weeks. The authors identify new strategies to robustly multiply newly released rust-resistant seeds for distribution. 

Standing up to competition 

Research teams from Zimbabwe and South Africa also have investigated how to make their wheat production stand up to competition posed by cheap wheat imports. 

Zambia offers an important case study. The country, which recently became self-sufficient in wheat production, is already facing the threat of dropping yields, report researchers with Seed Co, a Zimbabwe- based company. The researchers highlight several contributing factors, including marketing challenges for small producers, the increasing cost of production and lack of availability of suitable wheat varieties. 

These and other abstracts, covering Algeria, Egypt, Sudan and Tunisia, are available on request from the Mexico-based International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center, known by its acronym CIMMYT. 

jk/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96622/FOOD-The-state-of-African-wheat-research</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: African wheat - balancing consumer and farmer demands</title><pubDate>Mon, 15 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181432130655t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.

“Most often, politicians end up prioritizing the needs of the consumers, which is understandable, but not good for agriculture and the country in the long-run,” said an expert. 

Why do governments permit low-price wheat imports? A researcher put this question to a panel of agriculture ministers from four countries.  Local wheat is often of poorer quality, the supply is inadequate, and transportation costs can be higher than cost of imported varieties, the ministers from Sudan, Ibrahim Adam Ahmed El-Dukheri, and Burundi, Odette Kayitesi, explained.

In fact, Sudan recently removed import taxes on wheat, part of measures to ease burdens on consumers in the face of rising food prices and currency depreciation [ http://www.sudantribune.com/Sudan-s-cabinet-okays-proposed,42983 ].

“But even if duties are imposed, our producers cannot compete with the kind of subsidies that producers in the exporting countries enjoy,” added Dahprose Gahakwa, the Rwanda Agriculture Board’s deputy director of research. “It is a question that needs to be addressed at an international forum where everyone should recognize the need to encourage producers in Africa.”

Aiming at self-sufficiency

Government action is required to making local producers competitive against cheap imports. Earlier this year, Nigeria - the largest wheat importer in sub-Saharan Africa - increased the duty on wheat imports from five percent to 20 percent. It also announced a 65 percent levy on wheat flour imports, increasing the effective duty from 35 percent to 100 percent [ http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Nigeria%20Introduces%20Levy%20on%20Wheat%20Grain%20_Lagos_Nigeria_8-31-2012.pdf ].

Bread prices have since seen a 20 percent hike [ http://agritrade.cta.int/en/layout/set/print/Agriculture/Commodities/Cereals/Nigeria-implements-import-duty-reforms-to-promote-cassava-flour-use ], although Agritrade, a technical resource site, reckons the spike could also be related to global increases in wheat prices.

Further prompted by the massive amount of foreign exchange Nigeria haemorrhages to import wheat - around US$2 million every day - the country has announced it intends to stop wheat imports by 2016. It also intends to end rice imports by 2013. Nigeria currently produces 70 percent of its requirements, according to Agritrade. 

Industry specialists are sceptical about the country becoming self-sufficient in wheat. Erratic rainfall, inconsistent policies and receding water levels in Lake Chad have all seen wheat production fall in the past 20 years.

But Oluwasina Olabanji, head of the Lake Chad Research Institute, is confident the domestic wheat industry can be expanded. Only 10 percent of the land that could be exploited for irrigated wheat production is being used, he said. “We need more drought- and heat-tolerant seed varieties and financial support.”

Nigeria, the worlds’ largest cassava producer, also hopes to boost its cassava yield for bread-making. Bakeries have been given 18 months to start adding cassava flour to wheat-based bread. Officials hope bread will contain 40 percent cassava flour by 2015, helping reduce wheat imports by 40 percent. 

The decision has been controversial. Small-scale producers and the Nutrition Society of Nigeria have come out in favour of the requirements; nutritionists argue it will lower bread’s glycaemic index, making it healthier. But consumers have raised concerns about bread flavour, and bakeries are fretting about how to make the flour mix work. 

Against Western subsidies

Zambia has protected its local producers by regulating wheat imports; the country became self-sufficient in wheat in 2009. But continuing efforts to protect domestic wheat production have elicited criticism from outside industry and food experts.

“[Africa] can never become competitive with cheap imports from the West,” said Cobus le Roux, general manager of the crop division in South Africa’s Agricultural Research Council. “Unless we get the same amount protection and subsidies producers [in the West] have enjoyed over the years.”

From 1995 to 2011, $34.4 billion worth of subsidies for wheat were provided in the US, the world’s leading exporter, according to the NGO Environmental Working Group [ http://farm.ewg.org/progdetail.php?fips=00000&progcode=wheat ].

Declaration

The conference’s declaration recognized the importance of protecting wheat producers, and called for countries with the potential to increase production to receive technical support and access to climate-change-resilient seeds. It also called on governments to invest in infrastructure, such as roads and markets.

“Essentially, it is about providing support to agriculture, but modifying it slightly to fit the wheat requirements,” said Ambrose Agona, director of research coordination at Uganda’s National Agricultural Research Organisation. 

“It is about scaling-up investment in agriculture to the required 10 percent of their national budgets - how many countries are doing that?” Rwanda’s Gahakwa said, referring to the requirements of the African Union’s Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADEP). Rwanda exceeded its 10 percent target this year, she noted. 

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96546/FOOD-African-wheat-balancing-consumer-and-farmer-demands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181432130655t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 October 2012 (IRIN) - Whether Africa can scale-up wheat production to meet growing demand will depend on governments’ support of local producers. A key test is whether they are willing to take on wheat import subsidies, which keep bread prices low and urban consumers happy, said experts at a recent five-day conference on African wheat production.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: SPLM-N in retaliatory attack on South Kordofan</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106141358570167t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Mortar shelling in Kadugli, capital of Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan State, on 8 October left at least six dead and several injured; the attacks coincided with an ongoing peace forum in the city intended to bring together rival political parties.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Mortar shelling in Kadugli, capital of Sudan's South Kordofan State, on 8 October left at least six dead and several injured; the attacks coincided with an ongoing peace forum in the city intended to bring together rival political parties.

The shelling saw Kadugli's largest market shut down and halted movement around the town. Damian Rance, public information officer for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN that all UN staff in Kadugli, both national and international, were moved "as a precautionary measure" to a base between Kadugli and the local airport.

The rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), which has been fighting government forces in the area for over a year, has claimed responsibility for the attack. Accusing the Khartoum government of conducting frequent aerial raids in the Nuba Mountains, the group said its own attack was retaliatory.

"The NCP [ruling National Congress Party] has already started its dry season ground and air offensive, since last month targeting Daldko and Daluka in Kadugli area on 7 September; [launching an] attack on Surkam on 18 September that resulted in the displacement of 6,000 civilians; and [conducting] an aerial bombardment on 27 September on Hiban town that led to the death and injury of seven civilians," read a statement from SPLM-N spokesman Arnu Ngutulu Lodi.

In May, Human Rights Watch accused [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/05/04/sudan-crisis-conditions-southern-kordofan ] the Sudanese government of "indiscriminate bombings and abuses against civilians" in the Nuba Mountains area of Southern Kordofan. Conflict in the area has displaced tens of thousands of people, many of whom are now housed in refugee camps [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96363/SOUTH-SUDAN-As-refugee-numbers-swell-disease-puts-pressure-on-relief-efforts ] in South Sudan.

The governor of South Kordofan, Ahmed Haroun - who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes in Sudan's western region of Darfur - said during a press conference that South Sudan was indirectly responsible for the attack. He called on the country to disengage from SPLM-N to allow the tenuous relationship between South Sudan and Sudan to thrive.

The government of South Sudan has categorically denied any involvement in the attack and rejects Khartoum's assertion that it provides significant support to the SPLM-N.

Peace talks

The SPLM-N shelling in Kadugli coincided with the start of the Kadugli Consultative Forum on Issues of Peace, in which some 15 political parties - including the NCP, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the Communists, the Arab Bathist Socialist party, and leaders of civil administration and civil society - are participating.

Al Shoroog TV channel, a pro-government channel, quoted Hussein Juma, chairman of the forum’s higher committee, describing the attack as a desperate attempt to derail the talks.

Some political parties have refused to participate in the talks, with Hassan Al Turabi, head of the Popular Congress Party (PCP), saying that the forum "does not represent the consensus of the people of the region, particularly as it does not involve SPLM-N”.

"SPLM-N should absolutely be brought to the table for these discussions. It is a significant force that represents the people of the Nuba Mountains," John Ashworth, a Sudan analyst, told IRIN. "They have regularly called for a negotiated solution to the war, but the Sudan government will not negotiate properly."

The forum follows a recent deal between Sudan and South Sudan to improve security and boost trade between the two countries; the agreement was signed on 27 September in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. The two countries, however, failed to reach an agreement on the sovereignty of the border region of Abyei.

SPLM-N has criticized the Addis Ababa Agreement for failing to address the dire humanitarian situation in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State. According to the US Agency for International Development’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/Sudan_OL_2012_07_final.pdf ], an estimated 350,000 people in South Kordofan, 175,000 people in Blue Nile and up to 120,000 people in Abyei are food insecure.

Humanitarian access remains a problem despite an August announcement by the Khartoum-based government that aid would be allowed into the region. In September, rights group The Enough Project accused the Sudanese government [ http://www.enoughproject.org/files/Enough%20Draft%20UNSC%20Resolution_Humanitarian%20Assistance_Sept%202012_FINAL[2].pdf ] of denying international humanitarian aid organizations access to civilians in South Kordofan and Blue Nile; NGOs working in the area have also called for unhindered access to these areas.

aei/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96499/SUDAN-SPLM-N-in-retaliatory-attack-on-South-Kordofan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106141358570167t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Mortar shelling in Kadugli, capital of Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan State, on 8 October left at least six dead and several injured; the attacks coincided with an ongoing peace forum in the city intended to bring together rival political parties.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EASTERN AFRICA: Floods affect tens of thousands</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030921250759t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.

According to a Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) El Niño special report [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/El%20Nino%20Special%20Report_2012_08_final.pdf ], weak-to-moderate El Niño conditions are likely to develop in September and to continue through early 2013.

“In East Africa, El Niño events in this period typically lead to wetter-than-normal conditions for the October-to-December rains in the Greater Horn of Africa region.”

Somalia 

Flash flooding has already been reported in Somalia’s Hiraan region [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96430/SOMALIA-Floods-displace-thousands-in-Beletweyne ], inundating parts of the town of Beletweyne, displacing an estimated 3,500 families and damaging infrastructure. Beletweyne recorded 188mm of rainfall on 29 September alone [ http://www.faoswalim.org/sites/default/files/Somalia_Rainfall_Forecast_20121001-Eng.pdf ].

“The potential for isolated, heavy rainfall remains high over portions of Somalia and eastern Ethiopia,” said a 4-10 October Africa Hazards Outlook [ http://www.cpc.ncep.noaa.gov/products/fews/africa_hazard.pdf ] by the Climate Prediction Center, adding that this may trigger localized flooding in pastoral areas.

Above-average rains are expected to continue through 10 October across Somalia while light rains, less than 25mm, are expected elsewhere in East Africa. 

South Sudan

Between June and September, flooding affected over 258,000 people and reached 39 of South Sudan’s 79 counties, Michelle Delaney, a reports officer with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN by email. “Jonglei State has been the worst affected, with over an estimated 200,000 people impacted by the flooding,” she said. 

The 258,000 figure is triple the number of people affected over the same period in 2011, notes OCHA [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%2024-30%20September%202012.pdf ].

The humanitarian response is ongoing, with the main needs being household items, shelter, food, water, sanitation and hygiene. “Needs are being met in areas which are accessible by humanitarian partners. But increasingly heavy rains and poor road conditions are restricting access to communities in need,” Delaney said.

The rainy season, which usually ends around November, could extend due to an El Niño situation, “and increase the likelihood of higher rainfall levels. This could also affect the crop season and livelihood opportunities,” she added.

In a September update, the World Health Organization [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/south_sudan_eha_9september2012.pdf ] warned that heavy rains in Warrap, Jonglei, Upper Nile and Unity states were making the humanitarian situation precarious, “mainly because roads are increasingly becoming impassable, hence cutting off communities, destroying food crops and making it impossible to deliver drugs to the health facilities, thus increasing the rates of stock-outs.”

Sudan

The Sudanese government estimates at least 25,000 people have been affected by flooding in the south-eastern state of Sennar, notes a 24-30 September OCHA bulletin [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_4363.pdf ]. Among the affected locations are villages near El Dindir locality and Dindir Town. Relief supplies are being provided by boat. 

Flash floods have occurred in parts of Central Darfur, destroying the homes of about 1,000 people in Golo Town, the bulletin said. Sudan’s Humanitarian Aid Commission has provided non-food relief supplies, including mosquito nets and plastic sheeting, but the area has been inaccessible to humanitarian groups due to insecurity along the Nertiti-Golo Road.

Overall, some 240,000 people in Sudan have been affected by flooding since June, with over 32,000 homes damaged and over 12,000 destroyed, according to Sudan’s High Council of Civil Defense. Kassala is the worst affected state, followed by South Darfur, Gedaref and Sennar States.

Downpours in neighbouring Eritrea and Ethiopia have also increased flood risks for Sudan. Ethiopia’s overflowing Atbara River already has resulted in floods affecting thousands in Nile River State [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20Issue%2034%20%2827%20Aug%20-%202%20Sep%202012%29%20%281%29.pdf ].

Ethiopia

Remote areas in Ethiopia’s north-eastern Afar Region have been cut off due to river flooding, said a 15-28 September OCHA Eastern Africa Bulletin [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_1026.pdf ]. Some 6,859 people have been affected by the flooding there and in the western Gambella region in the past two weeks, said an assessment by the regional Disaster Prevention and Food Security Office.

“The flooding damaged homes and crops,” the report said. Still, despite the flooding, parts of northern and southern Ethiopia continue to experience acute water shortages.

Ethiopia’s National Meteorological Agency, expects normal to above-normal rainfall in most parts of the country during the coming wet ‘bega’ season, states a 1 October OCHA report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_1025.pdf ].

According to the FEWSNET El Niño special report, increased rains from October to December, possibly continuing into January, could benefit crop and livestock production. But they “could also have negative impacts, including soil erosion, damage to crops and infrastructure, reduced market access caused by flooding, increased morbidity due to increases in human waterborne diseases, and increased livestock mortality due to disease,” it said.

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96476/EASTERN-AFRICA-Floods-affect-tens-of-thousands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030921250759t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Hamis Hamadin Isa Zaag, “They were killing everyone”</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209131224220441t.jpg" />]]>GENDRASSA 13 September 2012 (IRIN) - Over 105,000 refugees have fled conflict in Sudan’s Blue Nile State, seeking safety in four camps in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, since last September, when government forces clashed with rebels who had previously fought alongside the newly independent South.</description><body><![CDATA[GENDRASSA 13 September 2012 (IRIN) - Over 105,000 refugees have fled conflict in Sudan’s Blue Nile State [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95693/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Aid-to-refugees-quot-race-against-time-quot ], seeking refuge in four camps in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, since last September, when government forces clashed with rebels who had previously fought alongside the newly independent South.

Between April and July, a mass influx of people used up pre-positioned food and contingency stocks after rains cut off road access to the camps; the World Food Programme responded by airlifting in food. The UN's Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says that malnutrition and disease are abating, but that recent gains could be quickly undone by another large wave of refugees.

Sheikh Hamis Hamadin Isa Zaag arrived at Gendrassa refugee camp, in South Sudan’s Maban County, two weeks ago. He spoke to IRIN about fleeing the violence in Blue Nile.

“The journey was very tiresome and long. I even left most of my people behind to come alone. It took me 20 days as I was helping one of my elder relatives.

“On the way [from Markana, Damazin], I saw that most of the refugees had left most of their parents and old people behind, as many were running from air bombardments or fighting.

“There was also a lot of fighting. I saw people killed in front of me. The refugees went into a village and were killed by soldiers.

“They were killing everyone, mostly with knives. Most of the men were slaughtered using knives.

“At the moment, it seems some of my family have been killed - that’s the information I’ve received - and the others have scattered.

“There is no way for the peace to come, but I wish there was peace coming to this country.

“There is nothing to eat in Blue Nile - just roots and leaves and wild fruits.

“There is no food, and even if you try and get out to get some food, you will be found and jailed.

“There is so much insecurity. It is difficult for them to move and cross the border.”

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96299/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Hamis-Hamadin-Isa-Zaag-They-were-killing-everyone</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209131224220441t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENDRASSA 13 September 2012 (IRIN) - Over 105,000 refugees have fled conflict in Sudan’s Blue Nile State, seeking safety in four camps in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, since last September, when government forces clashed with rebels who had previously fought alongside the newly independent South.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>