<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Sudan</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 13:30:46 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Pressgangs &quot;still operating in Khartoum&quot;</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg" />]]>JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital. 

Although the alleged forced recruitment appears to have died down since a reported spate of abductions in late December, South Sudan’s information minister and government spokesman Barnaba Marial Benjamin said it was still taking place sporadically. 

It happens “from time to time, it is random; they don’t have specific dates when they carry it out. Even if it goes down [in frequency], doesn’t happen for two or three days, you hear again a week later the same process is being repeated over and over again,” he told IRIN. 

Benjamin accused “national security authorities in the Republic of Sudan [of] encouraging the militia groups that are in Khartoum to forcefully recruit some of the [southern] students from the University of Khartoum” and send them to training camps “to be part of the militia groups” fighting the Juba government. 

Although Sudan has denied any involvement, Benjamin said a government delegation travelled from Juba to Khartoum in January to call “for this type of activity to stop. But it seems that nothing is stopping... and I think that this is actually spoiling the principle of building relations between the two states."  

In late December, Simon*, a 49-year-old Southerner living in Khartoum, told IRIN about his own narrow escape from recruitment. 

“There were seven of us in the middle of a big market in Khartoum at around 2pm. I saw seven people coming to us. Two of them had pistols under their jackets. ‘Come with us,’ they told us. We were taken in a pick-up truck to an empty house in west Omdurman. 

 “There were five others prisoners. They chained our feet and left us only an empty jerry-can to use as a toilet. They told us they wanted to bring us to the South to fight against the SPLA," he said, referring to the Sudan People's Liberation Army, the regular army of South Sudan. 

Simon says he owes his freedom to his employers, who paid the abductors the equivalent of about US$1,500 for his release. 

It is unclear how many such abductions have taken place. One aid worker in Khartoum said in late December, “We have heard from embassies, press reports, local organizations and NGOs that about 200-300 South Sudanese people have been kidnapped in Khartoum in the last couple of months. There is no official figure, only unofficial reports.” 

A man reliably introduced to IRIN as a southern rebel commander, William Goikang, said he helped to plan the abductions.  

“Now we are taking students. Some follow us without quarrel and for others we have to use force... We only take men between 20 and 30,” he told IRIN in late 2011. 

Goikang said the conscripts were taken to one of six training centres in South Sudan’s Unity and Jonglei states, but he denied any ransoms were demanded or that the Khartoum government had any role in the recruitments. 

Sudanese Information Ministry spokesman Rabbie Abdellati Ebait told IRIN his government was “against all crimes such as abductions. If cases arise, the police are there to track down and catch the criminals. It has nothing to do with political matters." 

*Not his real name 

mg-hm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94811</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Kumke Lete, “I have seven children and they are eating nothing”</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112161314110906t.jpg" />]]>DORO 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than 20,000 people have fled bombs and violence in Sudan’s Blue Nile state to Doro refugee camp in South Sudan to seek food and shelter.</description><body><![CDATA[DORO 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than 20,000 people have fled bombs and violence in Sudan’s Blue Nile state to Doro refugee camp in South Sudan to seek food and shelter. 
 
 But after three weeks of going hungry and as about 1,000 people register at Doro each day, frail grandmother Kumke Lete says the able-bodied in her extended family have decided to make the difficult and dangerous trip back home to fetch grain from their farms to feed the increasingly malnourished children. 
 
 With little to trade at the local market as most fled with the bare minimum or did not have the energy to carry goods too far, she hopes either food arrives soon or the war will end so they can stop sleeping in the dirt with no sanitation or shelter from the cold. 
 
 “We ran from the war one month ago. Here, the problem is hunger. I have seven children and they are eating nothing, they stay hungry. 
 
 “We left our home in Jindi because of the aerial bombardment near our village - it sounded like a roar and we were very scared so we ran away. 
 
 “I brought only a few things to help us on our way, everything else we left. 
 
 “Before, we lived and cultivated our farm for ourselves. Now we are just staying here, we having nothing to do. 
 
 “Since we have been here, we have received nothing so some people decided to go back and bring as much food as they can carry. 
 
 “From here to home is four days’ walking, and we get some maize from there. We only carry a little and we are eating on the way, so very little reaches here and the children finish it very quickly. 
 
 “The mother of this young baby [pointing to an infant strapped to another woman’s back] is still on the way. 
 
 “For those who are able to go, they go. But others like me cannot go that distance. 
 
 “We are scared, but the problem is that if we stay here we will die of hunger. Some of the children have diarrhoea and fever. 
 
 “There are no people left in Jindi. The civil war ended in 2005 but that government of Khartoum, they don’t want to give us our rights. We don’t support any side in the war, we just want our rights. 
 
 “We don’t have a tent. We sleep here and use some of our mosquito net, which is also tearing, to protect ourselves. 
 
 “Since 1990, we were in Ethiopia as refugees. We came back to Blue Nile in 2006 and now we are moving again.” 
 
 hm/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94489</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112161314110906t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DORO 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than 20,000 people have fled bombs and violence in Sudan’s Blue Nile state to Doro refugee camp in South Sudan to seek food and shelter.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: What they are saying about the Sudans</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110140645180189t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Sudan has long generated a plethora of academic reports and think-tank analyses, especially in times of heightened insecurity and great political moment. Following the country’s division into two states, current conflict in border areas has given rise to a flurry of such documents. What follows is the latest instalment of IRIN’s irregular series of overviews.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Sudan has long generated a plethora of academic reports and think-tank analyses, especially in times of heightened insecurity and great political moment. Following the country’s division into two states, current conflict in border areas has given rise to a flurry of such documents. What follows is the latest instalment of IRIN’s irregular series of overviews.
 
 The International Crisis Group (ICG) [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2011/africa/stopping-the-spread-of-sudans-new-civil-war.aspx ] warns of a growing risk of war on multiple fronts.   
 
 "After the end of the CPA [Comprehensive Peace Agreement, signed in 2005], rather than negotiate with Sudanese opposition forces, NCP [the ruling National Congress Party] hardliners have opted for a military solution - not an unusual policy response - when confronted with opposition. “This, however, is pushing Sudan’s disparate rebel movements and opposition forces together and could trigger a wider civil war for control of the country."
 
 Post-CPA, there is no coherent political framework to deal with the many remaining challenges in Sudan, with international attention focused on safeguarding South Sudan’s referendum and independence largely having underestimated the impact of secession on the north, the report says.  
 
 “To the resurgence of war in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile will likely be added an escalation in Darfur, especially now that the leader of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has returned from Libya and rejoined forces in Darfur.” 
 
 According to a report by Germany’s University of Halle, The Genesis of Recurring Wars in Sudan [ http://remep.mpg.de/shared/data/pdf/rottenburg_et_al_2011south_kordofan.pdf ], “the resurgence of armed conflict in the Nuba Mountains [in South Kordofan] implies that the CPA was not a ‘comprehensive’ and ‘final’ settlement accord to northern Sudan’s recurring political conflicts. It was rather a long-term ‘truce’ or ‘ceasefire’, as far as the northern Sudan is concerned.
 
 “...The heavy shooting that occurred in South Kordofan’s capital Kadugli on 5 June was not the beginning of something new. It was rather the climax of several concomitant violent processes; which had taken different forms and had occurred on different levels throughout the CPA transitional period and before, and include events seemingly far away. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80068 ].   
 
 “The last election in South Kordofan was bound to fail not because of technical flaws, but because it was treated as a zero-sum game between the two parties, NCP and SPLM/A [Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army]. Accordingly, the forms of ethno-political mobilizations exercised during the war were perpetuated and further stabilized,” it says, attributing recurrent war in Sudan to all dominant political players mainly operating militarily.  
 
 “In consequence, only a radical change of the rules of the game can be a way out,” it says. “This perpetuation of war logic [has] prevented the development of plural voices and new ways, which are needed for non-violent political alternatives to historical injustices and inequalities. In conclusion, the unceasing militarization of society will continue to inhibit breaking the vicious cycle of fragile peace and recurring wars.”
 
 Poverty and severe marginalization of the peripheries, combined with poor governance, are at the centre of continuing conflicts in Sudan, says a report by Sweden's Uppsala University, The Crises Continue - Sudan’s Remaining Conflicts [ http://www.ispionline.it/it/documents/WP41_2011.pdf ].
 
 With regional inequity having fostered frustration and created a hotbed for rebellion, there is a need for decentralization, it states, adding that “the government’s propensity for using militias and divide-and-rule strategies has to stop for a brighter future for Sudan”. 
 
 The report further recommends that the various crises are dealt with in tandem as so far, "the international community has shown a clear lack of ability to deal with the different regions of Sudan simultaneously”.
 
 Sanctions urged
  
 In a 6 December letter to the UK’s Foreign Secretary, William Hague, the UK Parliament  noted that “the scale of death and suffering caused by the ruthless military offensives against the peoples in South Kordofan and Blue Nile; the denial of access to international investigators or to the media as well as the refusal to allow access by aid organizations to victims of military offensives; and the catalogue of reports of violations of human rights, including unwarranted arrests, torture and threatened executions would seem to warrant a stronger response than continuing dialogue...
 
 “...We have highlighted the imposition of targeted sanctions against leading members of the NCP, because this would put pressure on those who currently enjoy unimpeded travel to London, many of whom also enjoy their ownership of residences here.”
 
 The letter added that unless the UK government is “seen to be taking some effective action, instead of continuing to make dialogue a priority, there will be a real danger that Khartoum will believe it can escalate its aggression with impunity, not only with dire humanitarian consequences, but also with serious implications for the vulnerable new nation of South Sudan and for the geo-political stability of the region.”
 
 On 8 December, South Sudan’s foreign minister warned that the North and South were on the "brink of war" following fighting near the Jau region, along the South Kordofan and South Sudan’s Unity State border area. Hundreds of refugees fleeing South Kordofan are in Unity.  
 
 The fighting in South Kordofan is pitting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) against the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N). Many in South Kordofan sided with the South during the civil war.
 
 “The bombs that fall are indiscriminate; they kill and maim young and old, man and woman, Christian and Muslim. In short, innocent civilians have become a target and their suffering has become political currency,” said a statement by the Province of the Episcopal Church of the Sudan, urging the two governments to negotiate.
 
 The conflict could worsen. The SPLM-N and JEM, as well as two factions of the SPLM/A, recently signed a declaration in Kauda, South Kordofan, establishing the Sudan Revolutionary Front, whose aim is to overthrow the NCP using all available means, above all, the convergence of civil political action and armed struggle, according to a communiqué, says a late November field dispatch from the Enough Project [ http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/field-dispatch-view-blue-nile-0 ].
 
 The dispatch also quotes former Blue Nile governor, Malik Agar, who was replaced by the NCP before the fall of Kurmuk on 3 November to SAF forces as saying that “losing battles is quite natural in wars.
 
 “However, the war is not yet lost, though politically [Sudanese President Omar el] Bashir is making lot of noise about [it]. Bashir pronounced SPLM [-N] dead but I can tell you, this is not the end of the movement, and SPLM[-N] is still very much alive and remarkably noisy.”
 
 Rival support
 
 Meanwhile, both Sudan and South Sudan accuse each other of supporting rival insurgents.
 
 “There is strong circumstantial evidence that the forces of Peter Gadet and George Athor [among greater Upper Nile’s insurgencies’ commanders] have received logistical and material support, including small arms and ammunition, from Khartoum and other external sources,” notes a November report by Small Arms Survey [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/pdfs/HSBA-SIB-18-Armed-insurgencies-Greater-Upper-Nile.pdf ].
 
 The oil-producing greater Upper Nile comprises Jonglei, Unity and Upper Nile states, where ongoing armed insurgencies are claiming to seek changes to the Juba-based government or to overthrow it, according to the report.
 
 The greater Upper Nile forms much of South Sudan’s border with Sudan and small arms stocks are widespread in the region, despite numerous civilian disarmament campaigns, says the report, adding that “at a time when the Republic of South Sudan faces multiple other threats along its border with Sudan...[it has] ultimately failed to contain the rebel threat.
 
 “This current stalemate leaves the new country vulnerable and unstable.” 
 
 On 14 December, the UN Security Council expanded the mandate of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei to include assistance in border normalization due to the recognition that "the situation in that area constituted a threat to international peace and security".
 
 aw/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94494</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110140645180189t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Sudan has long generated a plethora of academic reports and think-tank analyses, especially in times of heightened insecurity and great political moment. Following the country’s division into two states, current conflict in border areas has given rise to a flurry of such documents. What follows is the latest instalment of IRIN’s irregular series of overviews.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Refugees stream into Upper Nile state</title><pubDate>Wed, 14 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112141330520937t.jpg" />]]>DORO 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - At least 1,000 refugees are arriving daily in South Sudan&apos;s Upper Nile state, fleeing conflict in Blue Nile state across the border, according to aid agencies.</description><body><![CDATA[DORO 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - At least 1,000 refugees are arriving daily in South Sudan's Upper Nile state, fleeing conflict in Blue Nile state across the border, according to aid agencies.

The UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, says more than 23,000 people have been registered at the Doro refugee camp, about 40km from the border with Sudan, and it is planning new sites as thousands more are expected.

"We're starting up a second site in Jammam [about 65km west of Doro] as Doro is reaching its maximum capacity [of 25,000] and maybe a third when we assess how many people are coming," said Mireille Girard, UNHCR's South Sudan representative.

Only a few aid agencies are in Doro to tend to hundreds of refugees arriving with little or nothing, fleeing aerial bombardment in Blue Nile state, where conflict between Sudan government forces and troops formerly loyal to the south is ongoing.

"I ran away from the bombs; when I heard the sound of the Antonov [bomber plane] in our village, I couldn't even eat, I was so scared, so we ran away," Baabi Ombasha, 43, said.

Ombasha said she walked and camped out for a month with other people in a large convoy, with meagre food rations.

"We took a little bit of sorghum but we finished it. Since arriving here, I haven't eaten for two days," Ombasha said, and neither have her 12 children and seven grandchildren. "Some of the children have diarrhoea and some of them have headaches, they were complaining all the way of the pain."

Alex Balla, coordinator for the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) state aid agency in Maban County, said in addition to the refugees, the area had received an estimated 16,000 returnees from the north since independence in July. 

"We are expecting 30,000 refugees in Doro soon; some are still on the way and they are coming together with the returnees," Balla said.

"It will be very challenging to the host community because they didn't produce [enough harvests] for their own [needs due to floods in August that affected an estimated 80,000 residents]," he said.

"There's a shortage of food in Maban County in general as well. The WFP [World Food Programme] is now bringing the food but the food basket is incomplete. As you see now, people are just distributing beans and salt.

"In Doro some people are getting food and some people are not - they are just eating leaves from the trees," Balla said.

Health concerns

"If you walk around the camp, you see people defecating everywhere and there is no sanitation," Rebecca Nabukwasi, a nurse for Relief International (RI), said. "I'm really worried that there could be outbreaks of diseases."

Based in nearby Bunj to help resettle tens of thousands of returnees from the north in newly independent South Sudan, RI started a mobile clinic in Doro at a UNHCR way station in November.

"Since we started the clinic, we have seen a lot of cases of acute watery diarrhoea and so many malaria cases," Nabukwasi said.

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) arrived last week to take over the clinic and is also dealing with high levels of malnutrition and respiratory problems.

"Most of them are sleeping outside, without anything to cover them and they don't have enough blankets or food," said MSF clinical officer Robert Maina in a clinic full of mothers and babies being weighed, immunized and treated. "There is malnutrition - we have noticed many cases especially among children under five years and... the elderly."

MSF is planning to build 30 emergency latrines and aid agency OXFAM arrived this week to plan water, sanitation and hygiene facilities and dig more boreholes for overstretched resources.

"The problem is, people are waiting for five or six hours to get water," said Asaad Khadhum, MSF's field coordinator in Doro.

MSF is bringing in a midwife and an assistant after helping with two emergency deliveries.

"In the camp we have noticed there are so many pregnant women," said Maina.

Aid agencies also worry that the level of a large pond outside the camp used for washing and watering livestock has fallen significantly, which means local water levels are rapidly depleting.

OXFAM also plans to provide services to about 2,000 people already camped outside its compound in Jammam and more aid agencies are expected to move in as numbers swell.

"We have 10,000 people in Elfoj on the border and people say there are thousands more near the border," UNHCR's Girard said.

Supply problems

WFP is battling logistical and supply problems to get in enough food and has distributed rations to 10,000 people.

"We're moving food in as fast as possible," said Michelle Iseminger, deputy director of WFP in South Sudan. "It's very difficult because the local places where we get food have been muddy and blocked [and air freight is limited due to several emergencies in South Sudan]," she said.

WFP has enough food in its warehouse for 5,000 people, and food being trucked in from Kenya should arrive by January.

To cope, some families have already started selling the non-food kits distributed by aid agencies in local markets.

"We know it's going to rain but because of the children's hunger we sold the [plastic] sheets we were given; we only eat once a day. Since morning we've only eaten porridge," said Gadia Mani, whose family has been in Doro for three weeks.

The 10-member family only has two goat kids left to sell and Mani's 28-year-old daughter Raja Dofalla is eight months pregnant with her second child.

"We managed to bring a little food but we finished it on the way," Dofalla said.

"I'm eating nothing; we are just sharing what we have... when I was in my home I was eating meat and dairy, here I just need food," Dofalla said, nibbling on roasted maize and a spiny cactus fruit to which the family is turning in desperation.

hm/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94472</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112141330520937t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DORO 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - At least 1,000 refugees are arriving daily in South Sudan&apos;s Upper Nile state, fleeing conflict in Blue Nile state across the border, according to aid agencies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Humanitarian crisis warning as thousands flee fighting</title><pubDate>Fri, 09 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120933570468t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid agencies must now plan for worsening humanitarian conditions in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states where ongoing conflict pitting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) against the Sudan People&apos;s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) has resulted in the mass displacement of civilians towards South Sudan’s Unity and Upper Nile states and into neighbouring Ethiopia.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid agencies must now plan for worsening humanitarian conditions in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states where ongoing conflict pitting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) against the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) has resulted in the mass displacement of civilians towards South Sudan’s Unity and Upper Nile states and into neighbouring Ethiopia. 
 
 Since early July 2011, some 20,000 refugees have fled South Kordofan and another 30,000 have fled Blue Nile state to South Sudan, Mireille Girard, the representative for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in South Sudan, told IRIN. This was preceded by the spontaneous return of 12,000 South Sudanese living in Blue Nile following the outbreak of violence there. 
 
 Another 36,000 Sudanese refugees are estimated to have arrived in Ethiopia from Blue Nile State since September, according to a bulletin by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which added that the re-taking by the SAF of the Blue Nile towns of Kurmuk and Geissan had led to an increase in the number of refugees crossing into Ethiopia at the beginning of November. 
 
 "Given the continued denial of [humanitarian] access to South Kordofan and Blue Nile States, we must now plan for a major deterioration in the condition of people there, including rising malnutrition, food insecurity and the dangers of unexploded ordnance and landmines," Valerie Amos, UN Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, said in a 6 December statement. 
 
 Fighting “raging” 
 
 Refugees in Unity State are in Pariang County in Yida, which borders South Kordofan. 
 
 Yida is also not far from Jaw, where fighting between the SAF and SPLA/N is raging, said Girard, adding that “the situation in Yida remains complex as the fighting in Jaw intensifies. 
 
 “Repeated evacuations in recent weeks have led to temporary interruptions of assistance and reduction of staffing levels in the settlement,” she said. “Further bombing of Yida or ground fighting affecting the settlement are a very real possibility.” 
 
 Some 60 to 110 new arrivals from Southern Kordofan continue to reach Yida every day, but due to the insecurity, refugees have been asked to move away from the border where basic services are being provided. In Upper Nile, refugees have been arriving at a pace of 650 per day for the past two weeks, according to UNHCR. 
 
 The presence of newly laid mines in Pariang County of Unity State and former mine fields in Maban County in Upper Nile are a threat to refugee movements. 
 
 Besides the refugee influx into the remote border regions, recent bombings in the New Guffa and Yida areas, which are entry points for refugees into Unity and Upper Nile states, have worsened insecurity. 
 
 “We plan to organize the relocation of refugees to these locations as soon as conditions permit,” she said. 
 
 Access challenges 
 
 Despite accessibility challenges, she said, a coordinated response to the influx is being organized with food, water, healthcare, relief supplies and protection being provided. 
 
 “The readiness of South Sudan’s government to provide support to the new arrivals, coupled with the immediate humanitarian response, has so far prevented this from becoming a humanitarian crisis.” 
 
 But more resources are needed to organize a sustained response. “The high number of new arrivals requires the concurrent development of refugee settlements in various locations,” she said. “The conflict is not expected to end soon and the lack of infrastructure in this newly independent country makes any humanitarian response highly costly.” 
 
 According to ERC Amos, "The fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile must stop. We have had disturbing reports that aerial and artillery bombardments in the past few days have endangered thousands of people on the border between Sudan and South Sudan. Until the fighting ceases, everything must be done to ensure the protection of civilians caught in the middle of the conflict." 
 
 aw/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94431</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120933570468t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 09 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid agencies must now plan for worsening humanitarian conditions in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states where ongoing conflict pitting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) against the Sudan People&apos;s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) has resulted in the mass displacement of civilians towards South Sudan’s Unity and Upper Nile states and into neighbouring Ethiopia.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Security “volcano” ready to blow in the east*</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20056275t.jpg" />]]>KASSALA 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Five years after a peace deal was signed to end a rebellion in eastern Sudan, a perceived failure to address the marginalization that sparked the uprising could unleash a new wave of violence, according to several officials.</description><body><![CDATA[KASSALA 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Five years after a peace deal [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=61338 ] was signed to end a rebellion in eastern Sudan, a perceived failure to address the marginalization that sparked the uprising could unleash a new wave of violence, according to several officials. 
 
Although the region has been overshadowed by war in Darfur, the secession of the South and fighting between Sudanese forces and rebels on the border with South Sudan, the east is "a volcano waiting to erupt", an official working with the UN in Kassala, who wished to remain anonymous, told IRIN.
 
 “Beja soldiers are right now in the Hamid mountains, on the Eritrean side,” he said. 
 
 Bejas form the largest ethnic group in the east. The October 2006 peace accord was signed by the Sudanese government and the Eastern Front, an alliance of the Beja Congress and the smaller Rashaida Free Lions. 
 
 “Unofficial sources have already reported that they organized attacks in Sudanese territory three months ago,” said the UN official, predicting that conflict on the scale now taking place in South Kordofan and Blue Nile could erupt in Kassala state within a few months. 
 
 The prevalence of weapons in the region heightens this risk. 
 
 Yassin Abdallah, who manages the government disarmament office in Kassala, told IRIN that an operation conducted after the peace deal netted “guns and ammunition from 598 Beja fighters and 792 Free Lions fighters. This was only some of the fighters at that time, not the majority. 
 
 “And the Free Lions are nomads. They always use guns to protect the cattle,” he said. 
 
 Ahmed Tirik, a member of parliament, described the situation in Kassala, his home region, as “unpredictable”. 
 
 “But if relations between Sudan and Eritrea [which facilitated the peace talks] remain good, the border will stay safe and it will be very difficult for Beja fighters led by Cheikh Mohamed Taher to cross it,” he said. 
 
 "Humiliation and tyranny" 
 
Beja community leader Mohamed Ali Adam said many in his community “think that the situation hasn’t improved for them even five years after the war. They have still no access to facilities such as schools as promised by the government. This is an important issue. 
 
 “But, since 2006, discussions with the authorities are better. For instance, they gave us the technical support to build water pumps,” said Adam, who chairs the Al-Gandoul network of 30 villages dotted around the town of Kassala, with about 36,000 residents. 
 
 This support was not enough for some in the Beja Congress, which on 15 November threw in its lot with the Sudan Revolutionary Front, an umbrella group set up a few days earlier with the aim of overthrowing the government of Omar el-Bashir. 
 
 Explaining why it joined the likes of Darfur’s Justice and Equality Movement and two wings of the Sudan Liberation Army, as well as the northern wing of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the Congress said the “misery and suffering of the [Beja] people is increasing due to poverty, starvation and other deadly diseases. The ruling regime in Sudan is subjecting its people to humiliation and tyranny. They are arrogant and killing the marginalized people. ” 
 
 According to a recent report by Japan’s International Cooperation Agency [ http://www.jica.go.jp/english/news/field/2011/20110705_04.html ], “91 percent of households [in Kassala state] do not have enough food, only 39 percent have access to safe water and the maternal mortality rate has risen to 1,414 per 100,000 births compared with 500 pre-war.” 
 
 Humanitarian response is greatly impeded by landmines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) left over from the war, which is being removed. 
 
 “We should manage to clear the area by 2014 as expected,” said Kelly McAulay, country director for the Mines Advisory Group [ http://maginternational.org/ ], which says Kassala is the most mine- and UXO-contaminated state in Sudan. “We have good support from the government. And we have got deminers who used to work in Blue Nile and South Kordofan. Now, we have about 80 deminers to clear some 2 million square kilometres.” 
 
 Growing discontent 
 
 Drought has compounded these problems. This year, water flowed along the seasonal Gasch River only between August and September, rather than starting in July as usual. The just-completed harvest is expected to be poor and consequently the region is braced for higher food prices. 
 
 “Popular discontent is boiling,” warned Mohamed Dualeh, head of the UN Refugee Agency’s eastern Sudan sub-office. (There are thousands of Eritrean refugees in the area.) 
 
 “During the Eastern peace agreement, the authorities talked about development. It has not materialized as expected. The area is poorer than Darfur. If something has to happen, it will start from within the population, and not from abroad,” he said. 
 
 Discontent has already surfaced among students, hundreds of whom demonstrated in late October. There were several injuries and one death in these disturbances. 
 
 “The Arab Spring pushed people to act. In response, the authorities settled on very strict security plans,” said Ibrahim Omer Osman, local coordinator for Practical Action, an NGO. 
 
 “The atmosphere is like in 1964,” said Tirik, the Kassala parliamentarian, referring to the year when widespread strikes led to the fall of a military government. 
 
 “The difference is that the government can still ease the situation, if it helps the population to get food,” he said, suggesting failure to do so carried significant risks. 
 
 “Eastern Sudan is a strategic area for Khartoum. There is a big airport in Kassala, roads and the [oil] pipelines. You know, the region is big enough to hide in after attacking a pipeline.” 
 
 mg/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94421</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20056275t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KASSALA 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Five years after a peace deal was signed to end a rebellion in eastern Sudan, a perceived failure to address the marginalization that sparked the uprising could unleash a new wave of violence, according to several officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Returnees left in limbo</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051242020781t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Some have camped for months waiting for promised transport to South Sudan, others have been and returned, disappointed with life in the world&apos;s newest state.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Some have camped for months waiting for promised transport to South Sudan, others have been and returned, disappointed with life in the world's newest state. 

Five months after the South gained independence, the fate of hundreds of thousands of southerners living north of the border remains uncertain, particularly so as the Northern military battles borderland rebels it -  and Washington [ http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/11/21/statement-nsc-spokesman-tommy-vietor-deputy-national-security-advisor-mc ] - accuse Juba of supporting.

Even their numbers lack any consensus: 700,000, according to the UN, 150,000 according to Khartoum.

Most lost their Sudanese citizenship after secession on 9 July and were given nine months - until 9 April 2012 - to "regularize their status", but were not told what this means in practice. 

Many have spent their entire lives in the north; dual nationality has been ruled out.

More than 350,000 people of southern origin have headed south on their own over the past year, another 130,000 with help from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration. By the end of the year, UNHCR expects a further 140,000 to register for assisted return.

Tens of thousands still in the north, who have made the first steps to returning, selling their homes and many of their possessions, have found themselves stuck in temporary camps with limited access to basic amenities.

"The hardest thing is that nothing has changed since the independence of South Sudan," said Victor Rabbi, leader of a camp called Al-Andaluz, in Mayo near Khartoum.

"We sold everything months ago because we thought we would go back to our homeland in July. We have nothing left. Not even a job. Since independence, as South Sudanese we no longer have the right to work in the public sector or for NGOs," he said.

The camp consists of hundreds of shelters made from wood and fabric and is home to 3,600 people. 

Water is brought in by mules, and two four-litre jerry cans are sold for five pounds (US$1.80), a considerable expense for the residents.

Children cannot go to school any more, as they are no longer considered Sudanese. In the absence of electricity, power cables serve as skipping ropes for the girls.

"We are waiting for someone to tell us to leave," said Rabbi. 

Forty families arrived at Al-Andaluz over a year ago. In the run-up to independence, there were promises of lorries paid for by the South Sudan government.

Roads closed

But the conflict in the border states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile has led to the closure of all land routes between the two countries. In any case, seasonal rains also make it almost impossible to travel by road.

Since April, the journey south can only be made by river barge or train.

While six train services have been funded, departures are not easy to programme. 

"The train is protected by soldiers from Sudanese army until [the railway junction at] Babanusa. Then, SPLA [South Sudanese army] soldiers take over. The train goes through areas vulnerable to attacks. The journey to [the southern railhead town of] Wau takes 17 days," said Paul Urayo, who works in the Khartoum office handling the registration of South Sudanese from the Bahr al-Ghazal region. 

"It is impossible to say how long the return trip will take in such difficult conditions," Urayo said.

After independence, the local government in some states in South Sudan chartered 16 trucks to carry returnees' luggage. 

Months later much of the luggage is still stuck in Al-Andaluz, held by transport companies, which say they have not yet been paid for their services by local authorities in South Sudan.

"If it goes on like this, we'll have to write off our things," said Rabbi. "Then we really will have nothing when we arrive in South Sudan to rebuild our lives."

Slow boat to Juba

The main departures point for those heading to the southern and central states of South Sudan are the near-adjacent river Nile ports of Kosti and Renk, which more or less straddle the border.

But in the absence of commercial traffic, the 12-day passage to Juba is only possible on barges operated by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), meaning an average wait of more than 100 days. According to the IOM, once barges carrying 3,000 people leave Kosti soon, some 8,000 to 10,000 people will still be left waiting there, with another 22,000 in Renk, on the South Sudan side of the border.

Doubling back

Many returnees, if they have the means to do so, double back to the north, despite the uncertainty. This is particularly the case in South Sudan states experiencing armed conflict. Some 12 percent of those who travelled to Upper Nile, Unity as well as Western and Northern Bahr el-Ghazal have returned north, according to Ismael Ibrahim, an internal displacement expert working in North Sudan's Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs.

Among them was Paul*, who arrived with his wife and three children in Unity's capital, Bentiu, to the sound of landmine explosions and clashes between government forces and rebels. 

"It was too dangerous. One day, I was the victim of an ambush on the way to my job as a school teacher. I decided to come back to Khartoum," he told IRIN, adding that he plans to send his children to school in either Uganda or Ethiopia.

The stark contrast between living in a city with some semblance of amenities and trying to get by in a rural area almost entirely lacking in public services and infrastructure is another reason returnees head back north.

"I sent my wife and my children to Juba in March [2011]," Santurino, an English teacher, told IRIN in Khartoum.

"There was no electricity or running water in their hut. My two eldest children [eight and five years old] couldn't go to school because the classes were overcrowded, and it was hard for them to understand Juba Arabic [a mix of Arabic and Kiswahili spoken in Juba], which the other children spoke. 

"My children were happy to come back to Khartoum. I agree that everyone has to make sacrifices, but only if it is to build the country. But six years after the peace agreement [ending years of north-south civil war], the government has done nothing and I absolutely don't believe that there will be an improvement by April," he said.

But most southerners living in Khartoum lack the means to make such choices and some do not even believe anyone doubles back once they have headed south.

"That's just propaganda from the Khartoum government!" insisted Garang Akog Madi, who lives in Al-Youssif, a northern district of the capital.

Exactly what status the "foreign" South Sudanese will be accorded if they stay in the north after the April deadline - whether, for example, they will be allowed, like Egyptian nationals, to travel freely in and out of the country - depends on the outcome of post-secession negotiations between the two governments.

But there has been little sign of progress in these stop-start talks, which also focus, with seemingly more priority, on oil, financial arrangements, border demarcation, and the status of the Abyei region.

*Not his real name

mg/rh/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94395</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051242020781t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Some have camped for months waiting for promised transport to South Sudan, others have been and returned, disappointed with life in the world&apos;s newest state.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Waiting for Washington</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg" />]]>ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </description><body><![CDATA[ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. 
 
 “We have no freedom now,” Agueboti told IRIN. “In the past we could hunt, we could fish, we could farm our land. All of that has gone into decline now. There is no security for us. Our hands are tied and our arms are crossed.” Agueboti welcomed the interventions made by NGOs and UN agencies in Zémio and the surrounding region, providing shelter for IDPs and refugees, running health clinics and supporting local agriculture. But he said people were wary of the culture of dependency that had resulted. Agueboti warned that the continuing insecurity had left the region increasingly isolated. Civil servants, teachers and medical personnel were more reluctant to move to the southeast, particularly after the killing of a senior doctor in a road ambush in June.
 
 Like others in the southeastern Haut-Mbomou region, Agueboti refers to the LRA as the “Tongo-Tongo”, loosely translated from the local Zande dialect as “those who never sleep, who march at night, and who can catch you any time”. Witnesses of LRA attacks talk of groups of heavily armed men breaking into houses, destroying property, killing or abducting their victims, easily recognizable because they speak Acholi, Kiswahili or Lingala, not central African languages like Zande or Songo.
 
 Since early 2008, the LRA has attacked dozens of villages in CAR, mostly in the southeast, forcing a mass exodus into towns such as Obo and Zémio, where they are now mostly sheltered in hastily assembled displaced people's (IDP) sites, joining thousands more forced out of their homes by the LRA across the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). 
 
 "Let down" 
 
 Three years ago, the tide appeared to be turning against the LRA. Well-armed troops from the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), deployed in the CAR with the full blessing of the host country’s government, had mounted a high-profile counter-insurgency operation against the LRA, tracking the mixed columns of rebel soldiers and their abductees through the bush. The UPDF confidently announced that a long elusive victory was at hand, pointing to the elimination of several senior LRA lieutenants, hinting that the movement’s leader, Joseph Kony, was finally within their sights. 
 
 Agueboti said Kony was still in southeast CAR, hiding out in the forests north of Zémio, near the River Vovodo. He praised the UPDF for its display of force - “without them this place would have fallen to Kony” - but said his people felt let down. He accused the Ugandan military of failing to deliver on its initial promises, the UPDF not liaising effectively with the local population, losing out on valuable local intelligence. Augeboti was more dismissive of the Central African Armed Forces (FACA). “If there is an LRA attack, they are wholly underprepared. They have to come to this office to get money for fuel before they can go off on an operation.” 
 
 Augeboti said people were now setting up special prayer cells, asking God to deliver them from the LRA. “We have used our fetishes against them, we have used our gris-gris, but they have been no match for Kony.”
 
 News has filtered through to Zémio of President Barrack Obama’s stated intention to deploy at least 100 military advisers as part of a commitment to enforce the 2009 Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act. Obama’s pledge has been accompanied by a 30-page strategy paper and a promise “to help bring an end to the brutality and destruction that have been a hallmark of the LRA across several countries for two decades”. 
 
 In a paper entitled Ending the Lord’s Resistance Army, Enough, the Washington-based Project to End Genocide and Crimes against Humanity, applauded the deployment of observers, but stressed that much more concerted military action was needed. Enough urged the US “to provide a surge of military, intelligence, logistical, and diplomatic support”, enrolling special forces from European nations and giving strong backing to AU initiatives to eliminate Kony. [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] Scepticism 
 
 But there is still considerable scepticism and confusion regarding Washington’s intentions, particularly among the displaced. 
 
 “The Americans have let us down for two years,” said Moise Wodouaia, president of the IDP community at one of the four IDP sites in Zémio. “They said they were coming to help us push Kony back, but we have watched in vain. Do they want us all to die before they come to our aid?”
 
 Wodouaia and others said the US had the technology available to locate Kony and eliminate him if necessary. “That is something we could never do ourselves. Our own army doesn’t care about the southeast, while we have only spears to use against the Tongo-Tongo and they have AK-47s.”
 
 Justin Rabby is also convinced Joseph Kony is at large in the CAR. Now a nurse in Zémio, Rabby spent two years as an LRA hostage, kept alive because of his medical skills, moving from base to base and regularly treating Kony himself. Having escaped his captors, Rabby now heads an association for survivors of the LRA. 
 
 He warns against underestimating Kony’s military capability, pointing out that the LRA has in the past used its captives as human shields, deterring military strikes. Rabby says Kony himself should be captured not killed. “If the man dies, we the victims lose out,” Rabby told IRIN. “It would be far better to have Kony before the International Criminal Court.” 
 
 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 cs/mw 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94262</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Reaching out to &quot;emerging donors&quot;</title><pubDate>Wed, 19 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191336040140t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - Guyana, Thailand, Botswana, South Africa, Poland and Sudan share something in common: they all committed to the Horn of Africa drought appeal. </description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - Guyana, Thailand, Botswana, South Africa, Poland and Sudan share something in common: they all committed to the Horn of Africa drought appeal. [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=search-reporting_display&CQ=cq280711155411jdeciQYh1W&orderby=USD_commitdisbu&showDetails= ]
 
 Higher up the scale, with multi-million dollar pledges, were China (US$63 million); Saudi Arabia ($60 million); Brazil ($32 million); United Arab Emirates ($17 million) and Qatar ($5.6 million). 
 
 Non-DAC donors – countries that are not members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee - reported $622 million worth of humanitarian assistance in 2010 and contributed 6 percent of total reported humanitarian aid between 2000 and 2008, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Financial Tracking Service. [ fts.unocha.org ]. 
 
 When it comes to all types of foreign assistance, non-DAC donors are collectively estimated to have given $60 billion in 2010, according to aid watchdog Development Initiatives; and the UN estimates non-western donors provided almost 10 percent of overall aid in 2008. South-south trade meanwhile, accounted for more than a quarter of global trade in 2008. 
 [ http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/report/non-dac-donors-and-humanitarian-aid-2 ]  
 
 Growing influence
 
 Though many non-DAC donors’ aid pots are still relatively small (India reported just $36.5 million in humanitarian aid in 2010), amounts grow annually (in 2000 it gave $200,000); their economic clout is growing (India is tipped to be the third-largest global economy in 2020), and many are shunning the stigma of “recipient-only-status”, says Shoko Arakaki, chief of funding coordination at OCHA. 
 
 But the power of these new donors extends beyond money. As well as being a significant donor to Haiti in 2010, Brazil wielded influence by leading the UN Stabilization Mission for Haiti (MINUSTAH). The government plays an active role in global disaster preparedness, such as the International Strategy for Disaster Reduction and Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GRDRR), according to Germany-based Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi) [ www.gppi.net ]  
 
 The influence of these donors is likely to grow further, says Claudia Meier, public research associate at GPPi, and could reshape coordination and accountability bodies, such as the DAC, which have to date remained relatively “closed”. Of the emerging donors only South Korea has joined DAC. It has also joined the Good Humanitarian Donorship Initiative alongside Poland, Brazil, Estonia and Lithuania – the GHD is reaching out to Turkey, Croatia, United Arab Emirates and Singapore to join. [ http://www.goodhumanitariandonorship.org/gns/news-events/overview.aspx ]
 
 Some emerging donors shun membership of these structures as they have not been part of their establishment, said Meier, who wrote Humanitarian Assistance: Truly Universal?, which analyzes entry points for collaboration with non-western humanitarian donors.[  http://www.gppi.net/?id=1819 ]. 
 
 Brazil cited this as a reason for not joining the DAC. Many prefer regional coordination bodies, says GPPi, such as the Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN), the Organisation of the Islamic Conference or the League of Arab States, which are “taking a more active role in [humanitarian] coordination”. 
 
 As Karin Christiansen, head of Publish What You Fund (PWYF), told IRIN: “Both the system and the donors need to change… Emerging donors might drive this reform… Ultimately, the more people in the tent, the language will have to change.”
 
 Other likely changes are the growing influence of consortia and pooled funds, into which donors – both traditional and not - are putting increasingly large amounts, says deputy funding director at Oxfam, Suzi Faye. 
 
 Relief organizations from emerging economies are also likely to develop more of an international humanitarian role, said Meier.  “Maybe an Indian NGO, the Chinese Red Cross, the Red Crescents of the Gulf States [will emerge]… they are not fully there yet, but there are lots of signs of their professionalization,” she said. 
 
 Opportunities
 
 Opportunities arise with donor diversification, said Kerry Smith, researcher with aid watchdog Development Initiatives. Emerging donors often tend to be recipients and providers of aid, and thus have a better understanding of the needs and constraints facing developing countries in emergency response. India has sophisticated disaster management systems after decades of disaster response, and has helped shape those of Pakistan and Afghanistan – two of its largest aid recipients. [ http://www.gppi.net/approach/research/truly_universal/india_and_humanitarian_assistance/ ]
 
 These donors often tend to stress a more equal, solidarity-based relationship, rather than the traditional top-down donor-recipient dynamic, said Smith. As Brazil said: “[The Brazilian government believes that] development cooperation is not limited to the interaction between donors and recipients [and] understand[s] it as an exchange between peers, with mutual benefits and responsibilities.” 
 
 Many non-western donors do not distinguish short-term humanitarian aid from longer-term “development aid” – perhaps because they know the distinction to be blurred – which could help plug the gaps in the usually under-funded relief-to-development continuum.  
 
 Further, tapping into aid from “new” sources can in some circumstances increase aid agencies’ access to those in need - most aid workers agree that humanitarian space has shrunk over the past two decades. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/events/details.asp?id=2646&title=humanitarian-space-review-trends-challenges ]  
 
 For example, India is one of the few humanitarian donors in Afghanistan that is not involved in the conflict; in Myanmar, many western-backed NGOs found it hard to respond to Cyclone Nargis but those working with ASEAN donors were able to intervene more quickly, partly because of its long-term relationship with the Burmese authorities. 
 
 Non-western donors may also take a more sensitive approach to respecting a country’s sovereignty, say analysts. India puts sovereignty at the heart of its humanitarian response policy, having refused an onslaught of aid after the 2004 tsunami. In future, aid agencies will need to pay greater attention to “non-intrusive support”, wrote Randolph Kent of the humanitarian futures project, in Death of Hegemony [ http://www.humanitarianfutures.org/content/death-hegemony ].
 
 "When western agencies rolled up after the Sichuan earthquake in China, the Chinese told them flatly they were not needed. Generally, greater sensitivity to regional culture, gaining real knowledge of what is wanted by governments and communities in disaster-prone regions and building contacts in those regions well before another humanitarian disaster, is the way in which the west can continue to play an international humanitarian role - rather than the presumption that it is wanted and needed."
 
 Reaching out
 
 As the donor picture shifts, aid agencies are starting to build new relationships, but too slowly, said Meier. “Not enough dialogue is going on yet.” 
 
 One exception at a policy level is the UN-based humanitarian dialogue platform, chaired by Sweden and Brazil, which tries to “bridge the artificial donor-affected population gap and to discuss humanitarian assistance among all states on a consistent basis”, said Meier.
 
 Some UN agencies have also been fairly active at forging relationships with new donors, say analysts, including World Food Programme, the UN Children’s Fund, and the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which respectively received 2.5 percent, 1.7 percent and 3.6 percent of their humanitarian funding from non-DAC donors in 2008, after significant reach-out – particularly to Gulf donors.
 
 OCHA, which coordinates the Emergency Response Fund, Country Humanitarian Fund and the Central Emergency Response Fund, has made a big effort to reach out to new donors, said Arakaki - and the results are starting to show.
 
 The ERF and CHF have increased their donor bases in the past 15 years, with 40 donors, including Brazil, UAE and Mexico, Nigeria and Gabon among the top 10 contributors to the Haiti emergency Response Fund, she said. 
 
 The CERF is even more diverse, with 140 donors in 2010. Unique to the fund is that 40 of its donors are also recipients. “The more new members that come on board, the more of an example it sets... Donors also realized today’s donor can be tomorrow’s victim,” said Arakaki.
 
 The draw of such pooled funds to some emerging donors is ease: they can write a cheque and OCHA does the rest. “Many of them want to identify the simplest mechanism to give money as quickly as possible,” said Arakaki. 
 
 This is particularly true for governments that do not have the legal set-up to administer and track foreign funding. The law in Poland, for instance, means it can take up to three months to disburse money to a national or international NGO; thus the government finds it much easier to give to pooled funds or UN agencies and the International Federation of the Red Cross, according to Development Initiatives’ Smith. 
 The amounts are still small, however: 90 percent of CERF funding in 2010 still came from the same “traditional” 10-12 donors.
 
 NGOs catching up
 
 Whether it is murky entry points for dialogue, emerging donors’ penchant for pooled funds, or a host of other reasons, NGOs appear to be behind UN agencies in reaching out to new donors. Most of the big international NGOs are building relationships: World Vision for instance, fund-raises in Thailand, the Philippines, India, Malaysia, Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and Chile through its country offices, according to spokesman Christopher Weeks, and the South Korea and Taiwan offices now donate funds, rather than receive funds, he said. But the numbers remain small. 
 
 Gulf donors contributed just $1.5 million to Oxfam’s $473 million annual budget, according to Faye. But building relationships with these donors is still important. “Rather than just going after money, we are trying to build real partnerships, as well as seeing how Oxfam can influence them on a policy level.”
 
 GPPi acknowledges the challenges involved in finding “entry points for dialogue”: many emerging donors – such as South Africa – do not have separate development ministries to administer aid; Brazil has a fragmented aid system, with no legal framework to regulate, monitor or evaluate aid, according to the Overseas Development Institute, while the aid motivations of India remain largely unknown.  
 
 There is “great variance” in donor transparency, according to PWYF’s Christiansen: Estonia is “extremely transparent” at one end of the scale, while China is “not as murky as everyone thinks”, she said. PWYF will be releasing a report on emerging donor transparency in November. For those donors still honing their humanitarian and development financing systems: “There are benefits to setting up good transparent systems from the beginning... If you have to retrofit, then it is much harder,” Christiansen says. 
 
 For relationships to work, emerging donors need more respect, a representative from one emerging donor’s foreign aid ministry told IRIN in Dakar: many of them have been giving aid for decades without being noticed, he said. Meier added: “They all of a sudden have been discovered as cash cows, while still not getting a say in international governance.”
 
 The DAC still does not include China, Russia, Saudi Arabia or Brazil, and no meeting ground exists for all donors to discuss humanitarian assistance other than the annual UN General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). “This reinforces the idea of aid being part of the western agenda,” said Antonio Donini, researcher at Tufts University’s Feinstein institute.
 
 An NGO, One.org [ www.one.org ], has called on emerging donors to join existing coordination structures. But Christiansen says these structures themselves need to change to be more welcoming to new members. She hopes forging a mutually respectful dialogue between aid agencies, new and established donors, will be on the agenda at the aid effectiveness conference in Busan, South Korea in November. [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4/ ] 
 
 “Things may get messier before they become clearer, but it is already incredibly messy – we need a bit less hubris, and a bit more action,” she said. 

For more on aid policy, visit IRIN's in-depth: The rise of the "new" donors [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94004 ]
 
 aj/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94011</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191336040140t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - Guyana, Thailand, Botswana, South Africa, Poland and Sudan share something in common: they all committed to the Horn of Africa drought appeal. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Zouhal Iead, &quot;I go to Ethiopia to sleep then come back to Kurmuk&quot; </title><pubDate>Fri, 14 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110140645180189t.jpg" />]]>KURMUK 14 October 2011 (IRIN) - Zouhal Iead, 17, fled an aerial bombardment of her village of Bouk in Sudan’s Blue Nile State, after war broke out there in early September between the Sudan Armed Forces and the Sudan People&apos;s Liberation Movement-North. IRIN caught up with Iead at Kurmuk hospital,  where she was recently treated for shrapnel wounds.</description><body><![CDATA[KURMUK 14 October 2011 (IRIN) - Zouhal Iead, 17, fled an aerial bombardment [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93959 ] of her village of Bouk in Sudan’s Blue Nile State, after war broke out there in early September between the Sudan Armed Forces and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North. IRIN caught up with Iead at Kurmuk hospital, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93942 ] where she was recently treated for shrapnel wounds. The hospital is in Kurmuk town, near the Ethiopian border and 90km from Bouk. 
 
 "One month ago, the Antonov [plane] came and bombed us. We feel OK now as the soldiers came and took us to hospital. My husband is a commander here. 
 
 “That day, the Antonov came three times - in the morning twice and then at sundown. We ran from the house to the mountains to hide. We were so afraid that the Antonov would come and kill us all, but no one died. 
 
 “Because I am scared of the bombs, I go to Ethiopia to sleep and then come back to Kurmuk to get food each day for the children. 
 
 "My husband is not here. He’s on the front line. He told me to take the children and go with them to Ethiopia. He said to go to a camp there but there are many refugees there and it is too far, so I just walk from here 10 minutes over the border and sleep there. 
 
 “In the night, I dream the Antonov will bomb my husband. Sometimes I dream that he will come here and find me. My baby is only 18 months old." 
 
 hm/js/cb ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93964</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110140645180189t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KURMUK 14 October 2011 (IRIN) - Zouhal Iead, 17, fled an aerial bombardment of her village of Bouk in Sudan’s Blue Nile State, after war broke out there in early September between the Sudan Armed Forces and the Sudan People&apos;s Liberation Movement-North. IRIN caught up with Iead at Kurmuk hospital,  where she was recently treated for shrapnel wounds.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Blue Nile subsistence farmers forced to flee</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120934380281t.jpg" />]]>KURMUK 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - Huwa Gundi, 21, sits on a sheet outside two makeshift tents near her home village of Sali, where her extended family of eight now live off one meal a day. Cradling her four-month-old baby, Fatma, she says her three other children have died since the start of the conflict in Sudan&apos;s Blue Nile State in early September.</description><body><![CDATA[KURMUK 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - Huwa Gundi, 21, sits on a sheet outside two makeshift tents near her home village of Sali, where her extended family of eight now live off one meal a day. Cradling her four-month-old baby, Fatma, she says her three other children have died since the start of the conflict in Sudan's Blue Nile State in early September. 
 
 “They were sick, and they died; there was no medicine”, Gundi said, adding that Fatma now has diarrhoea and a fever at night. "We heard the voice of the Antonov [plane used by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) for dropping bombs]. We know it well," she said, referring to the bombing of her village, Sali, which she and her family were forced to abandon. 
 
 “We don’t have anything to eat; we just go into the bush and then in the old farms we find some `dura’ [sorghum] that is growing and we just make porridge”, she said. 
 
 “Fighting between SAF and SPLM-N [Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North] is very far away from here, so I don’t understand why the Antonov comes and bombs us in our village,” said Gundi. 
 
 Clashes between the two sides have been going on in Blue Nile State since 2 September when SAF forced the opposition political party-turned-rebel-group out of the state capital, Damazin. 
 
 In a nearby settlement where other displaced people have gathered, Arafa Bashir stirs a pot of watery okra soup which - together with the sorghum they have scavenged from abandoned farms - will feed the 10 people crowded around one tent. 
 
 Such scenes of misery are replicated across the conflict area, as people flee their villages in fear of aerial bombardment. 
 
 The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says 27,500 people have fled the conflict in Blue Nile State to nearby Ethiopia since early September. The agency is due to open a second camp 200km from the border with a capacity of 3,000 peoplea as fighting and SAF aerial bombardments continue. 
 
 Gundi’s family may not have fled far from farming areas, but the sorghum will soon run out, and livelihoods are being affected, too: A few days ago, she said, an Antonov came and bombed the river where she looks for gold to sell in Kurmuk, a town an hour's drive away near the Ethiopian border. 
 
 FAO appeal 
 
 Last week the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) launched a $3.5million appeal to help 235,000 people facing food shortages in the two war-affected states that are also Sudan’s major sorghum producers - Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan. 
 
 Erratic rainfall and tens of thousands of people being forced to abandon their farms has already led to a doubling of the price of a 90-kg bag of sorghum this year to 140 Sudanese pounds (US$52). FAO predicts prices will continue to rise as shortages bite, but says that getting information on the real situation in Blue Nile was difficult due to the ban on aid agencies by Sudan President Omar al-Bashir. 
 
 At Kurmuk hospital, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93942 ] the only one between SAF-controlled Damazin and Ethiopia, the only remaining doctor, Evan Atar, thinks large-scale food shortages are imminent. 
 
 “I think the next month is going to be really tough; the people are not going to harvest anything," Atar said. "They are already running [away] and no one is taking care of their farms, for fear of bombardment." 
 
 Atar cautioned that even SPLM-N stocks in the rebel stronghold of Kurmuk, just 10 minutes walk from the Ethiopian border, would run out in three months. 
 
 In what was once a thriving market town, only a few shacks and stalls selling cigarettes, okra, sorghum and basic household items are open. 
 
 Flight to the forest 
 
 “We left everything; we just took the cooking pots," said Siham Kolfa from a makeshift den in a forest two hours' drive north of Kurmuk. 
 
 Kolfa said her family left their village two weeks ago and that the three children had eaten the little food they had on the journey. 
 
 “There is no food here; we just go to the forest and find something we can eat, mixing it with sorghum we find on empty farms," she said. 
 
 In Maiyas village, where over 3,500 people live, village chief Khidir Abusita said a bomb dropped by an Antonov plane killed six people recently. 
 
 “We just eat from these small, small farms," Abusita said. "We just do it near to our houses, as this year we haven’t been able to go away to our farms in the valley. Little bits of food remain, and only sorghum." 
 
 He said the village also had no medicine, while a market in a larger nearby village only had coffee, cigarettes, lentils and flour for sale. 
 
 Food as a weapon 
 
 Malik Agar, ousted Blue Nile governor and head of SPLM-N, said while Khartoum might have the upper hand in terms of air power, his group would fight with whatever they had, including landmines. He accused President Bashir of using food as a weapon. 
 
 “The strategy is to break the will of the fighters," Agar said. "The civilians are their mothers, their wives, their beloved ones. If you bomb them you will scatter them all over the area." 
 
 Agar claimed that in the pre-harvest lean season, “there was no food to run out of” in Blue Nile. 
 
 “We are asking the UN to open corridors” and push for a tripartite agreement to allow humanitarian aid to come in, Agar said from a rebel hideout near Kurmuk. 
 
 He claimed that up to half of Blue Nile’s 1.2 million residents were now on the move, figures that cannot be verified by independent sources. 
 
 The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been working with Sudan’s Red Crescent aid agency in the north of the state, which has seen an influx of thousands of displaced people. 
 
 “We have delivered services to almost 18,000 people in nine different localities in Blue Nile State around Damazin town,” providing shelter, water, clothes, cooking and washing materials, said Alexandra Matijedic, ICRC communication coordinator in Khartoum. 
 
 hm/js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93959</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120934380281t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KURMUK 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - Huwa Gundi, 21, sits on a sheet outside two makeshift tents near her home village of Sali, where her extended family of eight now live off one meal a day. Cradling her four-month-old baby, Fatma, she says her three other children have died since the start of the conflict in Sudan&apos;s Blue Nile State in early September.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Blue Nile hospital struggles to treat shrapnel wounds</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120921460203t.jpg" />]]>KURMUK 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Kurmuk hospital in Sudan’s southern crisis-hit Blue Nile State is struggling to cope with an influx of war wounded, according to hospital doctor Evan Atar.</description><body><![CDATA[KURMUK 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Kurmuk hospital in Sudan’s southern crisis-hit Blue Nile State is struggling to cope with an influx of war wounded, according to hospital doctor Evan Atar. 
 
 So far he has treated 626 people for shrapnel injuries since clashes began last month between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) opposition political party-turned-rebel group. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93660 ] 
 
 A man on the operating table cries out in pain, but Atar says the hospital has no more anaesthetics to give him. 
 
 Cotton, gauze and saline solution will run out this week if aid does not arrive, he says, adding that six months of supplies have been used up in the past six weeks. 
 
 “We are running short of everything - drugs, dressings.” He feared the hospital would have to buy salt, boil it, and use it to sterilize wounds. 
 
 "The problem is that there is no way we can get the drugs in here now because of the Antonovs [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antonov_An-26 ] bombing the area, making it very dangerous to fly supplies in from Kenya." 
 
 Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir will not allow foreign aid agencies inside Blue Nile or the neighbouring state of South Kordofan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93052 ] where the government has been fighting SPLM-N forces for months. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93874 ]. 
 
 The only doctor in Kumruk 
 
 Atar is the only doctor in Kurmuk, which has the only hospital between state capital Damazin (under SAF control), and neighbouring Ethiopia. 
 
 Nurse Walid Solomon says 20-year-old soldier Satdam Anima is the seventh amputee victim the hospital has dealt with. He was hit by “the big bullet of the Antonov”. Atar, with Solomon’s assistance, sews up the stump near the left shoulder, and Satdam’s eyes roll in pain. 
 
 The lack of blood donors mean that the hospital’s 24 nurses donate blood to keep patients alive. 
 
 The aerial bombardment in and around Kurmuk is evident and audible. 
 
 “In the first war, there was peace in the villages; now they [the Antonovs] bomb even the villages - that’s the problem; and the increasing accuracy of the bombing is leading to rising patient numbers as the weeks go by," Atar said. 
 
 The hospital has only one ambulance and most vehicles are useless on the muddy roads. Many of the injured arrive at the hospital by donkey, often too late. 
 
 In a ward bed, Altom Osman, 65, is recovering from a deep shrapnel wound to his back and another on his arm when a bomb from an Antonov landed on his mud-and-thatch hut in the village of Sali, north of Kurmuk. 
 
 “I was on my farm when the Antonov came. I couldn’t escape," Osman said. He was carrying sorghum flour to his wife. 
 
 He managed to flag down a passing soldiers’ vehicle and get to the hospital quickly, and despite his fragile appearance “and very huge wound”, Atar is confident he will make a full recovery. 
 
 Further north of Kurmuk in Maiyas, village chief Khidir Abusita pointed to a crater and shrapnel near two huts where six people were killed. He said one man, Sebit Ahmed Hussein, had reached the hospital in time to get treatment, but another, whose “leg was blown apart”, bled to death on the way. 
 
 No safe haven 
 
 The priority is to move patients from the hospital as quickly as possible, either back home or across the border to Ethiopia where other aid agencies can care for them. 
 
 “The fear that an Antonov might bomb [the hospital] is terrible”, Atar said, adding: “Most of the people who were injured are people who were running. The bomb usually explodes upwards in a conical form, so if you keep down you are fine." 
 
 Food would also become a problem, he noted. “First of all the war will continue and the second thing is, now, hunger will come and it is not going to spare anyone unless the people go and become refugees to be helped, but for the people left within, it is going to be a big problem.” 
 
 Artillery fire directed at rebels could be the last straw. “For now it is the Antonov bombing, but I don’t think I would be here if there is shelling… and no patients could be brought here,” Atar said. 
 
 hm/js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93942</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110120921460203t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KURMUK 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Kurmuk hospital in Sudan’s southern crisis-hit Blue Nile State is struggling to cope with an influx of war wounded, according to hospital doctor Evan Atar.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: What the analysts are saying post-secession*</title><pubDate>Mon, 03 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107110844230335t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 03 October 2011 (IRIN) - Clashes in areas along the border between Sudan and newly independent South Sudan have displaced tens of thousands of people and prompted warnings of a widening cycle of violence and regional instability. </description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 03 October 2011 (IRIN) - JUBA, 3 October 2011 (IRIN) – Clashes in areas along the border between Sudan and newly independent South Sudan have displaced tens of thousands of people and prompted warnings of a widening cycle of violence and regional instability.

Here is a round-up of recent publications by think tanks, analysts and human rights organizations.

In Sudan – Avoiding a New Crisis, the International Crisis Group [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/horn-of-africa/sudan/op-eds/ero-sudan-avoiding-a-new-crisis.aspx ] said the “risk of implosion” in Sudan “was very real” and that violence was “spiraling out of control” in South Kordofan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93052 ] and Blue Nile [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93660 ]

The report, published on 1 October, pointed to the dashed hopes raised by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Accord between Khartoum and the former southern rebellion: “more legitimate, inclusive governance – a platform for dealing with the grievances of marginalised groups in the peripheries of the country, including Darfur, the East, the transitional areas of Southern Kordofan, the Blue Nile, and Abyei, as well as the political opposition.”

“If Khartoum continues to block reform efforts to build more inclusive governance, then prolonged armed conflict is inevitable. With multiple grievances still unsettled, this would mean insurgency will spread in the North. This could have destabilizing, spillover effects in the Republic of South Sudan and the region as a whole,” ICG said.

“The North needs a holistic approach to resolve its problems, and international actors need to develop a more cohesive strategy that helps to make it a viable partner for peace and stability throughout the region,” it urged.

In late August, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International documented civilians in South Kordofan talking about the [ http://www.hrw.org/video/2011/08/29/sudan-southern-kordofan-civilians-tell-air-strike-horror ] daily, indiscriminate bomb attacks by the Sudanese Armed Forces that have killed many civilians and displaced more than 150,000 people since June. 

“Agents of the ruling National Congress Party have perpetrated the large majority of the violations of human rights committed in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states,” the Africa Centre for Justice and Peace Studies said in a recent report [ http://acjps.org/Publications/Reports/2011/26-09-11%20Continuing%20Violations%20of%20Human%20Rights%20in%20South%20Kordofan%20and%20Blue%20Nile%20States.pdf ] covering in detail events in late August and early September.

“Members of the international community, particularly the African Union, UN Human Rights Council and UN Security Council should condemn these violations and send the message to perpetrators that they will be held accountable for crimes committed,” it urged.

Magdi El Gizouli, a fellow of the Rift Valley Institute, [ http://www.riftvalley.net/ ] accuses too many people "addicted to the pornography of bloodshed" [ http://www.sudantribune.com/South-Kordofan-and-the-Blue-Nile,40206 ] who know too little about Sudan of meddling in its affairs. He criticizes NGOs for spurring on rebellions in Blue Nile from ousted SPLM governor Malik Agar and Abdal-Aziz al-Hilu's operations in South Kordofan in the belief they will bring down Bashir's regime. He explains why calling for US military intervention, the imposition of a no-fly zone over Darfur, South Kordofan and the Blue Nile and the destruction of the government's offensive aerial assets are as bad at fomenting further unrest as hardline pledges of fighting until dissent is stamped out.

When Sudanese Armed Forces stormed into Abyei in May, the George Clooney-sponsored Satellite Sentinel Project [ http://www.satsentinel.org/report/burned-ground-evidence-potential-war-crimes-and-intentional-destruction-abyei-town-government-sudan ] claimed footage showed that one-third of civilian buildings were destroyed by tanks and looting. More than 110,000 people fled south of the border and have been stuck in South Sudan ever since in areas hit by flooding and food insecurity, as the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian affairs (OCHA) requested humanitarian access to Abyei.

The former southern minister Luka Biong Deng [ http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/access-abyei-displaced-residents-continuously-threatened ] also called for access to the disputed territory from both sides of the border on legal and political grounds that mean the area of "special status" belongs to no one until both countries reach an agreement. 
 
The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) warned that escalating inter-communal violence in Jonglei from cattle raids threatened to destabilize the new country. UNMISS Special Representative Hilde Johnson said containing the increasing brutality and sophistication of these armed attacks to a state the size of Bangladesh was the peacekeeping mission's highest priority. "If it gets out of hand, we will be in a situation where the cycle of violence will escalate to unknown proportions in South Sudan," she said on 27 September.

Sudan researcher and veteran Khartoum critic Erich Reeves, writing in Dissent Magazine [ http://www.dissentmagazine.org/atw.php?id=561 ] mourns the loss of the UN Panel of Experts for Darfur set up in 2005 to monitor an embargo on the movement of arms and military supplies and a UN Security Council ban on military flights into the Darfur region. Reeves says Darfur has been bombed more than 100 times this year, and that Sudan's government has succeeded in closing down the most authoritative body investigating reports of indiscriminate aerial attacks, and those targeting civilians. 
 
A Human Rights Watch report in July also lamented the world's apparent disinterest in Darfur since South Sudan's independence. It said that during this period, Sudan stepped up bombing attacks on civilians [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2011/06/05/darfur-shadows-0 ] , displacing more than 70,000 people, largely from ethnic Zaghawah and Fur communities linked to rebel groups.

hm/mw

*substantial amendments to this report were made on 4 October

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93874</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107110844230335t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 03 October 2011 (IRIN) - Clashes in areas along the border between Sudan and newly independent South Sudan have displaced tens of thousands of people and prompted warnings of a widening cycle of violence and regional instability. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Southern Kordofan refugees still vulnerable</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106141358570167t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 30 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people who fled insecurity in Sudan&apos;s Southern Kordofan State to neighbouring South Sudan&apos;s Unity State remain vulnerable, amid humanitarian access and security concerns, says the UN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 30 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people who fled insecurity in Sudan's Southern Kordofan State [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93660 ] to neighbouring South Sudan's Unity State remain vulnerable, amid humanitarian access and security concerns, says the UN. 
 
 "People entering the area are reported to be highly vulnerable, some having walked with children for two weeks," said Siddartha Shrestha, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) South Sudan chief of communication. 
 
 "Increased levels of malnutrition are noted among new arrivals which require enhanced nutrition interventions." 
 
 UNICEF has supplied about 3,000kg of emergency nutrition supplies such as Plumpy’Nut, a paste used in the treatment of severe acute malnutrition. 
 
 At present, about 9,200 people have been registered, states a recent report by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_2442.pdf ]. 
 
 While a majority of the arrivals are refugees, there are also a number of returnees. 
 
 The affected began arriving in Unity in July following heavy fighting and air strikes in South Kordofan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93052 ] and are the first refugees to reach post-independence South Sudan, according to the UN Refugee Agency [ http://www.unhcr.org/4e732dde9.html ]. 
 
 Unity State, which borders Sudan’s regions of Abyei and Southern Kordofan, is already grappling with the largest number of returnees - 83,851 - between 30 October 2010 and 13 September 2011, according to OCHA. 
 
 Amid safety and access concerns, discussions are ongoing about the possible relocation of the new arrivals. 
 
 "The big challenge remains access to the area. Current access is by flight to an air strip north of Bentiu Town and then by quad bike for some distance," said UNICEF's Shrestha. 
 
 However, the bikes can only carry a limited number of staff and goods. 
 
 Shrestha said UNICEF was also assisting the vulnerable populations still in South Kordofan and had so far provided humanitarian assistance in 13 out of 19 localities in coordination with the government, and international and national NGOs. 
 
 "There are still large humanitarian needs in both government and non-government controlled areas," he noted, adding that UNICEF-Sudan continued negotiating for access to non-governmental areas with partial success. 
 
 aw/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93857</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106141358570167t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 30 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people who fled insecurity in Sudan&apos;s Southern Kordofan State to neighbouring South Sudan&apos;s Unity State remain vulnerable, amid humanitarian access and security concerns, says the UN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Sub-Saharan migrants keep their heads down</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109191034090703t.jpg" />]]>SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August.</description><body><![CDATA[SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August. 

The migrants see strength in numbers and hope they can escape the arbitrary detentions, arrests and beatings that many of their fellow migrants have been subjected to. 

Racism against blacks has a long history in Libya, but has been a particular problem for sub-Saharan migrants - nationals from countries like Chad, Niger, Sudan, Senegal, Mali and Nigeria - since the uprising began in February. Rebels who fought for Gaddafi’s ouster accused him of using black African mercenaries to help quell the uprising.

Since then, the rebels or their supporters - there's no chain of command or uniform to identify them absolutely - have arbitrarily arrested, robbed and/or beaten hundreds of migrants, according to testimonies from fleeing migrants, and reports by human rights organizations [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE19/025/2011/en ] and journalists. Many migrants have had their money, mobile phones and passports taken. 

Despite urging restraint on the part of its supporters, the rebel movement-turned-incoming-government (the ruling National Transitional Council or NTC) has been criticized for not doing enough to halt incidents of racial violence and arbitrary detention. One rebel told IRIN: “If we see black skin, we’ll arrest them and give them to the NTC."

Seeking refuge

In this camp in Sidi Bilal, 35km west of Tripoli, [ http://www.irinnews.org/photo/Default.aspx?id=31 ] the migrants are seeking shelter in abandoned boats, hanging blankets from the hulls to create makeshift walls. When armed rebels come to the area, the migrants retreat to their improvised homes. They fear rape or more arrests. One migrant told IRIN the armed men “beat the hell out of” them. 

Médecins Sans Frontières brings fresh water to the camp. Some locals donate food for the migrants to cook; local children sell them chickens and cigarettes. There is just one toilet in a nearby building.

This is just one of several camps made up of migrants who do not have the means to go back home, despite a hostile environment here. Some of those who are able to return have faced their own difficulties in their home countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] Others are still trying to get out of Libya, in what the International Organization for Migration (IOM) still considers an emergency situation.

Having already helped with the evacuation of thousands of migrants, the IOM is still looking to reach vulnerable communities in areas like Sebha, 650km southwest of Tripoli, still reportedly controlled by Gaddafi loyalists.

According to the IOM, Chadians, Nigeriens, Nigerians and others have sought protection at the IOM centre in Sebha, but with no electricity, fuel, and little food or water, the situation is becoming increasingly difficult. "The migrants are very scared and threatened,” said IOM Chief of Mission for Chad Qasim Sufi in a communiqué.

Racism past and present

Concern over violence and discrimination towards darker-skinned Libyans and sub-Saharan African migrants has been mounting since the early stages of the conflict in Libya. 

While Col Gaddafi and his loyalists were accused early on of pushing a xenophobic message, accusing rebels from the outset of being controlled by “non-Libyan” elements and religious extremists, the reputation of the NTC has been badly tainted by charges of racism.

Well before the outbreak of hostilities in Libya in February 2011, there were long-standing reports of Gaddafi’s use of Chadian soldiers, Tuareg warriors from northwest Africa, and other non-Libyan combatants, within the Libyan military, notably the Khamis Brigade, fronted by one of Gaddafi’s sons. There have also been reports of over 500 soldiers from the Western Saharan Frente Popular de Liberación de Saguía el Hamra y Río de Oro (POLISARIO) being detained by the NTC, accused of being mercenaries in the pay of Gaddafi. NTC supporters have persistently maintained that such elements played a leading role in checking the rebel advance, providing Gaddafi with a last line of defence. 

Human rights campaigners and media commentators in sub-Saharan Africa have pointed out that incidents of extreme racism are nothing new in Libya. The testimonies of prisoners and fleeing migrants carry strong echoes of those who fled Libya in 2000 after over 130 people, mainly from West African countries, were killed in outbreaks of what appeared to be ethnically-motivated violence. Gaddafi’s administration was accused of being at best negligent, at worst complicit, while Gaddafi himself was denounced for preaching pan-African brotherhood abroad while presiding over racial pogroms at home.

Since the early 1980s, large migrant populations from both Libya’s immediate neighbours, Chad and Niger, have been joined in Libya by thousands more from countries like Senegal, Mali, Niger and Ghana.

The influx coincided with a period of international isolation, Gaddafi playing his self-created role as a champion of African unity against a background of sanctions and strained relations with many of his Arab counterparts. Libya was heavily involved in the Community of Sahel-Saharan states (CEN-SAD), which preached regional solidarity and stressed a commitment to the free movement of persons and goods. Libya became both a crucial stepping-off point for migrants heading to southern Europe, notably Italy, but also a destination in its own right, particularly for those seeking job opportunities in a fast-expanding economy, taking on both mainly unskilled jobs or finding openings in the informal sector.

According to Jen-Philippe Chauzy, spokesman for the IOM, migrant workers were drawn to Libya for economic reasons, but tended to live on the margins. “The migrants faced enormous difficulties in Libya prior to the crisis,” Chauzy told IRIN. He pointed out that the vast majority of sub-Saharan Africans were in Libya as undocumented migrants. “They were hired and fired by the day, trying their best to survive economically.” Most immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa were smuggled into Libya illegally, not registering with their embassies, inevitably vulnerable to exploitation, said Chauzy.

The clampdown climate

While the Libyan authorities were fairly lax on definitions of legal and illegal immigration, there were several waves of deportations. In both 1995 and 2008, the Libyan government announced its intention to expel one million immigrants. While those targets were not reached, Libya faced mounting criticism for its treatment of refugees. In its World Refugee Survey for 2009, the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants noted the existence of 10 detention camps for illegal migrants.

Libya was accused by human rights organizations of currying favour with Italy and other European states in clamping down on illegal immigration, often using brutal methods. Concerns were also raised about growing racism and the stigmatization of immigrant communities accused of involvement in crime and spreading HIV/AIDS.

Chauzy said much more needed to be done to support reintegration programmes for migrants returning to countries like Niger and Chad in the current context, noting that families were now adapting to living without remittances sent from Libya, which played a key role in sustaining family budgets. “These countries are being left alone to bear the burden of the Libyan crisis,” Chauzy warned.

jr/cs/ha/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109191034090703t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: 20,000 flee Blue Nile clashes</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109051414480928t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 05 September 2011 (IRIN) - Armed conflict and air raids, blocked humanitarian aid and potential food shortages: conditions for civilians in two states on the border with South Sudan are giving increasing cause for concern. </description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 05 September 2011 (IRIN) - Armed conflict and air raids, blocked humanitarian aid and potential food shortages: conditions for civilians in two states on the border with South Sudan are giving increasing cause for concern. 
 
 “I am really afraid for my life. The first two days of the [fighting], we could see dozens of dead bodies on the streets,” said Ahmed*, a resident of Ed Damazine, the capital of Blue Nile state, where clashes broke out on 1 September between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), prompting more than 20,000 people to flee to neighbouring Ethiopia.
 
 “I have been at home since Saturday [3 September]. At the beginning, people chose to leave the city by car or by bus. Most of the people did. I had things to do before leaving. Now, it is too late. Nobody can go out from the city. I am SPLM. The army knows it. I am afraid,” added the student, speaking to IRIN by telephone before lines were reportedly cut.
 
 SPLM-N was formed as the northern branch of the political party dominating the government in the now independent state of South Sudan. On 4 September, SPLM-N Secretary-General Yasir Arman said Khartoum’s ruling National Congress Party had banned SPLM-N and arrested many of its members and confiscated property in many parts of Sudan.
 
 Each side blamed the other for igniting the clashes in Blue Nile. SPLM-N described Khartoum’s actions as a coup against elected Blue Nile governor Malik Aggar, a former commander in the movement’s military wing (SPLA), during Sudan’s 1983-2005 north-south civil war.
 
 SAF spokesman Al-Sawarmi Khalid Sa’ad described Aggar as a “rebel” whose forces had been planning attacks on four army positions in the state.
 
 Sense of foreboding 
 
 Ali*, another Ed Damazine resident, made his escape by bus to the town of Wad Madani with his wife and three children a day before fighting broke out.
 
 “There was something in the air, something was about to happen. There had been soldiers everywhere in town for several weeks,” he told IRIN.
 
 Thousands of residents of Kurmuk, the main town in the south of Blue Nile, also took flight after the SAF began aerial bombardments there on 2 September, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
 Many UN and NGO workers based in Kurmuk have also left for Ethiopia.
 
 “People are still coming in large numbers,” Kisut Gebre Egziabher, a spokesman for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN in Addis Ababa.

 “Within two days alone, we have received over 20,000 refugees from Sudan to Ethiopia’s Sherkole refugee camp. This might increase as we have not received today’s data yet…  Based on initial reports, the number of women and children is high,” he said.

 “Because of the drought in the Horn of Africa, it is very challenging to welcome these new refugees,” he said.

 “We are worried that [UN] compounds [in Blue Nile] might be looted. Vehicles with GPS devices have already been stolen,” said Peter de Clerq, head of the UNHCR mission in Sudan.

 The World Food Programme (WFP) said it had 140MT of food in Blue Nile, enough to feed 20,000 for two weeks. “There is no chance of restocking for the moment,” WFP spokesman Amor Almagro told IRIN in Khartoum.
 
 Call to end hostilities
 
 UNHCR chief Antonio Guterres on 4 September appealed for an immediate halt to hostilities in the state.
 
 “We need, at all costs, to stop yet one more refugee crisis in a region of the world that has been witnessing in recent months so much suffering,” he said in Geneva.
 
 Meanwhile, the situation in the nearby state of South Kordofan, where the SAF and SPLM-N have been fighting since early June, displacing or severely affecting some 200,000 civilians, “has reached a critical point”, Valerie Amos, UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, said in a statement on 30 August.
 
 “Unless there is an immediate stop to the fighting, and humanitarian organizations are granted immediate and unhindered independent access throughout South Kordofan, people in many parts of the state face potentially catastrophic levels of malnutrition and mortality,” she said.
 
 But the SPLM-N has said it will resist the north’s “plan to eradicate” it, which Arman alleged “had been designed a long time ago by the National Congress, which fears the role of the SPLM-N as a democratic force in the transformation of the North.
 
 “We vociferously declare that the only option before us is to forge a nationwide democratic front with the agendas of a radical restructuring of the power’s centre in Khartoum and build a new state that recognizes others and their right to be others,” he said.
 
 The NCP “has deliberately chosen war as the only mechanism to eradicate the SPLM-N. The NCP will live to regret this choice as the SPLM-N is there to stay and to lead,” he said.
 
 *names changed to protect identity

 mg-bt/am/mw
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93660</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109051414480928t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 05 September 2011 (IRIN) - Armed conflict and air raids, blocked humanitarian aid and potential food shortages: conditions for civilians in two states on the border with South Sudan are giving increasing cause for concern. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Record donor aid, record costs</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today. [ http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/reports ] 
 
 The report, which looks at aid year-on-year over the past decade, also shows that disaster preparedness is consistently sidelined; and that emergency aid is spent in the same countries year-on-year, begging the question: is it the right solution to the problem?
 
 Largely responsible for the boost in aid were the USA, Canada and Japan, according to the GHA. Their increases offset the declining aid budgets of a number of donors, including the Netherlands, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Korea, Portugal and Ireland - all of which watched their aid budgets shrink for the second year in a row.
 
 Donors outside the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) [ http://www.oecd.org/dac/ ] also gave more: between 2005 and 2009 their foreign assistance more than doubled from $4.6 billion to $10.4 billion, according to a second Development Initiatives report by Kerry Smith: Non-DAC Donors and Humanitarian Aid: Shifting Structures, Changing Trends. [ http://www.devinit.org ]
 
 But the additional funding does not go as far as it used to: price rises in food and fuel have “put pressure on the system and reduced buying power”, said GHA programme leader Jan Kellett. Fats and cereal costs more than doubled between 2007 and 2008, and continued to rise throughout 2010, while the cost of delivering them also continued to rise, according to Development Initiatives and the UN. 
 
 The UN estimates international food prices reached an all-time high in February 2011.
 
 This and other factors meant the unmet needs in UN emergency appeals “worryingly” grew from 30 to 37 percent, according to Kellett. UN appeals for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), Chad, Central African Republic and Uganda all experienced a widening in their funding gaps in 2010, according to the report.
 
 Another area of unmet need was disaster preparedness and risk reduction, which received just 75 US cents out of every $100 spent on aid, according to Development Initiatives, reaching just $835 million in 2009. 
 
 “We return to lots of these same situations every 3-5 years - everyone knows a disaster will occur in East Africa, and yet we are still not ready for it,” said Kellett. 
 
 “Not what it says on the box”
 
 A striking finding from the report is that humanitarian recipients are relatively predictable: the top five aid recipients - Sudan, oPt, Iraq, Afghanistan and Ethiopia - have remained among the top 10 aid recipients over the past decade. 
 
 Rather than aid being a short-term life-saving measure, the statistics indicate it is being used to deliver basic services year on year, according to Kellett, and in this sense, the divide between humanitarian and development aid may be far weaker than many think. “It’s not what it says on the box,” he surmised.
 
 This is not necessarily an indictment of humanitarian aid, he added, but it begs the question: is humanitarian aid always the right solution? “I would question whether it makes sense to spend the same amount every year in Darfur… Should we try to be achieving conflict resolution, peace building, other issues? These are difficult discussions but they are worth posing,” he said.
 
 This points to the oft-repeated false division between humanitarian and development aid, said UK Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Humanitarian Policy Group researcher Sarah Bailey. “The reality is that our efforts to make a clear division between `humanitarian’ and `development’ are not well suited to the complexity of these contexts… We know that humanitarian assistance is not the best tool to address long-term vulnerability and the absence of basic services, so why isn’t development assistance doing more to tackle these problems?”
 
 A common misconception about humanitarian aid is that it is mainly short-term and life-saving, she stressed. “Humanitarian assistance is rarely short-term because crises are not short-term. If ones lists major crises in the last decade, from Darfur to Afghanistan to DR Congo, these are not temporary situations where lives get back to normal quickly.”
 
 Pooled funds
 
 Other findings indicate funding for collective or `pooled’ humanitarian funds such as the Emergency Response Fund (ERF) and the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) rose in 2010, with the UK government the biggest supporter. Support for pooled funds is “generally a good thing”, said Kellett, though little analysis yet exists comparing the respective impact of pooled and bilateral funds, he said. 
 
 In 2010 the top 10 recipients of the CERF, which purports to respond to neglected emergencies, were Pakistan, Haiti, Niger, DR Congo, Sudan, Chad, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka and Yemen.
 
 Pooled funds have also enabled “non-traditional”, or non-DAC, donors to more easily contribute to emergencies: They often do not have an aid infrastructure in place to do so in other ways, according to Development Initiatives. 
 
 The top two donors giving to the Haiti emergency response fund were non-DAC: Saudi Arabia ($50 million) and Brazil ($8 million); while India was the largest donor to the Pakistan ERF, giving $20 million. Non-DAC donors are far less predictable than DAC donors - Saudi Arabia is the 11th largest donor, according to the GHA, but gave large amounts in 2001 and 2008 but far less in other years.
 
While a record number of non-DAC donors reported to the official UN humanitarian aid Financial Tracking System [ http://www.reliefweb.int/fts ]
 , more transparency is needed from all donors to decipher exactly where aid is going, said Kellett. Information about where military aid that is spent on humanitarian response goes - a channel used most by the US government - is rarely reported, for example. And NGO aid reporting needs to be standardized as currently each NGO categorizes its aid differently - using different regions, and different definitions, said Kellett. 
 
 “It’s hard to know how much money NGOs are bringing to bear - and these are large sums, said Kellett. “We need more calls to improve this area. It would be great if they could consider reporting to the International Aid Transparency Initiative [ http://www.aidtransparency.net/ ] to improve reporting in this area.”
 
 aj/cb
 

The rest in figures:

Humanitarian aid has more or less doubled in the first decade of the 21st century. 

The three largest institutional humanitarian aid donors in 2009 -the most recent figures available - were the USA ($4.4 billion), the European Union ($1.6 billion) and the UK (US$1 billion). 

In 2009 more than 65% of all humanitarian assistance went to conflict-affected and post-conflict states; and nearly 70% was spent in the 26 `long-term affected’ countries. Africa received 46% of official humanitarian response and Asia 24% over the past decade.

Humanitarian aid to oPt has increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to US$1.3 billion in 2009, making it the second largest recipient. 
 
UN appeals called for a record high of US$11.2 billion in 2010 and received $7.1 billion, resulting in a higher-than-usual proportion of unmet needs.
 
Spain doubled its humanitarian aid since 2000 rising from 15th largest donor to the fifth largest in 2009. 

China’s foreign assistance is reported to have reached $2 billion in 2009. Aid from the BRICs [Brazil, Russia, India and China] grew from US$1.5 billion in 2005 to $3.7 billion in 2009.

The floods in Pakistan and the Haiti earthquake were the biggest targets of non-DAC donor aid, bringing in $356 million and $170 million respectively. 

NGOs receive 17.3% of institutional humanitarian aid; but private funding is estimated to be at US$4 billion in 2010. MSF took in $1.1billion in private donations in 2010 (or more than the UK government’s 2010 aid budget).

Private funding was higher than institutional donors in Haiti 2010 and the Indian Ocean earthquake/tsunami in 2005.

National aid responses are often more significant than international - India committed $6.2 billion to disaster response over five years - much higher than the $315 million it received from international donors.
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93279</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Rethinking DDR in post-independence Sudan</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200906041133580867t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - The increasing number of South Sudan’s armed forces is costing more than 50 percent of government’s expenditure by some estimates – despite a two-year-old US$55 million demobilization and disarmament programme (DDR) sponsored by international donors.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - The increasing number of South Sudan’s armed forces is costing more than 50 percent of government’s expenditure by some estimates – despite a two-year-old US$55 million demobilization and disarmament programme (DDR) sponsored by international donors. 
 
 Only about 12,000 people in South Sudan have completed the DDR process that targeted 90,000 ex-combatants. 
 
 Guy Lamb, a senior researcher at South Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, told IRIN the integration of militias into the SPLA was increasing as the 9 July 2011 date of independence drew nearer. “The SPLA’s current strength of approximately 194,000 will continue to rise as additional South Sudanese soldiers from various external forces are being integrated.” 
 
 All armed groups in South Sudan are being consolidated under the former rebel army, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), and its political wing, the Sudan’s People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), will form the country’s first government after a referendum held earlier this year overwhelmingly voted to secede from Khartoum-ruled Sudan. 
 
 The UN Development Programme (UNDP) told IRIN in a statement the DDR programme - established as part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the North and South after a 21-year-long civil war - aimed for the re-integration of 180,000 ex-combatants by 2012 - or 90,000 from each country. 
 
 The apparent failure to entice soldiers into civilian life is both a consequence of the country’s desperate poverty, the relatively high salaries paid to soldiers and the delays encountered in starting up DDR. 
 
 Lydia Stone, author of the Small Arms Survey (SAS) report, Failures and Opportunities - Rethinking DDR in South Sudan, told IRIN, “It is not always the case that ex-combatants want to return to civilian life, or that they feel stigmatized by their role in the conflict; nor is it necessarily the case that DDR automatically brings greater security in a post-conflict setting. 
 
 “For example, for the time being... greater security is achieved by keeping the soldiers in the army and paying them a salary than by pushing them out into a civilian life that offers little hope of finding a livelihood,” she said. 
 
 In many cases DDR is utilized in post-conflict states because, if left to their own devices, armed, unskilled, unpaid ex-combatants pose a clear threat to the success of the peace dividend in post-conflict states, 40 percent of which return to war, according to some estimates. 
 
 “The concept of ‘reintegrating’ ex-combatants back into a civilian life is largely redundant. This is because the dividing line between combatants and civilians is extremely blurred. Furthermore, the ‘normal’ society of Southern Sudan had been broken down during the war, so it wasn’t as though there was a ‘normal civilian life’ to reintegrate into,” Stone points out. 
 
 There is also an absence of stigma attached to SPLA fighters, unlike members of abusive armed armed groups such as Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone, who were reviled for their war-time conduct. “The SPLA are seen as heroes, the liberators of Southern Sudan,” she said. 
 
 “There is not the same shame attached to having been a soldier during the war, nor the same imperative to leave the soldier’s life. In fact, quite the reverse… So not only do SPLA soldiers have pride, they also have money. Clearly, this is not the target group envisaged in the ‘traditional’ DDR model.” 
 
 Delays 
 
 A DDR specialist closely linked to the process, who declined to be identified, told IRIN: “The most severe problem was DDR was not introduced at the right time. It should have begun about six months after the CPA’s signing and then it might have worked. It would have been messy, but what DDR programme isn’t messy?” 
 
 UNDP told IRIN in a statement that although DDR encompassing both North and South should have commenced within a year of the CPA, the “preparation and endorsement of the national strategy itself took almost three years. 
 
 “Though the project document was signed between government and UNDP in July 2008... funds only started coming in phases from the beginning of 2009, allowing UNDP to deploy adequate staff at the end of 2009,” the statement said. 
 
 In the intervening period, SPLA soldiers and those integrated into it became part of the SPLM’s payroll in 2006, with the lowest-paid ranks receiving about $140 a month. 
 
 “The military standard of living has become much higher than that of civilians, the vast majority of whom earn about $1 or less a day… It will be difficult to reintegrate people [in the military] into poverty,” the specialist pointed out. 
 
 “The civilian side of the SPLM is very aware of the problem that such a large military force poses, which is basically comprised of a bunch of militias,” he commented. There was “no choice but to salvage DDR, but the process has to be done gradually, as it could lead to another civil war”. Another round of DDR is expected to begin in 2012. 
 
 The government’s wage bill accounts for about 80 percent of the military budget, he told IRIN. 
 
 The scale of the DDR task in South Sudan, according to the UN Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Resource Centre (UNDDRRC), is immense. Decades of civil war “meant that virtually every male has been involved in the fighting in one way or another [and] a large number of women have also participated in the war, either in a combat role or a support role”. 
 
 However, Stone said since its inception, the South Sudan DDR Commission (SSDDRC) strategy had just been to repeat the CPA DDR text, which says: “The objective of the DDR process is to contribute to creating an enabling environment to human security and to support post-peace agreement social stabilization across Sudan.” 
 
 In the SAS report, Stone questioned whether the SSDDRC chairman, William Den Deng, grasped the issues of DDR after he told her in a July 2010 interview that “the purpose of DDR is to replenish the army, ‘taking out the old so that the new can enter’”. 
 
 “The question must be asked, ‘What is DDR in South Sudan aimed at achieving?’ Is its purpose to improve human security in South Sudan, as stated in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement? If so, the organizers - SSDDRC [Southern Sudan Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration Commission], and UNDP, etc., have not yet demonstrated how the current or proposed programme achieves this,” Stone told IRIN. 
 
 Lamb said South Sudan’s DDR programme tended to be “an expensive livelihoods support programme for a limited group of people” while the DDR specialist believed the problem was the failure by UNDP and UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) to entertain “any kind of substantial involvement of either the government in Khartoum or Juba… and it is something we should try to avoid at all cost for the next phase”. 
 
 Lack of vision 
 
 Lamb said verification of ex-combatants needed to be improved and cited as an example encountering a woman during a recent trip to Juba who was running a trading store and who had received DDR benefits even though she was not involved in the war, but her mother had been. “It’s a good livelihood story, but not a good DDR story.” 
 
 As of 3 June 2011, according to the SSDDRC website, 12,525 of the targeted 90,000 people had been demobilized. 
 
 UNDP said the DDR programme was “based on optimistic assumptions” that maybe did not appreciate the extent of rural poverty, lack of economic opportunity, limited education levels and almost non-existent infrastructure that affected the programme, which contributed to the high start-up costs. 
 
 “In the South, capacity of local NGOs is extremely low and even international NGOs are struggling to deliver services effectively,” UNDP said. 
 
 “The proportion of UNDP personnel and operating costs has gone down in 2010 and should continue to decrease in subsequent years of operation. The overhead cost is planned to decrease from 37 to 22 percent in 2011,” UNDP said. 
 
 The SAS report said South Sudan independence could be a watershed in the DDR process, as the CPA period draws to a close and the SSDDRC would be “obliged to rethink the objectives of the DDR programme… to demonstrate how it will contribute to human security and social stabilization”. 
 
 Stone said: “To date they [SPLA] have used the DDR programme as a sort of retirement programme for individuals they no longer require, or as a benefits programme for former soldiers.” 
 
 She said many of those entering the process were “already disarmed, demobilized and reintegrated a long time before they entered the DDR programme. However, that is not to say that they were not people in great need. Illiteracy and innumeracy are higher among people who served during the war than any other group in Sudan, particularly among women. A livelihoods programme to help these people would be a wonderful thing - just don’t call it DDR.” 
 
 Targeting women 
 
 From the outset the programme’s international partners called for “particular attention” to special needs groups, such as female and child combatants. 
 
 Stone said the “strong emphasis” on women had created conditions for thousands to receive livelihoods training. During the civil war women were mainly engaged in support roles, such as portering, nursing and cooking, and although trained in the use of firearms, they “rarely took on combat roles”. 
 
 “To a degree not seen in other DDR programmes, the South Sudan DDR planners catered to these ‘women associated with armed forces [WAAF]’”, Stone said, but the WAAF terminology also created tensions with the SPLA, who rejected the term as “DDR language”. 
 
 The term is seen as derogatory as it implies female SPLA colleagues were “bush wives” or sex slaves. 
 
 “The women will tell you, ‘We were helping our brothers in the fighting’, and are offended by the inference they were chattels of war,” Lamb said. 
 
 More than half the DDR caseload are women whose services were no longer required with the advent of peace, the SAS report said. Apart from being ejected from the SPLA, women were vulnerable because they may have given birth outside marriage and could not return to their families without a dowry, were widowed or separated from their communities. 
 
 “As these women are predominantly illiterate and often without alternative support structures, the DDR programme has effectively offered them a lifeline,” Stone noted 
 
 go/he/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93180</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200906041133580867t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - The increasing number of South Sudan’s armed forces is costing more than 50 percent of government’s expenditure by some estimates – despite a two-year-old US$55 million demobilization and disarmament programme (DDR) sponsored by international donors.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Beyond the euphoria of Southern independence</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104011255460797t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - South Sudan becomes the world&apos;s newest nation on 9 July, the final step in the six-year Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a deal that ended the 1983-2005 North-South war.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - South Sudan becomes the world's newest nation on 9 July, the final step in the six-year Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a deal that ended the 1983-2005 north-south war.
 
 The government is upbeat, but after the euphoria of celebrations and the pomp of speeches, the new nation faces a mammoth task.
 
 "South Sudan is not starting from scratch," the South’s information ministry said in a release timed for independence. "For the past six years, the Government of South Sudan has enjoyed considerable autonomy, with an elected assembly, government and a functioning judicial system."
 
 South Sudan does have the trappings of a state: flag, national anthem, and a coat of arms but building the new nation will require more than unfurling the colours of the new nation. 
 
 Relations with the north 
 
 Exactly how north and south Sudan divorce is critical to the future for both states [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92943 ]. Key negotiations still remain - most importantly over oil.
 
 Border conflict has already forced thousands to flee, including some 110,000 people following the northern occupation of the contested Abyei region in May.
 
 Bombings continue in the northern oil state of South Kordofan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93052 ], where fighters once loyal to the South complain they have been left abandoned as the South splits away.
 
 Both sides have traded accusations that the other is backing rebel movements, claims also rejected by both.
 
 The two sides are masters of continuing to talk, despite the violence and accusation.
 
 “Both parties have clearly demonstrated that from now on, no unilateral action, no provocation could bring them back to war, and their remaining disputes shall be resolved through dialogue,” said Haile Menkerios, the UN Secretary-General’s special representative, in a speech on 7 July.
 
 Temporary agreements have been reached on Abyei [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93078 ] and on Southern Kordofan as well as the creation of a 20km-wide demilitarized border buffer zone - these must still be implemented.
 
 Border tensions and oil
 
 But the high tensions still raise significant concerns.
 
 "The worst-case scenario is a return, a re-ignition, of this long-running North-South civil war that lasted over 20 years," said Gerry Martone, director of humanitarian affairs for the International Rescue Committee (IRC).
 
 The equal sharing of oil revenues under the CPA ends on 9 July, but both sides depend on the income and diplomats warn that the creation of two viable states will require the South to pay some of the profit to the North.
 
 The South holds the bulk of reserves, but, despite a determination not to share its profits any longer, it must still export via pipelines through the North.
 
 It is hoped that the source of greatest contention could also be a pragmatic economic driver of peace.
 
 "They are in fact mutually dependent on each other," Martone said. "Neither one can survive without the other, and that is largely because of oil revenues.”
 
 South Sudan has often talked about breaking that connection by building its own pipeline, but that remains far off, experts say.
 
 "The conventional wisdom is that the South would have to have new oil finds in order to make that pipeline economically viable," said Jon Temin, of the United States Institute of Peace. "So the pipeline is possible, but it’s not something we’re going to see any time in the near future.”
 
 Institutions
 
 Shiny new government buildings are being built in South Sudan's capital, Juba.
 
 "Given the regional autonomy with which the South operated… much of the architecture necessary to govern at the national level is in place, even if rudimentary,” the International Crisis Group said in an April report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/horn-of-africa/sudan/172-politics-and-transition-in-the-new-south-sudan.aspx ].
 
 But effective officials are still absent, or woefully lacking in even basic skills, at state and county levels.
 
 The South has only "the highest levels of the executive branch set up”, said Ronald Wasilwa from the Africa Peace Forum. "The structures that have been put up in South Sudan are good, but they need to go down to the people."
 
 Forging those institutions into effective providers of the rewards of peace and independence that the people expect will be a giant task.
 
 Many accuse the government of rampant corruption, and of domination by the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) over smaller opposition parties.
 
 The drafting of an interim constitution in recent months sparked walkouts by the committee overseeing the process by opposition groups, who claimed the SPLM dismissed their concerns.
 
 "While the South has made some progress in state-building and reforms, the early signs of governance - forcing through constitutional changes, restricting the media, centralizing power in the office of the President, and resorting to military violence over mediation in conflicts with rebel groups - have not been encouraging,” a recent report by a coalition of 22 international and Sudanese campaign groups, Beyond the Pledge, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_1566.pdf ] warned.
 
 "The South should be urged to break from the politically repressive and divisive patterns of governance characteristic of the North," it added.
 
 Such criticisms are echoed by many others.
 
 "There are real concerns about the Southern government and its capacity," Temin said. "There are concerns about its real commitment to democracy; the process of developing a new constitution has been troubled; there are worrying reports of pretty high levels of corruption in the South."
 
 Rebels, the army and conflict
 
 The ex-rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) will change its name at independence to the South Sudan Armed Forces.
 
 The challenge, however, will be to ensure it also begins to change its ways: it has been accused of rape, massacres, extra-judicial killings and abuse.
 
 This has been the most violent year for South Sudan since the peace deal was signed six years ago, with the SPLA battling at least seven rebel militia groups.
 
 More than 2,300 people died in violence across the South, according to figures collated by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), from local, government and UN assessments.
 
 "This violence has of course brought human rights violations with it because the SPLA, in its clashes with armed rebel groups, has often engaged in indiscriminate killing of civilians, arrests and other violations that we’ve documented," said Jehanne Henry of Human Rights Watch (HRW).
 
 She added: "We’d like to see it take steps to ensure accountability for abuses by security forces."
 
 The government has admitted mistakes but says the transition from guerrilla force to army has not been an easy one.
 
 "When you have a five-year-old baby, there may be breakages that are not intended," said the Information Minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, speaking to diplomats in a recent address. "But you don’t throw the child out, because you know they can grow up into a responsible person."
 
 Legal hurdles
 
 Experts argue that the new state is not lacking a justice system: it is just very far from perfect.
 
 "Thousands of cases are being heard and very often settled every week across South Sudan, often by chiefs and magistrates with limited formal legal education but with an understanding of the source and context for disputes,” said Cherry Leonardi, a Sudan expert from Britain’s University of Durham.
 
 Many, however, are drawn from an "authoritarian, centralizing and security-focused culture of government", and they have been joined by many people coming from a military background and similarly authoritarian army hierarchies, she added.
 
 Humanitarian needs
 
 South Sudan has some of the worst health and development indicators in the world, but while it is already struggling with its existing population, more people continue to flood in.
 
 At least 309,000 people have returned from the North since October 2010, and still more are expected. 
 
 The UN World Food Programme (WFP) said it helped feed about half the population last year, or some four million people.
 
 Addressing those needs will be crucial not only to improve lives, but also to ensure wider stability of the new nation.
 
 "If South Sudan is to have a chance of a peaceful future then basic development is urgently needed," said Alun McDonald from Oxfam. "There has been progress since the end of the war, but at nowhere near the scale needed and people are becoming increasingly frustrated at the slow pace of change."
 
 strs/js/mw
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93178</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104011255460797t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 08 July 2011 (IRIN) - South Sudan becomes the world&apos;s newest nation on 9 July, the final step in the six-year Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a deal that ended the 1983-2005 North-South war.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ERITREA-SUDAN: Refugees battling for a better life</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107011035070354t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM/KASSALA 01 July 2011 (IRIN) - The first official Eritrean refugees arrived in Sudan in 1968; today, an estimated 1,600 cross the border every month to seek refuge in Shagarab, a large camp in the east of Sudan.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM/KASSALA 01 July 2011 (IRIN) - The first official Eritrean refugees arrived in Sudan in 1968; today, an estimated 1,600 cross the border every month to seek refuge in Shagarab, a large camp in the east of Sudan. 
 
 The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that northern Sudan has more than 100,000 Eritrean refugees but in 43 years, the profile of the refugees has changed. 
 
 "The new arrivals are generally young and well educated; they come from the highlands and have no cultural or ethnic ties with local populations," said Mohamed Ahmed Elaghbash, Sudan's Commissioner for Refugees. "Most of them take Sudan as a transit country. They stay here for some time until they get the opportunity to move northwards. Sometimes, they try to cross the Mediterranean from North Africa [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92921 ] in order to reach Europe." 
 
 In contrast, those who arrived in 1968, escaping the Eritrean war of independence (from 1961 to 1991), made a life in Sudan and some even managed to obtain Sudanese documents. 
 
 Of the Eritrean refugees in Sudan, about 40,000 live with the local community and belong to the same ethnic group. The Rashaida and Beja, for example, are found on both sides of the border. 
 
 New arrivals 
 
 However, the situation for newer Eritrean refugees is different. 
 
 Gideon Tesfazion told IRIN he fled his country in 2008 and spent a year in the camp before obtaining his refugee papers. 
 
 An opponent of the Eritrean administration, Tesfazion now lives in Khartoum and has worked a string of poorly paid jobs. 
 
 "As a refugee, a lot of jobs are forbidden to us, even in the international organizations based in Khartoum; we can only work in small private companies as a painter or a cleaner," he said. 
 
 With the independence of Southern Sudan on 9 July, the Khartoum government is implementing a new citizenship law [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92943 ] and Eritrean refugees fear the authorities will be stricter about their rights. They also fear the population will be tougher on them. 
 
 "After July, the situation will be worse and worse for Eritreans," he said. "We look like them, we act like them. However, Sudanese are scared of us. Then, because we are refugees, some people in the administration ask us for money with no true reason." 
 
 Tesfazion sees the effects of this discrimination on the new Eritrean refugees. 
 
 "We see them coming to Khartoum with no legal status; they are moving all the time in town from one friend’s house to another," he said. "They are trying to cross the border quickly to reach Europe but you need at least US$5,000 for that." 
 
 Smuggling risk 
 
 In the 12 camps that flank the border of Eritrea and Sudan, UNHCR has set up workshops to warn the public about using smugglers. 
 
 "We explain to them that it is very dangerous, that they can die during the journey," Boray Assadig, one of the lawyers for refugees in Shagarab camp, said. "For example, the boat can drown in the Mediterranean Sea. But it is not easy to convince them because it is almost impossible for them to get authorization to leave the camp for Khartoum and more difficult to leave the country." 
 
 In partnership with the Sudanese Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR registers each new arrival using the refugee status determination protocol. Registration is supposed to make it easier for them to get refugee documents. 
 
 Many Eritrean men, for example, are soldiers fleeing military service, which, though officially limited to 18 months, can extend indefinitely. So the investigators question them on their unit and the weapons they carried to verify their identity. 
 
 Integration 
 
 During her visit to Shagarab on 20 June for the International Day of Refugees, Janet Lim, the operational assistant to the High Commissioner, focused on the integration of refugees into the local population, the only effective lever, in her opinion, to reduce the phenomenon of people smuggling and allow refugees a better life. 
 
 Lim also promised that UNHCR and various international organizations would install water pumps and distribute food to the local population on the condition that they allow new refugees to work and integrate into their communities. 
 
 Between toiling in the midst of local communities or moving to Khartoum to risk the perilous journey East, Mokonen Teolebrhomes, 60, does not know what to do any more. 
 
 A political dissident, Teolebrhomes fled his country for the first time for Shagarab in 1981. Thanks to sisters in Japan, he was able to live in exile in Asia for more than 20 years. In 1995, his homesickness led him back to Eritrea. 
 
 "When I was back in Eritrea, I was still registered as a political activist," he said. So, I fled again two months ago. And here I am back in Shagarab. I can’t go to Japan again because my step-brother was my sponsor the first time. Now, he’s retired. He can’t sponsor me any more. I don’t know what to do. In Japan, it was paradise, here it is hell." 
 
 mg/jb/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93118</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107011035070354t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM/KASSALA 01 July 2011 (IRIN) - The first official Eritrean refugees arrived in Sudan in 1968; today, an estimated 1,600 cross the border every month to seek refuge in Shagarab, a large camp in the east of Sudan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA-SUDAN: Over 4,000 Ethiopian troops for Abyei peace mission</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300804510781t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The 4,200-strong Ethiopian brigade due to be deployed on a proposed peace-keeping mission in Sudan&apos;s troubled Abyei region will focus on civilian protection, according to the Ethiopian government.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The 4,200-strong Ethiopian brigade due to be deployed on a proposed peace-keeping mission in Sudan's troubled Abyei region will focus on civilian protection, according to the Ethiopian government. 
 
 "Ethiopia will deploy one brigade of troops to Abyei after both Northern and Southern Sudan fully withdraw their forces from the region," said Ambassador Dina Mufti of the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. "The troops will give priority to keep the peace and security of civilians living in the region, along with the infrastructure.” 
 
 On 23 June, the USA submitted a draft UN resolution authorizing a peace-keeping mission of Ethiopian troops to be deployed in Abyei on the basis of a 20 June agreement between the Sudanese government and Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). 
 
 According to the agreement, signed in Addis Ababa by Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and Southern Sudan President Salva Kiir Maryadit, Northern and Southern forces will be replaced by an Interim Security Force for Abyei (ISFA), composed of Ethiopian troops. 
 
 Under the agreement, ISFA is expected to pave the way for a temporary administration and police force for Abyei, pending a resolution of the status of the area. 
 
 Under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended decades of civil war between Northern and Southern Sudan, the Abyei area is administered under the two parties' joint presidency. Its status after the CPA expires on 9 July, when the South gains full independence, was supposed to have been determined by a referendum. 
 
 However, disagreements over the voting rights of northern Misseriya pastrolists who, unlike the mostly pro-South Ngok Dinka, are not full-time residents of the area, but who have grazing rights there, has prevented this referendum from taking place. 
 
 Since fighting broke out in Abyei in late May, the UN says the situation "has remained tense and unpredictable". 
 
 At least 102,000 people have been displaced from Abyei since May, according to a report [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4dfef1c42.html ] by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
 
 The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has expressed concern over the situation in Abyei and highlighted “the need for shelter options”. 
 
 Demilitarization 
 
 Southern Sudan is scheduled to become an independent country on 9 July although North and South have yet to resolve several border issues. Nevertheless, the government of Sudan and the Juba-based SPLM government have promised to demilitarize the border region of Abyei and allow the entry of the Ethiopian peace-keeping force under UN auspices. 
 
 However, this agreement is still requires ratification by the UN and the African Union. 
 
 "The resolution is still in process," said Dina. "And we expect the UN Security Council and AU Peace and Security Council to pass it in time so that the Ethiopian troops could go on the peace-keeping mission to Abyei as stated in the agreement." 
 
 According to the agreement, ISFA will be mandated to maintain peace and security in the region, protect Abyei’s borders, ensure the security of civilians, and organize a local police force. 
 
 North and South agreed that the police would comprise the Ngok Dinka Ngok and the Misseriya ethnic groups. 
 
 An Ethiopian general will be in command of ISFA. "This was our condition when we gave consent to send troops to the area and the two parties have agreed to that," Dina said. 
 
 bt/js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93078</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300804510781t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The 4,200-strong Ethiopian brigade due to be deployed on a proposed peace-keeping mission in Sudan&apos;s troubled Abyei region will focus on civilian protection, according to the Ethiopian government.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN: Michael David, &quot;My duty was cleaning guns and shining boots&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106231322360201t.jpg" />]]>BENTIU, UNITY STATE 23 June 2011 (IRIN) - Michael David* has not had a normal childhood. In his 11 years he has been a child soldier and a street child, as well as one of the one million primary school children in Southern Sudan out of school. But his life may be taking a turn for the better:</description><body><![CDATA[BENTIU, UNITY STATE 23 June 2011 (IRIN) - Michael David* has not had a normal childhood. In his 11 years he has been a child soldier and a street child, as well as one of the one million primary school children in Southern Sudan out of school. [ http://www.unesco.org/new/en/media-services/single-view/news/unesco_calls_on_international_community_to_deliver_an_education_peace_premium_in_south_sudan/ ] But his life may be taking a turn for the better: 
 
 "My mother was one of the many wives of my father. We lived in a home with many `tukhuls’ [huts] near Bentiu with my elder brother and the rest of the family. One day my mother left my father, who was very old, and took us to the home of another man who was her friend. I don't know how old I was then but I had not started school. 
 
 "The man did not like my brother and me very much. We stayed there for some time. When I turned seven and my brother turned nine, he took us to the barracks and left us there. We had to do hard work there in order to get food and a place to sleep. 
 
 "As one of the youngest ones, my duty was cleaning guns and shining boots. After cleaning a gun, I would take it to a range to test it. That is how I learnt to be a soldier. I would even do spying duties, going ahead of the older soldiers and coming back to report what I had seen. Many people did not suspect I was a soldier. 
 
 "By then I was drinking alcohol and smoking. 
 
 "After about two years at the barracks, my brother and I could not stand the suffering; we often went without food and the older soldiers mistreated us. My brother convinced me and another boy that we should try to escape and we eventually did. 
 
 "We ended up in Bentiu. Together with my brother, we went to a home we knew belonged to a relative of my father. He agreed to house us and to take us to school. However, two months later, my relative left for Khartoum abruptly, leaving us in the house. Soon we were chased out of the house by the landlord. We stayed out in the streets, scavenging for food during the day and returning to sleep outside our neighbour's house. 
 
 "Last year, a social worker found me in the street and spoke to me about rehabilitation. She tried to take me back home but they sent me away because my mother was no longer there. I was taken to a drop-off [rehabilitation] centre where I stayed for three months. The social worker said they would look for a foster family to take me in. One was identified and I was supposed to stay with the family but they were mean to me. They sold my school uniform and books. So I left and returned to the street. 
 
 "Early this year, my social worker took me in and ensured I enrolled in school. Now I am in Primary Two. I like school very much. I was told another family would be identified, probably a relative, who would be supported to keep me in school. 
 
 "For the time being, I am happy to live with my social worker; I eat well and sleep well and I go to school every day. One day I hope to study abroad, especially in Kenya, then later come back home to become a teacher. If I don't become a teacher, I would like to become a big general in the army. 
 
 "Returning to school has helped me quit drinking and sniffing glue. I am still trying to stop smoking cigarettes though." 
 
 *not his real name 
 
 js/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93051</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106231322360201t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENTIU, UNITY STATE 23 June 2011 (IRIN) - Michael David* has not had a normal childhood. In his 11 years he has been a child soldier and a street child, as well as one of the one million primary school children in Southern Sudan out of school. But his life may be taking a turn for the better:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
