<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Southern Africa</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 18:30:48 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Microcredit helps small businesses buck the system in Madagascar</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305161340310590t.jpg" />]]>TOLIARA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Justine Sija, 60, begins her day at 4am, when she buys catch from local fishermen to hawk on the streets of St Augustin Village, in Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana Region. The work is hard, but in the last year, access to microcredit has boosted both her business and her hope for the future.</description><body><![CDATA[TOLIARA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Justine Sija, 60, begins her day at 4am, when she buys catch from local fishermen to hawk on the streets of St Augustin Village, in Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana Region. The work is hard, but in the last year, access to microcredit has boosted both her business and her hope for the future. 

“Before, I used to make 10,000 to 20,000 ariary (US$4.50 to $9) a day. Now, with the credit, I can make double that amount,” she told IRIN. “I can put my four [grand]children in school, buy some livestock and save the rest of the money. Eventually, I plan to sell other goods also, like rice and other local products,” Sija said. 

Madagascar’s microfinance sector was established in 1990, but it began to experience rapid growth only in the last 10 years; it was worth about 22.7 billion ariary ($10 million) in 2002, and by 2011, it was valued at about 244.4 billion ariary ($112 million) [ http://www.iss.nl/fileadmin/ASSETS/iss/Documents/Research_and_projects/Unlocking_potential_Microfinance.pdf ].

Microfinance is seen as a vehicle to help Madagascar attain some of its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly the goal on eradicating extreme poverty. The UN Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) [ http://www.uncdf.org/ ] says about 85 percent of the population lives on less than $1.25 a day. 

The poor often lack access to formal banking and credit services; according to some estimates, only 2 percent of low-income households have access to credit. Instead, they rely on informal money lenders, who charge annual interest rates for unsecured loans of between 120 to 400 percent - compared with microfinance institutions’ (MFI) average rate of 36 percent for the same period, or between 2 and 4 percent a month. (The country’s annual inflation rate was pegged at 5.4 percent in March 2013.) [ http://www.instat.mg ] 

Madagascar’s microfinance sector has about 31 players, which include state, foreign investor and donor-supported initiatives, operating under a legal framework and regulated by Madagascar’s Central Bank [ http://www.banque-centrale.mg ].

Since 2011, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) [ http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home.html ] and UNCDF have jointly managed the $350,000 Support Programme for Inclusive Finance for Madagascar (PAFIM) [ http://www.uncdf.org/en/madagascar ], which operates through three MFIs and charges a zero interest rate on loans. 

“Through this mechanism we have good hope that the cycle of poverty caused by poor farmers’ debts will be broken,” Fatma Samoura, UNDP’s country representative, told IRIN. 

Education needed 

“People in Madagascar need to work together and the poor here need a direct approach to development. The products are there, but people also need the right education to be able to access them,” said Harinavalona Rajaonah, who works at Ombona Tahiry Ifampisamborana Vola (OTIV), one of the UNDP-partnered microfinance organizations. 

“We have tried to put a culture of credit access into place here. The hardest part is to change the mentality of the people,” Jean Olivier Razafimanantsoa, regional director of the Central Bank-registered credit cooperative Caisses d'Epargne et de Crédit Agricole Mutuelles (CECAM), told IRIN. 

“We work together with other organizations in the city, as some people are a member [of other MFIs] everywhere, and so they take out too many loans. Also, the farmers tend to overestimate how much they need. They want us to finance their rice crop, which is worth 700,000 ariary ($321), but they’ll come and ask for two million ($917). When you ask them how they got to this amount, they don’t know,” he said. 

All microloan borrowers receive business advice, but with technical assistance and funding from UNDP, microfinance players have also established microcredit education programmes aimed at vulnerable groups. 

One such programme, run by CECAM, mainly targets poor female street vendors. Razafimanantsoa says the programme has 1,303 clients, including Sija and other women from St Augustin Village. The women must save between 200 and 400 ariary ($0.09 to $0.18) a week, as part of the initial loan agreement. 

They are then enrolled in lending system that goes through nine cycles, the first entitling the recipient to an 80,000 ariary ($36) loan. Each time the clients repay a loan, they are eligible for another, with progressively higher loan ceilings up to 300,000 ariary ($137). Repayment schedules range from a few months to a year. The programme also offers education on basic money management, family planning and health issues. 

After completing all the cycles, the women become eligible for CECAM’s normal commercial microcredit system. 

“Right now, our goal is for these women to eat three times a day and feed their children, but eventually, they should be able to build up a guarantee to get a commercial business going and enter into the regular CECAM system,” Razafimanantsoa said. 

Cyclone 

The weekly obligatory savings plan acts as a buffer against hard times, which is especially important in this cyclone-prone country. 

After Cyclone Haruna struck Madagascar in February [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97805/Consecutive-catastrophes-hit-Madagascar-s-farmers ], many of CECAM’s clients in Toliara, the regional capital of Atsimo-Andrefana Region, were left penniless. 

“The first weeks, we didn’t give out any more loans, as we were afraid people would just use the money to eat. We are now helping some of the women who have lost their homes to reschedule their loans,” Razafimanantsoa said. 

Prisca, 33, who did not provide her family name, from Belem, a district of Toliara, had entered her second credit cycle, and was using the capital to buy eggs from producers to sell at the market. “After I got the microcredit, I went from selling 100 eggs a day to selling up to 300. I could send the children to a private school and was able to buy some chickens,” she told IRIN. 

But she was left homeless in the wake of the cyclone, and now lives in a displacement camp, sharing a tent with 10 others. “We left with only the clothes on our back. The first week we stayed in a school. Then the BNGRC [National Disaster Risk Reduction Office] came to give us these tents,” she said. 

Prisca owes a 44,000 ariary ($20) debt to CECAM, and in the interim has enrolled in a cash-for-work project. “We’re working to rehabilitate the roads, earning 24,000 ariary ($11) a week. I want to pay the CECAM [debt] first, as that will enable me to take out a new loan. Then, I can earn money again and rebuild the house little by little. This credit is what takes care of our daily needs,” she said. 

In the wake of the disaster, Sija, the fishmonger, was grateful for the loan’s savings requirement. “We pay back our loans from our savings,” she said. “After the cyclone in February, we had some problems paying, as there were no more goods to sell, so it was good I had saved up some money.” 

Growing businesses 

The programmes are working. 

Hanisoa Ravalison, 43, operates a small roadside restaurant selling sausages and simple meals in the village of Ambanitsena, about 26km east of Antananarivo, the capital. Following a visit by an OTIV agent, who recruits prospective clients, Ravalison decided to expand her business. 

“At first, I borrowed money to renovate and enlarge the snack bar and to buy a fridge,” she told IRIN. “Now, I use money to buy more goods, so I can make more profit.” 

Ravalison is in the tenth borrowing cycle of OTIV’s 12 cycles - which have an initial loan of 60,000 ariary ($27.50) and reach a loan ceiling of 440,000 ariary ($201). 

“Before I received training, I just used the money I made to buy whatever was needed. Now, I separate personal expenses and money for the business. I also know the difference between sales and profits and know that I need to use part of the profits to make the company run.” 

On a good day, her restaurant takes in 85,000 ariary ($39). “During holidays and festivals, we sell as many as 100kg of sausages,” she said. 

Her husband has set up a second restaurant, and two of their five children work in the family businesses. Ravalison said her next business plan was to open a wholesale food business. 

Liva Harininana Ramanatenasoa began a small business selling charcoal in Ambanitsena. “One day, an agent from OTIV came along and explained that, with microcredit, I could do better,” she told IRIN. 

With the first loan, Ramanatenasoa bought more charcoal. “Without credit, I would be able to buy 10 bags maximum, but with credit, I could afford as many as 22, so I made a lot more profit,” she said. 

Two years after first enrolling in the microcredit scheme, Ramanatenasoa used the profits from her charcoal business to buy the rights to a stone quarry for 200,000 ariary ($90). She now employs a staff of 14. Profits from the business have enabled her to build a house and put her children in school. 

“If it wasn’t for the credit, I would have still been selling coal,” she said. 

ar/go/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98050/Microcredit-helps-small-businesses-buck-the-system-in-Madagascar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305161340310590t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TOLIARA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Justine Sija, 60, begins her day at 4am, when she buys catch from local fishermen to hawk on the streets of St Augustin Village, in Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana Region. The work is hard, but in the last year, access to microcredit has boosted both her business and her hope for the future.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Cape Town&apos;s asylum seekers struggle to get documented</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305151132020076t.jpg" />]]>CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town.</description><body><![CDATA[CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town. 

He has since approached the city’s Refugee Reception Office (RRO) 18 times to try to secure an asylum seeker permit and become documented, but he has never made it past the security guards outside. 

Without documentation, finding even casual work in Cape Town has proved impossible, and without work, he lacks the funds to travel to the cities of Durban, Pretoria or Musina, the three remaining places in South Africa where RROs are still issuing permits to newly arrived asylum seekers. The distance between Cape Town and Pretoria, the nearest RRO where he could apply for asylum, is nearly 1,500km. 

“At the moment, I don’t have money to go to Pretoria or elsewhere,” said Jean Baptiste, whose involvement in a student group opposed to the Congolese government put his life in danger and forced him to flee the country. 

Catch-22 

“For newcomers, it’s a Catch-22 situation,” said Anthony Muteti, a community liaison officer with People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Together with the Scalabrini Centre of Cape Town, PASSOP has registered over 1,800 asylum seekers in situations like Jean Baptiste’s since Cape Town’s RRO moved locations in July 2012 and stopped accepting new asylum seeker applications. It seems likely there are many more who have not been counted. 

Last July, soon after the RRO stopped assisting new arrivals, a high court judgement ruled in favour of the Scalabrini Centre’s urgent application to force the Department of Home Affairs to resume these services in Cape Town [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95951/SOUTH-AFRICA-Court-orders-Cape-Town-to-process-asylum-applications ], pending a full review of the case. 

In March of this year, another high court judgement found that the Department’s decision to close the Cape Town RRO to newcomers had been unlawful due to a lack of consultation with the Standing Committee on Refugee Affairs or with affected groups. The Department is appealing both the interim court order and the March judgement, which requires it to resume full services to asylum seekers and refugees, including new asylum applicants, by 1 July 2013. 

The Scalabrini Centre has not opposed the Department’s leave to appeal on the condition that it be heard as soon as possible and that the Cape Town office assist asylum seekers with permits issued at other RROs around the country. 

Marlize Ackermann, an advocacy officer with Scalabrini, told IRIN that in recent months, most such individuals have been told they cannot renew their permits in Cape Town, but must return to the office where they originally applied for asylum. Scalabrini has registered over 400 such individuals since January. 

“Officially, they’re supposed to be assisted, but in reality permit holders are often refused further extensions of permits, and if it is extended, it’ll just be a 30 day permit to allow them time to get to Musina or wherever,” she said. 

For many asylum seekers, especially those with large families or health problems, travelling a minimum of 1,500km every three to six months in order to extend their permits is simply not possible. They have no option but to allow their permits to expire, making them undocumented and liable to arrest and deportation. 

Deborah Mbela Momba, a mother of six from DRC, who was separated from her husband when fighting broke out in Goma last November, is facing this predicament as the six-month asylum seeker permits she obtained for herself and her children from the RRO in Musina are about to expire. 

With assistance from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Momba travelled from Musina to Cape Town, where she had lived during a previous period of instability in DRC. Now, she and her children are staying with a friend in Mitchell’s Plain, and Momba is earning a small income from braiding hair. 

“I barely get enough [money] to eat,” she told IRIN, speaking tearfully through a translator. “I don’t know how I’ll find enough to go to Musina.” 

Fear of arrest 

According to Ackerman, the police in Cape Town are aware of the situation and rarely arrest asylum seekers without permits. However, Muteti of PASSOP said Home Affairs officials regularly raid places where foreign nationals are known to live and work, arresting those without documents. 

“They’re taken to Pollsmoor Prison and kept with violent criminals for up to 30 days,” he told IRIN. 

Those who avoid arrest, struggle to access healthcare and education for their children, let alone jobs. 

“Whenever I try to get piece work, they won’t take me cause I don’t have documents,” said Daniel Munyoro*, 23, from Zimbabwe. He arrived in Cape Town in March and has not been able to apply for asylum there. “It’s not even safe to walk around because the police might stop and ask me for papers. My buddy is giving me food and a place to sleep, but he keeps asking me when I’m going to start paying.” 

Even for those asylum seekers registered in Cape Town, renewing their permits is not a simple matter, said Muteti. “The RRO is scaling down its services, and treatment of foreigners there is appalling. Sometimes you wait all day and don’t get served.” 

He added that asylum seekers are often told to come to the RRO only on the day that their permits are due to expire. If they do not make it to the front of the queue on that day, they become liable for a R2,500 (US$266) fine. “If you can’t afford to pay, you become undocumented, which means you’ll probably lose your job, the banks will freeze your account and you can be arrested,” he said. 

RROs to relocate 

Asylum seekers in Cape Town are not the only ones struggling to get documented. The Department of Home Affairs has also closed RROs in Johannesburg and Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape Province in the last two years, ostensibly because of complaints from local business owners. In both cases, courts have ruled that the closures were unlawful [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94692/SOUTH-AFRICA-Red-tape-ensnares-asylum-seekers ]. The Eastern Cape High Court ordered the Department to re-open the Port Elizabeth RRO to newcomers last February, but so far it has not done so. 

On several occasions in the past year, department officials have stated that the closure of RROs in metropolitan areas is in line with a strategy to eventually relocate all RROs to the country’s borders. Details have been sketchy, but a December 2012 statement by Home Affairs Director-General Mkuseli Apleni said the first of these RROs was under construction at the border with Mozambique, in Lebombo, although he did not give a timeframe for when it would be completed. 

Refugee rights organizations, such as Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), have been critical of the Department’s plan to move RROs to the borders, particularly without having first introduced it as a policy that would have required inputs at the Parliamentary and Cabinet levels as well as extensive public consultation [ http://www.lhr.org.za/publications/policy-shifts-south-african-asylum-system-evidence-and-implications ]. 

Head of LHR’s Strategic Litigation Unit, David Cote, said there were fears that the move to the borders would have negative implications for asylum seekers. “We’re really concerned that it would create de-facto refugee camps [at the borders],” he told IRIN. 

Muteti of PASSOP is among many in South Africa’s refugee rights sector who have registered a major shift in the South African government’s approach to asylum seeker and refugee protection in recent years. “Being a refugee myself, I’ve been through the mill,” he said. “But there are serious problems affected asylum seekers now.” 

*Not their real names 

ks/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98051/Cape-Town-apos-s-asylum-seekers-struggle-to-get-documented</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305151132020076t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Quelling xenophobia in South Africa&apos;s townships</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg" />]]>PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</description><body><![CDATA[PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/78386/SOUTH-AFRICA-Xenophobic-attacks-spreading ]. 

Since May 2008, various initiatives have been established to detect early warning signs of future xenophobic attacks and to improve responses. But while no further outbreaks have occurred on the scale of the violence five years ago, attacks on foreign nationals have continued [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96589/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreigners-still-at-risk ]. On average, one person was killed every week in 2011, according to the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA).

The looting and victimization of foreigners has also remained a feature of the frequent service delivery protests that have rocked South African townships in recent years, as has the near impunity of perpetrators [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88052/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreign-nationals-attacked-with-impunity ].

In a statement released on 13 May, CoRMSA concluded that “much more still needs to be done to promote peaceful communities”.

Tensions high

Philippi Township, 25km southeast of Cape Town, has been a hotspot for xenophobic violence in Western Cape Province post-2008. In an area where nearly 60 percent of residents are unemployed, according to census data, Ward Counsellor Thobile Gqola, estimated that foreign nationals run more than half of businesses.

“Generally, people are happy to live side-by-side; the problem starts when it comes to business,” he told IRIN. 

Most of the violence has been directed at Somali refugees who run many of the small grocery stores known as ‘spaza’ shops in the township [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4903/Living-under-siege ]. Like many other Somali traders in Philippi, Abdullahi Wehliye, 28, opened a shop there after losing his shop in neighbouring Khayelitsha Township during the 2008 xenophobic violence.

“I lost everything; I had to start over,” he told IRIN as he served customers through a metal grill, a security precaution that has done little to protect him from crime. 

Wehliye said his shop had been robbed seven times since it opened in 2010. During one incident in 2012, his brother was shot and killed. Although he reported all of the robberies, no arrests have been made. Of 60 Somali shopkeepers in the area, who have formed an association that Wehliye chairs, all have had their shops robbed and the vast majority have experienced shootings, Wehliye said.

A 2012 study [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/ElusiveJustice_17October.pdf ] by Vanya Gastrow and Roni Amit, of the African Centre for Migration and Society at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, found that Somali-run shops suffered disproportionately from crime, including attacks orchestrated by competing South African traders. Their vulnerability to such attacks was found to be partly the result of their lack of access to informal justice mechanisms and community structures.

In township settings, noted the researchers, leaders of local street committees, most of which fall under the authority of the South African National Civic Association (SANCO), often play a more important role in responding to crime than the formal justice system. 

“People in townships still respect their ‘chiefs’,” said Charles Mutabazi, director of the Agency for Refugee Education, Skills, Training and Advocacy (ARESTA), a Cape Town-based NGO.

Peace monitoring, community building

ARESTA partnered with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to start a project in Philippi in 2012 that identified 20 community leaders in each of the townships’ five wards and trained them to be “peace monitors”. The three-day training included mediation and conflict-resolution skills as well as information about the rights of migrants and refugees. 

“There’s a lot of conflict here,” said Vra Mdledle, a SANCO member and secretary to a ward counsellor who went through the training last year. “When you’re in SANCO, they don’t give you training, they just nominate you. ARESTA gave us skills we could use in our communities.”

She gave the example of a Somali shopkeeper in her area who had recently experienced an arson attack. Following a similar attack last year, he alleged that local police had pressured him to drop the case. 

“I called all the peace monitors, and we decided to accompany him to the police station,” said Mdledle. “We asked to see the station commissioner and demanded that the previous case be reopened. I saw the police are not really doing their job.”

Although the focus of the project is to promote diversity and quell xenophobic tensions, the peace monitors do not limit themselves to advocating for foreign nationals. Locals also suffer as a result of police negligence, said Mdledle, and there are many situations that demand conflict-resolution skills in this densely populated township. 

Voyiseka Nzuzo, 24, who went through the ARESTA training in February, said peace monitors in her area had recently intervened after the family of a nine-year-old rape victim beat and stabbed a man they believed to be the perpetrator. “We found that the child had pointed out five different people. We went to the police station and tried to convince the case investigator they had the wrong suspect,” she told IRIN.

As the owner of a barber shop with foreign customers and the founder of a local business association that includes South Africans and migrants, Lefefe Mdunyelwa said he already had friends from other countries before he became a peace monitor, but that he still learned a lot from the training. “I learned that each and every person is just living for themselves; nobody’s trying to steal your business,” he told IRIN. 

Noticing that the foreign members of his association were often discriminated against when it came to the issuing of business permits and the charging of rent by municipal officials, he said his association is now advocating for equal treatment.

Although ARESTA has made efforts to include members of Philippi’s Somali community in the peace monitor training and quarterly peace marches, Mutabazi said participation had been disappointing. 

Wehliye, who is one of eight Somalis to have gone through the training, said language remained a barrier, and Gqola, the ward councillor, said foreign nationals often stayed away from meetings aimed at facilitating dialogue between local and foreign business owners because they felt intimidated.

Wehliye said he signed up for the training because “after we’d been robbed so many times, I wanted to know what rights I had. I learned I had the same rights [to justice] as local people. I feel empowered.”

Becoming a peace monitor has also brought him into contact with local leaders whom he works with to resolve conflicts. “I now feel like a member of the community,” he told IRIN.

Mutabazi said the success of the peace monitor project lay in its emphasis on changing the mindset of influential community leaders. Whether it will be rolled out in other townships will depend on funding, but Mutabazi is convinced that the value of the training has been tested. 

“It’s empowering [participants] to be better community leaders. If we’re leaving that kind of legacy behind, it’s very good for promoting social cohesion.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98035/Quelling-xenophobia-in-South-Africa-apos-s-townships</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Circumcision plans go awry in Swaziland</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270744480110t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - It was an ambitious plan to circumcise the majority of men in Swaziland, an effort to reduce the risk of HIV transmission in a country with the world&apos;s highest HIV prevalence. How could it have gone wrong?</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - It was an ambitious plan to circumcise the majority of men in Swaziland, an effort to reduce the risk of HIV transmission in a country with the world's highest HIV prevalence. How could it have gone wrong? 

“First they told me that circumcision will not really protect me against HIV. Then they tell me that I cannot have sex for some weeks or months after circumcision. I told them ‘fusaki’ [get out]!” Eric Dlamini, a 22-year-old law student, told IRIN. 

These views are at the heart of the failure of the Accelerated Saturation Initiative (ASI) to achieve more than a fraction of its targeted goal, the circumcision of 80 percent of Swazi males between ages 15 and 49 within a year. 

The programme, a partnership between the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare and the US-based Futures Group, was launched in 2010, and extended to 30 March 2012 when initial efforts showed a failure to achieve targeted results. But only about 20 percent - or 32,000 - of the targeted demographic were circumcised through the programme. 

US$15.5 million was spent on the programme, or $484 per circumcised male. 

“We do not believe [ASI] was a failure but an additional prevention measure that is contributing to the overall combination efforts to end the HIV/AIDS pandemic in the country,” US Embassy in Swaziland spokesperson Molly Sanchez Crowe told the local press. 

Imposed from outside?

Male circumcision has been scientifically proven to reduce a man's risk of contracting HIV through vaginal intercourse by as much as 60 percent. Follow-up studies have found that the effectiveness of male circumcision in HIV prevention is maintained for several years. 

Government health officials, like Minister of Health Benedict Xaba and Khanya Mabuza, the acting director of the National Emergency Council on HIV and AIDS (NERCHA), have noted that ASI taught the country important lessons and left behind several clinics and other health infrastructure. 

But a year after the programme ended, Swazi health officials are still trying to figure out what went wrong. Health workers, who spoke to IRIN on the condition of anonymity, pointed out that the programme was hastily implemented. They wondered why the short implementation time was not extended. Ending the programme, they fear, may suggest to international donors that the country is a hopeless cause. 

“We have been struggling with HIV for 20 years, and we see programmes come and go. Some are fads... and some are not well thought out. The Swaziland programme came from the outside. The health ministry was willing to go along because there was money there. But it was imposed,” said Thandi Mduli, an HIV testing officer in Manzini. 

Officials with health-oriented NGOs admitted to IRIN they are “terrified” of criticizing an initiative funded by the “mighty” US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and involving the global population control NGO Population Services International (PSI). 

The ASI programme was an attempt to duplicate in Swaziland the circumcision successes seen in Kenya and other countries, without apparently doing the pre-campaign ground work. Kenya has carried out an estimated 477,000 circumcisions since its programme started in 2008, according to the government [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96717/KENYA-Push-to-meet-2013-male-circumcision-targets ].

In 2011, UNAIDS and PEPFAR launched a five-year plan to have more than 20 million men in 14 eastern and southern African countries undergo medical male circumcision by 2015. 

Reasons for failure 

“There were a lot of issues involving male circumcision that were not properly explained to Swazi men, so they rejected it and they talked to their friends, and word of mouth was negative instead of positive. This is the opposite of what a campaign like this needs to work,” said NERCHA's Mabuza. 

Other issues included unfamiliarity of the procedure. “When I heard I would still have to wear a condom, I said, ‘What is the point?’” said Samkelo Mduli, a university student. 

A survey commissioned by the Futures Group in 2011 found that although there was a 91 percent awareness of circumcision, nationally, the largest barrier to circumcision was fear of pain. Other barriers included fear of something going wrong, and a general lack of understanding of the procedure [ https://www.k4health.org/toolkits/male-circumcision-swaziland ].

Another reason for the rejection of circumcision was not anticipated by ASI promoters: belief in witchcraft, which is widespread in Swaziland. Criminals are known to seek “strengthening” potions made with human body parts. Killings associated with “ritual murder” routinely correspond with national elections. Victims, usually children or older people, are found with body parts missing. One attack made headlines in the Swazi press recently. 

“That’s also what I wanted to know, and they wouldn’t tell me - what happens to my foreskin once it is cut off?” said Mduli. 

Health Minister Xaba alluded to this when he told the Times of Swaziland, “Some men feared that the foreskin could end up in wrong hands, being used by some unscrupulous people for their ulterior motives.” 

“This is embarrassing and nobody wants to talk about it,” said the programme director of a faith-based HIV/AIDS initiative in Manzini. “The circumcision initiative failed because of this arrogance on the part of its promoters. It would have been easy to be honest and explain to the Swazi men that their foreskins would be incinerated like all surgical refuse. But the promoters said, ‘Oh, no, we can’t talk about witchcraft. What will the donors say?’” 

jh/kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98023/Circumcision-plans-go-awry-in-Swaziland</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270744480110t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - It was an ambitious plan to circumcise the majority of men in Swaziland, an effort to reduce the risk of HIV transmission in a country with the world&apos;s highest HIV prevalence. How could it have gone wrong?</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Zimbabwe short on climate change funds</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305071409390879t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Inadequate funding and limited resources are frustrating Zimbabwe’s efforts to develop plans to deal with the impact of climate change, says a government progress report.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Inadequate funding and limited resources are frustrating Zimbabwe’s efforts to develop plans to deal with the impact of climate change, says a government progress report. 

Zimbabwe has been facing political and financial turmoil for more than a decade, derailing the government’s ability to function and respond to crises. 

Sparse and erratic rains have already caused the water table to drop, affecting the country’s ability to produce food and contributing to the spread of water-borne diseases. In 2008, the country experienced one of the worst cholera outbreaks recorded anywhere in recent years; the outbreak killed at least 4,000 people and infected 100,000 others [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97312/Zimbabwe-s-climate-change-policies-need-an-urban-focus ].

The government report, Strengthening the National Capacity for Climate Change, says Zimbabwe lacks the funds needed to hold a workshop to identify a National Implementing Entity, an accredited body able to receive direct financial transfers from the Adaptation Fund in Zimbabwe [ https://www.adaptation-fund.org/page/implementing-entities ]. The Adaptation Fund, set up under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is the most important source of funds to help developing countries adapt to climate change. 

The government also lacks sufficient funds to devise a national strategy, review the work of its technical team on climate change or conduct advocacy work to raise awareness of climate change, the report says. 

Funds short 

In 2012, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) commissioned a three-year, US$8.3 million project with the government, aiming to incorporate climate change issues into the country’s national development plans and to leverage funds from the global finance mechanisms. 

Veronica Gundu, a principal environment officer in the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources Management, told IRIN that when the idea to craft a national climate change response strategy was proposed, UNDP agreed to provide funds, but “as we went on to develop the strategy, the funds were not enough, so we sourced additional funding from COMESA [Common Markets for East and Southern Africa]”. 

COMESA is said to have agreed to complement the UNDP funding with $170,000, which is meant to go towards the projected $400,000 needed for the national response strategy. COMESA has yet to release the funds. 

Additionally, Gundu said the government had, for the first time last year, released funds for climate change; she did not disclose the figures. 

Sara Feresu, director of the Institute of Environmental Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, the institution leading the climate change strategy-formulation process, told a workshop in early April that still more funds were needed. 

The government has put together a draft national response strategy with the money that was available, conducting consultations in select urban centres. But the draft strategy needs feedback from provinces and districts. Consultations with civil society, most of whom have yet to see the draft, are also needed. 

In spite of the funding gaps, Gundu is optimistic that by the end of the year the first draft, which the government says is in circulation, will be ready for adoption. 

Short on development aid 

Climate change pundits say fundraising for climate change adaptation has proved difficult due to the global economic crisis, which has seen donors minimizing funding to NGOs and governments. Advocates insist on more government involvement in fundraising efforts. 

Leonard Unganayi, who manages a climate change project administered jointly by the government-owned Environmental Management Agency (EMA), the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and UNDP, says there can never be enough funding for such a mammoth task. 

He says that even at the global level there are major outcries for funding and resources [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96893/CLIMATE-CHANGE-Underfunding-leaves-poor-unable-to-adapt ].

The development agency Oxfam said an analysis of new figures of Official Development Assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97785/Global-aid-drops-as-rich-nations-struggle ] by the members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Development Assistance Committee shows a staggering 40 percent drop in funding focused on climate change adaptation. 

Shepherd Zvigadza, chairperson of the Climate Change Working Group, a coalition of NGOs, said most NGOs were making efforts to fundraise for adaptation, but that most of the money coming in is just for pilot projects that do not have the desired impact. 

“Zimbabwe has been under sanctions, and so many donors have been shying away from supporting us, both as government and NGOs... Besides sanctions, the country has not been able to tap into the global funding windows because emphasis is on supporting least developed countries, and Zimbabwe is not classified as one,” he said. 

After flawed elections in 2002, European governments placed targeted sanctions on the leadership of ZANU-PF, which was the ruling party at the time, and on development aid to the government. In 2012, the European Union suspended some of the sanctions on assistance to Zimbabwe, but it has yet to [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96289/Analysis-Zimbabwe-crisis-over ] reinstate development aid to the government. 

To overcome the funding issues, Gundu says government is working towards the establishment of a National Climate Change Fund, which will be administered under the Green Climate Fund, also set up under the UNFCCC [ http://gcfund.net/about-the-fund/mandate-and-governance.html ]. But the fund has yet to become operational. 

Unganayi says Zimbabwe should try to identify innovative ways to raise money locally. 

tnm/jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97994/Zimbabwe-short-on-climate-change-funds</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305071409390879t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Inadequate funding and limited resources are frustrating Zimbabwe’s efforts to develop plans to deal with the impact of climate change, says a government progress report.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Food insecurity opens door to TB in Madagascar</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311158000830t.jpg" />]]>TOLIARA 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Health experts fear the interruption of food assistance in Madagascar is increasing incidence of tuberculosis (TB) in Toliara, the capital city of Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana region.</description><body><![CDATA[TOLIARA 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Health experts fear the interruption of food assistance in Madagascar is increasing incidence of tuberculosis (TB) in Toliara, the capital city of Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana region. 

Malnutrition and TB are intimately linked: Malnutrition weakens the immune system, increasing susceptibility to the disease, while TB reduces appetite, worsens the absorption of micronutrients and alters patients’ metabolism [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2813110/ ]. 

Donors suspended all but emergency assistance to Madagascar in 2009, after President Marc Ravalomanana was deposed in a coup d’etat. The paucity of donor funding has seen food assistance dwindle “to a very serious level”, said Xavier Poncin, head of the TB programme at the UN World Food Programme (WFP) in Madagascar. 

The impact of Cyclone Haruna, which struck the country in February, has compounded the problem. Since the cyclone, the donors’ food supply chain has been intermittent, Poncin told IRIN. 

TB cases are already appearing to increase. Voangy Rasoarinindrime, head of the TB treatment centre in Toliara, told IRIN that in the first three months of 2012, 56 new cases were registered for treatment, compared to 68 cases for the same period this year. 

“Many people can come into contact with TB, but [do] not become sick if they are healthy enough to fight off the illness. But now that food is scarce after the cyclone, many people have low immunity and so the illness takes root,” she said. 

Less food aid, less treatment 

Madagascar’s National Programme Control of TB (PNLT) said 2012 saw 26,182 confirmed cases of TB, although the total number of infections is thought to be about 50,000. 

About five percent of cases are fatal. Nine percent of those treated for TB do not complete the six-month treatment regime, risking the onset of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB). WFP estimates that about 0.49 percent of all TB cases in Madagascar are MDR-TB. 

Food supply at the TB treatment centre in Toliara was depleted in February, in the aftermath of Cyclone Haruna, said Rasoarinindrime. “People are unable to work during treatment, and they still need to feed themselves. We have some patients who left. They said since there was no more food aid here, they would have to go back to work to feed their families,” she said. 

Food aid “also encouraged people to come here and receive treatment in the first place. Now they are very upset that there is no more food. Some still come from the remote regions with their baskets ready to receive their rations,” Rasoarinindrime continued. “I’m afraid fewer people will actually be completely cured and that this will cause an augmentation in the amount of cases.” 

Some of Madagascar's TB patients receive food aid from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. Others receive food from WFP’s Food by Prescription (FBP) programme, which targets 23,000 beneficiaries - both TB patients and their families - during the six months of treatment. But the FBP programme has been temporally suspended in 22 of 51 health facilities due to WFP Madagascar’s funding shortage. 

“If the lack of funding persists, the situation might even worsen as food availability in the pipeline allows for programming in the few remaining partner health centres until September 2013,” said WFP’s Poncin. 

Senaz Ratsimbazafy, a 26-year-old waitress in Toliara told IRIN she began feeling sick in November 2012. “I couldn’t breathe and I coughed all the time,” she recalls. 

After she was diagnosed with TB, she left her job and was put on the six-month course of antibiotics. In the first months of treatment, she received food assistance for her and her 80-year-old grandmother. “Now, my father’s family have to help us, as there is no more food aid, and I can’t go back to work for another two months,” she said. 

Waiting for improvement 

According to a 28 March 2013 country briefing [ http://www.fao.org/giews/countrybrief/country.jsp?code=MDG ] by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO) Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS), Cyclone Haruna affected about 42,000 households. Meanwhile, a locust infestation is thought to have affected half the country, and rains have been erratic. “An estimated 13 million persons [of the country’s 20 million people] are potentially at risk” from food insecurity in 2013-14, the briefing said. 

“Despite an increasing number of people living below the poverty line, most international donors are still limiting their support due to political situation. And this has direct consequences on WFP programmes,” Poncin said. 

More than three-quarters of the population now live on less than US$1 a day, according to government figures - up from 68 percent before the political crisis. Elections are scheduled for July; if they are judged “free and fair”, more donor support could be unlocked. 

There are other barriers to TB treatment, as well. Eighty percent of the population is rural, and 65 percent live 10km or more from a health centre. 

“We had a woman here recently who refused treatment completely,” Rasoarinindrime said. “She lived in a remote region and insisted she had to go back and take care of her family. I told her, ‘You will die and you will contaminate your family.’ Moreover, it might create and contribute [to] spreading multidrug-resistant TB, which is much more difficult to treat - but she left anyway.” 

Laundry worker Celerine Ravaonirina, 46, lives 14km from the clinic where she is receiving treatment for TB. Because she has to care for her four children, she travels to the clinic and back each day. “In the beginning, we paid for a pousse-pousse [rickshaw], but now I’m able to walk,” she said. “However, I’m still not able to work.” 

ar/go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97950/Food-insecurity-opens-door-to-TB-in-Madagascar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311158000830t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TOLIARA 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Health experts fear the interruption of food assistance in Madagascar is increasing incidence of tuberculosis (TB) in Toliara, the capital city of Madagascar’s southern Atsimo-Andrefana region.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Africa&apos;s flawed asylum system</title><pubDate>Tue, 30 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304240827440995t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 April 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa attracts the largest number of asylum seekers in the world, but grants refugee status to very few of them, ranking only thirty-sixth in the world for the size of its refugee population, which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) puts at about 58,000.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 April 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa attracts the largest number of asylum seekers in the world, but grants refugee status to very few of them, ranking only thirty-sixth in the world for the size of its refugee population, which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) puts at about 58,000. 

The Department of Home Affairs, the government ministry tasked with managing the asylum system, approved just 15.5 percent of the applications it processed in 2011, less than half the global average recognition rate of 38 percent, according to UNHCR [ http://www.unhcr.org/4fd6f87f9.html ].

Researchers and activists have repeatedly pointed to serious flaws in the country’s refugee status determination process, including the lack of individualized assessments, misapplications of both local and international refugee law, and high levels of corruption among Home Affairs officials. The government’s routine response has been that its asylum system is simply overwhelmed by the sheer number of applications it receives. 

In fact, although South Africa still receives the largest number of asylum applications in the world, the number of claims registered has dropped by more than half, from 222,000 in 2009 to 107,000 in 2011, possibly the result of the increased number of asylum seekers being turned away at the country’s borders [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94820/SOUTH-AFRICA-Asylum-seekers-resort-to-border-jumping ] and from its refugee reception offices [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94692/SOUTH-AFRICA-Red-tape-ensnares-asylum-seekers ] in recent years.

Despite the reduced demand, a 2012 study [ http://www.migration.org.za/report/all-roads-lead-rejection-persistent-bias-and-incapacity-south-african-refugee-status-determin ] by Roni Amit of the African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS) at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, found that the problems with refugee status determination processes, identified in an ACMS study two years earlier, had not diminished.

Amit reviewed 240 refugee decisions issued in 2011 and found, among other things, that refugee status determination officers (RSDOs) had routinely failed to thoroughly investigate country of origin conditions and misapplied fundamental aspects of refugee law. South Africa’s 1998 Refugees Act established six grounds for persecution that qualify victims for refugee protection [ http://www.home-affairs.gov.za/index.php/immigration-services/refugee-status-asylum ], but Amit found that RSDOs limited their definition of persecution to political grounds and only considered a history of persecution as evidence of future risk. A woman who fled Kenya to avoid forced circumcision, a Ugandan man who fled persecution for being a homosexual, and a man who was targeted by the police in his country for exposing mineral trafficking were all rejected.

Amit concluded that “South Africa’s asylum system exists only to refuse access to the country and makes no attempt to realize the goal of refugee protection… [but] functions solely as an instrument of immigration control”.

Bias, corruption

Although part of the problem appears to be insufficient training of RSDOs and an unmanageable workload that requires them to make at least 10 refugee decisions a day, Amit also described “a general anti-asylum seeker bias that excludes the majority of claims”.

“It’s this general idea you hear coming out of Home Affairs all the time that the majority of people are economic migrants and they’re abusing the asylum system,” Amit told IRIN. She added that refugee rights are not a popular cause in South Africa, where asylum seekers and refugees are just as much a target for xenophobic attitudes and violence as other foreign nationals, particularly if they live in impoverished areas where they are viewed as competing with locals for scarce jobs and resources [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96589/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreigners-still-at-risk ].

The Department of Home Affairs did not respond to repeated attempts by IRIN to ask about its refugee status determination processes, but Amit’s findings are borne out by the experiences of several asylum seekers IRIN interviewed. 

Caroline* fled South Kivu Province, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, after her husband was murdered by rebels and she was held captive in a rebel stronghold and repeatedly raped for a month. She was denied refugee status in 2010, after an interview at the refugee reception office in Pretoria that lasted just 30 minutes. When she told the interviewer about the conflict in South Kivu, he did not seem to believe her. “I wasn’t feeling well, I was shaking - that’s when he stopped the interview,” she told IRIN. “There were more things I was supposed to tell him, but he said, ‘As you can see, there are many people waiting.’

“My interpreter said, ‘Whatever your story, they’re not going to give you anything unless you pay money’, but I had nothing; I’d just arrived in the country.”

Gertrude Nkey, 51, also fled the conflict in Kivu, leaving behind her husband and six children after an attack that has left her traumatized. “I didn’t decide to leave Congo, I just ran and people helped me and I found myself here in South Africa,” she told IRIN. 

It took four visits to the refugee reception office in Durban before she was finally admitted to the building, only to be sent away to find someone who could help her fill out the eligibility form in English. Finally, one of the interpreters employed by Home Affairs agreed to help her, but the interview was cut short when she started crying and her application was subsequently rejected. “I think because I didn’t have any money for them, they didn’t want to help me,” she said.

An interpreter who works at the refugee reception office in Pretoria - who asked not to be named - said these stories were typical. “The officers say, ‘Give me money, and I’ll give you refugee status,’” she told IRIN. “They’ll say they’ve lost a file, but if a bribe is found, they find the file.”

Several local refugee rights organizations have documented corruption at refugee reception offices. Eleven volunteers with People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), who monitored the refugee reception office in Cape Town over a two-week period in 2011 all reported witnessing corrupt practices, including the payment of bribes to security guards to cut queues and the sale of fake documents by men working outside the office who appeared to have connections with officials inside [ http://www.passop.co.za/publications/reports ].

The interpreter said a small minority of RSDOs “do their job properly”, and that, in the absence of a bribe, the outcome of an application depended mainly on the mood of the interviewer and which country the applicant was from. “If there’s no war in that country, they will reject the application no matter what the individual says.”

Backlog

David Cote of Lawyers for Human Rights, which provides legal services to asylum seekers in Johannesburg and Pretoria, confirmed that claimants are often pre-judged based on their country of origin. “You can tell from the decisions that a lot of it is ‘cut and paste’ and based on outdated country-of-origin information,” he told IRIN.

According to UNHCR’s deputy regional representative, Sergio Calle-Norena, RSDOs have access to REFWORLD [ http://www.refworld.org/ ], a UNHCR website with all the latest country-of-origin information. “If they don’t make use of that information, it could be lack of interest or lack of time,” he commented. “They have to process 10 interviews a day; you can’t get into detail in that time.”

An initial decision can be appealed but the backlog of cases and the limited capacity of the Refugee Appeal Board, which consists of four members, means that asylum seekers often wait up to five years for an appeal hearing. Tjerk Damstra, former acting chair of the board said that, at the time his term ended in 2012, only about 10 percent of decisions were reversed. 

Although some asylum seekers have legal representation at the appeals stage, Cote said that RSDOs rarely allow any kind of representation during the initial status determination interview. Applicants who have recently arrived in the country are required to fill out an eligibility form in English, usually before receiving any information about the asylum process. According to Amit’s report, failure to include relevant details in one’s story on this form is often viewed as grounds for questioning the claimant’s credibility [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97906/Culture-of-disbelief-works-against-asylum-seekers ] and rejecting their application. 

The interpreter who spoke to IRIN said she often helped people fill out their eligibility forms but that there was a shortage of interpreters for some nationalities, particularly Somalis.

Calle-Norena says UNHCR has been engaging with the government about structural, operational and capacity problems in South Africa’s refugee status determination process, which emerged in an analysis the agency did last year. “In general, these problems were acknowledged by the government, but a discussion of corrective actions has yet to take place,” he told IRIN.

UNHCR has also offered technical advice and training for RSDOs, which the government has yet to accept. The agency limits its involvement in individual asylum cases to those facing critical protection risks or imminent deportation to a place where their life or freedom would be at risk. “We can only do [mandate determinations] in those cases,” said Calle-Norena, explaining that, as a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, the South African government holds the primary responsibility for implementation while UNHCR can only provide a supervisory role.

*not her real name

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97944/South-Africa-apos-s-flawed-asylum-system</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304240827440995t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 April 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa attracts the largest number of asylum seekers in the world, but grants refugee status to very few of them, ranking only thirty-sixth in the world for the size of its refugee population, which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) puts at about 58,000.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Shortages of new one-a-day ARV pills in South Africa</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - Just days into the rollout of fixed-dose combination (FDC) antiretrovirals (ARVs) by South Africa’s HIV treatment programme - the world&apos;s largest - activists are raising fears of drug shortages.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - Just days into the rollout of fixed-dose combination (FDC) antiretrovirals (ARVs) by South Africa’s HIV treatment programme - the world's largest - activists are raising fears of drug shortages. 

Patients on the triple-therapy regimen will be able to take just one pill daily to control the virus. This has the advantages of improving adherence, simplifying regimens so that prescribing errors are reduced, and enabling the introduction of community models of care. 

Motsoaledi launched the phased rollout of FDCs on 8 April at a small community health centre north of the country's capital, Pretoria. New patients and HIV-positive women who are pregnant or breastfeeding will be the first to receive the new medication. They will initially receive a one-month supply of FDCs, while stable patients will be given a three-month supply. 

"The central procurement unit in the national department of health has worked tirelessly with suppliers, provincial medical depots as well as facilities, to ensure that depots placed orders with suppliers, and health facilities placed orders with depots," Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi said. "We are confident that we have sufficient supplies of ARVs for all patients who are eligible for the FDCs." 

But stock shortages have already been reported in Western Cape Province and more are thought to be occurring in other provinces, according to activists. In March, the Western Cape Department of Health told AIDS lobby group the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) / Doctors Without Borders that it had received significantly smaller stocks of the FDCs than had been ordered from suppliers. 

Dr Lynne Wilkinson, the MSF project coordinator in Khayelitsha, a township on the outskirts of Cape Town, said this meant the depot could not maintain the usual two- or three-month buffer stock. 

The ARV tender, worth about US$672 million, was awarded in November 2012 [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/96930/SOUTH-AFRICA-New-ARV-tender-drops-prices-changes-treatment ]. It logged the country's second consecutive drop in drug prices and also introduced a 3-in-1 pill combining tenofovir, emtricitabine and efevarinz. 

Researcher Simonia Mashangoane said TAC continues to receive reports from health facilities in Mpumalanga and Gauteng provinces, with some saying they have received insufficient supplies of the FDCs. Recent shortages of the ARV, lamivudine, have also been reported. In a joint statement with the National Association of People Living with HIV and AIDS (NAPWA), TAC criticised the health department’s communications and called for clear timelines regarding the introduction of FDC drugs. 

"Public announcements created the expectation that the pills will be widely available from 1 April, but non-priority groups might have to wait many more months before being switched to the FDCs," TAC and NAPWA said in their statement. "Patients have not been given any indication as to when the various phases will be initiated, and how long they will have to wait." 

Wilkinson said there are also concerns that because new ARV patients have been prioritized to receive the FDC, they could be especially vulnerable if FDC stockouts force clinicians to switch them to the old regimen of three separate ARVs. 

"Newly initiated patients are counselled about the treatment that they are about to receive," Wilkinson told IRIN. "The problem is if they are counselled on how to take one pill a day, and in a few months that stock runs out and they have to be put on three separate pills, the clinic has to re-counsel them. If that doesn't happen, then there's a chance patients won't take the treatment properly." 

According to Western Cape Department of Health spokesperson Hélène Rossouw, the problem lies with the National Department of Health. “The problem is that the national government procures the medicines, so it’s all centralized at the national level in accordance with treasury regulations,” Rossouw told IRIN. “The awarding of the tenders… the signing of contracts… takes time.” 

"What’s happening in the Western Cape is a domino effect of [those delays],” she added. “The Western Cape Minister of Health Theuns Botha is looking at the possibility of procuring our own stocks separately because we have had too many problems with national government delays, and our patients go without.” 

Supply and demand 

The inability of pharmaceutical companies to ramp up production to meet demand after winning a tender has at times been seen as contriuting to the threat of drug shortages. 

Stavros Nicolaou, Senior Executive at Aspen Pharmacare, one of three companies to be given the FDC tender, said the latest award had sought to avoid stockouts at dispensing level by introducing a grace period for suppliers. Aspen is the largest supplier of generic medicines to the public and private health sectors in South Africa, he said, and is also the only local company producing the FDCs. 

"Historically, what happened was that a tender was awarded on 15 December, and on 1 January… you'd be expected to supply," Nicolaou told IRIN. "If it was the first time you were going to supply, you had to have anticipated winning the tender to be ready to go out with product on the first of January." 

Drug companies need about three months of lead-time to order, ship, receive and assure the quality of the active pharmaceutical ingredients needed for manufacturing drugs. In the case of FDCs, Aspen had also had to make structural alterations to its manufacturing facilities to accommodate the special technology required to manufacture a pill that combines three drugs. 

Nicolaou said he did not believe that any possible FDC shortage was attributable to the inability of drug companies to supply. He noted that Aspen and other drug companies had met with the Department of Health in June 2012, before the tender was opened, to devise feasible timelines for ramped up production of the FDCs, develop plans for a phased rollout, and discuss the requirements of the tender, which hinged largely on projections of how many patients would make the switch to FDCs. 

Stopping stockouts 

An estimated 70 to 80 percent of patients on the triple regimen are expected to make the switch by the end of the year. To combat stockouts, data is being collected on a weekly basis from provincial depots to identify weaknesses in the supply chain, and the department has also instituted monthly meetings with suppliers, at which three-month forecasts are presented. 

Recent stockouts of regularly prescribed ARVs in Gauteng Province have been attributed to financial management problems, including corruption, in the provincial department of health, rather than to supply-chain issues. The Gauteng provincial treasury intervened in December 2012. 

"We've been told that some of the drug shortages in Gauteng are due to poor budgeting and financial management," said TAC provincial coordinator Stephen Ngcobo. "We did our own research and found that... the budget was not covering the need, and that the [ARV] budget had been cut in half over the past two or three years, and this was having an effect… [now]." 

Activists have begun a civil disobedience campaign in the province to draw attention to ARV and other drug stockouts, and civil society organizations will soon be launching a project to monitor supply problems. 

llg/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97880/Shortages-of-new-one-a-day-ARV-pills-in-South-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - Just days into the rollout of fixed-dose combination (FDC) antiretrovirals (ARVs) by South Africa’s HIV treatment programme - the world&apos;s largest - activists are raising fears of drug shortages.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Unwelcome side effects of mining in Mozambique</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238340824t.jpg" />]]>TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 in the afternoon and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique&apos;s northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique's northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers. 

"When the big mining companies were established here, people started moving in from neighbouring countries: Zimbabwe, Malawi and Zambia. Tete became a window of hope, but when people don’t find the jobs they hoped to find, many of them end up involved in prostitution or criminality," said Oswaldo Inacio Jossiteala, a programme officer at the International Centre for Reproductive Health (ICRH). 

Every mining boom brings the fear of a rising HIV infection rate, particularly in a country like Mozambique, where the estimated prevalence is already 11.3 percent. 

Although the incidence of infection in Tete has been stable at 7 percent, officials are concerned that this could be changing. In an interview with Radio Mozambique, Domingos Viola, the coordinator of the provincial working group for the fight against HIV/AIDS, noted that in 2012, 35,000 cases of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) were registered in the area, 10,000 of them in Moatize, at the centre of the coal boom, which has just 40,000 residents. 

The recently opened Night Clinic is part of a project called the Improved Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Services for Most at Risk Populations (MARP) in Tete, set up with the goal of reducing STIs and HIV in Tete and Moatize. 

Most of the patients are between 16 and 35 years old, and 30 to 35 receive medical attention every evening. According to Jossiteala, "The target group are often stigmatized when they go to ordinary clinics - we believe they find it easier to come here, and that the new clinic will attract more patients." 

The project is a collaboration between Mozambican health authorities, the International Centre for Reproductive Health, USAID, and the Flemish International Cooperation Agency (FICA) [ http://www.icrh.org/projects/improved-sexual-and-reproductive-health-and-rights-services-for-most-at-risk-populations-in ]. Vale has contributed $200,000 for the infrastructure, while the local health authority is paying for staff and medicines. 

The Night Clinic has activists working in local communities, at trucks stops and guesthouses, trying to convince target groups to visit and make use of the services. They also lobby for the rights of sex workers in the province. 

"If a sex worker is beaten by a customer, or if a customer doesn’t pay, the women have the right to take the case to court. But since most of them are here illegally, that is very difficult. The women are afraid that the authorities will turn against them, but now we see small changes in the attitudes." 

The Mozambican media last year reported cases of policemen abusing foreign sex workers in Tete and soliciting bribes from them, but Jossiteala noted that since clinic staff began educating sex workers about their rights, this is slowly changing. 

As mining companies flourish in the province, residents are growing increasingly unhappy with the inadequate contribution of the firms to the wellbeing of surrounding communities. Most of the people working in the mines are men under 40 years old, many of them living alone. Américo Conceicão, acting Permanent Secretary of Tete Province, has urged the mining companies to do more. 

"They have internal HIV-programmes, but how their employees act affects the whole community, not just the mining company. They need to work together with the health authorities concerning these issues," he said. 

Carla Mosse, the provincial director of health in Tete, hopes that with the worrying rise in the incidence of STIs and HIV, mining companies will step up and play a bigger role. 

"We are too disorganized. We need to elaborate a provincial plan for social responsibility where we, together with the companies, have decided what they will contribute each year. Now, if we need something we send a letter asking for help, and the answer is always, ‘No, no, no’." 

awn/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97822/Unwelcome-side-effects-of-mining-in-Mozambique</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238340824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 in the afternoon and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique&apos;s northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Informal employment sustains Zimbabweans</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304111302490329t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Five years after Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis peaked in 2008, the economy continues to perform poorly, with the manufacturing sector still shedding jobs and unemployment estimated at 75 percent. But the real level of unemployment is almost impossible to gauge as countless Zimbabweans are making a living in the informal sector.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Five years after Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis peaked in 2008, the economy continues to perform poorly, with the manufacturing sector still shedding jobs and unemployment estimated at 75 percent. But the real level of unemployment is almost impossible to gauge as countless Zimbabweans are making a living in the informal sector.

Kumbirai Katsande, President of the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI), told IRIN Zimbabwe has become a “nation of traders”. The municipal markets in Mbare, a sprawling low-income suburb of Harare, the capital, are overflowing with people selling goods. Trading space and the money to rent it are scarce, so entrepreneurs have set up shop outside markets and in other open spaces.

The police crack down on them every once in a while but Robert Guveya, who sells pirated DVDs, thinks it’s worth the risk. “I cannot get a job and am just trying to earn an honest living,” he said.

Informal trading is not limited to low-income areas. Harare’s city centre has its fair share of sidewalk salespeople and flea markets, one of the largest of which is located behind a shopping centre in middle-class Avondale. Rumbidzai Gava, who quit her job as a dental assistant and now imports second-hand clothing from Mozambique for $250 a bale, rents a stall there for US$10 per day. “I make gross more than $700 per bale and sometimes the clothes go very quickly. I am making much more than the $250 [a month] I got at the dentist’s,” she said.

The Zimbabwe Cross Border Association represents traders who import goods for resale, primarily from South Africa, but also from as far afield as Hong Kong, Taiwan and Britain. Killer Zivhu, the president, estimated that at the peak of the economic crisis - when the informal economy supplied almost everything that could not be found on supermarket shelves - up to three-quarters of adult Zimbabweans were involved in some form of trade.

Low wages mean that many Zimbabweans continue to live off the proceeds of informal trade. They import car parts, electronic goods, clothes and even cars, and often employ other people to sell the goods, thus creating jobs. However, they are not recognized legally and face harassment and arrest by local authorities and the police. Zivhu said their lack of legal status also limits their access to capital.

Shrinking manufacturing sector

Before the Zimbabwe dollar was replaced in 2009 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/82674/ZIMBABWE-Poverty-for-a-few-dollars-more ] by a multi-currency financial system using the US dollar, Botswana pula and the South African rand, many Zimbabweans were forced out of formal-sector jobs because hyperinflation had made their salaries almost worthless. Tapfumaneyi Tirivanhu left his job at a furniture factory in 2007 when he could no longer make ends meet and moved to Botswana for several years. He returned to Zimbabwe in 2011 and started a carpentry shop in a bay at the Harare Home Industries shed in Mbare with some tools and machinery he had bought in Botswana.

“It was slow in the beginning, as I had little money to buy materials with,” he told IRIN, but after his former employer went bust in 2012 and an ex-colleague joined him, they started supplying the old company’s customers. “There are four of us here and three upholsterers, so I am providing employment for seven people including myself,” Tirivanhu said.

In a good month they each take home as much as $300. “It’s much more than I would earn working for a company, and though I do not have benefits such as medical aid and a pension, I am doing alright,” he said.

CZI’s Katsande said the manufacturing sector had been shedding jobs since a slump started around August 2012. “Some of the companies that are still operating are introducing shorter working weeks so they can manage the wage bill. In a lot of instances they would retrench if they could afford to pay the workers off, but they do not have the money to do so.”

He noted the lack of government and infrastructural support. “We need new technology, as in some factories everything is obsolete, which makes production inefficient and expensive. Too many people are employed, it’s very wasteful.”

Replacing the Zimbabwe dollar with a multi-currency system has been a double-edged sword, he said. “We now have stability, but are at the mercy of the fluctuations of the currencies of wherever we are importing materials or machinery from. We cannot devalue the US dollar, which we could do with our own currency. As a result, our products can be uncompetitive on the international market.”

The high cost of manufacturing in Zimbabwe means that some local goods are more expensive than imported ones, which the government could remedy by levying higher duties on imports, Katsande said, warning that without more government support, the manufacturing sector would keep shrinking.

In contrast, the mining sector is growing rapidly and now employs some 43,000 workers, up from less than 3,000 at the height of Zimbabwe’s economic crisis. “There has been substantial growth in the sector and we expect it to keep growing,” said Edward Mubvumba, of the National Employment Council for the Mining Industry. He added that thousands more unregistered artisanal gold and diamond miners are operating illegally.

Informal sector crucial

Agriculture remains the largest sector in the economy. Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (Zimstat) figures put the number of people employed in agriculture in 2010 at 815,000 - more than double the pre-crisis figure, which peaked at 355,000 in 1997. Prof Tony Hawkins, the head of the University of Zimbabwe’s business school, said this was partly because up to 2009, the figures only took into account employees in the commercial farming sector, but since then they have included communal farmers in resettlement areas, and those who work for them.

Hawkins said Zimbabwe’s informal sector was playing a crucial role in reducing poverty and unemployment. He argued that current unemployment estimates ignored the role of the informal sector, and put the true unemployment figure at less than 50 percent. “Half of the economy is informal but it’s difficult to measure,” he said. “They don’t pay taxes, so they contribute little to the fiscus but… [the sector] definitely has a positive impact on poverty levels.”

im/ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97825/Informal-employment-sustains-Zimbabweans</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304111302490329t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Five years after Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis peaked in 2008, the economy continues to perform poorly, with the manufacturing sector still shedding jobs and unemployment estimated at 75 percent. But the real level of unemployment is almost impossible to gauge as countless Zimbabweans are making a living in the informal sector.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Consecutive catastrophes hit Madagascar&apos;s farmers</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302260611160073t.jpg" />]]>ST AUGUSTIN 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers in Madagascar’s southwestern province of Tulear have been hit hard, first by floods and then by locusts, threatening food security in a region already among the poorest in the island country.</description><body><![CDATA[ST AUGUSTIN 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers in Madagascar’s southwestern province of Tulear have been hit hard, first by floods and then by locusts, threatening food security in a region already among the poorest in the island country.

Tsitindry, 52, a farmer in the Fenoarivo community, about 100km south of Tulear city, usually earns a reasonable living from his seven hectares of land. “In former years, when the rains were good, I could produce 100 bags of rice and 70 bags of beans. We would eat about 30 percent ourselves and the rest we sold on the market. From the profits we bought what we needed, and from our savings I bought four zebus [hump-backed cattle],” he told IRIN.

In February of this year the region was hit by cyclone Haruna [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97542/Tropical-Cyclone-Haruna-hits-southwestern-Madagascar ], which flooded and completely destroyed Tsitindry’s rice and maize fields. He sold two of his zebus to raise money and planted vegetables when the water receded, but now these fields are being attacked by swarms of locusts [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97460/Locust-invasion-threatens-underfunded-Madagascar ].

“Every morning we all go into the fields and clap to frighten the insects away,” he said. “I’ve bought some pesticides, but there are too many insects. Our traditional pesticides - made with zebu faeces, chilli powder and neem seeds - don’t work either, because I don’t have money to buy chilli and the neem plants don’t have seeds right now. During the day we all stay in the fields to make sure the locusts don’t come back and eat the leftover crops.”

Last week the farmer’s two remaining cows were stolen by the Dahalo, cattle rustlers who have free reign in southern Madagascar [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95892/Analysis-Madagascar-s-unforgiving-bandit-lands ]. Tsitindry says he has resorted to burning trees to make charcoal so as to earn a little money.

“In the last weeks we’ve had many farmers from the remote villages coming here to ask for help,” said Dieu Donne Hajasoa, a technical advisor at the ITAFA (Ivotoerana TAntsoroka ho amin'ny FAmpivoarana), an information centre for farmers and fishermen funded by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in St. Augustin, a fishing village 35km from Tulear city.

“The farmers need advice on how to clean up their fields, and they need pesticides to treat the locusts. Of every 25 hectares, at least 10 were destroyed by the floods. It took a week for the water to go down. Then, a week later, the locusts came, leaving about 2 hectares of crops. We informed the authorities in Tulear but they don’t have the resources to go to these fields either.”

Locusts thrive

According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), cyclone Haruna not only damaged crops and homes but also provided optimal conditions for locusts to breed. About half of Madagascar is now infested by hoppers and flying swarms, each made up of billions of plant-devouring insects. The FAO estimates that about two-thirds of the island country will be affected by the locust plague by September 2013 if no action is taken. The agency is trying to raise US$41 million to respond to the current emergency and implement a three-year campaign to prevent future infestations.

Since the start of Madagascar’s political crisis in 2009, the National Anti-Locust Centre (CAN), has not been able to carry out necessary prevention work, mainly due to a lack of funds.

Elsewhere in Tulear Province, both farmers and city dwellers are struggling to rebuild their livelihoods after Haruna. “The cyclone came at night and we put bags on our roof. In the morning we started to congratulate each other, as the rain stopped and the house was fine. That’s when people started running up the hill. The dyke had broken and the water was rising fast. We put the children on higher ground and went back to save the furniture, but when we came back to the house we had to swim. We only managed to close the windows,” said Tiandrainy, 52, a former teacher who lived on the street with his family until the flood waters subsided.

Aid gaps

It was two weeks before the family received any aid, and Tiandrainy was forced to borrow money at 50 percent interest to survive, which he is struggling to repay. He is now group leader at a food-for-work project set up by CARE International and the UN World Food Programme (WFP), which enables him to earn food for his family, while his wife is trying to make an income as a vendor. “We’re trying not to eat all the food now, but to save some for later. This project will only last one month, and the money my wife earns needs to be used to pay back our debt,” he told IRIN.

Fields in this area normally produce the vegetables sold in the city’s markets, but they were also destroyed by the floods. In Miary, a WFP distribution site outside Tulear city, aid workers carefully count out cups of maize. Clementine Claudette and her eight children are among the 3,500 beneficiaries receiving food in return for cleaning up an irrigation canal, while her husband tries to replant some maize.

“We went back to our fields the day after the flood. We had to swim,” Claudette told IRIN. “For a few days we managed to pick and eat some corn cobs that were almost ripe, but after a few days everything was dead. It took almost a month for the water to go down. Our fields looked as if they had been burned; there were only dead plants. After that, we asked for food from our family.”

The food-for-work project is about to end, but it will be four months before the family can harvest a crop. “We’ll try to live off little jobs, like transporting wood to the city and making charcoal,” Claudette said.

According to WFP figures, Cyclone Haruna affected over 50,000 people in the region. After reaching 32,000 people with emergency aid, more than 13,000 are now enrolled in food-for-work projects. In Tulear city, where the markets now have food again, these programmes will become cash-for-work projects, starting in May.

ar/ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97805/Consecutive-catastrophes-hit-Madagascar-apos-s-farmers</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302260611160073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ST AUGUSTIN 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers in Madagascar’s southwestern province of Tulear have been hit hard, first by floods and then by locusts, threatening food security in a region already among the poorest in the island country.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Swaziland’s dental dilemma</title><pubDate>Wed, 03 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200804256t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Having a toothache in Swaziland can be a lot more painful than it is in many other places. Most Swazis have never visited a dentist, because in a country where 70 percent of the population lives in absolute poverty, oral hygiene is considered a luxury.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Having a toothache in Swaziland can be a lot more painful than it is in many other places. Most Swazis have never visited a dentist, because in a country where 70 percent of the population lives in absolute poverty, oral hygiene is considered a luxury. 

Swaziland's 1.2 million people are served by only nine private dentists: five are in the capital, Mbabane, four are doing business in the central commercial hub, Manzini, and one is located in the up-scale Mbabane suburb of Ezulwini. 

A further 15 dental practitioners are employed by the Ministry of Health, including nurses and dental hygienists, but none are specialists who can perform such procedures as root canal work or the fitting of false teeth. 

Even getting a filling for a tooth is almost impossible at either of the two government hospitals in Mbabane, or at the facility in Siteki, the eastern provincial capital. The public hospital in Manzini does not currently have any dental practitioners assigned to it. 

"In the morning you find a queue of thirty to forty people, and it is the same in the afternoon. For that number a dentist can extract thirty for forty teeth, but he has no time for fillings or anything else more sophisticated than tooth pulling," a private dentist told IRIN. 

"People think you go to the dentist to get a nice smile, and nobody ever dies of a toothache," said Pauline Dube, a mother of three who says she cannot afford to give her children regular dental checkups. While she works in Manzini, her children stay in a rural part of the southern Shiselweni Province, a region with no dental practitioners at all. Rural areas are not provided with any sort of dental service. 

As diets change and Swazis consume more processed foods, the need for dental care has become even more pressing. 

"Our teeth have not adapted yet to soft sugary foods. What we now find are Swazi teeth with cavities like in the developed world. For Swazi young people, no tooth fillings are available except from expensive dentists, who are less than ten in the whole country and they work far from most people,” the dentist told IRIN. “So, the tooth is extracted. Most Swazis go to traditional doctors, but these healers can only offer pain suppressants for tooth pain." 

Having a toothache can be a lot more serious in Swaziland. The commonly held belief that dental problems may be painful but are not fatal has changed due to HIV/AIDS. Gum disease can lead to infections that can lead to the death of a person whose immune system has been decimated by HIV, the dentist noted. However, knowledge about gum infections is virtually nonexistent amongst Swazis, who have the world's highest rate of HIV infection. 

"I tell all my patients to test for HIV. The danger at government hospitals where they extract teeth is when a person with AIDS cannot produce the white blood cells to cause the blood to coagulate, and the bleeding cannot be stopped. If a patient with AIDS develops oral shingles, this can be a precursor to a more serious life-threatening disease. But the doctors don't know enough about what goes on inside the mouth to detect this," the dentist said. 

Despite the need, no public awareness campaigns promoting dental knowledge and oral hygiene have so far been run. Yet tooth decay and gum disease can be prevented with a simple daily regimen of tooth brushing and flossing. 

Swaziland is not the only country on the continent with tooth troubles. "The state of dental research in Africa is lamentable when compared to the other continents,” the African Journal of Oral Health (AJOH) noted in an editorial. “While this situation is unacceptable, it is not surprising because oral health personnel on the continent are not yet strategically placed to be able to influence health policy and decisions on funding." 

jh/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97774/Swaziland-s-dental-dilemma</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200804256t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Having a toothache in Swaziland can be a lot more painful than it is in many other places. Most Swazis have never visited a dentist, because in a country where 70 percent of the population lives in absolute poverty, oral hygiene is considered a luxury.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Fishing for jobs in Lesotho</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303080907110725t.jpg" />]]>HASEPHAPO-TAUNYANE 27 March 2013 (IRIN) - Tsotleho Befole, 24, travelled from the Lesotho highlands village of Hasephapo-Taunyane to neighbouring South Africa twice in the past year, searching for work in the mines. Both times it proved a wasted journey.</description><body><![CDATA[HASEPHAPO-TAUNYANE 27 March 2013 (IRIN) - Tsotleho Befole, 24, travelled from the highlands of Lesotho to neighbouring South Africa twice in the past year, searching for work in the mines. Both times it proved fruitless. 

“They said I needed a South African ID to get work. I only have a Basotho passport… [But] there is no work in Lesotho. Nothing,” he told IRIN.

“The only work is down there,” he clarified, pointing to a fish farm at the Katse Dam. 

The dam is part of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, the continent’s largest water transfer system. The $16 billion, 30-year project is one of the country’s most divisive issues. Proponents advocate benefits like improved road infrastructure, hydro-electricity and tourism, while opponents point to the forced resettlement [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94169/LESOTHO-Dam-building-continues-despite-controversy ] of communities, loss of arable land and biodiversity, and risks associated with seismic activity.

Chief Mamphole Molapo, who presides over eight highlands villages, told IRIN the Katse Dam had provided mixed blessings. “Before the dam, life was good, although there were no roads. Trees grew in the valley, and we could get wood, but now they are covered with water,” she said. “When we want wood, we have to put our hand in our pockets. There are shops now and some benefits from tourism, but then there is a lot crime.”

But with the country plagued by unemployment - estimated at between 25 and 42 percent - the dam is beginning to offer an unexpected benefit: jobs.

A new direction 

For decades, Lesotho highlands residents have relied on South Africa’s mines for work, but these jobs are increasingly unavailable. At its peak in the late 1980s, about 125,000 Basotho migrants worked in South African mines; by 2011, this number had dropped to 41,427, according to the Central Bank of Lesotho. The International Monetary Fund said the decline is “partly because of a shift toward the use of South Africa’s local labour.” [ http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2012/cr12101.pdf ]

Mabusetsa Lenka, head of the water, justice and environment programmes at the NGO Transformation Resource Centre, told IRIN that during Katse Dam’s construction, sustainable employment opportunities were not considered. 

“When the project was conceived, it did not include economic benefits by either turning the project into tourism industries or improving agricultural produce [through irrigation].” 

Yet some employment opportunities are emerging. 

“Right now something that is being tried is fisheries. This could be a viable employment opportunity, provided the communities are empowered to participate in such income-generating activities,” Lenka said. 

Hiring to increase

Mpiko Ncholu, 49, makes a living catching yellowfish, a bony fish with little commercial value beyond local consumption. 

“On my best day, I caught 60 fish and sold them for 700 maluti (US$90) in Ha Lajone [Village],” he told IRIN. “On the bad days, I catch nothing.” 

Ncholu’s hook-and-line fishing contrasts starkly with the output of the nearby Katse Fish Farms (KFF) [ http://www.royalehighlandstrout.com/pages/katse_fish_farms/index.php ], the first company to introduce aquaculture on Katse Dam. KFF generates 300 tons of rainbow trout each year, and aims to increase this to 1,200 tons by 2017. 

KFF employs 30 staff and three managers. As production expands, so will staffing levels, KFF says. 

Jabari Kadafi, a former taxi driver now working for KFF, told IRIN his monthly salary is 1,500 maluti ($164), a good income [ http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/SERIAL/89050/102090/F1723640489/LSO89050.pdf ] in Lesotho, which he uses to support his three children. 

A second fishery, Highlands Trout [ http://www.highlandstrout.co.za/ ], has invested $8.8 million in its operations since 2005, creating 62 permanent jobs.

“We are eying to maximize job creation in Lesotho,” Fred Formanek, one of the company’s directors, told IRIN. Annual production is expected to increase from the current 500 tons to 3,000 in coming years. By the end of 2014, the company expects staffing levels to be in excess of 100 people, Formanek said.

Highlands Trout has established primary processing facilities for gutting and filleting, and there are plans to move to secondary processing, such as smoking and curing, which “will see staffing levels go up significantly,” he added. 

Community benefits 

Fisheries can present environmental risks, but KFF and Highlands Trout are required to monitor their environmental impact with daily water quality tests. The trout raised are triploids - sterile fish - meaning that, should they escape, they would not overtake local varieties. The fish are also vaccinated to prevent disease. 

As part of an agreement between KFF and the community, 0.45 percent of the value of production is deposited in a community trust, under the auspices of the KFF Steering Committee, said KFF operations manager Mike Kruger. The steering committee has representatives from the community and the Lesotho Highlands Water Project.

Chief Molapo said the first initiative the trust supported was the rehabilitation of Ha Lajone’s potable water system.

As a bonus, she said, after each bimonthly harvest, “lots of fish - more than a hundred - are handed out to us. People prefer eating trout to yellowfish. The elderly have no teeth, so they can’t eat yellowfish because they are too bony”.

go/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97614/Fishing-for-jobs-in-Lesotho</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303080907110725t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HASEPHAPO-TAUNYANE 27 March 2013 (IRIN) - Tsotleho Befole, 24, travelled from the Lesotho highlands village of Hasephapo-Taunyane to neighbouring South Africa twice in the past year, searching for work in the mines. Both times it proved a wasted journey.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>TB testing in South Africa rolling out slowly</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202171245500971t.jpg" />]]>CAPE TOWN 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa will expand its rollout of GeneXpert tuberculosis (TB) testing machines, which can diagnose TB and drug-resistant TB within 90 minutes, but concerns remain about the capacity to back up this commitment with supplies and treatment.</description><body><![CDATA[CAPE TOWN 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa will expand its rollout of GeneXpert tuberculosis (TB) testing machines, which can diagnose TB and drug-resistant TB within 90 minutes, but concerns remain about the capacity to back up this commitment with supplies and treatment. 

The country is the largest buyer of GeneXpert technology in the world, but the machines have not yet become point-of-care tests and are often deployed at district rather than clinic level. Nonetheless, they have shaved weeks off waiting times for patients because samples no longer have to be transported to and from national referral hospitals kilometres away for diagnosis [ http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?indepthid=90&reportid=92279 ].

At the opening of the TB Vaccines Third Global Forum in Cape Town on 25 March [ http://www.tbvaccines2013.org ], Precious Matsoso, director general of the South African Department of Health, announced that an additional 135 machines will be imported by the end of 2013. The GeneXpert was released in 2010 and South Africa already has 150. 

Matsoso's announcement was made a day after the health department handed over six machines to the Department of Correctional Services at Cape Town's Pollsmoor Prison. A former inmate at Pollsmoor, Dudley Lee, took the correctional services department to court after he contracted TB during incarceration. Although Lee eventually died of TB, the courts found in his favour [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95684/SOUTH-AFRICA-Overcrowding-fuels-TB-in-prisons ].

During the handover, South African Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe also announced that TB screening for inmates would carried out every six months, and reiterated a commitment that at-risk miners would be annually screened for TB. Of the 735 Pollsmoor inmates screened for TB during Motlanthe's visit, 12 percent had TB, according to Matsoso [ http://www.presidency.gov.za/pebble.asp?relid=15108 ].

The World Health Organization (WHO) lists South Africa in the top 22 countries with a high TB burden. An estimated 500,000 cases of active TB are diagnosed annually and the disease remains the leading cause of natural death according to the national statistical service, StatSa. 

South Africa could become WHO observatory 

Matsoso also announced that the health department, the National Department of Science and Technology, and the US-based non-profit TB vaccine developer, Aeras, would continue to fund the recently created South Africa Consortium on TB Vaccines. 

"We are at the centre of the TB epidemic, so we have to have our own response… in terms of vaccines being developed. Hopefully, South Africa will become a global player," Willem Hanekom, director of the South Africa TB Vaccine Initiative, told IRIN. 

Matsoso, who has worked with WHO on issues of intellectual property, said that through the consortium South Africa would be well-placed to become one of the research observatories envisioned in WHO resolutions aimed at promoting research and development [ http://www.ghtcoalition.org/WHO-member-states-call-for-global-health-RD-observatory.php ]. She noted that these initiatives would have to be accompanied by changes to regulations, for instance to facilitate fast-track review to allow the country earlier access potential new vaccines. 

Stand and deliver 

South African AIDS lobby the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and international medical humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) have questioned the government's ability to deliver on these promises as stockouts and slow decentralization persist. 

In a joint letter delivered to South African Minister of Health Dr Aaron Motsoaledi on 22 March, the organizations stressed that the success of the GeneXpert rollout hinged on a steady supply of testing cartridges for the machines, the decentralization of drug-resistant TB (DR-TB) care and treatment, and improved supply-chain management to avoid recurring drug stockouts. 

The organizations also questioned the continued delay in implementing the health department’s 2011 policy decision to move DR-TB care out of designated TB hospitals with a shortage of beds to primary healthcare clinics closer to patients' homes. 

"Provincial operational plans for decentralization of multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) care have not been drafted, nor have readiness assessments been conducted of all proposed decentralized MDR-TB (sites)," the letter pointed out. 

The organizations urged the health department to implement the 2011 policy, which would allow all of South Africa’s nine provinces to begin initiating and managing stable adult and paediatric MDR-TB at local clinics before the end of 2013. 

llg/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97730/TB-testing-in-South-Africa-rolling-out-slowly</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202171245500971t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAPE TOWN 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa will expand its rollout of GeneXpert tuberculosis (TB) testing machines, which can diagnose TB and drug-resistant TB within 90 minutes, but concerns remain about the capacity to back up this commitment with supplies and treatment.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice [ http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ].

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 [ http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ].

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ].

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

- A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

- Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

- Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

- Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mixed picture for Lesotho&apos;s food security</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251202520257t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - It’s a chilly autumn morning and Ntja Mphale, 62, and his wife, Malehlohonolo, are hoeing a dew-covered field just outside their village of Machache, 43km from Lesotho’s capital, Maseru. They are among thousands of unemployed Basotho who depend on seasonal work weeding smallholder farmers’ fields to earn a little cash.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - It’s a chilly autumn morning and Ntja Mphale, 62, and his wife, Malehlohonolo, are hoeing a dew-covered field just outside their village of Machache, 43km from Lesotho’s capital, Maseru. They are among thousands of unemployed Basotho who depend on seasonal work weeding smallholder farmers’ fields to earn a little cash. 

The job will provide some temporary relief for Mphale and his family. “Some farmers are generous - they can give you as much as 40 maluti  (US$4.40) per day, while others give you only 20 ($2.20), but we cannot decline any money, no matter how small. We need to survive,” said Mphale. 

Such work was scarce in the previous two planting seasons. Heavy rains and flooding during the 2010-11 season caused losses that were compounded by a prolonged drought at the start of the 2011-12 season. Many smallholder farmers chose not to plant at all rather than risk incurring further losses. The total area planted to maize, Lesotho’s staple crop, dropped by 40 percent, and piece-work labouring in fields dried up [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95735/LESOTHO-Food-security-goes-from-bad-to-worse ]. “In previous years, the hoeing jobs were hard to come by because few farmers had the guts to compete with the weather,” said Mphale. “However, this time around I bought shoes for my four grandchildren with the wages I got from hoeing.” 

Government steps in

Realizing that the 82 percent of Basotho who rely on agriculture for a living could not weather another poor harvest, the government declared the food security situation an emergency in August 2012 and called for donor support to help address the immediate needs of 725,000 people facing hunger, as well as the longer-term need to boost agricultural productivity. For the 2012-13 planting season, the government set aside 117 million maloti ($13 million) for agricultural subsidies, tractors and other related costs. In selected villages all over the country, the government paid the full cost of seed, fertilizer and tractors for ploughing. In return, they will receive 70 percent of the harvest, leaving farmers with the remaining 30 percent. 

Early rains helped the government’s interventions and the result has been that thousands of hectares of arable land which had lain fallow in recent farming seasons have now been planted. The prospect of a greatly improved harvest has brought hope to thousands of subsistence farmers. “The last time my crops looked so healthy, it was a decade or so ago - I am so relieved,” said Tsepo Masupha, a farmer in Roma, 40km from the capital, Maseru. 

“I am tired of buying mealie-meal [maize flour, a staple food] - it’s so expensive. However, this year I will even be able to feed my animals”. Informal traders in Maseru are already benefiting from this year’s better planting season. Ahead of the main harvest in May-June, when dried maize cobs are gathered for milling and turned into mealie-meal, some farmers sell green maize (corn on the cob) to traders like Thabang Seetsa. In recent years, Seetsa was sometimes forced to travel to South Africa to buy green maize because it was in such short supply in Lesotho, but now he can get it from local farmers at a much lower price. 

Army worm outbreak

However, Sekhonyana Mahase, the Senior Crop Production Officer in the Ministry of Agriculture, warned that the outlook was not as positive as it had seemed at the beginning of the year. Initial predictions of good yields were bound to be revised downwards after a lack of rain during February and an unprecedented outbreak of crop-eating army worms. The worms, in fact the caterpillar of a moth, eat the leaves of the maize plants, which are critical for photosynthesis causing the stalks to dry up, so no maize cobs are formed. 

Reports about the impact of the army worms are still trickling in, but Mahase indicated that the government target of harvesting two tonnes of maize per hectare now looked unlikely to be met. “Roughly, the worms have destroyed over 30,000 hectares of maize crops all over the country [equivalent to nearly 25 percent of the planted area], including fields in the most fertile parts of the land,” he told IRIN. 

The caterpillars started appearing in January 2013, forcing the government to hire helicopters for spraying from neighbouring South Africa at a cost of M4 million (US$444,000) in addition to the expense of hiring ground-sprayers in mountainous areas where the use of helicopters is too risky. According to Mahase, the crops that fell victim to the worms were those planted at the end of December 2012 and in early January 2013. “When the army worms came, they were successful in destroying those crops with soft and greenish leaves. As for those that were planted much earlier, very little damage was done,” he said. 

Tsepo Masupha lost half of his crops to army worms, but hopes he will still be able to get a harvest from the maize he planted earlier. “Though I am very hurt with the loss, I did not plough my crops at the same time. In some of my fields, the crops are almost ready for harvesting; at least I will have something to eat.” 

The lack of rain and intense heat during February caused more problems for farmers, but Mahase said it was still too soon to estimate the full extent of the combined damage from the army worms and lack of rain. 

ms/ks/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97720/Mixed-picture-for-Lesotho-apos-s-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251202520257t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - It’s a chilly autumn morning and Ntja Mphale, 62, and his wife, Malehlohonolo, are hoeing a dew-covered field just outside their village of Machache, 43km from Lesotho’s capital, Maseru. They are among thousands of unemployed Basotho who depend on seasonal work weeding smallholder farmers’ fields to earn a little cash.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mozambicans want more payback from mining companies</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251211330893t.jpg" />]]>TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow. “When the mining companies came to Tete, most people were happy. We thought that they would build new schools and a university, but that didn’t happen,” said Julio Calengo, of Liga dos Direitos Humanos (Human Rights League), a local NGO. 

“They have done some things - our economy is growing on a macro level - but the people are complaining; they are disappointed. They say, ‘If this is the way it is going to be, they might as well leave again’.” Residents of the provincial capital, Tete, and the town of Moatize, 20km away, worked in foreign-owned coal mines during colonial times, but the outbreak of civil war in 1977 cut off access to the port of Beira and export markets. 

“For 20 years there was huge unemployment, the town was dead. Most people lived the life of the countryside - cultivating their fields, breeding animals, doing small business. Those were difficult years,” recalled Vicente Adriano, a teacher who has lived in Moatize most of his life. When Brazilian mining giant Vale appeared on the scene in 2004 with a plan to exploit the region’s coal reserves on a scale not seen before in Mozambique, there was hope that everything would change, Adriano said. 

Many local people got jobs during the construction phase, but few were offered employment on the mine. “We didn’t understand that Vale is a big and modern company. People here have always worked in the mines... Now they need specialized workers, but neither the government nor Vale has trained anyone here,” said Adriano. Hiring workers from other parts of the country or abroad has created tensions, he told IRIN. “There is no violence yet, but it is latent and can appear.” 

Expectations outpace growth 

For years, estimates of future revenues from Mozambique’s vast deposits of coal and natural gas have filled the local media, fuelling the hope that these will bring prosperity to one of the poorest countries in the world. But many Mozambicans are also keenly aware that resource booms in other parts of the continent have mainly benefited corrupt politicians and the corporations extracting the natural wealth, leaving most of the population as poor as before. 

After it emerged that Vale and other multinationals were enjoying enormous tax breaks, the government agreed to review the taxes they were paying. Paolo David, country manager for multinational engineering company, ABB, which has been working in Mozambique since the 1950s and is now one of Vale’s largest subcontractors is sceptical about the hype surrounding the country’s expanding economy. “Mozambique has been growing by 7 to 8 percent for the last 20 years, but if you look closer you can see that it has grown from a very small base,” he told IRIN. 

Whether or not the coal and natural gas reserves will lead to more rapid development will depend on global demand and the cost of extracting the resources, he said. Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto recently revised the value of its coal mining operation in Tete from US$3.9 billion to less than $1 billion, partly because of infrastructure problems, David noted. 

“They are losing a lot of money, though everybody thought it was a big success. And Vale is facing enormous costs building a new railway to [the port of] Nacala, which will be very difficult to cope with if the government starts taxing them.” 

Lack of employment 

In Tete and Moatize the greatest expectation has been that jobs will be created. Mining companies have been accused of exaggerating the prospects of work as a way of convincing villagers to move from locations required for mines. 

Outside the offices of Indian company Jindal in Changara, 110km from the provincial capital, Jovencio Sande is among a group of men from one of three villages facing resettlement by Jindal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97694/Resettlement-conflicts-follow-Mozambique-s-mining-boom ]. “We come here quite often to wait for work,” he told IRIN. “Jindal has promised us jobs since 2008, but we are still unemployed.” 

Vale’s Coal Operations Director, Altiberto Brandão, said his company struggled to find skilled local labour. There is no technical training facility in Tete, and Moatize has only a small institute for mining geology. “We were taken by surprise by the boom; we were not prepared,” admitted Américo Conceicão, the province’s acting permanent secretary. “Today we are planning to build a polytechnic school to create a local workforce. Of course, we should have done that already ten years ago.” 

But the local population lays most of the blame on the mining companies for not providing more in-house training programmes. “Vale is now training 24 young people from one of the resettled communities,” said Julio Calengo. “Twenty-four people since 2004! I want to see my neighbour going to work in Vale’s mine every morning, then I will be satisfied.”

Brandão said Vale had employed nearly 400 people from Tete, and that some of them have benefited from training. The company has also started recruiting 300 young Tete citizens for training, of which 100 will work on their new mine due to open next year. He maintained that, in general, 10 jobs are created for each person hired to work in the mine as a result of the goods and services they consume. 

Yet many people IRIN talked to doubted that jobs were being created in Tete. The mining companies’ canteens, for example, serve mostly food brought in from elsewhere, citing the lack of quantity and quality of food available in Tete as the reason. The dramatic rise in prices caused by the influx of people coming to work on the mines is compounding the lack of employment in Tete and Moatize. 

“Before Vale came, a kilo of tomatoes cost 10 meticais, now it costs 40 or 50, and it is the same with beans, maize and flour,” said Vicente Adriano. “Teachers have the same low salary, but food and the rent of a house, or buying a plot [of land] has become many times more expensive.”

He believes the government should pressure the extractive industry to do more for communities: “The government doesn’t demand anything from the mining companies.” 

awn/ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97724/Mozambicans-want-more-payback-from-mining-companies</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251211330893t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Madagascar&apos;s Millennium Village goes it alone</title><pubDate>Fri, 22 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303221020390468t.jpg" />]]>SAMBAINA 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - A Millennium Village in Madagascar is learning to stand on its own as five years of support from the UN Development Programme (UNDP) come to an end this month.</description><body><![CDATA[SAMBAINA 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - A Millennium Village in Madagascar is learning to stand on its own as five years of support from the UN Development Programme (UNDP) come to an end this month. 

The Millennium Villages Project dates back to 2004, when it was launched by the UN in conjunction with the Earth Institute at Columbia University and the international nonprofit Millennium Promise. Under the leadership of Columbia University’s Jeffrey Sachs, 14 sites in rural Africa, each with a total population of about half a million, were selected to become Millennium Villages. 

The project intended to demonstrate how the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) [ http://www.unmillenniumproject.org/goals/index.htm ] could be realized, testing the theory that a large injection of public investment and foreign aid could boost household incomes, improving savings and local investment. An average of US$60 per person per year was spent trying to improve lives in the Millennium Villages. 

The merits of such a costly project have sparked intense debate in the development sector. Some argue that Millennium Village outcomes such as lowered child mortality and improved access to safe drinking water were similar to those in neighbouring areas that were not part of the project [ http://www.economist.com/node/21541001 ].

But Madagascar’s Millennium Village appears to demonstrate that sufficient, targeted investment can speed up development, even in a country that has experienced four years of political crisis and near-zero percent economic growth. Following a coup in 2009, international donor funding to Madagascar was largely frozen [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94351/MADAGASCAR-Donors-deliver-despite-sanctions ], and government investment in social sectors has been almost non-existent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92236/MADAGASCAR-A-poor-country-gets-poorer ]; the country as a whole has no hope of achieving the MDGs by the 2015 deadline. But funding for the Millennium Villages Project continued unabated, yielding positive results for the test community. 

Targeted investment 

Sambaina Commune, which lies 45km west of the capital, Antananarivo, was initially chosen as a Millennium Village because more than 60 percent of its 7,000 inhabitants were living in poverty, subsisting from agriculture and making crafts. At the same time, there was a clear potential to improve agricultural practices. 

The community was first named an ICT [information communications technology] village in 2005 through the separate Infopoverty Programme, which provided access to technology through classrooms equipped with computers. In 2008, the Millennium Villages Project declared Sambaina a Millennium Village, and investment was made into clean and renewable energy, safe water, agriculture and the development of small industries. For the last five years, the commune has received a donor investment of $400,000 per year, amounting to $50 per person per year. 

“In the beginning, agents came and explained to us what the Millennium Development Goals were. There were people in the village who didn’t want to believe them. Some of them didn’t want to change. They felt they wanted to preserve what they had,” said Rosalie Rabodozafy of the village Nanganehana, which is part of Sambaina. “Now, they have become interested in development.” 

When the programme started, Rabodozafy became a member of the community health committee. “The first thing that changed was hygiene and health,” she recalled. “There was a health centre before the project started, but often, people didn’t go to the doctor. They would just buy some Paracetamol on the street when they felt bad. This mentality had to change. Our committee informed them about health issues, and they now know that they need to go for tests and check-ups.” 

The health committee also set up a medical insurance scheme and ensured access to clean drinking water by installing pumps in the villages. 

Through the project, Rabodozafy’s family learned to plant rice according to the System of Rice Intensification (SRI) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94764/MADAGASCAR-The-less-is-more-philosophy-of-rice-production ], which involves planting in rows instead of in bunches and using less water. Rabodozafy and her five children now grow enough food to eat for 11 months of the year. “Our harvest used to last us three months, and that was if we ate only two times a day. So these improvements will stay, as long as we keep using the technique,” she said. 

Mayor Arsene Randriamiarana of Sambaina said about 73 percent of local farmers now use the SRI method, greatly improving their production. 

Significant infrastructural improvements have also been made, from renovating the school to installing pumps and electricity, with inhabitants contributing to the costs and helping with the work. “It was difficult in the beginning, as people thought every household would be given cash. It took a while for them to understand that the money would go to training and infrastructure,” Randriamiarana told IRIN. 

Lasting changes 

As the project comes to an end, both Sambaina’s residents and its mayor expressed the belief that the positive changes introduced by the project would remain now that the initial investment had been made and local people’s incomes had improved. 

Randriamiarana has set up committees charged with maintaining the new infrastructure, which will collect contributions from residents. “Electricity cables cost 1 million ariary (US$450) a metre, and we needed 3km of it. There’s no way we could have paid for this ourselves. But now that we have it, people can contribute to the maintenance of the cables and the water pumps. You can’t wait for the government to renovate schools and roads,” he told IRIN. 

Support for small local industries is also winding up as the project’s funding ends. A group of 15 women and two men who came together to form a cooperative making jam and yoghurt had received start-up funding of 300,000 ariary ($135) from the project. The women have been selling their sample yoghurts in small shops around the villages and, eventually, they hope to make enough money to pay themselves salaries of 80,000 ariary ($36) a month. For the moment, they are struggling to find enough fruit to make sufficient quantities of jam. Nonetheless, they say they are learning. “Before all this started, I didn’t have a job,” said Voahangy Razafinantoandromanan. “Now, I’m part of the health committee, and I work for the cooperative.” 

The Millennium Villages Project started at a time when Madagascar was following a development plan, but this changed after the coup. With donor funding still largely frozen, there has been scant investment in infrastructure or support for small businesses, and Randriamiarana is doubtful the Millennium Village model will be able to spread to other places. 

“When I go to other communes… people have to wait for days to get a birth certificate or other papers. The government doesn’t even send enough money to pay for the salaries of the civil servants. So the communes have no source of income, other than the meagre amount of money the people pay for the services. As long as there is no national policy to develop the rural areas, there’s no hope for other communes to develop,” he told IRIN. 

ar/ks/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97706/Madagascar-apos-s-Millennium-Village-goes-it-alone</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303221020390468t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SAMBAINA 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - A Millennium Village in Madagascar is learning to stand on its own as five years of support from the UN Development Programme (UNDP) come to an end this month.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Resettlement conflicts follow Mozambique&apos;s mining boom</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211038300336t.jpg" />]]>TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate. 

The Brazilian mining giant Vale has been accused of resettling communities in inadequate areas with poorly constructed homes, and is now trying to make amends. The Indian steel company Jindal, meanwhile, is still in the process of moving communities from its mining area. 

Luácio Foia lives in the village of Kassoka, in Changara District, just a few kilometres from Jindal’s new mining area. Coal is already being extracted ahead of the mine’s official inauguration, which is planned for later this month.

In his current location, Foia is able to pan for gold to supplement his farming income. Outside his house, he points at the ground and says, “Even right here you can find gold, but in the creeks there is more. If I don´t have anything, I take my tools and I go to the creeks… No one starves here.”

Foia, his wife and their eight children are among 565 families in three communities facing resettlement to an area where panning for gold will no longer be an option. 

Awaiting the move

Since Jindal moved into the area in 2008, the people of Kassoka have not been able to open up new fields for farming or build new houses. Foia says that some families have already lost fields to the mine. Although they were compensated according to the size of their fields, the amounts did not take into account the presence of gold in the area.

The villagers’ resettlement has been delayed, first by their refusal to move to the area the company had selected, and then by the provincial government, which rejected Jindal’s initial resettlement plan.

Arsénio Mahajane, who has been hired by Jindal to manage the dialog with the families awaiting resettlement, claims he is very satisfied with the process: the communities have chosen the site they want to move to and now they are just waiting for the provincial government to approve the new resettlement plan.

“We are lucky; we had the possibility to learn from what happened with Vale’s resettlement in Cateme,” he told IRIN. “It has been like a school for us, and we are taking that in to account.”

But Foia complains that Jindal has employed a local leader as an assistant as a way to silence the community.

“He doesn´t represent us anymore. He has been bought by the company. He even says it himself, ‘I have a good life now. I will lose my job if I tell them what you think’.”

Foia also has concerns about the site they will be moving to, which was selected by local leaders and which he has not seen for himself. “There is no water where we are going, no river. Imagine the day when our leaders start rationing the water. They also say that we will have electricity, but who will pay for the electricity? You have to have a job to pay for electricity.” 

Protests

Vale was the first company to start exploring for coal in Tete, and remains the largest of seven coal-mining companies now operating in the province. Vale resettled around 5,000 people between 2006 and 2011, but the process was marred by conflict. 

In January 2012, members of Vale’s largest resettled community, which was moved from Moatize to Cateme, one hour’s drive away, blocked the Sena Railway used to transport coal to the port of Beira to protest conditions in their new village. They said Cateme lacked transportation and jobs, that the soil was poor and that their houses were badly constructed without foundations.

Vale workers are now repairing a section of the pot-holed road between Moatize and Cateme and renovating houses that were built without foundations. Vale has also started a model farm to teach the community modern farming techniques and income-generating activities such as poultry breeding.

Luisa Antonio received a loan from Vale to build a chicken run and to buy chicken feed and medicine. The money will be deducted from the profits she earns when the chickens are sold. 

“I gained 9,000 meticais (US$300) after I sold the first round of chickens,” she told IRIN. “That is a good payment; it relieves our poverty. But I don´t know how we will manage on our own. We have no transport and there is still no shop here that sells what we need for our business. Vale only helps us for the first four rounds [of breeding]. We are worried.”

However, Antonio is more hopeful than she was before the protest. The projects that Vale has implemented in the community are having an impact, she says, and “if they continue, life will change”. Her son is among 23 young people from the village who are receiving training from Vale on how to become machine operators. 

“He will study there for a year… After that, they have promised to give him a job in the mine, but sometimes promises are broken, so you never know,” she said.

Stepping in

Following the protest, the provincial government also appears to have realized the need to become more involved in resettlement processes.

“We were not prepared - that was our mistake. We were not there when Vale started the resettlement process. A lot of things went wrong in the beginning,” said Américo Conceicão, acting provincial permanent secretary.

According to Conceicão, Vale used a consulting firm to negotiate with the population of Moatize, leaving local government in the dark about what promises were made and about the poor quality of houses built in Cateme.

“Now we are better prepared for new resettlement processes. We have created a model house, and we have an effective resettlement commission. We want to take the lead in the process,” he said.

However, Vale’s coal operations director, Altiberto Brandão, claims that they worked with local government from the beginning and that the houses are of good quality. “We built them five years ago, and not a single one has fallen apart yet. It is a cultural matter.”

Rui de Vasconcelos Caetano of the local organization AAACJ [Association for Judicial Assistance and Support to Communities], who has worked with the resettled communities from the beginning of the process, said that Brandão’s suggestion that cultural preferences accounted for the dissatisfaction with the houses was disrespectful. 

AAACJ is encouraging community members to refuse Vale’s offer to renovate their houses, arguing that the houses should be completely rebuilt or that families should be given money to build their own houses. Still, many in the community have already accepted Vale’s offer to renovate.

De Vasconcelos Caetano is sceptical of some of the other measures that Vale has taken since the demonstrations. He argues, for instance, that the agricultural methods used on the model farm are unsustainable, since they use fertilizers and other inputs that the communities will not be able to afford on their own. 
He is also not convinced that Jindal has learned anything from the Vale experience. AAACJ is now working with the communities facing relocation by Jindal, teaching them about their rights. 

The people of Kassoka do not know when their move will take place. Jindal has promised that the new village will contain a clinic, a school, banks and shops, but construction cannot start until the provincial government approves the new plan. 

awn/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97694/Resettlement-conflicts-follow-Mozambique-apos-s-mining-boom</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211038300336t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Swazi government sells food aid</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301081305000924t.jpg" />]]>MBABANE 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s government has sold maize donated by the Japanese government to feed hungry Swazis for US$3 million and deposited the money in the Central Bank of Swaziland.</description><body><![CDATA[MBABANE 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s government has sold maize donated by the Japanese government to feed hungry Swazis for US$3 million and deposited the money in the Central Bank of Swaziland. 

The nearly 12,000 metric tons of donated maize was sold by the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development in 2011, but the sale was not made public until an item about the transaction appeared in a performance report the ministry presented to the Swaziland Parliament for review last week. 

Swaziland has not produced enough food to feed itself since the 1970s. It depends on international food aid to bridge a gap that varies from year to year, ranging from two-thirds of the country’s 1.2 million people in 2007 to about one-tenth of the population this year, after a better than average rainfall, according to the World Food Programme. 

Unanswered questions

The majority of Swazis reside on communal Swazi Nation Land, under the authority of chiefs appointed by King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch. Lacking title deeds to their ancestral farms, they are unable to secure bank loans to invest in irrigation equipment or farming machinery, relying instead on rainfall to water their crops. However, Swaziland’s climate is becoming increasingly arid and agricultural inputs are growing increasingly unaffordable [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97190/Swazi-farmers-struggle-to-afford-inputs ]. 

Bertram Stewart, the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development’s principal secretary, acknowledged the sale of the food aid to Swazi media, and said it was not the first time this had been done. According to Stewart, the Japanese government was informed that the maize donation would be sold and that the money would be used to purchase farming inputs for subsistence farmers, but the Japanese government has yet to confirm this assertion.

In fact, government-funded farming inputs were scaled back during the past cropping season, with the Ministry of Agriculture citing a lack of funds. 

Members of parliament (MPs) have asked the economic planning minister, Prince Hlangusemphi Dlamini, for an explanation as to why food donations intended for the poor and hungry were being diverted for other uses, but Dlamini, who was appointed to the ministerial position by his brother, the king, has yet to respond. 

MPs also pointed out that the government has $50 million in unused funds that could be used to purchase food aid or to implement programmes recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to boost food production [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96742/SWAZILAND-IMF-recommends-land-reforms ].

Economic decline

The government’s profligate spending, coupled with its failure to follow IMF guidelines meant to boost its economy and increase government tax revenue, has led to years of economic decline. Swaziland’s GDP fell by 3 percent last year, and is expected to drop again in 2013. IMF has predicted that, by 2014, the country’s economy will have replaced Somalia’s as the worst performing in the world. 

A substantial portion of the government’s budget is provided by revenue from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which distributes tax revenue from goods entering Southern Africa to its five member states. But revenues from SACU have plummeted in the wake of the global economic slowdown, helping to precipitate a fiscal crisis that has led to job losses and significant cuts in social spending, putting an increased strain on the two-thirds of the population already living in chronic poverty [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95088/SWAZILAND-Diets-downsized-by-financial-crisis ].

“The government is desperate for money and will grab it by hook or by crook, even taking food from the mouths of babies,” said one private sector accountant familiar with the government’s financial situation.

“At the same time, the government is used to the international community rushing in with aid to cover the government’s mismanagement of the economy and the humanitarian crisis here,” he said.

Two NGOs that did not wish to be named told IRIN they were worried the sale of Japan’s food donation and the lack of a full accounting by the government could negatively affect donors’ willingness to support the country.

tg/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97684/Swazi-government-sells-food-aid</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301081305000924t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MBABANE 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Swaziland’s government has sold maize donated by the Japanese government to feed hungry Swazis for US$3 million and deposited the money in the Central Bank of Swaziland.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mozambique’s first HIV vaccine trial heralds new era in local research</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207241016190211t.jpg" />]]>MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity.</description><body><![CDATA[MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity. 

This week, researchers at Mozambique’s Polana Cancio Centre for Research and Public Health completed a trial evaluating the safety of an HIV vaccine candidate. The study was conducted through the UK HIV Vaccine Consortium’s Tanzania and Mozambique HIV Vaccine Programme (TaMoVac) [ http://www1.imperial.ac.uk/medicine/research/researchthemes/infection/infectious_diseases/hiv_trials/vaccines/ukhvc/ ]. Preliminary results from the Phase I trial indicated the vaccine was safe, but researchers say it will be months before they know if the vaccine produced an immune response in participants. 

The country also launched its second HIV vaccine trial, this one of a Phase II HIV vaccine candidate, also through TaMoVac, this week. As part of this multi-site study, which is taking place in both Mozambique and Tanzania, Mozambique will recruit 20 percent of the 200-patient sample. 

According to Ilesh Jani, director general of Mozambique’s National Institute of Health, the studies, while small, mark important first steps towards bolstering clinical trial and research capacity for diseases such as HIV and malaria. These diseases, along with malnutrition, continue to drive death rates in the country [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/90868/MOZAMBIQUE-Technology-revolution-hits-HIV-testing-and-treatment ].

“We should be in the driver's seat, not sitting in the back of the car waiting for someone to find the answer,” Jani told IRIN/PlusNews. “We need to get involved and take leadership to find the solutions.” 

“Maybe we don’t yet have the capacity to develop these products in the lab, but we have the capacity to test them and accelerate discovery,” he added. 

Larger HIV vaccines trials in the pipeline 

The centre - which is located on the outskirts of the capital city, Maputo - aims to help the National Institute of Health understand the health concerns of the country’s increasingly peri-urban population. 

“Maybe half of Mozambique will be living in peri-urban areas in the next 10 years,” Jani said. “It’s a setting where we don’t completely understand the determinants of health.” 

Understanding these determinants will require household mapping and an HIV prevalence study. Researchers at the centre expect that this study will show an HIV prevalence rate of at least three percent in the local community. 

If this is true, Polana Cancio could become a clinical research site for larger, more advanced HIV vaccine trials. Nationally, Mozambique has an HIV prevalence rate of about 11 percent, according to UNAIDS. 

The centre will also be conducting a study into common causes of fever. 

Jani added that, while it might not be possible for the all the products tested by the centre to enter the market patent-free, he hopes that products tested at the centre - and found to be effective - will be affordable for use in countries like Mozambique. 

llg/kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97657/Mozambique-s-first-HIV-vaccine-trial-heralds-new-era-in-local-research</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207241016190211t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Africa, corruption dirties the water</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011339570855t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.

“The impact of corruption on the water sector is manifested by lack of sustainable delivery, inequitable investment and targeting of resources, and limited participation of affected communities in developmental processes,” Bethlehem Mengistu, regional advocacy manager at the NGO Water Aid, told IRIN.

In a 2010 report, the UN World Health Organization (WHO) [ http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/publications/2012/jmp_report/en/index.html ], estimated that around 780 million people around the world, including 343 million in Africa, did not have access to an “improved drinking water supply”, meaning a running water network, public drinking fountains, protected wells or springs, or rainwater tanks.

Globally, an estimated 3 million deaths result from water-borne diseases annually, according to WHO.

According to the World Bank, 20 to 40 percent of public finances worldwide meant for the water sector are lost due to corruption and dishonest practices.

Denied water

In Africa, climate change and burgeoning populations have caused competition over scarce water resources, at times leading to communal conflicts. Experts say corruption exacerbates Africa’s water problems.

“More specific examples of how corruption denies poor people access to water include situations where wealthy or politically connected people use their position to unduly influence the location of a water source at the cost of the poor,” Maria Jacobson, programme officer at the UN Development Programme’s Water Governance Facility (WGF), at the Stockholm International Water Institute, told IRIN.

According to Jacobson, the poor “don’t have the resources to participate in a corrupt system that relies on bribes”, and therefore “lose out in terms of poor water services”.

“Poor people also have few, if any, means to enter alternative markets when corrupt public systems fail to deliver,” she added.

A 2008 report [ http://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub/global_corruption_report_2008_corruption_in_the_water_sector ] by Transparency International (TI), a global corruption watchdog, estimated that corruption denied more than a billion people access to safe drinking water and kept 2.8 billion from accessing sanitation services.

In Tanzania, a 2012 study [ http://www.water-alternatives.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=173 ] published in the peer-reviewed journal Water Alternatives revealed that a large-scale agricultural and livestock farming project - on a 14 hectare plot of land in the Iringa area leased out by the government to a private company, allegedly without following the legal process - led to contamination of nearby water sources serving some 45,000 people.

The study, conducted by the Italian NGO ACRA (Cooperazione Rurale in Africa e America Latina), said fertilizers, pesticides and animal waste from the farm washed downstream to the water points.

“While there are mechanisms within Tanzanian law to limit potentially polluting activities, establish protected zones around water sources, and empower water-user organizations to exercise control over activities that damage the quality of water, in practice, in the Iringa region, these were not effective as many procedures were not followed,” the authors said.

In developing countries, corruption is estimated to, according to the TI report, “raise the price for connecting a household to a water network by as much as 30 per cent,” which leads to an inflation of the “overall costs for achieving the Millennium Development Goals for water and sanitation, cornerstones for remedying the global water crisis, by more than US$48 billion.”

In Kenya, for instance, poor people in the capital, Nairobi, pay 10 times more for water than their wealthier counterparts, according to TI.

Incompetence

The incompetence of national and local authorities, too, is to blame.

“Because the revenue that is collected from the water sector is not ring-fenced, it is not ploughed back in to improve services. It is not uncommon to see leaking and broken pipes and water pumps in many parts of urban and rural regions of Africa countries,” Barrack Luseno, a Kenyan water sector analyst, told IRIN.

In Malawi, according to the TI report, water collection points constructed between 1988 and 2002 were mostly placed in areas where such facilities already existed, largely due to “political patronage.”

“The key drivers [of corruption] are limitations of participation, transparency and accountability. It is usually the case that the details of sector resourcing is confined, there is limited participation of right holders in critical issues of development, and the checks and balances to key decision-making roles are weak,” Water Aid’s Mengistu added.

Water Aid recommended in a 2012 report [ http://www.wateraid.org/what%20we%20do/our%20approach/research%20and%20publications/~/media/Publications/WaterAid_Keeping_Promises_Synthesis_Report.ashx ] that governments invest more but also put measures in place to fight the runaway graft in the water sector.

“Governments and donors must ensure that rigorous checks and balances are in place to tackle corruption and minimize waste,” said the report.

It gave the example of the Ugandan government and donors moving quickly to tackle the misappropriation of funds that occurred in the country’s water sector at the end of 2012.

“There is a continuing need to enhance the accountability of governments in delivering services and fulfilling their obligations as duty bearers. Community service organisations have an important role to play as watchdogs to ensure rights holders receive their entitlements,” it added.

Involving communities in decision making and putting more investment into the sector are some of the ways to ensure access for more people.

“We must ensure integrity by ensuring more openness in dealing with issues of land and water. Remember, for rural communities, access to land is commensurate with access to water. This explains the conflict between pastoralist and farming communities,” Luseno added.

Privatization?

Some have advocated for the privatization of water services. In Africa, Senegal and Cote d'Ivoire are cited as privatization success stories. But critics, fearing increased prices, say that putting life-sustaining resource in the hands of for-profit companies would be dangerous.

Karen Bakers says in her 2010 book Privatizing Water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis, “an increasing consensus has developed that private sector participation in water supply will not be able, as some proponents has hoped, to succeed where governments have failed to provide water for all.”

According to the WGF [ http://www.watergovernance.org/ ], the ideological debates over the privatization of water services “do not benefit those lacking sustainable drinking water supply and sanitation.”

The World Bank estimates by 2007, some 160 million people were being served by private water operators globally [ http://www.ppiaf.org/sites/ppiaf.org/files/FINAL-PPPsforUrbanWaterUtilities-PhMarin.pdf ]. About 50 million of these people are served by public-private partnerships that can be considered successful.

But privatization has produced different results for different countries.

In Mozambique, a World Bank study revealed that access to water in the capital, Maputo, had improved since the delegation of water management to private companies.

In Uganda, water sector reforms included more funding from the government and better management of the National Water and Sewerage Corporation - a privately managed but publicly owned water company responsible for the 15 largest cities in the country. According to Water Aid, in just five years after the reforms, it had transformed from being a highly inefficient, underperforming and loss-making body to a healthy and financially sustainable public corporation. Service coverage grew from 48 to 74 percent between 1998 and 2010. The same period witnessed household connections increase from 53,000 to 246,259.

Still, corruption has been a challenge.

“In a study of corruption in Uganda’s water sector, private contractors estimated the average bribe related to a contract award to be 10 percent [of the total cost]. The same study showed that 46 per cent of all urban water consumers had paid extra money for connections,” said WGF’s Jacobson.

Kenya, on the other hand, abandoned plans to open up Nairobi’s water supply to private companies, fearing it would inflate water prices.

In 2008, Mali experienced anti-privatization protests that left one person dead and five others injured in the capital, Bamako.

In Ghana, water tariffs increased by 80 percent after privatization [ http://www.vitensevidesinternational.com/projects/ghana/case-study-book-ghana-5.pdf ], and a third of the country’s population still has no access to safe and clean water.

“Experience suggests that to make private sector engagement work, effective government regulatory powers are required,” says WGF.

Ending corruption in the sector, experts like WGF’s Jacobson say, would require diagnosing the effectiveness of anticorruption interventions, creating legal and financial reforms, and building public sector capacity.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97642/In-Africa-corruption-dirties-the-water</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011339570855t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Grim food security outlook for Zimbabwe*</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202141316350671t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Laina Tavengwa, 34, from Wedza District in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland East Province, no longer sees a point in farming her family’s four-hectare plot.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Laina Tavengwa, 34, from Wedza District in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland East Province, no longer sees a point in farming her family’s four-hectare plot.

When the first rains of the season fell in mid-November last year, she reluctantly heeded her husband’s advice to start planting, but she put only a hectare under maize and allocated an acre to groundnuts.

The crop suffered under a dry spell in December, and when heavy rains set in, Tavengwa was unable to tend the plot or apply fertilizer - which she did not have anyway.

“When the heavy rains stopped, my maize, just like that of my neighbours, was yellowing and looked too sick, and I vowed to my husband that I would never again think of planting maize in my lifetime.

“There is no reason to be going back to the fields every year when you know that you are never going to get anything out of them,” she told IRIN.

Most of the maize crop in Goto Village, where Tavengwa resides, is of uneven height, looks sickly and bears small cobs.

“There is no hope of a good harvest this year again. For the fourth year, we will have to beg for food from well-wishers. I have travelled across Wedza and it seems the majority of the people will not have much to put in their granaries,” Simon Maveza, a village elder, told IRIN.

Though rains have recently returned, Maveza said it was too late for their crops, mostly maize, to recover.

Critical condition

Denford Chimbwanda, former president of the Grain and Cereal Producers Association of Zimbabwe (GPCA), told IRIN that although crops were doing well in regions such as Mashonaland Central and West and parts of Mashonaland East, many areas of the country would suffer poor harvests this year.

“There are pockets of good harvests in some traditionally arid regions like Masvingo, but the crop situation is bad in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands and Manicaland. I would say about a third of the land that was planted is going to be severely affected, meaning that there will be a cereal shortage this year again,” Chimbwanda told IRIN.

In February, the Zimbabwe Farmers’ Union (ZFU) indicated in its crop and livestock update that most crops were showing signs of stress due to erratic rains, and that maize crops in many areas were in a critical condition. 

Joseph Made, the agriculture minister, whose department is coordinating its annual crop and livestock assessment in conjunction with humanitarian agencies, revealed recently that the area planted for major food crops had declined from about 1.9 million hectares in 2012 to around 1.5 million hectares this year. 

“The area planted for major food crops, namely maize, sorghum and millet has temporarily declined… due to inadequate financial support and late rains,” he reportedly said during an address at a military training college [ http://www.herald.co.zw/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=67451:2013-crop-hectarage-down-made&catid=41:business&Itemid=133 ].

Food security poor

Looming bad harvests will add to an already poor food security situation characterized by severe shortages. 

Tavengwa said last year’s harvests were the worst she had seen in a long time. Her family managed to salvage only 10kg of maize, which lasted them less than two weeks.

“I struggle every day to feed the family.  My mind is always preoccupied with what I must do to ensure that we don’t die of hunger,” said Tavengwa, a mother of three sets of twins. Her husband has been bedridden since he had a stroke two years ago.

She frequently travels to Harare to sell dried green vegetables that she buys from vendors at the nearby Wedza business centre. The money she earns is enough to ensure that the family gets one main meal a day, but she has not paid school fees for her children since the term began in January.

According to Felix Bamezon, UN World Food Programme (WFP) country director, Zimbabwe’s current food insecurity levels are the worst in four years. “During the peak hunger period of January to March 2013, approximately 19 percent of Zimbabwe’s rural population - the equivalent of one in five people - are estimated to be in need of food assistance,” he told IRIN.

Of the country’s 13 million people, WFP and the government are providing food aid to 1.58 million in 37 districts across the country.

The Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee report of 2012 indicated that the worst-affected areas are Masvingo, Matabeleland North and South, and parts of Mashonaland, Midlands and Manicaland provinces.

Bamezon explained that WFP was mainly providing assistance to subsistence farmers and other food insecure people who were badly hit by last year’s drought. “In many parts of the country, particularly in the south, the maize they harvested barely lasted a few months, bringing an early start to the ‘hunger season’, which will end with the next harvest expected in April,” he told IRIN. 

Under the programme, in which the government for the first time provided 350,000 metric tons of maize from the strategic grain reserve, beneficiaries are receiving maize meal, cooking oil and pulses. The 250,000 people in areas that have surpluses are receiving cash to buy food.

fm/ks/rz

*This article was amended on 14/03/13. The original report erroneously described food security levels in Zimbabwe as the worst in four years and said the government provided 350,000 metric tons of maize for food assistance.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97645/Grim-food-security-outlook-for-Zimbabwe</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202141316350671t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Laina Tavengwa, 34, from Wedza District in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland East Province, no longer sees a point in farming her family’s four-hectare plot.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Politicians push for Yes vote in Zimbabwe&apos;s referendum</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200803307t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - On 16 March Zimbabweans will vote in a referendum on whether to adopt or reject a draft constitution for which the three major political parties have publicly endorsed a Yes vote.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - On 16 March Zimbabweans will vote in a referendum on whether to adopt or reject a draft constitution for which the three major political parties have publicly endorsed a Yes vote.

The writing of a new constitution was one of the requirements of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which formed a power-sharing agreement between President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and the two factions of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), following the violently contested presidential elections of 2008.

After the referendum, Zimbabweans will vote in general elections slated for July, either under a new constitution or the current one.

“Sweeping powers”

A large cross-section of society - including women, war veterans and the youth - have given the draft constitution a thumbs up, but Lovemore Madhuku, chairperson of the civil society group National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), said the fact that all three political parties support a Yes vote on the referendum should sound alarm bells.

“The three political parties are seduced by some of the constitutional provisions which safeguard the president from answering questions in parliament," said Madhuku, whose organization is encouraging Zimbabweans to vote No on the new constitution. "The current draft does not change the features of the current constitution in terms of presidential powers; the office will still retain sweeping powers.”

The NCA has approached the Supreme Court to have the date of the referendum postponed, arguing that Zimbabweans have not had enough time to study the draft. The NCA opposed the drafting process from the beginning, saying it should not be led by political parties but by an independent constitutional commission. 

Tecla Chisvo, a 55-year-old farmer in Chegutu, Mashonaland West, said she was unhappy with both the process of drafting the new constitution and its final form and would vote against it.
"During outreach and consultation meetings, we were told by political party representatives what to say in terms of what should be contained in the constitution. That obviously meant what we wanted included was not accommodated. Even now, it is political parties that are telling us to vote Yes," said Chisvo.

Jabulani Sibanda, chairperson of the militant National Liberation War Veterans Association, which is closely allied with ZANU-PF, told IRIN that they would vote in favour of the draft.

“There are so many things that we are not happy about in this draft constitution, but like many constitutions or agreements, we have to negotiate with representatives of our former colonizers and the devils amongst ourselves. We will vote Yes in the referendum and allow it to pass because we will win the next elections by a huge majority. We can always make progressive amendments in parliament,” Sibanda said.

Many unaware

The Constitution Select Committee (Copac), a coalition of parlimentary representatives from the three parties, had initially printed only 90,000 copies of the draft constitution for a country with a registered voting population of more than 5 million.

Of that figure, 70,000 were in English and 20,000 in local languages. They also printed 200,000 abridged versions of the draft constitution in the different languages.

Noma Dube, a civil servant in Matabeleland South, told IRIN that rural communities were largely unaware of the impending referendum. "There has not been adequate publicity around it. People have not seen the draft, and because the entire process was politicized, people generally shunned the process and lost interest."

The greatest outcry has come from people living with disabilities. Abraham Mateta, a visually impaired legal expert, told IRIN that Copac had only printed 200 Braille copies of the draft constitution for a population of 40,000 blind people.

""he current draft constitution is a sad reflection of Zimbabwean attitudes towards people with disability," he told IRIN. "To start with, the inputs from people with disabilities during outreach meetings were ignored and welfarist and charity models adopted.”

He said this would relegate people with disabilities to chores such as shoe mending and making baskets.

Said Mateta, “While the draft is clear on what interventions the State should make with groups such as the youth, elderly and war veterans, on disability, it says interventions shall be made subject to availability of funds, which clearly implies that disability is expensive and that disabled people are second class citizens.”

dd/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97639/Politicians-push-for-Yes-vote-in-Zimbabwe-apos-s-referendum</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200803307t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - On 16 March Zimbabweans will vote in a referendum on whether to adopt or reject a draft constitution for which the three major political parties have publicly endorsed a Yes vote.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Third-line ARVs could widen treatment gap in Zimbabwe</title><pubDate>Tue, 12 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - HIV/AIDS activists in Zimbabwe have welcomed the government’s move to address the problem of HIV drug resistance by introducing third-line antiretroviral drug (ARVs). But it remains unclear how the cash-strapped government will finance this, as procuring the drugs will invariably be expensive and could divert resources away from other HIV treatment efforts.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - HIV/AIDS activists in Zimbabwe have welcomed the government’s move to address the problem of HIV drug resistance by introducing third-line antiretroviral drug (ARVs). But it remains unclear how the cash-strapped government will finance this, as procuring the drugs will invariably be expensive and could divert resources away from other HIV treatment efforts.

As ARV access improves, an increasing number of patients will eventually need third-line medicines, which are used when patients stop responding to first- and second-line treatment regimens. Research by PharmAccess, a Dutch foundation providing HIV treatment services to the private sector in sub-Saharan Africa, has shown that in 11 countries, transmitted drug resistance increased by 38 percent for each year the country scaled-up ARV treatment.

Yet third-line drugs are either unaffordable or unavailable in many developing countries.

Zimbabwe, which introduced ARV therapy in 2004, is reaching an estimated 347,000 people with treatment, but 600,000 are estimated to be in need of the drugs. Currently, those who have failed to respond to second-line treatment are being referred to research organizations.

Poorly resourced

Owen Mugurungi, the national coordinator of the HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis unit in Zimbabwe’s health ministry, says the government is considering introducing third-line ARVs to respond to treatment failures on the first- and second-line regimens. Mugurungi attributed treatment failures to lack of drug adherence and drug resistance [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/91866/AFRICA-Need-for-systematic-HIV-drug-resistance-testing ].

HIV drug resistance can be acquired, in which resistance develops following a patient’s poor adherence to treatment, or transmitted, in which a person becomes infected with a drug-resistant strain of the virus [ http://www.who.int/hiv/facts/drug_resistance/en/index.html ].

Mugurungi told IRIN/PlusNews that the government was working with the University of Zimbabwe to determine the number of people who had developed resistance to treatment. Levels of drugs resistance in sub-Saharan Africa are under 5 percent, but a few surveillance studies in East and Southern Africa have reported increasing levels of transmitted drug resistance [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3537300/ ].

HIV/AIDS activists fear that drug resistance and treatment failure could be linked to the government’s poor management of the national HIV/AIDS treatment programme.

Tinashe Mundawarara, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights project manager for HIV, human rights and law, said cases of resistance should not be surprising given the country’s poorly resourced health care system. Frequent drug stock-outs may have contributed to treatment interruptions, for example. 

“Drug resistance must be addressed quickly because delay may result in the resistance spreading to other related drugs, thus limiting future treatment options. It is good that the government has noticed the problem and seeks to address it,” said Mundawarara.  “We applaud that.”

Widening treatment gap

But Itai Rusike, director of the Community Working Group on Health, has raised concerns that introducing a third-line drug regimen could further widen the treatment gap.

“In a way, it is a welcome move. But the reality on the ground is that there are people on the ground that have not even enjoyed the first-line treatment,” said Rusike. “Only 40 percent of people in need of ARVs are on treatment. And then for us to move to the next stage, which is even more expensive, is condemning those in need of treatment to death because they may never access treatment after this.”

Rusike, whose organization works to ensure the equitable distribution of health resources in the country, said the majority of people in need of treatment still lack access to it.

“With this development, many of them may never graduate to the first-line treatment. So what we are saying is let us attend to the basics first. We have people who have been on the waiting list for years,” said Rusike. 

For HIV/AIDS activist Stanley Takaona, third-line treatment options will require greater management of the national ARV programme to prevent drug stock-outs. He said this is critical because after third-line treatment, there are no other options [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/95991/ZIMBABWE-Activists-slam-poor-management-of-ARV-supply ].

“Once the drugs have been introduced, the government needs to invest a lot in the care and management of patients on third-line to promote rigorous drug adherence, regular C4D count and full blood count tests to monitor how patients are responding to treatment.”

He added, “But meanwhile, there are still many people whose lives still depend on accessing the first-line.”

Zimbabwe has about 1.2 million people living with HIV. The number of people needing treatment increased when Zimbabwe adopted the World Health Organization treatment guidelines recommending patients begin treatment at a CD4 count of 350, compared to the 200 count in earlier treatment guidelines. Pregnant women and infants living with HIV are being initiated on treatment regardless of their CD4 count [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/87263/GLOBAL-WHO-sets-new-HIV-treatment-guidelines ].

st/kn/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97627/Third-line-ARVs-could-widen-treatment-gap-in-Zimbabwe</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007062614t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - HIV/AIDS activists in Zimbabwe have welcomed the government’s move to address the problem of HIV drug resistance by introducing third-line antiretroviral drug (ARVs). But it remains unclear how the cash-strapped government will finance this, as procuring the drugs will invariably be expensive and could divert resources away from other HIV treatment efforts.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>