<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - South Sudan</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 17:31:04 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: A quick reaction force moulded by Africa&apos;s circumstances</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention. 

Originally intended to become operational in 2010, the deadline for the ASF has been reset for 2015; but despite the delay, the ASF is becoming increasingly woven into the operating procedures of current AU security operations. 

The ASF “is very much a work in progress”, African Union Commissioner of Peace and Security Ramtane Lamamra told IRIN, but “at the political level there is a strong support for it under the guiding principle of bringing about African solutions to African problems.” 

Once up and running, the ASF will be based on five regional blocs each supplying about 5,000 troops: the Southern African Development Community (SADC) force (SADCBRIG), the Eastern Africa Standby force (EASBRIG), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) force (ECOBRIG), the North African Regional Capability (NARC), and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) force (ECCASBRIG), also known as the Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC). 

The regional forces are not a standing army like national forces. As the AU Peace and Security Council protocol of the ASF stipulates, they “shall be composed of standby multidisciplinary contingents with civilian and military components in their countries of origin and ready for rapid deployment at appropriate notice.” 

The ASF is the legacy and logic of the Constitutive Act of the AU adopted in 2000, the successor to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In a complete break from the OAU, which had advocated non-interference in member states, the Act gave the AU both the right to intervene in a crisis, and an obligation to do so “in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. 

Lamamra said the ASF “Implies the immediate availability of the instruments [of intervention and prevention] to be translated into concrete deeds... when they relate to some kind of enforcing decisions of the legitimate organs of African Union, such as cases of unconstitutional changes of government… or armed rebellion, such as the terrorist situation in northern Mali.” 

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was held up as an example of what the ASF could be. “I believe the learning curve for the standby force is AMISOM. We have to deliver on the lessons learned in the AMISOM process - five years of effective presence on the ground under quite challenging circumstances,” Lamamra said. 

“The lesson of AMISOM is that Africans should be ready to make sacrifices, and Uganda has wonderfully shown that they are ready to make sacrifices for the common good of Africa.” Uganda has supplied most of the AU troops supporting the Somali government against jihadist rebels. 

The AU has deployed 14 staff officers to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, “in the first ever deployment of ASF elements,” El Gassim Wane, AU Commission director of peace and security, told IRIN. 

A field exercise - Amani II, following the Amani I mapping exercise in 2010 - is being planned for 2014 and three of the five brigades are expected to take participate. 

Article 4 (h) 

Lamamra was confident that by 2015 all of the ASF’s regional brigades - with the probable exception of NARC, owing to the disruptions of the Arab Spring - would be operational and able to fulfil all the criteria of AU’s Article 4 (h), which influenced the international development of the UN Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. 

There are six scenarios in Article 4 (h). The lowest rung is the attachment of a regional military advisor to a political mission; then an AU regional observer deployed within a UN mission; followed by a stand-alone AU regional observer mission; and deployment of a regional peacekeeping force under the auspices of a Chapter VI mandate, all within a timeframe of 30 days or less. Scenario five is a multidimensional AU peacekeeping force deployed within 90 days, and scenario six relates to “grave circumstances”, such as genocide, and deployment within 14 days. 

Lamamra said the timeline of 14 days for level-six intervention should be reassessed to about seven days. “For instance, resolution 1973 of the UN Security Council was adopted on 17 March and the actual military operation started on 19th March - 14 days would have been too much in terms of protecting civilians.” 

In a 2010 paper, The Role and Place of the African Standby Force within the African Peace and Security Architecture, [ http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/209.pdf ] Solomon Dersso, a senior researcher at the Addis Ababa office of the Institute for Security Studies, a Pretoria-based think-tank, notes that “Article 4 (h) not only creates the legal basis for intervention but also imposes an obligation on the AU to intervene to prevent or stop the perpetration of such heinous international crimes anywhere on the continent.” 

However, implementation of R2P rests with the Security Council, while the imposition of Article 4 (h) resides with the AU and does not require the Security Council’s blessing. 

Scenario six of Article 4 (h) has yet to be used by the AU and Dersso told IRIN he “sincerely doubted” the article would be invoked in the short term against member states, as “it would deprive the AU of any leverage it has over a target government,” and the AU has already “shied away” from implementing the article in Darfur. 

He expected the ASF to be close to being able to comply with Article 4 (h) level-five scenarios by 2015, but the development of regional forces was proceeding at different paces. 

The two-speed progress of the regional brigades - in which ECOWAS and SADC are recognised as the furthest along the path - is not just a consequence of the two regional blocs housing the continent’s economic power houses of Nigeria and South Africa, AU Commission director of peace and security El Gassim Wane told IRIN. 

“ECOWAS and SADC have made tremendous progress, EAS Brigade too, while NARC in the north was lagging behind, but then started speeding up, but the Libyan crisis meant progress had to stop,” he said. “Money may play a role, but money alone cannot explain that. ECOWAS and SADC focused early on conflict and security issues, so had a competitive advantage in the very beginning. Experience, length of involvement in peace and security issues, have certainly played a key role.” 

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation, told IRIN the availability of a standby force could cloud judgment. 

“Intrinsically, in most of these situations what is needed is a political response, and there is a temptation that if you have a standby force to use it because you have a military capacity… And my concern over something like Mali would be that the military option runs the danger of getting the AU into a Somalia-type situation, where the use of military force five or six years ago by the US and Ethiopia very seriously rebounded. But having said that - yes, in a situation where there is a need for some sort of peacekeeping deployment in the context of a political initiative, it makes sense.” 

Alternatives to the ASF? 

Analysts have questioned whether 30,000 troops would be sufficient to deal with the continent’s crises, and 2012 has illustrated that such concerns are valid. A range of crises this year erupted within the space of a few weeks, from the uneasy relationship between South Sudan and Sudan deteriorating into skirmishing, to coup d’etats in Mali and Guinea-Bissau. 

Wane said the establishment of the ASF did not necessarily mean it would be the only security option at the AU’s disposal, and the four-country operation against Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army, (LRA) a rebel movement that started in northern Uganda, could be considered as a useful model for the future. 

“It’s not an ASF operation per se, as ASF has its own processes, and it was not really conceived as an ASF operation - it was conceived as an ad hoc, very flexible arrangement to enhance effectiveness to deal with the LRA once and for all. It’s a very flexible and creative way of dealing with a specific security issue… Who knows? We may replicate it elsewhere, where there is a security problem,” he said. 

The force ranged against the LRA - comprising soldiers from the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Uganda - has fought against the LRA in past, but is set apart, as it operates under the aegis of the AU. 

Abou Moussa, the Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), based in Libreville, Gabon, told IRIN: “The specific nature of this deployment [against the LRA] is termed ‘authorised’ as compared to ‘mandated’.” 

“Under authorised deployment, each country provides for the needs and requirements of their respective troops without the AU's contribution. This is extremely important, as this can be considered as their own contribution towards the determination to put an end to Kony's actions. It is very costly. However, the AU covers the needs of staff officers - some 30 of them posted to the various coordinating centres.” 

The AU task force has three operational centres, located in Dungu, DRC, at Obo in CAR, and Nzara in South Sudan, with its headquarters in Yambio, South Sudan. 

“The Regional Coordination Initiative means more subtle changes in the way the operation is run, with representatives of all four countries involved in the command structure in Yambio,” which sidesteps the politically sensitive issue of the DRC’s refusal to host Ugandan forces on its soil, Ned Dalby, a central Africa analyst for the International Crisis Group, a conflict resolution NGO, told IRIN. 

In July 2005, the International Criminal Court indicted Kony and four of his commanders, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen, Raska Lukwiya and Vincent Otti, for a variety of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Lukwiya and Otti have subsequently been killed, but the arrest warrants for the remaining three remain outstanding. The LRA has not been active in Uganda since 2006. 

go/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95426</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Leishmaniasis vaccine trial underway*</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/207081t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - A vaccine against one of the most neglected yet fatal tropical diseases is being tested for the first time in a clinical trial in India and the US. After malaria, leishmaniasis is the second largest parasitic killer, and the visceral form is the most deadly.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - A vaccine against one of the most neglected yet fatal tropical diseases is being tested for the first time in a clinical trial in India and the US. After malaria, leishmaniasis is the second largest parasitic killer, and the visceral form is the most deadly. 

“Visceral leishmaniasis (VL) kills 50,000 persons per year, 70 percent of them children. It can be treated but the costs are too high… at hundreds of US dollars per person,” said Dr Franco Piazza at the Infectious Disease Research Institute (IDRI), [ http://www.idri.org/leishmaniasis.html ] a Seattle-based NGO that developed the vaccine with funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. 

VL [ http://www.who.int/topics/leishmaniasis/en/ ], also called kala-azar or black fever, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93825/HEALTH-Defeating-kala-azar-needs-more-than-new-treatment ] infects an estimated half million persons or more annually. It is found most commonly in India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Brazil and Sudan. 

The leishmaniasis group of diseases is transmitted by infected sand flies, which carry a parasite that attacks the liver, spleen and bone marrow. Left untreated, VL is almost always fatal, said Philippe Desjeux, a specialist in the infection at the San Francisco-based non-profit OneWorld Health. [ http://www.oneworldhealth.org ] 

The clinical trial testing IDRI’s vaccine is led by Gennova Pharmaceuticals, [ http://www.emcure.co.in/group_Gennova.asp ] - a Pune-based Indian company to which IDRI has transferred its technology - in collaboration with the Banaras Hindu University in Varanasi. [ http://www.bhu.ac.in/ ] 

“We have just opened a formulation centre [research and production facility] for vaccines against neglected diseases in Pune," [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94788/HEALTH-Experts-pledge-to-eradicate-neglected-diseases ] said Sanjay Singh, the chief executive officer of Gennova. “If the vaccine passes all the tests, producing it in India will make it affordable to all the people who are affected by VL.” 

The infection is one of more than a dozen grouped as “neglected tropical diseases”, occurring mostly in tropical countries [ http://www.who.int/neglected_diseases/Gilead_donation_2011/en/index.html ] where they kill an estimated half million people annually and for which few treatments exist due to lack of funding for research and treatment. 

A total of 72 volunteers are participating in the trial, but scientists say it will take years of testing to roll out an affordable vaccine to the 200 million people globally at risk of VL infection. 

VL is most fatal in South Sudan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95407/SOUTH-SUDAN-Losing-the-war-against-kala-azar ] where poverty and conflict make even relatively inexpensive methods like treated bed nets to protect people from infected sand flies hard to implement. 

The WHO has warned that VL is spreading to previously unaffected countries due to co-infections of HIV and leishmaniasis, [ http://www.who.int/leishmaniasis/burden/hiv_coinfection/burden_hiv_coinfection/en/index.html ] while the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has said climate change can also spur the spread of the disease. [ http://www.ipcc.ch/ipccreports/tar/wg2/index.php?idp=362 ]

sb/pt/he

* This article was amended on 11 May 2012. The original report erroneously reported that OneWorld Health was part of the vaccine trials]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95431</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/207081t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - A vaccine against one of the most neglected yet fatal tropical diseases is being tested for the first time in a clinical trial in India and the US. After malaria, leishmaniasis is the second largest parasitic killer, and the visceral form is the most deadly.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Losing the war against kala-azar</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205031318050535t.jpg" />]]>OLD FANGAK 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In the dusty courtyard of a crowded clinic in Old Fangak, in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, throngs of people, some of them under mosquito nets strung between trees, wait to get tested for kala-azar, amid the worst continuous outbreak in three decades.</description><body><![CDATA[OLD FANGAK 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In the dusty courtyard of a crowded clinic in Old Fangak, in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, throngs of people, some of them under mosquito nets strung between trees, wait to get tested for kala-azar, amid the worst continuous outbreak in three decades. 

Last year, this clinic – which lacks electricity or running water - handled around half the 11,000 total recorded cases of the parasitical disease, also known as visceral leishmaniasis. Spread by the bite of the sand-fly, it can cause fever, weight loss, enlarged spleen, rash, anaemeia, diarrhoea, fatigue and, left untreated, death. 

Conflict and poverty facilitate its spread. Kala-azar used to strike in relatively brief outbreaks every 7 to 10 years. But an outbreak that began in 2009 has yet to let up, affecting some 25,000 people, mostly in Jonglei and Upper Nile states. 

“It’s because of the current situation in South Sudan, where the humanitarian [situation] is deteriorating,” said Abdi Nasir, head of communicable diseases for the UN World Health Organisation (WHO). 

“There’s food insecurity, there’s displacement, many factors. We are expecting that the outbreak may continue” and affect another 11,000 people in 2012, he said. 

In the absence of passable roads to Old Fangak, most patients arrive by boat, according to community health worker George Kam Kong. 

“But if you don’t have money, then you cannot reach the centre for treatment. So, so many people die at home. Which is why we are asking our government, our NGOs, for more medicines, more supplies, and to bring the road to here,” he added. 

In 2011, the mortality rate for treated cases was under three percent. The most effective drug, Ambazom, costs around US$500 per patient without factoring in expensive transportation. 

WHO is rushing to preposition drugs in places such as Old Fangak before rains render the town’s runway unusable. 

Very deadly

“We have documented people who have felt sick and then two weeks later were dead. That’s how aggressive our disease is here,” explained Jill Seaman, an independent US doctor who has spent the better part of every year in Jonglei since a 1989 kala-azar outbreak killed half the population of the area surrounding Old Fangak. 

“Watching all the skeletal people walking into the clinic [then] every night to get treated and asking them, ‘How many people in your family have died?’ and hearing the answer, ‘12, 14 , 8, 13,’ it kind of bonds you to a community, and I suppose that’s why I’m still here,” she told IRIN. 

“It’s very, very deadly without treatment. They say 95 or more percent of people who get infected with kala-azar will die [without treatment]. Mostly they get sicker and sicker, they get more malnourished, [so] they get more and more infectious diseases, and then they die.” 

In one of the clinic’s dim wards, where several people squeeze onto each single bed, Nyadak Mouk recounted how she walked eight hours from the village of Keew to come here six months ago to treat her five-year-old son. 

Over the past five years, Mouk has lost four other children aged under 10. 

“I don’t know what they died of as I didn’t bring them to the clinic. They died in the village. A lot of people died in my village and they don’t go to the clinic,” she said. 

Only between 30 and 40 percent of people in South Sudan have access to primary health care. 

Mouk said she had come to Old Fangak’s clinic four times over the last year to get herself or her son treated for kala-azar. 

“I now live near the clinic. I can’t be away from it as without treatment he will die,” she said, cradling her son. 

Part of last year’s caseload has been attributed to widespread displacement caused by clashes between government troops and forces loyal to a renegade general George Athor. 

“People leave their homes and then they live under trees, without clothes, without mosquito nets” and get bitten, explained Kong . 

Athor’s men are supposed to have been absorbed into the army under an amnesty agreed following Athor’s battlefield death in December 2011, but by many accounts, most of them – and they are said to number in the thousands – are still at large. 

Food shortages 

“To clean up kala-azar in your body, you have to have proper nutrition, or you’ll just get it again”, said Seaman, adding that nutrition in the area had been greatly compromised in 2011 by militias looting food supplies and then by widespread crop failures. 

“We have no backup food and no food right now. WFP [the UN’s World Food Programme] has trouble getting us any food, the supply of Plumpy’Nut [a ready-to-eat therapeutic food] for the severely malnourished [has stopped], and we are really, really in trouble for nutritional support” she said. 

According to Elijah Hon Riak, the clinic’s nutrition advisor, “the people get a low immune system because they did not have food, so it is easier to get kala-azar.” 

“It affects health as many people come to the clinic and they are malnourished” and this affects recovery rates,” he said. 

Nyakouth Majiok, whose four-year-old daughter has had a fever since December 2011, and now lies in the clinic recovering from kala-azar, wailing from heavy nosebleeds, recalled that last year “we got no crops, they were destroyed by the flooding. This year it is very difficult to get food.” 

“We buy food from the north [Sudan] but if you don’t have money then it’s a problem. The food we are using is cow’s milk and water lily we get in the river,” she said. 

As well as conflict and crop failure, food security across South Sudan has been exacerbated [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94908/SOUTH-SUDAN-Worsening-food-crisis ] by the return, since the country gained independence from Sudan in July 2011, of some 350,000 people who had fled during the 1983-2005 civil war. 

According to the town’s chief, Kuol Samuel Gai, the town’s population had increased by 10,000 people, to 30,000. 

“They come from the north without food, without shelter….We also have so many displaced people coming and we don’t have enough food to share with them,” he told IRIN. 

Gai explained that the closure of the border with Sudan had led to the doubling of the price of the sorghum, a staple. 

“I am capable with all of my friends here, and the national staff of trying to take care of the medical issues, but the food issue is way beyond us,” said Seaman. 

Unlike countries such as India, which is making progress towards eradicating kala-azar, in South Sudan the disease is still on the march, possibly, according to Seaman, because of a suspected animal reservoir, and also because untreated related skin infections can thrive for years. 

“The main reason you can’t get rid of it in a place like this is of course that it’s a disease of poverty. We need to do something about poverty, be able to sleep in a protected environment, to have access to food so you don’t get malnourished and get the disease more quickly,” said Seaman. 

“One thing I know,” said Mouk, “is that if we receive the mosquito nets, people will live under them and we can reduce it.” 

hm/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95407</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205031318050535t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">OLD FANGAK 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In the dusty courtyard of a crowded clinic in Old Fangak, in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, throngs of people, some of them under mosquito nets strung between trees, wait to get tested for kala-azar, amid the worst continuous outbreak in three decades.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: All we are tweeting is give peace a chance</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301250550141t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 30 April 2012 (IRIN) - As Sudan and South Sudan sink deeper into full-scale conflict and hostile rhetoric nine months after the country split in two, people from both sides of the border are tweeting a very different message, one of peace, solidarity and frustration with their leaders.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 30 April 2012 (IRIN) - As Sudan and South Sudan sink deeper into full-scale conflict and hostile rhetoric nine months after the country split in two, people from both sides of the border are tweeting a very different message, one of peace, solidarity and frustration with their leaders.
 
These voices are galvanized around the microblogging site’s keyword-marking hashtag “#NewSudans” – a pluralized echo of the unitary, democratic “New Sudan” espoused by John Garang, the late leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), which fought Khartoum during a 1983-2005 civil war and is now in power in the newly formed Republic of South Sudan.
 
Secession in July 2011 may have irrevocably put an end to Garang’s vision of a single Sudan free of oppression and marginalization, but, judging by the thousand or so tweets incorporating the new hashtag since its 28 April inception, the underlying ethos lives on.
 
Some examples:
 
“NEVER AGAIN to war”, wrote @MimzicalMimz. 

“Everyone must put his gun down. Let’s talk it out. Money you spend in war can be better spent in development , health & education,” said @Neo0rabie. 

“The ruling elite is drumming on patriotism 2 cover for their failure for da passed 6 yrs n those to come, We r small prawns being played bout in da waves” lamented @afabdelaziz.
 
“No entrapment by false and/or artificial identities. It doesn't matter if you're Arab or African as long as you're SUDANESE,” said @simsit. 

“I'm from Shendi, El Fasher [in Darfur]. I'm a Northerner, a Southerner, a Nuba, a Zaghawi, a Fur and a Hadandawi”, wrote political blogger Moez Ali (@his_moezness). 

“I’m not Arab, I’m not African, I’m not Afro-Arab, and I don’t belong to any tribe, I’m just Sudanese. I’m not from Khartoum, nor from Omdurman, I’m from Sudan,” tweeted @moaltaweel. 

For @kashiff111, #newSUDANS is “powerful with its individualism, colorful with its diversity, tolerant with its unity, peaceful with its faith.” 

@AhmadMohamed10 looks forward to “Sudan and South Sudan - living side by side in peace with close economic, cultural & social cooperation/exchange” through an “EU style federation with all the freedoms & economic cooperation that entails.” 

@MimzicalMimz appealed for: “No more new vague laws targeting women, activists, journalists, lawyers or students” and “No more racist newspapers, yes; no more Al Intibaha!” – a reference to the government mouthpiece and the most widely read newspaper in Sudan. 

Counterpoint 

The new hashtag was jointly launched by Aguil Lual, a public health manager of South Sudanese origin, and Khaled Albaih, a cartoonist and fellow tweeter from Sudan, amid the battle for the borderland oil fields of Heglig earlier in April, and the accompanying jingoism in official media.
 
One of the most visible manifestations of these increasing tensions was the 23 April attack on a Presbyterian church in Khartoum. 

“I thought we can still engage in dialogue around unity, respect for diversity, need for transformation and being united in our ‘Sudan-ness,’ since we don’t expect our leaders to achieve peace,” Lual told IRIN. 

"It's important to keep such dialogues going since here are many Sudanese on all sides who don't understand or don't have the knowledge or choose to ignore that many groups were marginalized or had rights limited, not just Southerners,” she added.
 
Usamah, another prolific microblogger in Khartoum, told IRIN, “I think the war in Heglig and its ramifications domestically on each side proved that, to the dismay of many, Sudan's and South Sudan's future are so much tied to each other. And that has forced peoples of the two countries to realize that it's not merely an NCP-SLPM issue.
 
“In the light of this, Lual's initiative is pretty much spot on, and interaction between Sudanese and South Sudanese will definitely increase, which is great,” he said, adding however that the impact of this initiative was likely to be undermined by Twitter being “for the foreseeable future, very elitist.” 

sa/am 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95385</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301250550141t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 30 April 2012 (IRIN) - As Sudan and South Sudan sink deeper into full-scale conflict and hostile rhetoric nine months after the country split in two, people from both sides of the border are tweeting a very different message, one of peace, solidarity and frustration with their leaders.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Teresa Nyakouth, “He was still holding his shoes when he died”</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204271300120644t.jpg" />]]>BENTIU 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Teresa Nyakuoth, a 24-year-old mother of two, recalls how she was shopping in the market next to her home in Rubkhona, a district of the South Sudanese town of Bentiu, when a Sudanese bomb fell on 23 April. The blast killed one teenage boy instantly, and another died later that day in hospital, where he had been admitted with severe burns and head wounds.</description><body><![CDATA[BENTIU 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Teresa Nyakuoth, a 24-year-old mother of two, was shopping in the market next to her home in Rubkhona, a district of the South Sudanese town of Bentiu, when a Sudanese bomb fell on 23 April. 

The blast killed one teenage boy instantly, and another died later that day in hospital, where he had been admitted with severe burns and head wounds. 

Around a dozen people were wounded in the bombing, which caused widespread panic among local communities. 

At least five people were killed about a week earlier when a bomb hit a tea shop in Bentiu, the capital of Unity state. 

During IRIN’s visit to Bentiu, two rockets landed near a bridge leading to Rubkhona. 

According to South Sudanese officials, Bentiu, which lies at least 70km from the border with Sudan, has been bombed four times in 10 days. 

Residents IRIN spoke to expressed their frustration that although South Sudan had bowed to international pressure to withdraw from the contested borderland oilfields of Heglig [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95285/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Heglig-and-the-border ], Sudan had ignored similar pressure to halt its aerial attacks south of the border. 

Nyakuoth recalled the events of 23 April: 

“I heard some noise when the plane bombed people, and immediately people were running away, and then I saw a boy had been bombed and died. 

“Shops were burning up and everyone was scared of the plane. 

“The boy used to go to school and play with the other small boys in the football field. 

“His father told him to go with three other boys and buy some shoes. He was still holding the shoes when he died. He was only a teenager. 

“The main bomb fell on that shop, and then fire spread to two other shops. 

“That plane came to kill people. It wasn’t targeting the army, as if you want to get them you bomb the front lines. 

“Now I fear being here. The day that there was bombardment, all the reeds of of my fence collapsed around my house. Children were there. It was only God who could know if somebody was going to survive. 

“I am scared of being in my home but I have nowhere else to go. 

“There was a lot of fear when troops withdrew from Heglig. There a lot of military around here now [there is a barracks and airstrip a few kilometres away] and I’m scared that the enemy might come into the town, because they are not seeing enough soldiers in the front line. 

“Most of my neighbours have already fled. Two households next to me, five opposite, and others even down the other side.” 

hm/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95375</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204271300120644t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENTIU 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Teresa Nyakuoth, a 24-year-old mother of two, recalls how she was shopping in the market next to her home in Rubkhona, a district of the South Sudanese town of Bentiu, when a Sudanese bomb fell on 23 April. The blast killed one teenage boy instantly, and another died later that day in hospital, where he had been admitted with severe burns and head wounds.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: South Sudanese in Khartoum increasingly fearful</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204231200530864t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The weekend ransacking of a church compound in Khartoum illustrates the increasing hostility faced by some of the hundreds of thousands of residents of the Sudanese capital whose origins lie in what is now the independent state of South Sudan.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The weekend ransacking of a church compound in Khartoum illustrates the increasing hostility faced by some of the hundreds of thousands of residents of the Sudanese capital whose origins lie in what is now the independent state of South Sudan. 

Seven years after southern rebels and Khartoum signed a deal to end decades of civil war and nine months after the country split in two, recent borderland clashes have given rise to fears of a return to all-out conflict. 

On 21 April, a 300-strong mob attacked a Presbyterian church compound in Khartoum’s Al-Jiraif District, torching parts of the premises, witnesses told IRIN.

As well as a church, the compound included a home for the elderly, a medical clinic, a bible school and priests’ living quarters. Most of the church’s congregation is made up of southerners. 

“They burned the bible and looted possessions and money,” said the church’s Father John Taw, adding that the attackers included women and children. 

“During Friday prayers, the imam of the next door mosque, who is known for his extremism, incited people to destroy the church, saying the land it was on belonged to Muslims,” he said. 

The priest said he believed the imam’s words were linked to a government deadline that all southerners in Sudan - who number some 500,000 - should register as foreigners or head back to South Sudan. 

The priest added that hostile rhetoric had escalated two weeks earlier, as Sudan and South Sudan’s armies began to fight over the disputed borderland Heglig oilfields. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95285/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Heglig-and-the-border ] 

“The mosques were inflaming people against southerners and Christians over the last two weeks,” said Taw. 

“A huge group of men and women marched towards the church and burned the area around it,” said a church guard, who gave his name only as Yahia. 

“I heard people shouting `Allah akbar!’ [God is great] and `No churches after today’.” Yahia said police were present but did not intervene. “They were not acting. They didn’t prevent people from destroying the church.” 

Two independent churches in the district were also attacked, Rev. James Par Tap, the moderator (head) of the Sudan Presbyterian Evangelical Church said in a statement. [ http://www.pcusa.org/news/2012/4/22/call-prayer-presbyterian-church-us-partners-sudan/ ]

“The group burned, destroyed, and looted everything in the churches and the Bible school including books, air conditioners, computers, photocopy machines, refrigerators and many other things. They even took the students’ things like books, bags, and clothes, and they burned them, as the students were not there,” he said. 

The day after the attack, church members and activists tried to mount a clean-up operation but police prevented them entering the compound. 

Civil society movements, including Girifna and Sharara, condemned the incident, linking it to the government’s anti South-Sudan statements amid the Heglig crisis. 

On 18 April President Omar al-Bashir vowed to “liberate” South Sudan from its government, labelling it an “insect” regime.  

“Very worrying direction” 

“The incident demonstrates a very worrying direction towards further intolerance in the country due to the hateful, marginalizing propaganda led by the NCP [the ruling National Congress Party],” the Sudan Change Now movement said in a “public apology” issued on 21 April. 

“These types of hateful acts of violence and racist crimes are unacceptable, unethical and unconstitutional. We, the people of Sudan, are of various ethnicities, faiths and races; and we stand together against such crimes and say these crimes are Not in Our Name,” the statement said. 

William, 23, who only gave one name, is one of many southerners who have been living in a makeshift camp around Shajara train station.

“Whenever any fighting erupts over the borders, I just stay here,” he told IRIN. 

“For instance, I didn’t go out of this camp for a week… Last time I went out, I was verbally and racially harassed. People used to shout at me at the street: `Why are you still here, Southerner?’”  

William said some of his friends had been beaten up and attacked by people calling southerners “enemies” who want to take over Sudan.  

“My biggest problem now is that I’m no longer legal. I can be robbed, beaten up or even killed and no one would care or even recognize me,” William said. 

In a recent lecture in Juba, veteran Sudan analyst John Ashworth explained that the issue of “identity” was the primary cause of the civil wars that have ravaged Sudan for most of its post-independence history. 

Sudan used to be “a multi-cultural, multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic country - multi-everything, in fact,” he said. 

“But over a long period one identity grouping, which happened to be `Arab’ and Islamic, dominated. It defined itself as the Sudanese identity, and at various times oppressed, assimilated, disenfranchized, marginalized and tried to destroy other identities.” 

Registration process lacks clarity 

Although Khartoum has extended by a month - until 8 May - the registration deadline for southerners, the process lacks clarity in the absence of an effective public information campaign. 

“The government has not made clear where this registration will take place,” the Enough Project [ http://www.enoughproject.org/ ] said in an 18 April statement. 

“While details surrounding the registration process remain opaque, without any identification documents, it will likely not be possible for southerners who wish to remain in Sudan to register,” it added.

On 7 April, a dozen South Sudanese government officials arrived in Khartoum to start issuing emergency travel documents, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). South Sudan’s embassy in Khartoum also plans to issue national certificates and passports, OCHA said. 

Aside from the issue of paperwork, moving southerners to South Sudan is a huge challenge because of their vast numbers, the lack of sufficient transportation, borderland conflict and weak capacity in South Sudan to move the returnees to their homelands and provide them with basic services. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95122/SOUTH-SUDAN-World-s-newest-state-offers-little-for-thousands-of-returnees ] 

In March, Khartoum and Juba drafted a deal that would grant extensive freedoms - including residency and work permits - to each other’s citizens, but the intervening escalation of conflict has put this arrangement on hold. 

se/am/cb

SUDAN: Uncertainty, fear among Southerners in the North [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92943/SUDAN-Uncertainty-fear-among-Southerners-in-the-North ]

SUDAN: As secession nears, citizenship issues still unresolved [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92199/SUDAN-As-secession-nears-citizenship-issues-still-unresolved ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95335</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204231200530864t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The weekend ransacking of a church compound in Khartoum illustrates the increasing hostility faced by some of the hundreds of thousands of residents of the Sudanese capital whose origins lie in what is now the independent state of South Sudan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Heglig and the border*</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203290834410973t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Once again the disputed and oil-rich borderland area of Heglig is at the centre of a confrontation between Sudan and the newly-independent South Sudan, giving rise to renewed fears of a resumption of all-out war.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Once again the disputed and oil-rich borderland area of Heglig is at the centre of a confrontation between Sudan and the newly-independent South Sudan, giving rise to renewed fears of a resumption of all-out war. 

The African Union's (AU) Peace and Security Council has described South Sudan's occupation of Heglig as illegal, saying it lies north of the 1956 border which Juba and Khartoum agreed - in a 2005 accord (Comprehensive Peace Accord - CPA) that ended decades of civil war - would be their common frontier should the south eventually secede, which indeed it did in July 2011. 

Sudan has warned its neighbour of strikes deep inside its territory if it fails to withdraw from Heglig, which South Sudan also claims. 

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has spoken directly to South Sudan's president, Salva Kiir, also to urge a withdrawal. 

On 12 April, the Security Council described the crisis as a “serious threat to international peace and security", saying it “threatens to return both countries to full-scale war and the period of tragic loss of life and suffering, destroyed infrastructure, and economic devastation, which they have worked so hard and long to overcome." 

For its part, South Sudan has accused Sudan of repeatedly bombing its territory since November and of dropping five bombs on Bentiu, the capital of Unity State, on 12 April. That day, South Sudan President Salva Kiir addressed parliament in his capital, Juba. 

"I always say we will not take the people of South Sudan back to war, but if we are being aggressed like this we will have to defend ourselves,"  he said. 

"I am appealing to the citizens of the Republic of Sudan, especially the mothers, not to allow their children to be dragged into a meaningless war." 

On 13 April, South Sudan said it would withdraw its forces from Heglig if it received guarantees the area would no longer be used to attack its territory, or if the UN deployed neutral forces there “until a settlement between the two parties is reached”. 

Where is Heglig? 

More pertinently, does it lie in Sudan, or South Sudan? Despite the AU's indignation, the answer to this question is far from clear-cut. 

Heglig sits close to the middle of the 1,800km border between the two countries, but key parts of the border have not, despite CPA provisions for negotiations, yet been delineated, let alone demarcated and there are insufficient historical records (because of widespread population displacement during the development of oil installations) or living memories to easily identify the path of the 1956 line. 

According to John Aswhorth, an analyst with decades of experience in the Sudans, “it is widely acknowledged that the current border is NOT the 1956 border. Successive Khartoum governments have pushed the border southwards, particularly since the discovery of oil in the 1970s.” 

US-based author and longtime Khartoum critic Eric Reeves warned that “present international responses work to ensure that this [Heglig] part of the disputed border becomes a cartographic fait accompli.” 

Heglig lies between Abyei, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/89832 ] another disputed area, and the Nuba Mountains of Sudan's South Kordofan State, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95128 ] where, since June 2011, government forces have been battling insurgents (SPLA-N) with links to the former rebels now in power in Juba. 

Heglig is also close to the border town of Jau, which was captured in late February by the SPLA-N. 

During the negotiations that led to the 2005 CPA it was agreed that Heglig (known as Panthou by southerners, who claim it had always been in Unity State) would be included in Abyei, one of the "Three Areas" (along with South Kordofan and Blue Nile) whose north-or-south status was not fully resolved by the accord. Despite this lack of resolution, Abyei has been occupied by Sudanese troops since May 2011 and has not had the CPA-mandated referendum to determine its future. More than 100,000 Abyei residents who fled in May remain displaced in South Sudan. [http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportID=95261 ] 

After Khartoum rejected the initial boundaries of Abyei defined up by an international commission, these were redrawn in 2009 by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in a ruling [ http://www.pca-cpa.org/upload/files/Abyei%20Final%20Award.pdf ] that considerably shrank the area and excluded Heglig. 

Although this court made no determination on the path of the north-south border, Khartoum insisted the ruling left Heglig in its South Kordofan State, an interpretation the AU now seems to share. 

South Sudan, which says it is open to negotiations on the issue, insists Heglig lies south of the border, in its Unity State. 

Why is Heglig so significant? 

Links can be drawn between the latest escalation and key issues that remain unresolved since the CPA was signed: border demarcation, oil-revenue sharing and the Three Areas. (Abyei residents, for example, were supposed to decide in a referendum in 2011 whether to join the south but this has yet to take place). 

Sudan lost some three-quarters of its oil supplies when South Sudan became independent. Since then, Heglig has accounted for about half of Sudan’s daily output of 115,000 barrels, although production is currently halted. 

The latest clashes also threaten an important agreement Juba and Khartoum signed in March 2012 that would have made it easier for hundreds of thousands of southerners to remain in Sudan. Without that deal, they were supposed to regularize their status - logistically almost impossible - or leave by 8 April. South Sudan is ill-equipped to accommodate such a sudden and large influx, especially because the imminent rainy season will render most roads impassable. 

Veteran Sudan analyst John Ashworth told IRIN: "I don't want to say that the CPA was flawed, because it was the best that could be hoped for at the time, but we are certainly now reaping the fruits of areas not fully addressed by the CPA." 

According to historian and Abyei expert Douglas Johnson, none of the international players involved in the CPA gave much thought to what would happen to the Three Areas in the event of secession because "they were initially entirely focused on trying to make unity appear attractive." Once the independence writing was on the wall, "they were only concerned with ensuring that independence was peaceful." 

Mukesh Kapila, who served as UN humanitarian coordinator in Sudan in 2003 and 2004 and now works for the Aegis Trust, an advocacy NGO, told IRIN: "The CPA fudged-over the legitimate complaints of the long-suffering marginalized people of Nuba, Abyei, Blue Nile, and Darfur. Unless a sincere attempt is made to solve this in a fair and just manner, violent conflict will continue to erupt here and there. Citizenship, oil, and border demarcation may complicate the picture but they are, in significant part, proxies for the grievances of the much abused people of Sudan's borderlands which have to be tackled first if there is to be any peace and stability for the two countries." 

*This is an updated and revised version of "SOUTH SUDAN: Briefing on Heglig clashes" published on 29 March]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95285</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203290834410973t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Once again the disputed and oil-rich borderland area of Heglig is at the centre of a confrontation between Sudan and the newly-independent South Sudan, giving rise to renewed fears of a resumption of all-out war.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: A whiff of war</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM/TALODI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sudan and South Sudan appeared to edge closer to war this week amid an escalating confrontation over the oil-rich borderland region of Heglig.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM/TALODI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sudan and South Sudan appeared to edge closer to war this week amid an escalating confrontation over the oil-rich borderland region of Heglig. 

Sudan's parliament approved the mobilization of the armed forces and suspended negotiations with South Sudan after its newly independent neighbour moved its forces into Heglig. 

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir had already issued a decree forming a high-level committee for mobilization on 26 March. 

“This brings us back to the sad days of the civil war with South Sudan,” said Usamah Mohamed Ali, a software engineer, referring to 21-years of conflict which ended with the 2005 signing of a peace accord. 

“Families used to hide their sons to keep them away from war and fighting, but at least at that time Sudan was economically well-off, so people could somehow swallow the government discourse of mobilizing young people to war to fight the enemy and achieve stability and welfare in Sudan.” 

But with a faltering economy and the government’s failure to reach a political solution, Ali believes Sudanese people can no longer buy into this rhetoric. 

Sudan's annual inflation rate rose to 22.4 percent in March as food costs climbed, driven by higher meat, bread and milk costs, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics. This morning the US dollar was trading at six Sudanese pounds on the black market, twice the official rate. 

There were long queues at petrol stations in Khartoum this week. 

"I spent two hours from midnight till 2am [on 11 April] in a gas station next to my house in order to have enough gasoline to get to work… In the end I had to take my shot in another station," Khartoum resident Muhammed Hamadein told IRIN, adding: “We’ve been through the ugly experience of food and fuel shortages during the 80s and 90s… I’m sure Sudanese people have had enough of two decades of lies, corruption and division.” 

South Kordofan 

On April 12, Sudan’s information ministry flew foreign journalists to Talodi, a town in South Kordofan, a border state where government forces have been fighting rebels since June 2011. 

Homes and other buildings in the town were burnt out. Officials travelling with the journalists blamed the damage on an assault by SPLA-N rebels, which Khartoum accuses of being backed by their former comrades-in-arms now in power in South Sudan. The conflict in South Kordofan’s Nuba Mountains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95128/SUDAN-Food-crisis-looms-as-bombs-drive-farmers-from-their-fields ] has displaced around 20,000 people across the border into South Sudan and severely disruption agricultural production. 

“I had just finished my exam when fighting took place. We heard the shelling and we had to take shelter under desks,” said 13-year-old Safeya who was carrying a bucket of water back to her hut. “I’m used to it now, it can happen any time.” 

Samah, a woman in her 50s who works in a small kiosk, said people were fearful. “Fighting erupts every now and then. We’re becoming used to the shelling. Women hide or flee a few kilometres when there’s an attack, then come back, while men are always ready with their guns. 

“The financial situation is very, very bad here,” she added. “You don’t expect a man carrying a gun to work and make money.”

sw/cb/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95286</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM/TALODI 13 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sudan and South Sudan appeared to edge closer to war this week amid an escalating confrontation over the oil-rich borderland region of Heglig.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Abyei displaced struggle to survive in impoverished villages</title><pubDate>Tue, 10 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204101239330397t.jpg" />]]>ABOTHOK 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Almost a year after fleeing fighting in Abyei, a disputed region on the border between South Sudan and Sudan, thousands of civilians are struggling to get by in villages such as Abothok in South Sudan.</description><body><![CDATA[ABOTHOK 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Almost a year after fleeing fighting in Abyei, a disputed region on the border between South Sudan and Sudan, thousands of civilians are struggling to get by in villages such as Abothok in South Sudan.
 
Abothok local administrator Kat Kuol, at work in his mud hut office, says the village’s population grew to 10,000 after an influx of 6,000 people from Abyei in May 2011, when Sudanese troops occupied the region. 
 
“It’s really difficult here as the people that ran away don’t have food and accommodation. All the food stocks and what the UN was providing is now lost,” he said.
 
Sudan’s occupation prompted more than 100,000 Ngok Dinka, the region’s main permanent residents, to flee southwards. Sudanese troops remain in Abyei, despite a September agreement for them to leave. Some 3,800 troops of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) are also deployed there.
 
“The people here had a small amount of food and space, and then when their relatives [from Abyei] came, they used it; then the livestock were sold for food,” said Kat Kuol.
 
According to the latest Abyei update [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/facts-figures-abyei.php ] published by the Small Arms Survey, a Geneva-based research group, a few thousand Ngok Dinka have returned to the region, although movement is fluid, with many people travelling back and forth, to assess the state of their property and overall security.
 
Imminent rains mean “it is unlikely that large-scale returns will occur before the next dry season in October/November 2012,” the update said, adding that any such population movement also depended on the withdrawal of Sudanese forces.
 
In the village of Nyintar, near Abothok, Aciei Lual, one of the displaced, said in Abyei she used to grow maize, sorghum, groundnuts and beans to feed her family and earned around US$30 selling the rest.
 
Since fleeing, she says she has been feeding her seven children on lalop, a small bitter fruit, and whatever she can get from kindly villagers.
 
Andrea Anselmi, an official (“economic security delegate”) with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), said these villages were facing huge food shortages. “Almost all the residents [of Abyei] moved south … so most of these people didn’t cultivate last year, so they didn’t have a harvest or they don’t have seeds now to cultivate this year… I asked whether they had had a harvest, and there were only some women - not more than 20 or 30 people out of some 220 families - that answered yes.”
 
Survival options limited
 
Most people have been relying on the help of relatives or the kindness of strangers, but with the rainy season coming and stocks depleted, survival options in these villages are running out.
 
“They were fishing but at the moment the river is almost dry. They rely on wild vegetables and wild fruits, and in many places they are just collecting firewood and making charcoal to sell these things to the market,” Anselmi said of the displaced community, which includes many women recently widowed.
 
Lual said her brother-in-law was shot dead as the family fled her home and that she is too traumatized to go back to Abyei until there is peace.
 
“I saw people falling left and right… and I could not tell from the people who fell whether they died or were injured. I just prayed to God that it would not be my time,” she said.
 
“After what I’ve seen in Abyei, I’m not ready to go back there.”
 
She admits her family depends solely on cultivation and that “if there are no seeds, we cannot have any kind of life.”
 
ICRC aid
 
ICRC has distributed seeds and tools to over 2,300 households in 15 villages near Abyei to try and help some 15,000 residents and displaced people rebuild their lives.
 
The organization has also distributed half rations of staple grains, oil and sugar for up to three weeks to prevent people eating the vegetable and grain seeds and to give them energy to plant.
 
Aciei Arop, whose family of five has been living on one cup of sorghum a day, says she can now start rebuilding her life.
 
“It will change my life as I’m going to cultivate. When the harvest comes I will get a variety of items to eat at home, and the rest I can sell so that I can save my life”, she said, slowly hauling the sacks of maize and sorghum home while others guarded her precious seeds.
 
“After all I’ve got now, it’s sure that I can cook for myself, I’m ready to go and cultivate”, she said.
 
Arop said many of her relatives were still missing after the family heard gunfire and fled, and that until she is sure it has stopped, Nyintar is her home.
 
In Abothok, Amou Manyuol said she wanted to go back to Abyei, where there used to be enough clean water and food for everyone, despite the fact that she lost three brothers there. 
 
“My three brothers were killed when we were escaping. We were taking off from our home when the bomb landed in between us and they were killed right away on the spot…
 
“Life in Abyei before was good, and now we are suffering. We are now depending on relief from organizations like ICRC,” she said, as some of the hundreds of other women waiting for food distributions crowded around nodding their assent.
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95261</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204101239330397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABOTHOK 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Almost a year after fleeing fighting in Abyei, a disputed region on the border between South Sudan and Sudan, thousands of civilians are struggling to get by in villages such as Abothok in South Sudan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Akec Tut, “We are depending on the leaves of the trees”</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204040802500916t.jpg" />]]>NYINTAR 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - Akec Tut is among 110,000 civilians who fled Abyei when the contested region on the border between Sudan and South Sudan was occupied by Khartoum’s troops in May 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[NYINTAR 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - Akec Tut is among 110,000 civilians who fled Abyei when the contested region on the border between Sudan and South Sudan was occupied by Khartoum’s troops in May 2011.

Too scared to return home with her five children, Tut has since been living about an hour’s drive south from Abyei, in Nyintar, a village in South Sudan, which gained independence in July 2011 and which, because of myriad internal armed conflicts, poor harvests and a closed border with Sudan, will only produce half the food it needs this year.

“Abyei was invaded by Sudan Armed Forces, that’s why I left.

“I heard the gunshots early in the morning, then I was also seeing bullets in the red light [of dawn] around 5am. I saw the crops set on fire, and even the houses were burnt down.

“If Abyei has peace then there is no problem to stay there, I will go back to Abyei.

“The life here in Nyintar is so difficult after leaving Abyei. We get by, by selling some of our possessions [to buy food].

“When some traders come around with some dura [sorghum] or maize, you just go and buy, and that is what we are depending on, and if you have relatives you go and beg them for something.

“That’s why my husband has gone to Agok - to ask some relatives to give something. It’s only when you go to relatives, he or she can give you a little money to buy some grain.

“If you get something now and then that you can depend on - that is our diet.

“If I get seeds, that is what would make my life OK because I could cultivate, and if I have access to a harvest I could sell the remainder and change my diet if possible. But for now, we are depending on the leaves of the trees and the fruit of lalop [tree].”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95234</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204040802500916t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NYINTAR 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - Akec Tut is among 110,000 civilians who fled Abyei when the contested region on the border between Sudan and South Sudan was occupied by Khartoum’s troops in May 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Time running out for “forgotten” refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 03 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030946010006t.jpg" />]]>JAMAM 03 April 2012 (IRIN) - Under the sweltering sun, women at Jamam refugee camp, in South Sudan&apos;s Upper Nile State, dig through the clay of a dried up waterhole in their search for water.</description><body><![CDATA[JAMAM 03 April 2012 (IRIN) - Under the sweltering sun, women at Jamam refugee camp, in South Sudan's Upper Nile State, dig through the clay of a dried up waterhole in their search for water.
 
Scooping up muddy water to fill one jerry-can takes three hours, but is better than returning home with nothing after a day waiting at a camp water-point and risking getting involved in a fight [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95175/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Hamid-Yussef-Bashir-People-end-up-fighting-at-the-water-point ], says 19-year-old Macda Doka Waka.

Aid agencies are struggling to keep up with the food and water needs of over 37,000 people in the camp who have fled bombardment and violence across the border in Sudan's Blue Nile State.

"It takes a long time to get water. I went this morning to put my jerry-can there [at a camp water point]; I will have to fetch it tomorrow as there is not enough water," said Entisar Abas Elmak, whose normally healthy child has been sick four times in two months with diarrhoea and vomiting. 
 
Small children intercept cupfuls of muddy water headed for the buckets and gulp them down greedily in temperatures over 45 degrees, but the poor quality water is causing health problems.
 
"There are already a lot of diarrhoea cases - children, men, the elderly - everyone's getting diarrhoea, and rain will make it worse," said Sheikh Osman Alamin, a 43-year-old farmer who has been in the camp for three months.
 
Daudi Makamba, a water expert with Oxfam, says the agency faces a huge challenge to provide enough water as boreholes have collapsed, waterholes are dry, and it lacks the means to truck more than the current 160,000 litres from the remaining three boreholes around 30km away.
 
"For the moment we have an average of 5-6 litres per person per day. For survival it’s 3-7 litres, but for basic water needs such as drinking, bathing and washing we need at least 7.5-15 litres per person per day," he said at a water point where one man with a pad and pen, and another with a whip, shout at an angry crowd of women vying for the water.
 
"Water, that is a huge challenge - the biggest we are facing here in Jamam," said Andrew Omale, Oxfam's emergency coordinator at the camp, which he referred to as “forgotten”. "The current situation is that this area doesn't have ground water. We have tried our best. So far we have drilled over 10 boreholes and these have not yielded any result."
 
Oxfam hopes that a larger drill from aid agency CARE International and the International Organization for Migration arrives before the rains start and make drilling even more complicated.
 
"This is one of the huge worries we have currently, because this area has a very bad history. Once it comes to rainy season, the roads are cut off," he added.
 
Appeals for more support

Oxfam is urging donors to ramp up support now, warning that it will be three times more expensive when the rains come and block off roads; shortages could endanger people's lives.
 
"This is going to cause a lot of health problems and I'm afraid that we will lose a lot of people, especially if rains flood this black cotton soil,” Omale said.

"The international community has not done enough... it has not focused on this emergency. These people started coming here in November. Up to now we have not received enough support to help the refugees here in Jamam," he said.
 
Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) which is providing over 130,000 litres of water a day to the camp, has also appealed for aid to be ramped up, and more water and sanitation partners. 
 
"In its clinics MSF witnesses the direct consequences of the lack of water, with cases of diarrhoea rising continuously, now constituting one in four of all consultations," the organization said in a recent statement [ http://www.msfindia.in/content.php?con_id=240 ]. 

In addition to an increase in respiratory infections and malaria that look set to worsen during the six-month rainy season, the current lack of water is set to cause other health problems.
 
"We're also seeing a lot of skin infections and eye infections which again goes with when there's conditions of poor sanitation… and we are having at least two to three children a week coming with severe dehydration, and in need of urgent fluids,” said MSF’s Kirrily de Polnay.

Insufficient food
 
Camp resident Alamin's flimsy shelter - made of straw and two plastic sheets - lies on the vast floodplain called "Jamam Zero" where most of the refugees have set up camp.
 
"We are not yet settled. We were told this place will be flooded when the rains come... Food is very difficult, getting water is very difficult, so we don't know what next," he told IRIN.
 
His family of 10 dodged bombs in Blue Nile for months before coming here. According to Alamin, the only source of food in Blue Nile State is small quantities of sorghum in abandoned farms - families can't even find salt to cook it with as markets no longer exist.

In Jamam, time is running out to pre-position enough food for 80,000 people, as aid agencies expect another 40,000 when food and water in Blue Nile runs out.

Many camp residents say they are not receiving enough food, and that children are becoming malnourished.
 
"We are being given food, but it's not enough... A 25kg sack of sorghum is supposed to last five people for one and a half months, said Elmak. "You also get a gallon of oil and lentils, and if you try to make it last the month it doesn't stretch…
 
"Also, when you arrive here, they don't give you food immediately. You have to stay for one month or a month and a half and then you will be given food," she said, adding that her family had had to survive on tree leaves until they received sorghum and cooking oil rations.
 
Twenty-six-year-old Khamis Kueba, who walked for five days with the family livestock and arrived in Jamam three days ago, can barely speak from exhaustion and hunger, but will have to wait for the next distribution.
 
Bombings in Blue Nile State
 
Across the border, the situation is even worse, said Sheikh El Rathi Rajab, a Blue Nile MP.
 
He said bombs were being dropped day and night and people had fled to the bush, to Ethiopia, or were trying to get to South Sudan but are being blocked by Sudan Armed Forces.
 
The USA has warned of a “potential famine” in Blue Nile and neighbouring South Kordofan, where Sudan has been battling rebels.

If the blockade on aid is not lifted soon, "they will lose their lives because the situation is getting worse and it will continue to get worse," said Rajab.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95231</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030946010006t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAMAM 03 April 2012 (IRIN) - Under the sweltering sun, women at Jamam refugee camp, in South Sudan&apos;s Upper Nile State, dig through the clay of a dried up waterhole in their search for water.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Sudans&apos; border clashes</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203290834410973t.jpg" />]]>JAU 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Borderland fighting between Sudan and South Sudan broke out on 25 March, raising fears that the fragile peace that has more or less held since a 2005 accord (CPA) ended decades of civil war, could break down entirely.</description><body><![CDATA[JAU 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Borderland fighting between Sudan and South Sudan broke out on 25 March, raising fears that the fragile peace that has more or less held since a 2005 accord (CPA) ended decades of civil war, could break down entirely. 

South Sudan, which gained independence from Sudan in July 2011, has accused its neighbour of conducting bombing raids on oil installations inside its Unity State, and armoured ground forces from both sides have clashed, notably around the Heglig oil fields which since secession has provided almost half of Sudan’s crude. Most of the other fields now lie in South Sudan.  

On 28 March South Sudan said it had withdrawn from Heglig. Envoys from both countries were due to meet in Addis Ababa on 29 March. 

The UN Security Council called for restraint and warned that the clashes “threaten to precipitate a resumption of conflict between the two countries, worsen the humanitarian situation, and lead to further civilian casualties.” [ http://ukun.fco.gov.uk/en/news/?view=PressS&id=746964582 ]

Sudan analyst John Ashworth told IRIN: “It's still too early to judge whether this a true escalation leading to all-out war or whether it is just another example of brinkmanship, pushing things to the extreme in order to get a better negotiating position.” 

Where is Heglig?  

Heglig is situated close to the middle of the yet-to-be-defined 1,800km Sudan-South Sudan border. It lies between Abyei [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/89832/Analysis-A-guide-to-Abyei-s-referendum ] and South Kordofan’s Nuba Mountains, where since June 2011 SPLA-N rebels - allied to the southern insurgency during the 1983-2005 civil war - have been fighting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF). [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95128/SUDAN-Food-crisis-looms-as-bombs-drive-farmers-from-their-fields ] 

Heglig is also close to the border town of Jau, which was captured late February by the SPLA-N, which Khartoum claims still enjoys considerable support from Juba. 

Heglig (called Panthou by southerners) used to be included within the boundaries of Abyei, one of the “Three Areas” on the border - the others are South Kordofan and Blue Nile - whose status was left unresolved by the CPA (see below). 

Abyei’s boundaries were redrawn by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2009 [ http://www.pca-cpa.org/upload/files/Abyei%20Final%20Award.pdf ] in a ruling that Heglig lay outside of the area. (see map) [ http://www.pca-cpa.org/upload/files/Abyei%20Award%20Appendix%202.pdf ] 

While Khartoum said this ruling meant Heglig lay within its territory, Juba insists it is part of Unity State, saying it is south of the 1956 border both sides agreed to when they signed the CPA. 

A senior official in South Sudan's Foreign Ministry told IRIN that in the absence of a peaceful resolution to the dispute, South Sudan’s army was “completely justified in occupying Panthou”. 

According to Douglas Johnson, one of the members of the Abyei Boundary Commission, which in a 2005 ruling included Heglig in Abyei, “the borders had been and still are exceptionally difficult to define due to the lack of accurate historical maps and because virtually the entire oil-producing area was depopulated by Khartoum during the civil war.”

 Johnson told IRIN that the Sudan Survey Department was still refusing to cooperate with the north-south boundary commission and that the most recent maps that included topographic data were from 1937.  

Why is Heglig so significant? 

Links can be drawn between the latest border clashes and key issues that remain unresolved since the CPA was signed: border demarcation, oil-revenue sharing and the Three Areas. (Abyei residents, for example, were supposed to decide in a referendum in 2011 whether to join the south but this has yet to take place). 

The latest clashes also threaten an important agreement Juba and Khartoum signed in March 2012 that would have made it easier for hundreds of thousands of southerners to remain in Sudan. Without that deal, they were supposed to regularize their status - logistically almost impossible - or leave by 8 April. South Sudan is ill-equipped to accommodate such a sudden and large influx, especially because the imminent rainy season will render most roads impassable. 

John Ashworth told IRIN: “I don't want to say that the CPA was flawed, because it was the best that could be hoped for at the time, but we are certainly now reaping the fruits of areas not fully addressed by the CPA.” 

According to Johnson, none of the international players involved in the CPA gave much thought to what would happen to the Three Areas in the event of secession because “they were initially entirely focused on trying to make unity appear attractive.” Once the independence writing was on the wall, “they were only concerned with ensuring that independence was peaceful.”  

Mukesh Kapila, who served as UN humanitarian coordinator in Sudan in 2003 and 2004 and now works for the Aegis Trust, an advocacy NGO, told IRIN: “The CPA fudged-over the legitimate complaints of the long-suffering marginalized people of Nuba, Abyei, Blue Nile, and Darfur. Unless a sincere attempt is made to solve this in a fair and just manner, violent conflict will continue to erupt here and there. Citizenship, oil, and border demarcation may complicate the picture but they are, in significant part, proxies for the grievances of the much abused people of Sudan's borderlands which have to be tackled first if there is to be any peace and stability for the two countries." 

Who are the combatants? 

The Fourth and (entirely Nuba) Ninth Division of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) - the former rebel group that is now South Sudan’s regular army. The Tenth Division of SPLA-North is also fighting in neighbouring Blue Nile, led by the state's recently deposed governor, Malik Agar.  

The fighting also links to the conflict in Darfur, because the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and other Darfuri rebels last November formed an alliance with SPLA-N, the Sudan Revolutionary Front, which aims to bring about regime change in Khartoum. JEM has fighters currently operating alongside the SPLA-N in the Nuba Mountains. 

SAF has been reinforced with Popular Defence Force militias. On 26 March President Omar al Bashir issued a decree establishing “a committee to mobilize Jihadists”. 

Khartoum is also accused of supporting renegade militia forces in South Sudan, called the South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA), currently under the command of Maj-Gen Mathews Pul Jang, following the death of its founder, Lt-Gen George Athor Deng, last December. This week the SSLA claimed it had captured a military base in northern Pariang County, defeating 5,000 SPLA troops. 

The Sudanese air force also bombed areas well within Unity State, on 1, 26 and 27 March, leading many aid agencies to reduce or halt operations in northern Unity.

According to UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the conflict is also impacting on the refugees who have escaped to South Sudan. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=41649&Cr=sudan&Cr1 ] 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95196</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203290834410973t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAU 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Borderland fighting between Sudan and South Sudan broke out on 25 March, raising fears that the fragile peace that has more or less held since a 2005 accord (CPA) ended decades of civil war, could break down entirely.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: Deportation looms for South Sudan migrants</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271002070407t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers from South Sudan living in Israel have until 31 March to return “home” or face deportation, but some have asked to stay, saying conditions are not yet conducive for their safe return.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers from South Sudan living in Israel have until 31 March to return “home” or face deportation, but some have asked to stay, saying conditions are not yet conducive for their safe return.

According to Israeli Interior Minister Sabine Haddad, [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/israel-to-deport-south-sudan-refugees-following-formation-of-independent-state-1.410208 ] South Sudan nationals living in Israel will no longer be given protected status after the deadline. Until then, he added, they will be offered voluntary deportation and around US$1,300. 

But Natalina, a 46-year-old single mother of three who arrived in Israel six years ago after spending 12 years is Cairo, said she would find it difficult to leave. "I don't want to take [the children] back because I know their lives will change dramatically," she told IRIN. "I have no one in Sudan, I know no one there - no family, nothing. I haven't been there in 18 years, I am a single Mum and I cannot afford to pay for medical treatment and education in South Sudan."

Natalina, whose three children aged 7, 9 and 15 are enrolled in Israeli schools, said she and some 700 other South Sudanese asylum-seekers received notice from the Ministry of Interior three months ago, asking them to report for repatriation by 31 March 2012 or be declared illegal aliens in Israel.

"I do not wish to see my children suffer. We've had meetings with the Israeli government but they will not give us answers. If they decide to do this (send asylum-seekers back) by 31 March, I will disappear, I cannot go back," said Natalina, a prominent leader of the small community of South Sudanese in Israel.

The Israeli authorities, in a January letter circulated among the South Sudanese community, said the new state was safe.

Xenophobia

Over the past two years, some 1,200 asylum-seekers returned to South Sudan under a repatriation programme arranged by NGOs, even before that country got independence. Some sources said the returnees were being encouraged to leave by the harsh conditions in which the community lives, and the xenophobia directed at them by Israelis.

Last week, some South Sudanese and Israelis held a protest in Tel Aviv against “forced repatriation”, saying it was against international treaties and contrary to new information about the state of security in South Sudan. The Israeli Foreign Ministry rejected the claims.

"We are going to be ready, we do not want to go back," said Simon, a South Sudanese community leader who left his country 17 years ago. "We don't want to stay in Israel, but our country is not safe, our children know nothing of Sudan."

Of the 700 asylum-seekers who received notice, he said, nearly 400 were children under 18. Israeli authorities believe [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/israel-to-deport-south-sudan-refugees-following-formation-of-independent-state-1.410208 ] the overall number of South Sudanese is around 1,000.

"We are not asking to stay forever, but to be given enough time until the new state recovers somewhat," Simon explained. "I know of many repatriated community members who were forced to flee again to the north, to Kenya or Uganda. South Sudan is only seven months old and still a failed state."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95174</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271002070407t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers from South Sudan living in Israel have until 31 March to return “home” or face deportation, but some have asked to stay, saying conditions are not yet conducive for their safe return.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Hamid Yussef Bashir, “People end up fighting at the water point”</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203270950510432t.jpg" />]]>JAMAM 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Hamid Yussef Bashir, 30, is one of around 37,000 refugees in Jamam camp in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, a place beleaguered by chronic water shortages, a diet of sorghum that refugees say is not enough, and where most residents are camped on a floodplain weeks ahead of the rainy season.</description><body><![CDATA[JAMAM 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Hamid Yussef Bashir, 30, is one of around 37,000 refugees in Jamam camp in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, a place beleaguered by chronic water shortages, a diet of sorghum that refugees say is not enough, and where most residents are camped on a floodplain weeks ahead of the rainy season.

Aid agencies are also battling problems of drilling enough boreholes and pre-positioning enough food before the rains come. The USA has warned of famine-like conditions in Upper Nile and neighbouring South Kordofan State in Sudan where government forces are battling rebels and Sudanese President Omar al Bashir has restricted humanitarian aid. Jamam’s population is expected to swell to up to 80,000 when food north of the border runs out, if people can make the arduous journey through battlefields and escape aerial bombardment.

Huddled next to a makeshift tent with his five children crouching round the embers of a morning fire, Hamid Yussef Bashir recounts the story of how and why he fled Sudan's war-torn Blue Nile State:

“When we see the Antonov [plane] activities we’re not really comfortable, that’s when we took the decision to leave because we were really in fear.

“When we saw the soldiers killed by the bombardment, that’s when we got scared and decided to go for hiding. A lot of people died on the way when they tried to escape. It was raining. There were no shelters, so most of them lost their lives trying to come this side.

“It took 17 days to walk here.

“We were facing hunger on the way, and that’s how other people starved to death, and with the rains, a lot of people lost their lives from pneumonia.

“The water here is not enough… People end up fighting at the water point. People stay at the long queue all day, so you end up only doing one thing and not doing any other activities - only fetching water. 

“We used to have an income from goods, we used to have livestock. When we were coming here most of them died on the way, and now we are living only on sorghum. 

“We don’t have anything extra to do to bring money in, so we only wait for the sorghum, nothing else. It’s not enough.
 
“If I go back home I will suffer, as I know there is nothing to eat. So I don’t think that I will go back, as I won’t survive.
 
“I only hope for the best life for my children. If they can get education and feed well that will be better for them.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95175</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203270950510432t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAMAM 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Hamid Yussef Bashir, 30, is one of around 37,000 refugees in Jamam camp in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, a place beleaguered by chronic water shortages, a diet of sorghum that refugees say is not enough, and where most residents are camped on a floodplain weeks ahead of the rainy season.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: LRA nurtures the next generation of child soldiers</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205041055210271t.jpg" />]]>FARADJE 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The dilemma for a 13-year-old boy from Faradje in Haut-Uélé District, northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is that although he misses his younger brother – abducted into the ranks of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) two years ago -  he is also afraid of being reunited with him.</description><body><![CDATA[FARADJE 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The dilemma for Atati Faustin, 13, from Faradje in Haut-Uélé District, northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is that although he misses his younger brother – abducted into the ranks of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) two years ago -  he is also afraid of being reunited with him.   

“I want my brother back,” he told IRIN, “but if I see him I would run. I am scared of him. I feel like he has died.” 

Displaced with about 1,300 people from the nearby village of Kimbinzi in 2008 following repeated LRA attacks, and relocated to Ngubu, a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) on the outskirts of Faradje, he has not yet encountered him, but others in the community have - dishevelled, with dreadlocks, and carrying an AK47 assault rifle and a panga. 

Kimbinzi is about 7km from the camp and occasionally some villagers return under a military escort provided by Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) to till the fields, as crops planted on land provided for them close to the River Dungu are routinely destroyed by hippos. Only young men return (during daylight hours) to Kimbinzi in a phenomenon described by relief workers as “pendulum movement” - women and children stay in the relative safety of Ngubu. 

Joseph Kony’s LRA is thought to have kidnapped more than 30,000 children from the Central African Republic, DRC, South Sudan and Uganda in a 25-year transnational conflict. Captured boys are forced into child soldiering and girls are used as sex slaves or babysitters (`ting-tings’). 

Ugandan aid worker George Omoma has tracked the carnage left in the LRA’s wake across three countries, where children are not so much collateral damage, as the focus of LRA activity. 

“Kony tells his people that it is not you [adults] that will overthrow the [Ugandan] government, it is the children. He wants to create a new generation of the LRA,” Omoma told IRIN. 

Omoma is in Dungu helping to establish a rehabilitation centre for child victims of the LRA by the Catholic Church and NGOs Sponsoring Children and the San- Diego-based Invisible Children. When operations start later this year, the facility will be able to provide accommodation, counselling, training and education to hundreds of former child soldiers and abductees. 

Joyce Neu of the Carter Center had a three-hour meeting with Kony and his senior command on 24 February 2000 in Nsitu, Sudan, and although he “did not admit to having abductees in the LRA... Sam Ottoa [now known as Sam Kolo] let slip references to `the children’ three times, each time he quickly corrected it with ‘our brothers’,” she told IRIN. 

Kolo, an LRA political officer, headed negotiations with Betty Bigombe in 2004, but became a Kony assassination target. He escaped with Bigombe in a helicopter the UN provided her with to conduct another round of negotiations. He now lives in Gulu, Uganda. 

A February 2004 report by the Refugee Law Project, Behind the Violence: Causes, Consequences and the Search for Solutions to the War in Northern Uganda, [ http://www.refugeelawproject.org/working_papers/RLP.WP11.pdf ] provides the rationale for Kony using children as “a vital resource” for his war. LRA activity in Uganda ended in 2006. 

Haunted by the LRA 

As in other conflicts where child soldiers have been used “they are easily malleable to whatever purpose Kony wants, and are very quick to obey his orders” and “forcing children to kill their friends or family members in front of other abductees instills fear into them and discourages them from escaping,” the report said. “The LRA views nine to 12-year-olds as the most desirable combatant age-group.” 

Josephine Inopayngba, 27, a counsellor in Dungu for former child soldiers and LRA abductees, told IRIN the fear instilled by LRA methods haunt their victims long-after they have escaped or been released by the armed group. 

She said an escapee from the LRA made pregnant by rape “told me she wanted to kill her child at birth. I told her the child is innocent. She said kids kill their parents and she was afraid the child would grow up and kill her.” 

Inopayngba said in her experience in the past two years as a counsellor, three families had refused to accept their children back after they had become child soldiers: “They cannot understand it is the fault of the LRA, not the child.” 

The initiation of child soldiers, she said, involves practices like executing other abductees. “They will ask them [porters] if they want to take a rest and if they say `yes’ they will allow one of the children to kill them.” 

Justin Minanbu, 15, was kidnapped by the LRA from South Sudan 14 months ago, escaped nine months later and has spent the past five months living with a host family in Dungu while his relatives are traced. Both of his parents are dead. He was used as a porter and a servant for an LRA commander. 

“I was beaten often by the commander with the flat side of a panga, for any mistakes. Like if the fire was not good,” he said. Two of the group of eight LRA fighters he travelled with were child soldiers aged about 13 and they were “good to me. Sometimes the commander would order them to punish me and they would beat me. But after that we would play like friends,” Minanbu said. 

Joseph Angoyo, chief of Aba’s hospital, about 20km south of the South Sudan border, told IRIN under the supervision of an official from the DRC intelligence service, “the longer the captivity, the worse the condition”. 

Angoyo said the hospital treats about 10 former abductees a month and many are suffering from sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), mainly syphilis he said. The youngest victim he had treated for an STD was a seven-year-old girl. 

Breeding child soldiers 

Dominic Ongwen has risen through the ranks to become the LRA’s most senior commander in the DRC and is the armed group’s most notorious example of a kidnapped boy forced into child soldiering and who is now wanted for crimes against humanity and war crimes by the International Criminal Court. 

Sam Otto Ladere has appeared on the radar with a similar personnel history to Ongwen. He commands a group of 17 fighters falling under the command of Vincent Okumu Binany in the DRC. 

Matthew Brubacher, political affairs officer working with the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC’s (MONUSCO’s) Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (DDRRR) unit, and an LRA specialist based in the eastern DRC city of Goma, told IRIN Ladere was abducted at a young age from a village west of Gulu. 

“Ladere is one of the up and coming commanders. He is very trusted. This was evidenced by his being placed as chief of intelligence after Maj-Gen Acellam Ceasar was suspended following the execution of Lt-Gen Vincent Otti on 2 October 2007, even though Ladere was only a captain,” he said. DDRRR is working on a radio message on their FM network to try and lure him out of the bush. 

Omoma said former abductees and child soldiers had told him of Ladere’s brutality. 

Kony has taken many wives. At the Juba peace talks in 2006 it was estimated he had about 80 wives and it is unknown how many children the rebel leader has fathered. 

“I don't know how many Kony kids are active in the LRA, probably quite a few. There are a few bush kids now that were born and bred in the LRA. They are pretty wild when they come out as they have never known civilization,” Brubacher said. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95168</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205041055210271t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">FARADJE 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The dilemma for a 13-year-old boy from Faradje in Haut-Uélé District, northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is that although he misses his younger brother – abducted into the ranks of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) two years ago -  he is also afraid of being reunited with him.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Cracking open the LRA to better eliminate it</title><pubDate>Wed, 21 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203091533450337t.jpg" />]]>DUNGU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - After seven years held captive by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), 16-year-old Apiyo Tabisa’s release five months ago in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) along with a dozen or so others was as sudden as her abduction from Uganda.</description><body><![CDATA[DUNGU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - After seven years held captive by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), 16-year-old Apiyo Tabisa’s release five months ago in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) along with a dozen or so others was as sudden as her abduction from Uganda. 

Vincent Binany - deputy to senior LRA commander and International Criminal Court (ICC) war crimes indictee Dominic Ongwen - “gave us no reason. He left us by the side of the road and just told us to go to the soldiers [Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC)],” she told IRIN. 

She spent seven years wandering the frontier lands of the DRC, South Sudan and Uganda as a porter and cook and witnessed “too many [killings] to remember. There were just too many,” said Tabisa, who is awaiting repatriation from Dungu (northeastern DRC) once her relatives have been traced. 

“Some were shot or beaten with pieces of wood. I don’t know why. If you make a mistake they kill you. If you have witchcraft, they kill you. There does not have to be a reason,” Tabisa said. “Seeing the killings and the beatings - that was always the worst. If you say something [to object to the killings] they kill you.” 

Matthew Brubacher, political affairs officer working with the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO)’s Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (DDRRR) unit, and an LRA specialist based in the eastern DRC city of Goma, told IRIN: “We still don’t know why they were released [by Binany],” but answering such questions is key to developing strategies to dismantling the armed group. 

Why so durable? 

Why has Joseph Kony’s LRA, which has raped, abducted and pillaged for the past 25 years survived so long? 

From the early 1990s, the LRA conducted raids into northern Uganda from bases in eastern Equatoria in southern Sudan (now the independent state of South Sudan), where President Omar al-Bashir co-opted and supplied the group to fight the then-rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Army, which in turn enjoyed support from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. 

From 2005, the LRA began moving into areas of the DRC close to the border with Sudan. More recently, the LRA has also been active in the Central African Republic. 

The undeveloped frontier lands with scarce infrastructure, weak government and isolated communities enabled the LRA to forage for food, and kidnap - boys for child soldiers and girls as sex slaves. 

At the core of the LRA’s ability to survive and outwit their numerically superior opponents was “maintaining secrecy in the LRA”, said a World Bank June 2011 report entitled Diagnostic Study of the LRA [ http://www.tdrp.net/PDFs/LRA_DiagnosticStudy_1.pdf ] authored by Philip Lancaster, Guillaume Lacaille and Ledio Cakaj. 

“Kony appears to understand that one cannot defeat the enemy one does not know, and consequently masks the LRA behind a curtain of mystery. The rituals performed in the LRA, some military in nature, others religious, are in part designed to maintain the secrecy and mystery of the LRA - much like a secret society or a cult,” the report said. 

Runners and fliers 

The LRA’s few hundred core fighters are dispersed across a region about half the size of France spanning three fragile countries. Modern methods of communication, such as satellite phones (there is little to no coverage for mobile phones in much of the region) are eschewed as they can be tracked by satellite and reconnaissance aircraft. Runners are used to carry messages, with this task often entrusted to the senior ranks. 

Onen Unita - an officer serving under senior LRA commander Okot Odhiambo who, like Kony, is wanted for war crimes by the ICC - was used as a runner to convey decisions to other commanders in the DRC taken at a meeting in CAR in June 2011. 

Lt-Col Golam Faruque, chief coordinator of MONUSCO’s Joint Intelligence Operating Cell based in Dungu, which collates information about the armed group, told IRIN: “We know about the meeting, but we don’t know anything of what decisions were taken,” but added that in the second half of 2011 the number of violent incidents in the DRC attributed to the LRA decreased substantially. He also noted that armed groups have high and low periods of activity. 

Ian Rowe, DDRRR head of Orientale Province based in Dungu and working to eliminate the group, tries to gather intelligence based on snippets of information. 

Unlike his counterparts in eastern DRC where mobile phone communication with potential defectors is a vital tool in convincing the officer class of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) to defect, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93634/Analysis-Sapping-the-strength-of-DRC-militias ] no such avenue exists with the LRA. 

Instead, there is a reliance on leaflet distribution guaranteeing amnesty, except for those indicted by the ICC, and a network of FM radios conveying a similar message to LRA combatants in a variety of languages, including Acholi and Lingala, in the three affected countries. 

Rowe said the fliers are either air-dropped by MONUSCO, or distributed by FARDC in the DRC and by the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in CAR and South Sudan, “and put on trees or along waterways, as historically the LRA follow waterways”. 

MONUSCO’s DDRRR has produced 30,000 flyers for distribution, showing photographs of recent escapees in the past few years, which those still “remaining in the bush” were likely to recognize, Rowe said. 

"We just had a Kony wife surrender in Djema. She saw the wife of Odhiambo on one of our leaflets disseminated by the UPDF in eastern CAR. That convinced her to leave, despite Kony telling her that the woman had been killed shortly after the picture was taken," Brubacher said. 

“Our inability to communicate, deal or negotiate with the LRA directly and effectively… means that for the most part, we have very little idea as to the extent our messages are getting through,” Rowe said 

It was difficult to put a precise number on the penetration of the messaging by DDRRR, but he said some estimates of 75 percent were probably an “overestimation of the number of escapees we're receiving in Dungu who state having seen or heard our messaging.” 

Assembly points 

In September 2011, another LRA commander, Ocan Bunia, died, reportedly of malaria, in the DRC, and a number of captives were released. At their debriefing there were indications that fighters in the group had also wanted to defect, but had no way of safely doing so. 

Ugandan LRA defectors are met with hostility by affected communities and MONUSCO’s DDRRR programme has embarked on an awareness-raising programme to try and convince people to hand them over to the authorities rather than mete out their own form of justice, which acts as another barrier to the LRA's disarmament and demobilization, Brubacher said, and has led to bizarre acts by LRA fighters. 

“The last LRA commandant who surrendered jumped onto the road naked in front of a Caritas motorcycle. When the motorcycle driver agreed to help him surrender, the LRA fighter went back into the forest and got his gun and uniform. That is how hard it is to surrender,” he said. 

The incident with Bunia acted as a catalyst to develop the concept of assembly points, which are at least 10-15km from the closest communities. Two sites have been identified northeast of Dungu, one north of Faradje, one in Garamba National Park, and one south of Bangadi. 

Rowe said 30,000 fliers detailing the locations, funded by the San Diego-based NGO Invisible Children, would be distributed to make these sites known, and it was expected the concept would be rolled out regionally. 

MONUSCO has agreed to send patrols to these sites twice a week to check-up on any LRA defectors. “It is the best we can do for these people [defectors]. Although they might have to hang around for a few days before being picked-up.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95109</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203091533450337t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUNGU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - After seven years held captive by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), 16-year-old Apiyo Tabisa’s release five months ago in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) along with a dozen or so others was as sudden as her abduction from Uganda.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: World’s newest state offers little for thousands of returnees</title><pubDate>Wed, 21 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203211320460035t.jpg" />]]>WAU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - They have returned in their hundreds of thousands, by train, barge, bus and plane, often after decades of war-enforced absence; but coming home to what recently, and euphorically, became the world’s newest state, the Republic of South Sudan, is often the beginning of yet another chapter of struggle and destitution.</description><body><![CDATA[WAU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - They have returned in their hundreds of thousands, by train, barge, bus and plane, often after decades of war-enforced absence; but coming home to what recently, and euphorically, became the world’s newest state, the Republic of South Sudan, is often the beginning of yet another chapter of struggle and destitution. 

On one of the main roads in Wau, a railhead town held by Khartoum throughout the 1983-2005 civil war which devastated much of what was then called southern Sudan and which put two million people to flight, there is an old poster that reads: “Vote for separation to become first class citizens in your own country and say bye-bye to repression and marginalization.” 

In January 2011, 98 percent of southerners complied with that injunction and in July a new flag was raised in the capital, Juba, as good riddance was finally bid to rule from distant Khartoum. Just as they had upon the 2005 signing of the comprehensive peace accord, long-absent southerners headed home in droves. 

In August 2011 a passenger train arrived in Wau from Khartoum for the first time in years; it was packed with jubilant returnees eager to enjoy the fruits of long yearned-for peace and freedom. 

For one of those passengers, 42-year-old auto mechanic Charles John, these fruits have yet to ripen. Since his arrival, he, his wife and six children have been living in a warehouse near the town’s railway station. While only a few dozen people lived in what is locally termed the “hangar” when IRIN visited in mid-March, the building would soon be jam-packed with passengers from another train that pulled into Wau a few days later. 

“I decided to come back to my own country because I was a foreigner [in Khartoum] and faced discrimination. We were not welcomed; if we built a home we would be chased away after two or three years. This happened many times,” John explained. 

“I was happy to come back. I expected a better life, with school for the children and a better chance of getting a job. But when I arrived, things turned out differently. I have no job, I am still in the hangar, the children are not in school and I am still waiting for my plot. I don’t know when I will get it,” he said. 

Complicated plot allocation 

A parcel of land is among the incentives for return promoted by South Sudan’s government. But the process is complicated, involving shuffling paperwork between the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, and the ministries of social affairs and of physical infrastructure. In the absence of clear national land policy guidelines, decisions are often ultimately made on an ad-hoc basis by local chiefs.  

In some areas, returnees have been asked to prove their historical ties to a place before they are allocated land there. For those who may have been away for 30 years, providing such documentation is impossible.  

Such long absences have often been spent in urban environments such as Khartoum, while allocated plots tend to be in rural areas with little or no amenities or commercial opportunities, increasing the hardships of host communities in receiving areas. 

According to Refugees International, government development plans treat “the return and reintegration of hundreds of thousands of people as a short-term issue, requiring only a food package and assistance with shelter. However, this assistance, valuable as it is, does not help the returnees to integrate into South Sudan’s social, political and economic life.” 

An added hurdle is the low rates of literacy among returnees, 60 percent of whom are under the age of 18. Most of those who attended school while in Khartoum would have been taught in Arabic and so have a low level of the English which would help them get ahead on their return to South Sudan.  

Moving back is particularly difficult for vulnerable returnees, such as war-widowed hangar resident Helena Elario Nur, who is blind. Like more than 23,000 people, she returned to South Sudan with the assistance of the International Organization for Migration. Some 360,000 people returned in 2011. 

“I am just waiting for my plot. Life here is very difficult. I think Khartoum was better than this because I have just arrived and have not adapted to life here. In Khartoum, some churches helped me. When I got here I was given some rations by the World Food Programme, but they ran out a week ago. I try to get by selling a bit of dried okra, but it’s hard to find food for the children.” 

Across South Sudan, poor harvests, rising food prices, the closure of the border with Sudan, and several armed conflicts have conspired to leave 4.7 million people in need of food aid this year. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/475452 ] 

Decades of civil war, which first erupted in the mid 1950s, prevented any significant development in the south, where only a minority has access to basic infrastructure such as rainproof roads, health centres and education. 

And the new government’s capacity to meet the simplest needs of its eight million citizens has been drastically eroded by its January decision, amid a revenue-sharing row with Sudan, to shut down the flow of oil that accounted for 98 percent of its revenue. A series of austerity measures will not change the fact that the government will run out of money in June. 

Another 120,000 southerners are expected to return voluntarily from Sudan in the coming months. And the exodus could be considerably larger: southerners living in Sudan, even those who were born there, were denied Sudanese citizenship when the country split in two, and were given a deadline of 8 April to “regularize” their status or leave. 

Deal not yet implemented 

Fears of such a mass movement southwards were partly assuaged earlier this month when both governments agreed in principle that each other’s citizens would enjoy rights of residence, employment, free movement and to buy and sell property.  

But this deal has yet to be implemented, leaving open the possibility of vast numbers of southerners, up to 10,000 a day according to CARE, an NGO, descending on places like Renk - a border town and returnee way station in the northeast of South Sudan - at a time when rains and other logistical constraints would prevent onward transportation to their places of origin. 

A few kilometers from Wau lies the new settlement of Alel Chock, which is populated by some of those who have been allocated land by the local authorities. Thanks to international aid agencies, it boasts water pumps, a health clinic and a school building, facilities that make its residents better off than 60 percent of South Sudan’s citizens. 

But as new arrival Abdel Abdullah Afrangi, a 57-year-old chemical technician who left southern Sudan in 1968, told IRIN, even with such rare amenities, starting a new life here is daunting prospect. 

“The problem we are facing is joblessness. Most of us are skilled workers: electricians, carpenters and the like. But we have no source of income. I am thinking of going somewhere to get a job, but I must prepare my plot, I can’t just abandon it,” he said. 

“We want the government to look after our children, who are our future. But the school is not functioning properly and they are not well fed,” he added. 

Despite the hardships of homecoming, almost all of the returnees who spoke to IRIN in Wau said they would remain in South Sudan. 

“I have hope for the future, that things will get better,” said John. 

“I won’t go back to Khartoum unless there is war.” 

am/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95122</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203211320460035t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WAU 21 March 2012 (IRIN) - They have returned in their hundreds of thousands, by train, barge, bus and plane, often after decades of war-enforced absence; but coming home to what recently, and euphorically, became the world’s newest state, the Republic of South Sudan, is often the beginning of yet another chapter of struggle and destitution.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Fighting Kony with beer, spy planes and YouTube</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203151211090182t.jpg" />]]>LIMAYI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is just before noon in the village of Limayi in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Half a dozen empty beer bottles lie scattered at the feet of five Congolese soldiers lounging in easy chairs beneath a mango tree. A freshly opened bottle is propped-up against an automatic assault rifle lying in the dust.</description><body><![CDATA[LIMAYI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is just before noon in the village of Limaye in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Half a dozen empty beer bottles lie scattered at the feet of five Congolese soldiers lounging in easy chairs beneath a mango tree. A freshly opened bottle is propped-up against an automatic assault rifle lying in the dust. 

The roughly 4,500 people in Limayi, about 25km north of Dungu in the Haut-Uélé District, are increasingly anxious as they believe the dry season at this time of year prompts Joseph Kony’s Lord Resistance Army (LRA) to head south from the neighbouring Central African Republic (CAR) and South Sudan to loot from the relative riches of isolated communities in the country’s northeast. 

Villager Faustin Mihinigoyo, 56, told IRIN the soldiers of the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) stationed in Limayi for their protection, “complain to us they only have five bullets and their radios are broken… If the LRA come, they (FARDC) will run away. We are not feeling good.” The soldiers declined to speak to IRIN. 

The first attack by the LRA on the village was on 27 August 2008 and the most recent in July 2011. Between these dates there have been many attacks on Limayi -“I can’t even remember the number,” Christophe Eda, the district’s paramount chief, told IRIN, adding that 47 villagers had been killed and 12 abducted, eight of whom had returned. 

“In the beginning when the attacks came we used to run into the fields, but it was a big mistake as more people were killed. So now we stay in our homes and pray,” villager Roger Kuyago, 32, told IRIN. 

Between 1986 and 2006 the LRA fought a lengthy war with Ugandan security forces. The government established “protected villages” in Uganda’s Acholiland, which at one time formed Kony’s support base, in an attempt to isolate the LRA from the community. But there were allegations of gross Ugandan police and military human rights violations against the Acholi, who were forced into camps. The LRA’s senior command structure remains populated by the Acholi. Since its expulsion from Uganda, the LRA, numbering a few hundred, has roamed and looted across the DRC, South Sudan and CAR. 

In July 2005 the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Kony and four of his lieutenants - Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen, and Vincent Otti - for suspected war crimes and crimes against humanity, including the routine use of child soldiers and sexual enslavement. [ http://www.enoughproject.org/files/pdf/lra_leaders.pdf ] 

Subsequently Otti was executed on Kony’s orders in October 2007, apparently for his willingness to seek peace and because of his popularity among the LRA rank and file; Lukwiya was killed during a clash with troops in northern Uganda in 2006. 

Wanted - dead or alive 

Stuck on the wall behind the desk of Lt-Col Golam Faruque, chief coordinator of MONUSCO’s (UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC) Joint Intelligence Operating Cell (JIOC), housed in a container complex at Dungu airstrip, are grainy wanted posters of Kony, Odhiambo and Ongwen. 

On his last day of a year-long secondment to MONUSCO before returning to Bangladesh, Faruque told IRIN: “If anyone says MONUSCO is not doing enough to protect civilians [from the LRA], they don’t know the reality.” 

He said while the UN operation in the DRC in terms of Blue Helmets was the world’s largest, only about 1,000 troops were ranged against the LRA in “an area twice the size of England,” with few roads, rugged terrain and an opponent which loots and moves on. “We are forced to be defensive, rather than offensive”. 

However, in a break with normal operating procedures during the 2011 Christmas period, MONUSCO deployed “huge forces” in a 15-day operation to establish a presence to thwart any repeat of the LRA Christmas massacres of recent years. [ http://enoughproject.org/blogs/lra-plotting-another-christmas-massacre ] 

Against such a nimble, ruthless and elusive armed group [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94794/Analysis-The-LRA-not-yet-a-spent-force ], the most effective weapon - in the absence of more boots on the ground - is coordination and intelligence. The JIOC was formed in 2010 against a “background of different forces (FARDC, MONUSCO, Ugandan People’s Defence Force [UPDF]) operating on the same battlefield against one opponent” and to share information, Faruque said. 

Since then MONUSCO’s Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration, and Resettlement (DDR/RR) have joined, as well as two representatives of the about 100 US military advisers dispatched by President Barack Obama to assist in coordinating the regional fight against the LRA. (Ugandan troops left the DRC in November 2011 at the request of the country’s president Joseph Kabila.) 

Following authorization from the Africa Union Peace and Security Council in November 2011, and with UN support, it is envisaged that the JIOC will be replicated in CAR and South Sudan with representatives from all affected countries. There was also a possibility that Ugandan military liaison officers could be deployed to Dungu, “but that was a diplomatic procedure,” Faruque said. 

Spy planes 

Since the deployment of US military advisers to the region late last year, he said, information gathering had been boosted by the deployment of an US C-12 reconnaissance aircraft, “codenamed Tusker-Sand flying over the battlefield almost every day”. 

According to a 2009 web report by Jane’s Defence Weekly, a leading authority on military technology, the manned C-12 reconnaissance variant of the Hawker Beechcraft, designated MC-12W, has been deployed in both Iraq and Afghanistan “to aid high-value targeting and other tactical intelligence missions”. 

Airforce-technology.com, a specialist aerospace site, says: “The MC-12W is designed to intensify data collection operations through intelligence-collection capabilities operating in-theatre, allowing real-time full-motion video and signals intelligence for battlefield decisions of military troop leaders.” 

On the ground surveillance is being stepped up with the expansion of high frequency (HF) radios to report incidents of LRA violence, kidnapping and sightings with the assistance of the San Diego-based NGO Invisible Children and the Catholic Church. A more comprehensive picture of a vast battleground stretching across three fragile and undeveloped countries is gradually being built up. 

However, information can lead to fear: Reported LRA activity in the vicinity of Limayi in early March 2012 has seen the community hemmed in by fear, with only those fields a kilometre from the village being cultivated, while others stretching up to 9km away are neglected. 

“Recently someone was taken by the LRA close to here [Limayi] and then released. He [the abductee] said they [the LRA] had new [FARDC] uniforms and new guns,” a villager told IRIN. 

The high frequency radio system is an upgrade of a radio network established in 1974 by the Catholic Church, which was originally designed to provide a channel for remote parishes for prayer, messages from local administrators and a conduit for merchants to reach distant markets. 

In 2009 and in response to increasing LRA violence, Father Abbé Benoit Kinalegu, director of the Dungu-Doruma Diocese, recalibrated the network as an early warning system and approached Invisible Children to assist in the network’s expansion. 

Invisible Children 

Sarah Katz-Lavigne, Invisible Children DRC project coordinator based in Dungu, told IRIN high frequency radio masts had been installed in 11 communities in Haut-Uélé District as well as seven in Bas-Uélé, with a further nine planned for the district. In CAR two pre-existing HF radios were being used and the plan was to have 11 operational HF radios in communities by October 2012. 

Adam Finck, Invisible Children programme director for Central Africa, said each radio installation, including equipment and training of operators, cost about US$20,000. 

At 8am and 1pm daily, community radio operators report any and all suspected LRA activity to the Invisible Children’s Dungu offices, which is then disseminated to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and made available to all humanitarian actors, including MONUSCO and JIOC. 

Invisible Children only publish information on LRA, or suspected LRA, activity on their LRAcrisistracker.com [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com/ ] website, while other acts of violence in the region - where aid workers say the “DRC government is absent” and there are alleged human rights abuses by FARDC and Ugandan troops operating with the assistance of US forces in CAR - never get a mention. 

The single-minded focus of the NGO on Kony and his capture or killing, has created something of a firestorm after an Invisible Children film, Kony2012 [ http://www.kony2012.com/ ], went viral on the Internet recently and, although endorsed by global celebrities such as Oprah Winfrey and Angelina Jolie, has been widely [ http://www.royalafricansociety.org/component/content/article/994.html ] condemned by analysts as “self-aggrandizing foreigners” creating a recipe for increased violence in the region. 

Michael Deiberta, a visiting fellow at the Centre for Peace and Reconciliation Studies at Coventry University in the UK, and the author of a forthcoming book entitled DRC: Between Hope and Despair, explained the problem in a Royal African Society article: [ http://africanarguments.org/2012/03/08/the-problem-with-invisible-childrens-kony-2012-by-michael-deibert/ ] “By blindly supporting Uganda’s current government and its military adventures beyond its borders, as Invisible Children suggests that people do, Invisible Children is in fact guaranteeing that there will be more violence, not less, in Central Africa.” 

Invisible Children uses a scale of 1-5 to determine LRA activity, with “one being the least reliable and five being the most reliable,” according to its LRAcrisistracker website. “A verification rating of 2 through 5 is considered adequately verified to be reported publicly, and is therefore mapped.” 

An international aid worker in the region who preferred anonymity told IRIN Invisible Children’s information gathering system was skewed towards increasing the incidents of LRA activity “while the truth is a bit dark and not so simple”. The final arbiter of LRA activity remains the JIOC. 

The aid worker said his NGO also provided security information, but the reports it had filed using such language as “presumed LRA, or unknown persons, always end up as LRA”. 

It was common for civilians to carry weapons, the aid worker said, leading to misinterpretations. There was banditry in the area and “FARDC knows exactly how to behave as the LRA.” 

Invisible Children’s Katz-Lavigne, when asked by IRIN whether banditry could be misconstrued as LRA activity, said: “It is tough to say banditry or not.” 

go/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95083</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203151211090182t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LIMAYI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - It is just before noon in the village of Limayi in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Half a dozen empty beer bottles lie scattered at the feet of five Congolese soldiers lounging in easy chairs beneath a mango tree. A freshly opened bottle is propped-up against an automatic assault rifle lying in the dust.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Restoring a new country&apos;s vision</title><pubDate>Wed, 07 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203071306060012t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 07 March 2012 (IRIN) - Newly independent South Sudan has some of the highest blindness rates in the world. Endemic diseases that have been stamped out in other post-conflict countries are rife, and the only fully functioning eye centre is in the capital, Juba.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 07 March 2012 (IRIN) - Newly independent South Sudan has some of the highest blindness rates in the world. Endemic diseases that have been stamped out in other post-conflict countries are rife, and the only fully functioning eye centre is in the capital, Juba.

"There is only one ophthalmologist in South Sudan and that's me," says Wani Mena, who is also the Ministry of Health's representative for eye care and head of the country's main hospital.

The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends one ophthalmologist for every 400,000 people, while South Sudan has one for more than nine million people.

"This is the only centre in South Sudan. All the 10 states have to send people here for treatment or surgery, as they are not well funded and they are run by medical assistants or clinical officers," says Paul Loke, a clinical assistant working for Christian Blind Mission (CBM), which set up the eye unit in 2011. 

Taking time out of his busy schedule to visit the only fully functioning eye centre in Juba Teaching Hospital, Mena says up to quarter of a million people are blind.

"There's a very high prevalence in South Sudan. In fact, when we compare with prevalence in East Africa, South Sudan has the highest... about 1.5-3 percent. Most of the countries in East Africa have a prevalence of blindness of less than 1 percent," he said.

"[Between] 150,000 and 250,000 people who are blind is a tremendous number....because for every blind person, there are five other members of a family that are suffering," he said.

In a country with some of the worst health statistics in the world, services for the blind are virtually non-existent. 

A few small aid agencies and the hospital provide outreach and occasional surgery across a vast nation lacking basic infrastructure and with only a few hundred kilometres of tarmac roads.

The Equatoria State Union of the Visually Impaired (ESUVI) is based in Mundri. "We are based in Central Equatoria state only, the other states we don't move there because of a lack of roads," says ESUVI's treasurer Elizeyo Males.

Mundri also boasts a school for the blind, but "in other states, services for the blind do not exist", he says. The association has 2,000 members but another 3,000 frequent the centre.


An extended disability 

Margorete Kema says that where she lives in Maridi, Western Equatoria state, many children do not attend school as they cannot see.

"There are a lot of blind children, and there are no facilities, which is why I came here," she says, waiting for cataract surgery.

"There is nothing to do in Maridi, most of the people are cultivating and depend on their produce, and it is up to the parents to look after people," she says.

Adults who struggle to see have a harder time, as often there is nobody to care of them.

"They will search for anyone who can help them, but if there is nobody they can stay like that, and sometimes they go blind. This is why I have sought treatment before I go blind, to help my family [and a sister who is already blind]," Kema says.

Mena says that in South Sudan, even people "who can see very well, are already struggling - they are struggling daily to find food, to find jobs and there are security problems".

Many keep quiet as they feel they are a burden, especially the elderly.

"That is why some of them accept the blindness and they never seek care. Blind people feel isolated... there is a lot of depression, and now we are starting to see evidence that blind people die much earlier than those that are sighted." 

Endemic and preventable blindness

Cataracts are the primary cause of preventable blindness in South Sudan, and Onchocerciasis (river blindness) the second. 

While 16 African countries are at elimination stage, South Sudan and five other post-conflict countries have yet to control the disease. It is gradually stamped out by whole communities taking medication to stop larvae from an adult worm, which is transmitted by a black fly bite, from hatching under the skin and eventually attacking the retina.

Mena says South Sudan is seeing fewer cases of malnutrition or measles-related blindness, but the lack of services during decades of war has left a legacy of blindness that will take years to address.

River blindness has become a major problem, as communities could not be reached during the war to take medicines simultaneously every 10-15 years - the life cycle of the adult worm.

"I could say that out of 10 states now, it is in about six. Before it was just known in about three states," Mena says.

The disease is still endemic in Kema's state and causes 30 percent of the nation's blindness.

Trachoma, caused by cramped and poor living conditions and a lack of clean water, is the other secondary cause of blindness.

Sightsavers charity says the area of Upper Nile state where it works has the highest trachoma prevalence rates in the world, and only 3.3 percent of the nation has access to clean water.

Brain drain

With hundreds of thousands of returnees flooding back, the country needs at least 22 ophthalmologists and hundreds more secondary eye-care specialists.

South Sudan plans to reduce blindness to 0.75 percent in 10 years, but to do so it needs enormous help with training, infrastructure and equipment.

"Our main challenge is finding doctors to be trained - we don't have a large base from which we can recruit," Mena says.

Two other eye centres in Malakal and Wau were destroyed during the war or fell to ruin and there was no training for eye-care workers during this time.

Those who were skilled migrated and although many have returned, they are mostly retired or too old to practise.

To try to solve the human resource problem in a country with a 16 percent literacy rate, CBM ophthalmologist Yeneneh Mulugeta has been providing training for four years and is now trying to secure scholarships abroad for budding eye doctors.

Before the clinic was built, he trained people in his living room; three batches of ophthalmic clinical officers and one batch of cataract surgeons have graduated. 

"We need to establish at least one eye centre in each of the 10 states... the blinding diseases here are very rampant."

Pricey glasses

In Africa's fastest-growing capital, one of a handful of opticians to have set up in the last year is next to the hospital. But the owner admits only government workers can afford its glasses. 

"Refractive error is said to be the leading cause of preventative blindness," says Mulugeta.

The hospital is trying to open a spectacles workshop to produce good and cheap glasses for all South Sudan.

Treating cataracts is a simple operation, but for Kema it is a miracle.

"I am very happy. I prayed to God, and now my eyes are open," she says with a big smile the day after her surgery.

"My life will change. What I couldn't do before, I will do now - like going to dig, and fetching water, cleaning, going to farm. These were all problems before. But now, I can perform all my duties," she says.

hm/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95028</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203071306060012t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 07 March 2012 (IRIN) - Newly independent South Sudan has some of the highest blindness rates in the world. Endemic diseases that have been stamped out in other post-conflict countries are rife, and the only fully functioning eye centre is in the capital, Juba.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Disarmament jitters in South Sudan’s Jonglei state</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281332070148t.jpg" />]]>JUBA/PIBOR 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - South Sudan’s plan to start collecting some 20,000 weapons from civilians in Jonglei state in March, by force if necessary, is likely to worsen the volatile security situation there and complicate efforts to deliver essential humanitarian aid, the UN and several analysts have warned.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA/PIBOR 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - South Sudan’s plan to start collecting some 20,000 weapons from civilians in Jonglei state in March, by force if necessary, is likely to worsen the volatile security situation there and complicate efforts to deliver essential humanitarian aid, the UN and several analysts have warned.

“Disarmament efforts could contribute to increasing tensions in an already tense environment,” the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said in a 23 February bulletin.

“Jonglei’s rival communities are wary of relinquishing their weapons, regardless of government promises to carry out disarmament simultaneously in each area,” it added.

The UN estimates that 140,000 people in Jonglei have been affected, thousands of homes burnt and basic infrastructure destroyed during recent violence between different communities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94837 ]. 

Fears of a deterioration have been stoked by plans by one side - the Lou Nuer-led “White Army” - to mount a major offensive backed by Ethiopian kinsmen in early March. Their aim is to permanently “quarantine” the Murle community and protect their own because, they said, the state had failed to do so.

While these communities have a long history of violent, retaliatory cattle rustling, conflict in Jonglei has in recent years also been fuelled by the absence of development and state authority, and perceptions – especially by the Murle - of marginalization from the political sphere.

The Enough Project called on South Sudan to delay the disarmament operation until a moribund peace process was reinvigorated.

“A disarmament campaign initiated in the short term will only serve to frustrate the ability of international humanitarian organizations to get aid to where it is needed and further destabilize the state, which will, in turn, inhibit any progress towards reconciliation," said Jennifer Christian, Enough Project Sudan policy analyst.

Rights first

A joint statement by three organizations – the Danish Demining Group (DDG), the Small Arms Survey (SAS) and PACT – urged the government to draw lessons from previous disarmament operations and avoid the human rights abuses they entailed.

“Disarmament in Jonglei has been characterized by violence against civilians, including summary execution, torture, rape, and armed theft and has been accompanied by the displacement of civilians,” the groups said of campaigns conducted since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Accord between North Sudan and the then-rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). 

The SPLA is now the official army in the six-month-old state of South Sudan. Some 10,000 men drawn from it and the police have been deployed to Jonglei for the new operation.

The government says the process will at first be voluntary, conducted among rival communities simultaneously and backed by a major sensitization campaign, renewed peace efforts and the creation of a buffer zone.

But the fighting words of President Salva Kiir at a recent public rally in Bor, Jonglei’s capital, have raised fears that previous abuses may be repeated.

“Even if you are the son of God, we shall fight you,” Kiir warned those who might refuse to hand over their weapons.

“If you don’t listen, you will see with your eyes, but it will be too late to escape [the full force of the SPLA] again,” he said.

Jonglei’s Minister for Law Enforcement and Security, Gabriel Duop Both, told IRIN in early February: “I think it is better for the government to kill some few people, if it is 100, than [for] the locals to kill 3,000 at a time” – a reference to the highest estimate of civilian deaths sustained during the White Army’s 8,000 man assault on Murle areas in January.

“We cannot allow a state of anarchy and that every single local person protects itself from another... this is the army’s responsibility,” he said.

“I cannot agree with some people who are asking for the calling-off of disarmament,” he said, adding that the hundreds of Nuer killed during a 2006 disarmament operation died after the SPLA came under fire.

Military spokesman Philip Aguer said peace talks had “been given enough time since the first clashes in 2011. Now people have to pursue this [disarmament] process.” 

Aguer estimated the number of targeted weapons at 20,000.

With the operation scheduled to start in early February, before rains start in April or May, the government has yet to detail what steps it will take to deliver a promised programme of justice and reconciliation, or how the SPLA will protect civilians. The buffer zone is not yet fully up and running.

Less haste

There is particular concern over the perceived haste of the disarmament operation, and the apparent sidelining of other key actions needed to deliver security to Jonglei.

“The sensible approach is to reduce the number of weapons but as part of a monitored and sustained peace process with real backing, especially from the government. Without that it’s a potential humanitarian disaster,” said SAS project manager for Sudan, Claire McEvoy.

In such operations, “the groups that are disarmed are left vulnerable to attacks, and that actually leads to an increase in violence and in weapons, of which there is no short supply in South Sudan”, McEvoy said.

With countless armed groups active and distributing weapons not only in Jonglei but in many areas of South Sudan, where internal conflict in recent decades was just as devastating as the north-south civil war, disarmament “has to be a regional policy, and planned”, said South Sudan’s deputy information minister, Atem Yaak Atem, a native of Jonglei.

Just and balanced

Atem said that in previous campaigns, men “dressed as SPLA used it as an opportunity to take guns”, while those who appeared to cooperate often handed over old weapons and kept their newer, more serviceable arms.

According to Lauren Hutton, DDG’s violence reduction coordinator, “In 2006, the Lou Nuer re-armed with the guns that were taken off them, because someone gave them access.”

With this new operation, “you’re going to have a large number of security forces, you’re going to have large displacement, and a humanitarian response will be needed”, she added, stressing the need for a balanced response.

The Council of Sudanese Churches, which has played a central role in negotiation attempts, said any disarmament operation had to be just and involve compensation.

"During the civil war, the fighters from the SPLA sold their weapons in exchange for cows and other animals; those who hand in their weapons must be given something to live on," said Bishop Paride Taban. 

The minority Murle group, already mistrustful of a Dinka-dominated government they say does not represent their interests and favours the second-largest Nuer group, think they will be unfairly targeted in the operation.

This perception was reinforced by reports that, during the Lou Nuer attack on Pibor in December, 15 Lou Nuer soldiers defected from the SPLA to join the attackers. 

Meluth Kur Jok, an elder who has sought sanctuary in Jonglei’s Akobo town since five close relatives were killed and 80 children abducted in an attack on his home village of Woulang a few weeks ago, told IRIN of his fears of more violence.

“We are still expecting them, they are still around us and now we don’t sleep in the houses, we are sleeping in the bush as Murle are still in the area. That means the war is still there, no change.”

hm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94978</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281332070148t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA/PIBOR 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - South Sudan’s plan to start collecting some 20,000 weapons from civilians in Jonglei state in March, by force if necessary, is likely to worsen the volatile security situation there and complicate efforts to deliver essential humanitarian aid, the UN and several analysts have warned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Questions over progress against the LRA</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210932040941t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The US believes its military intervention in central Africa in pursuit of Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) is having the desired effect, reducing attacks and improving civilian protection - although analysts have reservations.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The US believes its military intervention in central Africa in pursuit of Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) is having the desired effect, reducing attacks and improving civilian protection - although analysts have reservations. 

In 2011, the US deployed about 100 troops to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Central African Republic (CAR), South Sudan and Uganda to assist the region’s military forces in killing or capturing Kony and his senior command, following President Barack Obama Administration’s announcement in November 2010 to deal decisively with the armed group. 

Karl Wycoff, the US deputy assistant secretary for African affairs, in a telephone briefing on 22 February, told IRIN: “Over recent months the military of Uganda, CAR, DRC and South Sudan have continued to carry out operations against the LRA. We are supporting them in these efforts. We are providing logistical support to help the Ugandan military sustain its forward operations against the LRA. We are funding, for example, some airlift, fuel and other transport support for their troops. In the DRC we trained and equipped a Congolese battalion that is now operating in LRA-affected areas of the DRC and we are also working with the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO [UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC].” 

About US$40 million has been provided by the US so far in support of the Ugandan military effort. 

MONUSCO and Congolese forces were involved in recent operations to prevent any repeats of the LRA’s 2008 and 2009 Christmas massacres, he said, and the US was also providing support to CAR and South Sudan military forces. 

“With our support, these four military forces continue to make progress in reducing the LRA numbers and keeping them from regrouping. We believe it is critical the militaries in the region continue to work together to keep the pressure on the LRA and protect their own citizens. As we have seen in the past, the LRA will exploit any reduction in military or diplomatic pressure to regroup and rebuild their forces,” Wycloff said. 

Still dancing to Kony’s tune 

He cited UN statistics saying that in 2011 there were 278 attacks attributed to the LRA and more than 300 abductions, but in the second half of the year, which coincided with the deployment of US troops, incidents “appear” to have decreased - although about 465,000 people in the region were displaced or living as refugees in 2011 because of LRA activities. 

Rear Admiral Brian Losey, commander of Special Operations Command Africa, believed the drop in attacks was a result of the US and local military operations and the “numbers of [LRA] fighters have been reduced to 200 or so... We do not have a specific timeline with this mission, nor is it open-ended.” 

However, Phil Lancaster, one of the authors of the 2011 International Working Group on the LRA report, Diagnostic Study of the Lord’s Resistance Army [ http://www.tdrp.net/PDFs/LRA_DiagnosticStudy_1.pdf ] and former head of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration division of the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC), predecessor to MONUSCO, told IRIN, “Estimates of core numbers have bounced between 250 and 150 for the past 18 months. 

“He [Wycoff] doesn't know any more than anyone else what is going on inside the LRA... The important thing now is what Kony is actually doing and as far as anyone can tell, he is still in control and calling the tune the rest of us dance to.” 

The LRA, which relies on forced recruitment, and more often than not the use of child soldiers, to bolster its ranks, has largely operated with a core strength of about 250 fighters from its inception in the 1980s, say analysts. 

A 22 February briefing note by the Small Arms Survey (SAS), Lord's Resistance Army Update [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/facts-figures-armed-groups-southern-sudan-LRA.php ] said although in 2012 there had been no reported attacks in South Sudan or CAR since 18 January, “raids in northeastern DRC have increased this year”. 

“At least 12 attacks were reported in the first two weeks of February, all in or near areas where LRA groups have attacked during the last three years. Ngilima, Bangadi, Dungu and areas around Faradje have been consistently targeted by LRA combatants, indicating a return to old bases, particularly in Garamba National Park,” the update said. 

Lack of regional cooperation 

The SAS update also questioned the level of cooperation between regional forces and the DRC, considering President Joseph Kabila’s government antipathy towards Ugandan troops on its soil. Of the four contributing military forces, Ugandans are viewed as the most professional. 

“Ugandan troops are not officially allowed to enter the DRC, even though the Congolese army units located in areas with an LRA presence are notoriously incapable of dealing with the rebels... This refusal to allow Ugandan troops, and by association US advisers, to enter the DRC has impeded the Americans’ drive to remove top LRA commanders from the battlefield,” the SAS update said. 

Resolve, a US-based advocacy NGO, said in a February 2012 report, Peace Can Be. President Obama’s chance to help end LRA atrocities in 2012, [ https://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/2241/images/Peace%20Can%20Be%202012.pdf ] questioned Uganda’s commitment to continued operations against the LRA, as its border regions were no longer threatened by the armed group and since 2009 it has withdrawn more than half its soldiers dedicated to the pursuit of Kony and his senior commanders. 

Uganda’s military is also heavily committed to the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which in recent days has seen a renewed emphasis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94936 ] by the international community to resolving the conflict in the country. 

Measuring success against the LRA in terms of reduced attacks was also questioned. 

“In the second half of 2011, the LRA dramatically reduced its attacks, particularly those involving killings of civilians. Regional military forces interpret these trends as a sign that the rebel group’s capacity has been severely deci¬mated. However, the LRA’s proven ability to protect its core commanders and to regenerate itself if given the op¬portunity should inspire caution. 

“LRA commanders may be intentionally reducing violence against civilians in the hopes that renewed US and regional initiatives lose mo¬mentum. If current initiatives fail to break apart the LRA’s command structure, the group will be poised to survive indefinitely and eventually replenish its strength in the tri-border region,” the report said. 

Resolve said the US commitment was also threatened by the 2012 presidential campaign as “the Obama Administration may encounter domestic pressure to withdraw the US military advisers before they have achieved their objectives.” 

Among Resolve’s recommendations to end the “predations” of the LRA, was “convincing” Uganda to devote more troops to the fight, increasing “intelligence and aerial mobility support to the Ugandans”, and “especially to ensure that Congo [DRC] allows the Ugandan military conditional access to Congolese territory affected by the LRA”. 

go/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94941</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210932040941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The US believes its military intervention in central Africa in pursuit of Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) is having the desired effect, reducing attacks and improving civilian protection - although analysts have reservations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: High hopes for defeating &quot;neglected&quot; diseases</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202240746450964t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers in the world&apos;s newest country are hoping that the pledge by pharmaceutical companies and world leaders to combat &quot;neglected&quot; tropical diseases will finally help to have an impact on South Sudan&apos;s appalling health indicators.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers in the world's newest country are hoping that the pledge by pharmaceutical companies and world leaders [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94788 ] to combat "neglected" tropical diseases will finally help to have an impact on South Sudan's appalling health indicators. 

The London Declaration on Neglected Tropical Diseases in January pledged to ensure the supply of drugs and other interventions to eradicate dracunculiasis (Guinea worm) by 2015 and eliminate lymphatic Filariasis [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4374 ] (elephantiasis), leprosy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4540 ], human African trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), and blinding trachoma [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4541 ] by 2020.  

It also pledged to control Schistosomiasis (bilharzia), soil transmitted helminthes, Chagas disease, visceral leishmaniasis (kala-azar) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4171 ], and Onchocerciasis (river blindness) by 2020.

The UK Minister for International Development, Stephen O’Brien, said the initiative would “help make guinea worm the second human disease ever to be eradicated in history by 2015, help secure the elimination of elephantiasis and river blindness, and protect millions more from bilharzia”. 

Decades of war, neglect, and lack of development have left South Sudan with nine out of 10 of these key neglected tropical diseases – all but Chagas disease, which is endemic to South America. Only one in four people in South Sudan is able to access healthcare. 

About 90 percent of rural women are illiterate, leaving the nascent state with among the world’s highest rates of maternal and infant mortality.  

According to the World Health Organization, the country is the chief reservoir of guinea worm disease, with 944 of the world's 969 remaining cases. The other 25 patients are in Ethiopia, Chad and Niger.  

David Sylvester, medical director of Nimule hospital and one of the few trained South Sudanese doctors working in the country, says it has “some of the world's worst health indicators due to its history of conflict and the fact that there has been no health system in place for decades. 

“There have also been continuing large-scale movements of populations spreading different diseases, and almost total lack of education, sanitation and clean water.” 

He points out that since the end of the war in 2005, “the lack of government capacity to tackle health issues has remained the most serious challenge, as has the desperate lack of trained health workers”. 

He says people's lack of experience of healthcare means they seek other explanations for diseases such as sleeping sickness, as they are liable to blame its symptoms on witchcraft and only seek medical attention as a last resort. 

Elizeous Suror, sleeping sickness programme manager at Nimule's hospital, run by medical charity Merlin and one of the only facilities in the country able to treat the disease, warns that “delays in seeking treatment mean that people often present with late stage sleeping sickness which requires hospitalization and highly toxic drugs and often leaves such patients with irreparable brain damage”. 

He says South Sudan has the third-highest incidence of sleeping sickness in the world, after Angola and Democratic Republic of Congo, and points out that “all three countries have seen decades of conflict that have devastated their healthcare systems”. 

He says the only way to eradicate the disease is to recommence active screening of the population.  

At the Médecins Sans Frontières-run Leer hospital, one of the key facilities combating the kala-azar epidemic, public health expert Koert Ritmeijer said the neglected disease initiative was “very encouraging”.  

However, he is concerned that “most of the attention and resources are focused on the worm diseases, for which elimination is more feasible through preventive mass drug administration at community level. 

Much more difficult is the control of the 'killing' neglected tropical diseases: kala-azar, sleeping sickness, and Chagas disease.”  

He says “effective control and eventual elimination of these diseases require development of new diagnostics and treatments, in order to roll out simple, effective, and safe diagnostic and treatment services to peripheral health facilities in remote endemic regions. 

It also requires a scale-up of national programmes [treatment services and surveillance] in endemic regions, which are typically lacking functional basic healthcare services.” 

He is concerned that “in the absence of an effective vaccine against kala-azar, and considering the lack of practical feasibility and effectiveness of vector control measures to control transmission of the disease in East Africa (e.g. spraying and bed nets), elimination of kala-azar is not within reach, and recurrent epidemics may be expected every six to 10 years”. 

He says the current epidemic in South Sudan, which started at end-2009, may be further exacerbated by “the increased insecurity in the kala-azar endemic regions [Unity, northern Jonglei and Upper Nile States], resulting in displacement and movement into the affected areas; increased numbers of non-immune returnees from the North, deteriorating food security in South Sudan, resulting in increased malnutrition and susceptibility for kala-azar; and limited access to care due to increased insecurity”. 

He maintains this will be a “major challenge for South Sudan, where the healthcare system is still very poorly developed, especially in the remote and isolated regions endemic for kala-azar, sleeping sickness, and other neglected diseases. 

“It is the poverty, malnutrition, poor water and sanitary conditions, insecurity, and a general lack of access to healthcare in these regions that enhance transmission and maintain such high prevalence of these neglected tropical diseases.” 

pm/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94930</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202240746450964t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 February 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers in the world&apos;s newest country are hoping that the pledge by pharmaceutical companies and world leaders to combat &quot;neglected&quot; tropical diseases will finally help to have an impact on South Sudan&apos;s appalling health indicators.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Worsening food crisis</title><pubDate>Mon, 20 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202201359450280t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - An already dire food situation in South Sudan could deteriorate amid growing economic problems, food shortages and a mass influx of people fleeing Sudan in the next two months, agencies warn.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - An already dire food situation in South Sudan could deteriorate amid growing economic problems, food shortages and a mass influx of people fleeing Sudan in the next two months, agencies warn. 

The UN World Food Programme (WFP) and Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) said that in South Sudan’s first year of statehood, half the population of about nine million people could face hunger. 

Their Crop and Food Security Assessment report [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/015/al984e/al984e00.pdf ] shows that for 2012, 4.7 million people will be food-insecure, up 1.4 million from last year, and the number of severely food-insecure will hit almost one million from 900,000 in 2011. 

South Sudan will only produce about half the food it needs, with a cereal deficit of 470,000MT due to erratic rains and internal conflict displacing many away from fields. 

Last month, a huge wave of ethnic violence in South Sudan’s largest state, Jonglei [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94837 ], affected more than 140,000 people and until peace talks are organized, the situation remains precarious.  

In addition to a poor harvest, huge waves of returnees from Sudan or refugees fleeing violence across the border [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94431 ] have compounded food shortages. 

“If conflict continues to cause major population displacements and food prices keep rising, the report estimates that the number of people who are severely food-insecure could double,” a joint FAO-WFP statement warned. 

"This is a rapidly approaching crisis that the world cannot afford to ignore," said Chris Nikoi, WFP's country director in South Sudan. 

South Sudan’s Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Joseph Lual Achuil, urged people to try to salvage what they could from the planting season before the rains come or 1.7 million people would be “severely affected by starvation”. 

“If we don’t do our best in order to rescue the situation now, 4.7 million will be without food, and if they are without food before the rain, after the rain what is going to happen? We are going to have a disaster,” he said. 

Time and money running out 

Food prices have skyrocketed since major trading partner Sudan closed its border months before South Sudan gained independence, with food from neighbouring countries hit by rising fuel prices, transportation costs and illegal taxation.

George Mabany, an aid worker in Bentiu, state capital of the oil-rich Unity state near Sudan's border, said prices had tripled since May, when Sudanese troops occupied the contested region of Abyei and the borders closed.  

Mabany said 1kg of grain had doubled in price to 100 pounds (US$28) as all food was now being trucked up from Uganda. The price of 50kg of sugar had tripled to 85 pounds ($24), he said. 

Items such as eggs and onions were no longer available and while the market had a small amount of fruits and vegetables, nobody could afford them. 

Depreciation of the South Sudanese pound has also caused a hike in prices.

Dependent on oil for 98 percent of its revenues, South Sudan’s decision in late January to halt oil production [http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94858] in a bitter row with Sudan over transit fees could spark rampant inflation. 

WFP only has about a third of the $250m needed to reach a planned 2.7m people this year, and only has a few months until the rains start to bring in enough food before large parts of the country are inaccessible by truck. 

“Come May, the logistics capacity of moving large stocks around doesn’t exist any more because of the rains and the poor logistics of the country,” said Ramiro Lopes da Silva, deputy director of WFP. 

“At the moment, we don’t have enough money even for what we have planned already.”  

"The situation is dire, and we are doing everything we can to be ready, but we are running out of time," Nikoi said. 

Fleeing starvation 

Up to 500,000 people in two of Sudan’s war-torn border states could flee southwards when the rains come and there is nothing left from last year’s poor harvest.

 Conflict broke out in South Kordofan in June when government forces clashed with those formerly loyal to South Sudan, and spread to neighbouring Blue Nile in September. 

Sudan President Omar al-Bashir has refused to allow aid agencies into conflict areas, and frequent aerial bombardment and violence have forced more than 417,000 people to flee their homes and fields, according to the UN. 

Some 80,000 people have already crossed into South Sudan, many suffering from malnutrition, malaria and pneumonia after months of hiding in the bush and scavenging food. Princeton Lyman, US envoy to the two Sudans, has warned of an imminent famine if there is no intervention. 

“What you have now is a sense of urgency. In a couple of months we are in what is typically the hunger season, both in Sudan and South Sudan, and obviously the impact on those populations is potentially very serious,” Da Silva said. 

Rights group Amnesty International said that even six months ago, people scattered in the bush were surviving on dwindling food supplies and wild fruits. 

“Civilians continue to live in precarious conditions with insufficient food, shelter or access to healthcare and in fear of being bombed. It is essential for the civilian population from these two areas to receive impartial humanitarian assistance,” AI’s UN ambassador Renzo Pomi said. [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/sudan-end-bombings-and-allow-humanitarian-access-conflict-regions-2012-02-16 ] 

“There is a sense of urgency that the window for an effective intervention with the populations where they are is narrowing,” said Da Silva on negotiations with the North. WFP has also been stopped from accessing stocks in Sudan to bring south of the border, so it is trucking food all the way from the Kenyan port of Mombasa. 

Fears of mass deportations 

Aid agencies are also extremely concerned about the fate of up to 700,000 southerners still thought to be living in the north, who face a deadline to get legal or get out by 8 April [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94876 ]. 

As relations sour between the two nations, there are fears that hundreds of thousands of people could descend on the impoverished south within months. But provisions for how southerners can legalize themselves have yet to be made, while Khartoum has closed the port of Kosti where barges packed with thousands of people leave for the South. 

South Sudan says trains have also been prevented from leaving, while the other options of flying and trucking people through dangerous territory filled with mines are unworkable for the numbers and time limit. 

The UN has appealed for $763m for South Sudan in 2012, but says more will likely be needed with the expectation of more crises, while aid agencies are already struggling with the current caseload. 

"Of course we're not ready for any kind of major movement from the north to south, considering what we're dealing with in South Sudan already - capacity is already extremely stretched," UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, Valerie Amos, said recently. 

"I think that everyone needs to recognize that if we do have to face those challenges in the next two to three months, our resources will be extremely stretched," she added. 

hm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94908</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202201359450280t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - An already dire food situation in South Sudan could deteriorate amid growing economic problems, food shortages and a mass influx of people fleeing Sudan in the next two months, agencies warn.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Southerners running out of options</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103100840530638t.jpg" />]]>KHARTOUM 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - One of hundreds of thousands of people of South Sudanese origin living in Sudan, Paula*, a mother of four, has spent the last six months camped out in a church-owned compound in Hajj Yousif, a Khartoum suburb, waiting for promised transport to her homeland.</description><body><![CDATA[KHARTOUM 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - One of hundreds of thousands of people of South Sudanese origin living in Sudan, Paula*, a mother of four, has spent the last six months camped out in a church-owned compound in Hajj Yousif, a Khartoum suburb, waiting for promised transport to her homeland. 

“My life has never been so unclear,” Paula, 54, told IRIN. “I’ve never felt so unsure of what’s to come or what our life will be two months from now”. 

When South Sudan gained independence in July 2011, Khartoum issued a nine-month deadline for all southerners - vast numbers of whom moved north during a 1983-2005 civil war - to “regularize” their status or leave Sudan. 

Paula used to work in the Ministry of Education, but after secession she lost her Sudanese citizenship, was laid off, and her children had to be taken out of school. 

Now, both her money and options are running out. 

"Neither of the two governments are helping. South Sudan doesn’t facilitate our return, and Sudan is extremely tough. I’ve been trying to get my pension for months now; I’ve lost hope I’ll get a penny from them,” Paula said. “I sold everything months ago because I thought we were told you’ll go back to your homeland tomorrow, but here we are months later and nothing has changed.” 

On 12 February, the neighbouring states agreed to cooperate in the transfer - via road, air and river barge - of 300,000 southerners living in Sudan. Released details of the deal were sketchy on the practicalities of the transfer.

The UN estimates there are still 500,000 people of southern origin living in Sudan and that most of them want to go back. 

Around 330,000 have already made the journey since October 2010, many with the assistance of international agencies, while 120,000 still in Sudan have registered with the UN Refugee Agency for assistance to go back.

Deportation plans? 

On 7 February, rights group Refugees International described as “intolerable” what it said was Sudan’s plan to “round up and deport hundreds of thousands” of such people. 

“First, the individuals targeted by this plan have a legitimate claim to Sudanese citizenship, since most have lived in Sudan their entire lives, and there is currently no way for them to apply for South Sudanese citizenship,” said the group’s Stateless Programme Manager Sarnata Reynolds. 

“Second, forcing men, women and children into deportation camps and shipping them off to a country that many have never seen would be a legal and moral disaster,” Reynolds added. Khartoum denied any such plan existed. 

“There are absolutely no deportation plans for Southerners after April,” said al-Obeid Murawih, spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “Given the efforts made by both governments along with the international community, by April all South Sudanese will be already transferred to the South. 

Those who would like to stay are welcome to stay according to laws regulating their presence as foreigners,” he added. 

Murawih said it was “too early” to tell what would happen to those who remained without the necessary documentation. For the likes of Paula, staying in the Hajj Yousif church grounds will soon be impossible. 

“There’s a drop in the overseas donations for churches in Sudan now that the larger group of worshipers, administrators and teachers has moved to South Sudan,” said Jerpeth Mading Bui, the church’s priest. 

“The Ministry of Religious Guidance and Endowments approaches us every now and then to see if there’s enough people [coming to church], otherwise they will take the church buildings back, and these people will no more find shelter,” he explained. 

No clear procedures 

This week even the barge option, already behind schedule,  seemed to be ruled out entirely, as Khartoum was reported to have prevented Southerners travelling on the vessels, alleging they were being used to reinforce enemy positions in borderland conflict areas. 

South Sudan’s Deputy Information Minister Atem Yaak Atem described the move as a “disaster waiting to happen”, while Humanitarian Affairs Minister Joseph Lual Achuil said none of four expected trains had left Khartoum since December and that a proposed road route passes through a heavily mined and conflict-plagued area.

According to Filiz Demir, who heads the return and reintegration sector at the International Organization for Migration, the process of moving south is far from straightforward. 

“There’s no clear procedures for Southerners to apply for a visa or citizenship. They don’t have any form of IDs if they want to fly to the South, so the only option is either by train or bus, [or] suffering dangerous and poor conditions on barges that take weeks to reach Juba,” said Demir. 

Speaking a few days before the cooperation agreement was signed, Demir stressed the need for “coordination between north and south on how to organize the return of southerners and accommodate them in transit camps.” 

IOM has called for the April deadline to be extended, saying it was “logistically impossible to move half a million people in less than two months, in a vast country like Sudan with many infrastructural challenges.” 

Such challenges have left some 11,000 would-be returnees stranded for months at Kosti, a way station in Sudan, just north of the border. 

Borderland fighting between Sudan’s armed forces and rebels Khartoum says are backed by Juba add to the complications involved in the returns process. 

Near Paula’s temporary home, some 35 students stay in a very small church. 

Although southerners enrolled in university have been allowed to stay in Sudan until they graduate, one student, Mario, said he sought refuge here to avoid militia groups forcibly recruiting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94811 ] young southerners into their fight against the Juba government. 

He said in many cases people are picked up from the streets, universities and sometimes their homes by armed gangs. 

“I had to skip night lectures, as I have to lock myself inside the church from 6pm,” said Mario. “Sometimes, I ask myself what kind of life I’m leading. I have to worry about my university fees, my security and my life; I’m only 19.” 

*Not her real name 

se/am/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94876</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103100840530638t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KHARTOUM 16 February 2012 (IRIN) - One of hundreds of thousands of people of South Sudanese origin living in Sudan, Paula*, a mother of four, has spent the last six months camped out in a church-owned compound in Hajj Yousif, a Khartoum suburb, waiting for promised transport to her homeland.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
