<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - South Sudan</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 17:32:12 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Mary Venerato Laki, South Sudan returnee: &quot;We want to go to our own homeland&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg" />]]>RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan's independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.

To prevent the family's savings from being stolen by officials, she converted their money into material goods, which she transported as luggage to South Sudan's border port of Renk.

That was over a year ago.

Since then, Laki has been living in a squalid transit camp in Renk County, along with 20,000 other returnees [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan ] - some of whom have been waiting there for two years. Without the means to transport their luggage onward, they are faced with the difficult choice of remaining in Renk or selling off all that remains of their families' assets to proceed to their final destination.

Laki, like many, has been waiting with her possessions in Renk. She told IRIN her story.

"I am 60 years old, and I come originally from Juba. We went [to Sudan during the] war. Then, [we learned] there is peace in the south, and we had to return home with our children.

"I have the children of my sister, as all of [my family] died. My two sisters, my husband, my brother and my parents are all dead. I am left alone.

"[With] the little money we had, we had to rent the big vehicles that brought us here. I arrived on April 2, 2012.

"It's a terrible life here - there are so many snakes coming from the river. It's terrible. First of all, rain, wind, mosquitoes - we have been suffering with this.

"And since we came here, we have not been given any food. Some of us have been given that, and some of us not.

"There are no services. Since I came here, it's only [in the] last month I got grain and some oil. There is even no plastic sheeting for the houses.

"We are going - we want to go. We want to go to our own homeland. Our children are suffering there, and we are suffering here.

"They said there will be steamers coming to collect us. They used to tell us. that we will be going, we will be going. But until now we are waiting.

"Our money in the north, they don't use it in the south. [For] many of the people, [with] the little money they have, they bought things. If they bring money, it will be taken on the way. This is why the boat [transport barges along the Nile River] has to come to take the things.

"As a family, how can I go to start [a new life] there in Juba? I am an old woman; I'm now 60 years [old]. There's no money. I'm taking this [luggage] for the children. Also, in Juba, if there is nothing, I will sell [our possessions].

"In fact, we have to sell [some now], but [we will earn] little money, and we have to buy food with it. I have already sold some chairs and a bed.

"The clinics here are no good. I have cancer and some back problems, and they cannot help me."

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97980/Mary-Venerato-Laki-South-Sudan-returnee-quot-We-want-to-go-to-our-own-homeland-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The long road home to South Sudan</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg" />]]>RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.

When he began his journey from Khartoum, Sudan was a single state, albeit one still bitterly divided between north and south in the wake of decades of civil war, despite the signing of a major peace accord in 2005.

Since then, almost two million people have left the north for their homelands in what became the independent Republic of South Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] in July 2011. 

Many, like Deng, say they left amid increasing discrimination and reduced access to education.

The period following secession was tumultuous, marked by sporadic conflict between the neighbours’ armed forces and a row over how much Sudan could charge for piping and exporting South Sudan’s oil - a dispute that led to the shutdown of oil production, cutting off 98 percent of South Sudan’s revenue. Amid the furore, Sudan closed its common border, thereby halting the movement of both people and goods.

"Nobody anticipated on independence that the border with Sudan would be shut... that the barges would stop moving up and down the River Nile," said Toby Lanzer, the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for South Sudan and Deputy Representative for the UN Secretary-General.

Peter Lam Both, chairman of the state-run Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, says helping South Sudanese come home is one of the government's priorities, but without funds little can be done.

Luggage

Those living in and returning to the world’s newest country, which is among the least developed and most import-dependent in the world, have to put up with exorbitant prices for basic goods and household items.  For this reason - and to avoid carrying large amounts of cash that might prove attractive to officials - many returnees head south laden with large quantities of furniture and other household items, in effect, their entire life savings.

In the four camps in Renk, piles of such belongings sit beside makeshift shelters.

"The main problem, really, for the returnees in Renk is the issue of luggage. When they were brought from Khartoum or Kosti [a Sudanese river port a little north of Renk], at that time, the government had the resources to bring them with a lot of luggage," Both said.

The South Sudan government says plans to transport both luggage and people back were hampered by a lack of funds following  the January 2011 secession referendum.  In its first year of statehood, Both says the government earmarked around US$16 million to finance returns, but these plans were scotched by austerity measures necessitated by the oil shutdown.

When their turn comes to travel by barge from Renk to Juba, many returnees discover that they have more luggage than can be carried on the barges, so some family members tend to stay behind to watch over the excess cargo.

According to the International Organization for Migration, which assists the returnees, each reaches Renk with an average of one ton in luggage.

People are unwilling to leave their valuables behind, said Deng, the 24 year old. "They say if they sell their luggage... they won't find [the items they need] again, and it will be difficult to buy them again, and you're not guaranteed a job, so it's difficult," he said.

He says selling off his family's only assets is unthinkable.

"I want to go, [but] there's no way. Why would I leave my things and go alone? I would sleep where? I need to take my things to Juba [South Sudan’s capital]. There's no money. I cannot sell my things," he said.

Poor conditions

Grace Nasona, 38, has been in a Renk transit camp for eight months.

It is a "very, very dirty place. No food, no water [that's] good, no anything I want to use", she said.

"Renk County does not have a lot of facilities, and when you have 20,000 people that have arrived here, some two years ago, it puts a lot of constraints on the local population," said Both.

Local officials complain that school class sizes for both morning and afternoon sessions have swollen to up to 150 pupils. They say healthcare is also overstretched and crime is rising.

At a clinic in the Mina transit settlement, nurses say malaria is common, caused by proximity to the Nile, lack of shelter and lack of food, which weakens people's immune systems.

"We don't want to settle here, but we are waiting here until we can all go down with our possessions, and my father's [pension] dues have not been received," said Nanu Chuol, 17, while she had her four-month-old baby tested for malaria.

"The difference is that in the north, many things were available and my father was working so we could get food. But now, he's not working, and his pension hasn't come, so we can't eat much," she said.

"Your chair or your wife"

Renk became even more of a bottleneck after the oil shutdown as the government looked for other sources of revenue.

"In Upper Nile State, the authorities decided to impose some taxes on the aid agencies. That problem has been sorted out now, but of course, it did delay things," said Lanzer.

The IOM says these tax issues resulted in the closure of Renk Port for three months at the start of 2013.

Two barges packed high with luggage were docked in the port in late April. 

Lanzer says that it costs around $1,000 per person to travel downstream to Juba, and is telling people that now it is time to choose between "your chair or your wife".

"To my mind, keeping families together is a very important consideration, as opposed to having some family members stay with luggage in the middle of nowhere," he said.

"People have been stuck in this situation now, some of them for two years, and I think it's the moment for hard choices to be made. Do people want to stay here and integrate into the community? If they do, then let's help them with that. Let's work with the government to get them a plot of land. If they do want to continue on to their destination, I think the reality is that they will have to do that without their luggage," he said.

"Our job is really to help people who have no resources to return," said Both.

After a prolonged stay in Renk, and days of transportation under rain and blistering sun, he says that much of the luggage is ruined by the time it gets unloaded.

More to come

The recent resumption of oil production should refill South Sudan's coffers in the coming year, but the austerity budget will be in place until 2014. 

Meanwhile, Both says around 250,000 more South Sudanese are thought to be in Sudan, and 40,000 are living in poor conditions at transit camps in Khartoum who need to come to South Sudan soon.

And while both countries have agreed in principle to honour one another’s "four freedoms" of citizenship, property ownership, jobs and basic rights, this deal has not yet been finalized.

hm/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Conflict and returnees strain South Sudan food security</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.

Lakes, Western Bahr El Ghazal and Unity states are the most affected, with at least 1.15 million people expected to face food insecurity as the rainy season progresses, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) office in South Sudan told IRIN.

At present, 2.86 million people in South Sudan are being targeted with food and livelihood assistance, including some 670,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), according to the UN World Food Programme (WFP).

Insecurity

Rampant insecurity is affecting access to food and livelihoods. In Jonglei State, for example, insecurity is restricting “access to wild foods and income sources such as collection and sale of firewood, charcoal and grass,” notes the Famine Early Systems Network (FEWSNET).

FAO noted, “Continued insecurity in parts of Jonglei has led to displacement of populations and limited access to land at a critical time when farming households are undertaking preparations for the coming growing season.”

Insecurity in Jonglei [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/South%20Sudan_Humanitarian%20Snapshot_March%202013.pdf ] “has affected tens of thousands of civilians caught in clashes or fleeing from their homes in search of safety and assistance,” according to an update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20%2324%20OCHA%20EA.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which added that the scope of displacement remains unknown due to access constraints .

Insecurity is also hampering efforts to control outbreaks of the often fatal haemorrhagic septicaemia [ http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/programmes/en/empres/disease_haemo.asp ] and East Coast fever [ http://www.galvmed.org/2012/04/east-coast-fever/ ] in cattle. Cattle-rearing is an important livelihood activity in Jonglei.

In addition, several important roads in Jonglei remain closed.

“The increased insecurity in Jonglei (especially the Bor-Pibor road where movement by humanitarian organizations has been suspended) and other parts of South Sudan could deter commercial transporters from agreeing to carry food along routes where there have been attacks. This could have an impact on our ability to preposition stocks to cover areas which will become inaccessible during the rainy season,” Andrew Odero, WFP’s food security and livelihood cluster coordinator in South Sudan, told IRIN by e-mail.

On 9 April, a UN convoy was attacked between Bor and Pibor, resulting in the deaths of nine UN personnel and three civilian contractors.

Between 1 January and 31 March, at least 109 violent incidents were recorded in South Sudan, with some 12,433 people being newly displaced, according to OCHA [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ].

Abyei IDP returns

There are food security fears in the contested Abyei area, as well, amid high food prices and an influx of IDP returnees. Abyei straddles the Sudan/South Sudan border; which of the countries Abyei is part of may be determined in an October referendum.

“Improved security and the anticipated referendum have prompted the IDPs to begin returning to [the] Abyei area,” states an Abyei Food Security Assessment report by FEWSNET [ http://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/special-report-abyei-food-security-assessment-april-2013 ].

The IDP returns started after the deployment of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei in mid-2011. From then until February 2013, at least 60,000 returnees from Warrap and Northern Bahr el Ghazal states have been registered. A further 30,000 IDPs are expected to return between March and June; “this is likely to increase levels of food insecurity because of further strain on already weak services and inability [of] people to meet their livelihoods needs,” notes FEWSNET.

A limited market supply has kept food prices high in Abyei , it adds.

Despite the relative calm there, some 3,700 people have been affected by livestock migration-related insecurity, adds an OCHA report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ]. “The problem is most acute in the north of the area, where there is a direct interface between Misseriya and Dinka communities. In these areas, communities compete for water and pasture, in particular towards the end of the dry season.”

Returnees from Sudan

An influx of returnees and refugees into parts of South Sudan is also a challenge.

“Upper Nile faces some of the most challenging issues in South Sudan. It hosts some of the largest populations of returnees, refugees (fleeing from insecurity and conflict in Sudan), and IDPs (from neighbouring state Jonglei),” Joanna Dabao of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Juba, told IRIN by email.

“This has put a substantial strain on the limited resources of the host communities. This complex situation has created a barrier to sustainable reintegration, leaving thousands of returnees in dire need of emergency assistance,” she said.

At present, at least 20,000 returnees are in Upper Nile State - about 19,800 in Renk County and 840 in Malakal County - Dabao said. “With persisting violence over the past two years along the other border[s] (Blue Nile, South Kordofan, Abyei, Darfur Region) Renk was, and continues to be perceived as, the safest point of entry into South Sudan.”

“The majority of returnees arriving into South Sudan through Renk, however, report intentions of settling in the Greater Bahr el Ghazal area but hav[e] no means to get there,” she added.

Since 2011, IOM has helped at least 40,000 returnees get home from Sudan, and registered at least 1.88 million returnees in South Sudan since 2007.

But the returnees from Sudan  often lack the skills, experience and social networks needed to cope with the burdens of rural life in South Sudan, notes FAO, adding that “food security in areas of return is poor due to increased pressure [on] social services, poverty, unemployment and a lack of productive assets.”

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97957/Conflict-and-returnees-strain-South-Sudan-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Sudan prioritizes immunization, keeps polio at bay</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/200591424t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country&apos;s few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country's few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.

In conjunction with World Immunization Week, taking place this week, thousands of volunteer vaccinators are conducting a four-day campaign, trying to reach as many of the country's 3.3 million children as possible to keep the country polio-free.

Polio a priority

When the country emerged from decades of war in 2005, its health system was devastated. There were few functioning health centres in rural areas, which meant most children went without routine vaccinations against deadly diseases like polio.

Polio vaccination became one of the new country's early priorities, in line with an international effort to completely eradicate the disease by 2013.

The door-to-door effort is critical to the success of the programme, said Gladys Lasu, a health and nutrition specialist with UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), which procures the vaccinations for many immunization campaigns.

"We're trying to eradicate polio in South Sudan," Lasu said. Though there have been no new cases in nearly four years, she said the effort is important so it "can continue being that way."

Four times a year, the health ministry organizes teams of volunteers to fan out across the country and immunize as many children as possible - including children who have already been immunized. Repeat immunizations are not harmful, and universal outreach is easier than trying to identify specific unvaccinated children.

Ahead of the campaigns, organizers launch a media blitz that includes text messages, billboards and radio announcements. Trucks with speakers bolted to the roofs blare announcements encouraging people to bring their children to health centres or make them available for the door-to-door vaccinators.

Moses Ali Bolo is a team leader in the Nyakuron area of Juba. He coordinates 10 teams, who will vaccinate a total of at least 1,000 children every day.

Parents "are responding to the vaccinators," he said. "They are aware of the vaccinators, through the radio. That is why they are turning up."

Anthony Lako, the director of the ministry of health's expanded immunization programme, said immunization uptake - and the polio campaign in particular - have been well-received by the population. "Many areas [have been] reached, but there still are, of course, lots of challenges."

These include the steady stream of South Sudanese who have been returning to the country since it achieved independence in 2011. Many have not been vaccinated.

Lako also said there are areas of South Sudan - particularly Jonglei State, in the country's northeast - that are wracked by violence, making it difficult for vaccinators to reach all households.

Still, the polio campaign seems to be working, with no documented re-emergence of the disease.

Focus needed on other diseases

But the country's broader immunization efforts have not been as successful.

South Sudan's Ministry of Health made immunization a priority in its basic package of health and nutrition services, which was drafted ahead of the country's independence. These included routine childhood immunizations for children under one year old, specifically vaccinations for diphtheria, whooping cough, tetanus, tuberculosis and measles. There are no door-to-door campaigns for these vaccines, but families are encouraged to visit local government health facilities, which are supposed to provide the immunizations.

Yet only 9 percent of children under the age of one in South Sudan are fully immunized, according to the 2012 National Expanded Programme on Immunization Coverage survey. South Sudan remains a priority country for polio vaccination according to UNICEF.

Lako said all health facilities are supposed to vaccinate children, but "some [vaccines] are not given due to issues related to accessibility. Some of the facilities have no human resources. That is why it is not fully implemented."

Still, UNICEF has launched two door-to-door campaigns to fight maternal and neonatal tetanus [ http://www.who.int/immunization_monitoring/diseases/MNTE_initiative/en/ ] in the country's southern Equatoria region, according to Lasu. Another effort should follow in August.

The health ministry reports more than half of all women in the country have received two doses of the tetanus vaccine. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends women receive at least two doses one month apart in the first pregnancy.

The country's health sector has been hit particularly hard by an ongoing austerity budget. At independence, 98 percent of South Sudan's revenue came from oil production, but in January 2012, the country shut down oil production following a dispute with Sudan - whose pipelines the South is dependent on to export oil - over transit fees. Production was re-established this month, but no revenue is expected to come in until late June, at the earliest.

According to WHO, only 5 percent of the nearly $9.5 million spent annually on immunizations comes from the government. That should change soon. During his speech opening parliament on 23 April, President Salva Kiir pledged budget increases for vital sectors, including health.

ag/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97910/South-Sudan-prioritizes-immunization-keeps-polio-at-bay</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/200591424t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country&apos;s few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uganda pilots mobile courts for refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281125310596t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country&apos;s oldest and largest refugee settlement.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda's government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court [ http://www.unhcr.org/516d29359.html ] system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country's oldest and largest refugee settlement.

The magistrate's court, whose first session began on 15 April, will hear cases of robbery, land disputes, child rape, sexual and gender-based violence, attempted murder, and murder. The project - a collaboration of the Uganda government, UNHCR, Makerere University's Refugee Law Project (RLP) and the Uganda Human Rights Council - aims to benefit some 68,000 refugees and 35,000 Ugandan nationals in the settlement.

“With the nearest law court currently 50km away in Kabingo, Isingiro, access to justice has been a real problem for refugees and locals alike. As a result many fail to report crimes and are forced to wait for long periods before their cases are heard in court,” said a UNHCR briefing on the programme.

The mobile court will hold three sessions a year. Each session will last 15 to 30 days and hear up to 30 cases. Officials hope to extend the project to other refugee settlements in Uganda to enable more refugees to access speedier justice.

"Most of the courts are far away from the settlements, and refugee complainants faced challenges of transportation for themselves and witnesses," Charity Ahumuza, programme manager for access to justice at RLP, told IRIN. "With the courts brought to them, the cost of seeking justice is reduced. The courts will also reduce the backlog of cases that exist of cases that arise in the settlements."

"Refugees have welcomed this initiative since it is about bringing justice closer to them," John Kilowok, UNHCR Protection Officer in Uganda, told IRIN.

Operational challenges

Experts say the project could face a number of operational challenges, including a need for funding and a shortage of trained court interpreters. Uganda has over 165,000 refugees from the Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia and South Sudan.

"The settlements are far away, and distance in accessing the court is likely to become a challenge. Language, too, will be a problem. The service providers through UNHCR are conducting training for interpreters to help in this issue," said RLP's Ahumuza. "The sustainability of the courts, I believe, will depend on availability of finances. However, the judiciary continues to face financial constraints."

Angelo Izama, a Ugandan fellow at the Open Society Institute, says the shortage of justice in the refugee settlements is a reflection of poor access to justice across the country, a situation that needs to be addressed.

"Improving the delivery of justice helps tremendously given that, ordinarily, the severe case backlog makes matters worse for nationals - let alone foreigners. The real crisis now is not providing refugees and nationals in western Ugandan fast relief but filling the many vacancies in the judiciary so that, nationally, justice is expedited," he said. "While justice processes improved on our side can help communities - both Ugandan and foreign - live better governed lives, the ultimate investment would be in improving governance across the border."

"There is need for a holistic approach to look at the refugee issues in Uganda. We have to look at policy, immigration and defence lawyers for fair trials. Will the suspects have access to defence lawyers, or will they be accorded with lawyers to defend them in court?" asked Nicholas Opiyo, a constitutional and human rights lawyer in Kampala, Uganda’s capital. "Sustainability is a very crucial element in this court... If they don't put good and proper systems to support this court, it will be a waste of time and money."

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97903/Uganda-pilots-mobile-courts-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281125310596t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country&apos;s oldest and largest refugee settlement.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Kony hunt still on after CAR coup</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.

Séléka overran the capital, Bangui, on 24 March, putting Bozizé to flight. The rebels named their leader, Michel Djotodjia, the new head of state.

“I don’t think the overthrow of President Bozizé by Séléka will change our mission and position in the hunt down of LRA rebels. We are in CAR with the mandate from [the] AU [African Union] and UN [United Nations],” Uganda’s state minister for international relations, Henry Okello Oryem, told IRIN, adding that his country is committed to capturing LRA leader Joseph Kony.

Uganda has some 2,500 soldiers deployed around the border areas of CAR, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, where Kony and his fighters are thought to spend most of their time. The Ugandan troops are joined by 500 Congolese fighters, 500 South Sudanese and 350 CAR troops, all operating under the auspices of the AU. In late 2011, the US deployed 100 special forces to the region as military advisers to the effort.

Ploughing on

According to Thierry Vircoulon, Central Africa project director for the think tank International Crisis Group (ICG), “the fall of Bozizé will not change much the situation on the ground, except if the Séléka leaders insist on the departure of the foreign troops as stipulated in the Libreville agreement [a peace agreement brokered in January and breached by the latest fighting? but never successfully implemented].”

Potential problems

Some analysts say, however, that the AU’s decision to suspend CAR from the organization following the coup could have negative consequences for the hunt for the LRA.

“The AU’s suspension of CAR poses a great challenge and will slow down the hunt for Kony and his rebels. Uganda has to re-negotiate with Séléka rebels… in order for its troops to have the mandate to operate in their territory,” Ronald Ssekandi, a regional political analyst based in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, told IRIN.

Angelo Izama, a political affairs analyst at the US-based Open Society Foundation, said the hunt for Kony and the LRA would largely depend on Séléka’s control of the country.

“The deterioration of government in CAR is a significant complication for the hunt against Joseph Kony. The LRA's asymmetrical, low-tech survival strategy thrives in conditions of lawlessness and violence, especially in the hinterland,” he told IRIN.

“Already the geographical terrain, as well as the size of CAR, has been a practical constraint against the forces hunting Kony. If Séléka is unable to consolidate control, it would further the physical and tactical net within which LRA can seek opportunities to rebuild weapons caches,” he added. “The Séléka rebels do not have the capacity [to limit LRA activities]… In addition, Kony is not their problem; there are much more important emergencies to deal with.”

According to Lt Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ (UPDF) Land Forces, Kony’s fighters currently number about 400, and they continue to roam around CAR, DRC, Sudan and South Sudan. He said some LRA defectors recently reported that Kony was in Sudan’s western region of Darfur, while his senior commanders, Dominic Ongwen and Okot Odhiambo, are thought to be in CAR.

Kony, Odhiambo and Ongwen are wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/situations%20and%20cases/situations/situation%20icc%200204/Pages/situation%20index.aspx ] for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Uganda.

LRA still a threat

“The LRA no longer pose a big threat, but there are still [a] few pockets of LRA rebels operating in CAR under Odhiambo and Ongwen. They are a nuisance. They have continued to abduct, maim and kill unarmed people,” Katumba told IRIN.

“It is important to recall that, despite [the] relatively small number of remaining elements, the LRA continues to pose a serious threat to civilians, with dire humanitarian consequences, in the affected areas in CAR, DRC and South Sudan,” Abou Moussa, head of the UN Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), told IRIN via email.

In February, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported [ http://www.hdptcar.net/sites/www.hdptcar.net/files/Bulletin%20humanitaire%2001%20eng-1.pdf ] that in the country’s southeast, “there has been an increase in the LRA attacks against communities and hostages being taken.”

According to LRA Crisis Tracker [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ], the LRA was responsible for 13 civilian deaths and 17 abductions in CAR February 2013. UNOCA says an estimated 443,000 people are currently displaced in LRA-affected areas, many of them depending on international assistance for food, shelter, health care, water and sanitation. This includes an estimated 347,000 people in Province Orientale’s Haut-Uélé and Bas-Uélé districts in DRC.

Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, recently sent a message [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/fr_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/Pages/statement-OTP-18-03-2013.aspx ] to the LRA, assuring them that, should they be arrested, they would not be “tortured or killed” and would receive a fair trial.

Commitment to the cause

Analysts say if the LRA threat is to be laid to rest once and for all, countries in the region must show more commitment to finding Kony.

“It requires committed governments to arrest Kony. The ICC can only base its optimism in this practical possibility. There is no government in CAR, soft states in South Sudan and Chad, and support for LRA from Sudan. It’s plausible that the situation above favours the LRA and not the ICC,” said Open Society Foundation’s Izama.

“Kony's continued existence, and that of his entire group, is part of a much larger problem in the Great Lakes region: failure by governments to resolve internal political problems and to work together in a concerted way to bring to an end cross-border insurgencies in the region,” said Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a political scientist and senior research fellow at Makerere University’s Institute of Social Research. “Their proliferation points to the existence of problems or grievances that ought to be addressed - questions to do with citizenship and nationality, land ownership, access to services and opportunity.”

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97737/Kony-hunt-still-on-after-CAR-coup</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid for Trade - does it help the poor?</title><pubDate>Tue, 12 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200705162t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - Since the World Trade Organization launched its Aid for Trade initiative in 2005, an estimated US$200 billion dollars of development funding has been mobilized for the programme. But some NGOs are asking whether Aid for Trade really helps reduce poverty.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - Since the World Trade Organization launched its Aid for Trade initiative in 2005, an estimated US$200 billion dollars of development funding [ http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/sppl_e/sppl262_e.htm ] has been mobilized for the programme. But some NGOs are asking whether Aid for Trade really helps reduce poverty.

Two of those NGOs, Traidcraft and the Catholic Agency For Overseas Development, commissioned a study of British and European Aid for Trade assistance, looking at whether the donors have assessed the impacts of these projects on the poor. 

The study, carried out by Saana Consulting [ http://www.traidcraft.co.uk/Resources/Traidcraft/Documents/PDF/tx/Aid%20for%20Trade%20Report%202012.pdf.pdf ], points out that the majority of funding goes to middle-income countries rather than low-income countries, and finds little evidence to demonstrate what impact the programmes have had on poverty.

The study reveals most reviews are completed within the lifetime of a project or at the end - too soon to see any real impact. It adds that “by and large, causal linkages between what a project delivers and the impact on poverty are based on a series of assumptions, and in some cases a leap of faith.”

Little known about poverty effects

The assumption underlying Aid for Trade is that “a rising tide floats all boats,” that more trade brings greater national wealth, and that everyone - including the poor - will benefit. 

Liz Turner, one of the study’s authors, does not dispute this notion. She says that, generally speaking, trade is good. But, she says, “looking at the effects of Aid for Trade in the long term, we end up defaulting back to macro-economic analysis and this issue around the winners and losers from growth. Even if you know that the net effects of a project are going to be positive, wouldn’t it be wiser to find out if there are going to be any losers?” 

Aid for Trade supports all kinds of projects: road building and port upgrading, providing technical support for trade negotiations and regulatory frameworks, designing better border posts, and teaching Ugandan farmers how to produce dried fruit for the lucrative European breakfast cereal market. But only the latter kinds of projects are likely to get evaluated for their effects on poverty reduction.

Kerry Hamilton manages the UK’s Food Retail Industry Challenge Fund, which supports such projects. She told IRIN, “The whole idea is that by doing this, there will be a developmental impact on the farmers and workers involved in that trade. All our projects have a monitoring and evaluation framework, and we ask for baseline data and a set of indicators against which we can measure its success. 

“The difficulty is in the time scales. Projects included in our fourth round of funding have to be completed within 18 months, and by the end of that period, the impact on poverty is going to be minimal. Ideally we should go back in two years’ or five years’ time, but because of the way the funding works, once the project has finished we probably won’t.” 

Hidden losers

Asked by IRIN for an example in which trade support was shown to have an impact on poverty, the head of Aid for Trade at the UK Department for International Development (DFID), Adaeze Igboemeka, cited a project to speed border and customs procedures in the Democratic Republic of Congo. 

“What it focused on was gender and the informal traders,” Igboemeka said. “We used methods like changing the actual structure of the border offices, adding glass panels. Officials working at the border were less likely to ask for bribes, and some of the sexual violence that affects women traders - we saw a very important decrease there. And just having clear procedures made it easier for poor, informal traders to trade.” 

But at a meeting to discuss the study at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) in London, ODI researcher Yurendra Basnett used border post projects as an example of aid that produces losers as well as winners, notably in the communities that spring up to provide services to people waiting at congested borders.

“I was involved in designing a project in South Sudan aimed at improving customs administration,” said Basnett. “Now, from improving customs capacity, how do you go to saying this will have a poverty impact? In the long term it may, and you can make these assumptions, but it is a massive leap of faith, and there are tensions… Now if, for example, you are working on a border post and reduce the transit time from three days to three hours, then a lot of informal traders lose their livelihoods.” 

The University of Manchester also found both winners and losers emerging from trade programmes [ http://www.capturingthegains.org/ ]. After trade sanctions on South Africa were lifted in the early 1990s, its fruit growers became major exporters and a lot of work was done to meet the standards demanded by European supermarkets. Growers were under pressure meet social standards, which had some positive effects for workers, including higher wages and the provision of clinics.

But the demand for cheaper produce also led growers to cut staff and use more temporary workers, often migrants from Zimbabwe or Mozambique, who are paid less and enjoy fewer benefits.

Not enough information

Donors admit that poverty impacts are very hard to track, especially for broader attempts to support trade.

William Hynes, of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), says most smaller donors don’t even attempt to evaluate these impacts. They only monitor that the money was spent on what it was intended for.

“Impact evaluations are costly. They are burdensome, lengthy, and not necessarily aligned with the project managers’ incentives. They do help get across this idea that we should prioritize learning over accountability. But getting at the poverty impacts of a project would probably involve a household survey. A baseline and final survey for 500 households would cost around $300,000, so for most activities that is simply off the table straight away.”

And Igboemeka concedes that, in most cases, the effects of Aid for Trade on the poor are difficult to nail down. “The poverty impact is indirect, and we are very clear about that. The assumption is - and there is a lot of evidence to support it - that if a country is able to trade more, it will grow, and that will create jobs and increase incomes and lead to poverty reduction. That’s a very long results chain, so we don’t try to make a direct attribution of the direct poverty reduction impact. We don’t have enough information to do that robustly.”

All this uncertainty worries campaigners like Gareth Siddorn of Traidcraft. “I know Aid for Trade is just one part of an aid portfolio,” he told IRIN, “but I was struck by the recognition, by colleagues from both DFID and OECD, that it might not be the most effective way of directly benefitting poor people. And from an NGO perspective, that isn’t just one indicator among many - it’s the primary purpose of aid and development policies.” 

eb/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97630/Aid-for-Trade-does-it-help-the-poor</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200705162t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 12 March 2013 (IRIN) - Since the World Trade Organization launched its Aid for Trade initiative in 2005, an estimated US$200 billion dollars of development funding has been mobilized for the programme. But some NGOs are asking whether Aid for Trade really helps reduce poverty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Sudan&apos;s gender gap still too wide</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303071354430616t.jpg" />]]>RUMBEK, LAKES STATE 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Years after the end of South Sudan’s war with Sudan, the country’s women still find themselves on the front line - this time, battling abuse, child marriage, and a dowry system that commodifies them from birth.</description><body><![CDATA[RUMBEK, LAKES STATE 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Years after the end of South Sudan’s war with Sudan, the country’s women still find themselves on the front line - this time, battling abuse, child marriage, and a dowry system that commodifies them from birth.

According to an assessment of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Sudan, released by the Conflict and Health Journal [ http://www.conflictandhealth.com/content/7/1/4/abstract ] on 6 March, 68 percent of females and 63 percent of males - out of a sample of 680 respondents - agreed that “there are times when a woman deserves to be beaten”.

“You can’t speak to people about going to the police if they don’t even think it’s wrong,” said Paleki Matthew, who runs the NGO South Sudan Women’s Empowerment Network (SSWEN). 

And too many women are victims of sexual violence. 

“We’ve seen cases of women being abused, most especially the youth,” Olive Makwira, a maternity ward nurse in Rumbek, capital of Lakes State, told IRIN.

One of the youngest cases, she said, was a nine-year-old admitted with vaginal bleeding; her parents denied it was the result of abuse.

Most cases of abuse are girls and women between ages 12 and 30, said Abendego Mabior Nyinde, a nurse specializing in the treatment of GBV who runs an International Rescue Committee (IRC) clinic. “Some I see [are] eight years, 10 years, and even below that,” he said.

The odds are stacked against victims of GBV.

“It becomes quite difficult for the women to say what happened to them,” Makwira said, adding that if abuse is suspected, “the community casts them out”. 

Too young to consent

Marriage itself can set the stage for abuse. The age of consent in South Sudan is 18, but the 2010 Sudan Household Health Survey [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/MICS4_Sudan_2010.pdf ] indicates about 38 percent of girls are married before that age; this figure rises to 54 percent for the poorest households.

Customary law considers any menstruating woman fit for marriage. “In some communities, a girl’s period is announced with a flag on the roof,” said Izeduwa Derex-Briggs, South Sudan representative for UN Women. She added that communities were mostly ignorant of statutory laws.

Additionally, many members of the police and judiciary still practice early marriage, reinforcing the tradition.

“We believe early marriage is a form of GBV and inequality,” said SSWEN’s Matthew. SSWEN tries to pass laws protecting women and girls, but these efforts rarely reach beyond the capital, let alone to cattle-keeping communities like Lakes, where girls can net their families up to US$100,000 in dowry.

“The relatives give a girl to the husband according to the cows they bring,” said Francis Dawood, a doctor in the Rumbek maternity ward. The girls are often married to much older men.

Child marriage often compels girls to drop out of school; in South Sudan only 16 percent [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96237/Analysis-South-Sudan-struggles-to-meet-demand-for-education ] of women can read and write.

And the physical effects can be deadly - early pregnancy is a major reason South Sudan has the highest maternal mortality rate in the world [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95900/SOUTH-SUDAN-The-biggest-threat-to-a-woman-s-life ].

Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/07/south-sudan-end-widespread-child-marriage ] (HRW) is urging the government to increase its efforts to stop the practice.

"The country’s widespread child marriage exacerbates South Sudan’s pronounced gender gaps in school enrolment, contributes to soaring maternal mortality rates, and violates the right of girls to be free from violence, and to marry only when they are able and willing to give their free consent," HRW said in a statement.

Silence, denial

GBV is rarely reported. Nyinde says he deals with about four abuse cases a week, nearly all sexual, but knows that there are many more out there, as families and authorities hush up rapes to avoid the stigma that can ruin a girl’s chance of getting married. 

As information about healthcare improves, women are increasingly seeking care for sexually transmitted infections following sexual assault. But out of over a dozen women IRIN spoke to, including activists and health professionals, only one highlighted a non-medical or compensatory reason for reporting rape.

Despite the existence of police special protection units to address these crimes, women who report rape often get no results. “Most of these officers are rotated, move or drop out, so you train a load of people and they’re transferred. It’s not consistent,” Matthew said. “If you go in and report abuse, you will most likely just be sent back to that house.” 

After rights groups like HRW and Amnesty International reported serious army abuses [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/23/south-sudan-end-abuses-disarmament-forces-jonglei ] - including rape - during a disarmament exercise in Jonglei State last year, one member of parliament declared that sexual violence did not exist in South Sudan.

“We don’t even have a word for rape, so how could we?” he challenged baffled reporters.

Another government spokesman said no soldier would commit such an act because the punishment during decades of war had been death by firing squad.

But leading academic and undersecretary for culture Jok Madut Jok says that during the war, a “revolutionary ethos” among freedom fighters dictated that women should have as many children as possible to repopulate. “That became a license for people to expose any women they came across to the possibility of procreation - for young men to have children, in case they died soon.”

Socio-economic gap

Aside from the “standard physical and sexual violence that takes place, you have economic and social violence, which I think is much more widespread," said Jenny Becker, IRC’s Lakes gender specialist.

“Marriage is really expensive here now. The average is around 30 cows,” which cost an average of $500 each, said Nyinde. 

With the price so high, women are rarely able to leave their husbands. “The family will say they paid you lots of cattle,” said widow Mary Yai, who knows five women who have been trapped in violent marriages for years. 

“If she has no source of economic empowerment, how can she get up and leave her husband’s house?” asked Derex-Briggs.

Reports of abuse are usually handled within the man's family, a custom authorities often defer to.

“If there’s any punitive measure, the man has to pay some cows, and it’s sorted out by the family. The cases never see the light of day,” said Derex-Briggs. 

“I’ve seen judges that will come and drag fathers in and give them a warning or write an edict to say you must not marry [off] your daughter until she is 18 or she must finish school, but they will not at the moment prosecute anyone for it as they actually fear for their lives,” said Becker.

In cases of divorce, husbands automatically get custody of the children unless they are too young, in which case wives care for them until they reach the determined age, and then they are handed over to the fathers. 

Jacqueline Novello, gender director at the Ministry of Gender, Child and Social Welfare, says the practice of wife inheritance is also an issue: "Sometimes [widows] are forced to find someone to take care of their children, like she has to marry the brother of her dead husband."

“Lack of access to health services is also a lack of rights," Derex-Briggs added. 

“When we are pregnant, they do not take us to the clinic, and it is very dangerous when we have problems, or women don’t get enough to eat. There are many women here who are malnourished and they die,” said Monica Ajak Mading.

Economic empowerment

But change is coming, however slowly.

"The transitional constitution has given women equal rights to work, get the same salaries and get access to anything like a man, including education. But there is a big gap," Novello said. "The laws are there, but the gender issues are here and we need to work on rights awareness."

A new land act, for example, grants women the right to inherit property from their husbands, but like many guarantees for women, it currently exists only paper.

"It's tradition itself which puts the women in a very submissive position. If you see agriculture, you see all the processes are being done by women - from farming to selling at market. But when it comes to money, the men control everything and take it," she added.

Still, Novello says community leaders are gradually getting on board with government efforts to protect women's rights and welfare.

In a country where women typically lack access to financial services, IRC’s “Bank in a Box” scheme allows women to buy small shares, loan to one another, and gain interest. Bank “manager” Teresa Aduong was able to pay for medicines and school fees, and she wowed her community by saving enough to bring home a bull and improve her farm.

“I've seen so many women whose lives have changed,” Aduong said. 

IRC’s Becker says schoolgirls and their male peers are increasingly pushing back against child marriage. “They speak out. And I think the more women who are educated and are in school and know that this is against the law, that’s when you’ll start seeing change.”

hm/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97616/South-Sudan-apos-s-gender-gap-still-too-wide</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303071354430616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RUMBEK, LAKES STATE 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Years after the end of South Sudan’s war with Sudan, the country’s women still find themselves on the front line - this time, battling abuse, child marriage, and a dowry system that commodifies them from birth.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Scant help for South Sudan’s disabled</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302181154240604t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 18 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people disabled by shrapnel and landmines during South Sudan’s two-decade-long war with Sudan and thousands more disabled through disease and accidents are struggling to find support in Africa’s newest country, where proper healthcare and funding are in short supply.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 18 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people disabled by shrapnel and landmines during South Sudan’s two-decade-long war with Sudan and thousands more disabled through disease and accidents are struggling to find support in Africa’s newest country, where proper healthcare and funding are in short supply.

An estimated 50,000 people in South Sudan are physically disabled, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/news-footage/2012/south-sudan-operation-tvnews-2012-07-08.htm ].

Aside from the Sudan People's Liberation Army's (SPLA) "wounded heroes" programme, which provides a small stipend to ex-combatants, there are scant services for South Sudan's disabled, say staff at the Sudan Disabled Rehabilitation and Development Agency (SDRDA) in Rumbek, capital of Lakes State.

"People with disabilities are being discriminated [against at all stages] of life, at household decision-making levels and with public services... They are left behind, actually, like for clothing, even food," said SDRDA Director Hakim Cipuonyuc.

Discrimination

"If she has grown up, sometimes you see few people have the desire to have social relations [with her]. And when she gets pregnant, no one has the desire to marry her," Cipuonyuc said. "She is just left that with that kid and no one takes responsibility [or] care of that child."

Cipuonyuc's colleague John Maker said, "Most of the disabled are illiterate. They are not educated. They don't know their rights even, so they don't have a voice to raise their concerns in the community."

"Some of them end up [committing] suicide... as they are not considered in the family, in the community," he added.

SDRDA's awareness officer, David Kuac, himself disabled by polio, says that in the culture of the Dinka people - South Sudan's dominant ethnic group - there are often "bad attitudes towards people with disabilities".

"First, when a child with a disability is in the family, that family calls that child a curse from God, maybe as something that has been done wrong by the parents," he said. "The child is kept indoors so that he or she is not seen, and stays there until dying or just suffering there without the notice of the government or the entire community."

"I used to go and defecate at a nearby place [where] people would [be able to] look at me - like children and my wife [could see], as I couldn't get anywhere else," said Manyang Ader, describing the conditions faced by those with disabilities.

Adler’s leg had to be amputated following a buffalo attack. "I'd just stay in one place as I couldn't get around, and I wouldn't be able to do any kind of job - I just crawled around and didn't bring anything to the family," he said.

Even those few disabled people with good educations or vocational training are reportedly passed over for jobs.

There is discrimination within the disabled community, as well.  "Those who were wounded in the war, they discriminate against the ‘natural’ disabilities [of those] who have acquired disabilities through diseases," Kuac said. "They discriminate against us, the naturally disabled, saying we did not do anything to liberate South Sudan.

"That was even the reason we formed SDRDA, so that we can work for the naturally disabled, and the government can work for those hurt during the war,” he added. SDRDA was founded 10 years ago as the only charity aiming to help disabled civilians.

Disabled ex-combatants received educations and small salaries. The SPLA also took advantage of the first phase of South Sudan's disarmament, demobilization and rehabilitation (DDR) programme to provide some 12,000 disabled veterans with support [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/working-papers/HSBA-WP-24-DDR-in-Sudan.pdf ].

But former soldiers say the army’s programme still has a long way to go.

"The salary is not enough for their children, most of whom are not even in education," said SDRDA's Cipuonyuc.

Nathan Wojia Pitia, director general of the Ministry of Social Welfare, says that there is a commission for war widows and orphans and wounded heroes, providing "low [cost] housing estates for the survivors", as well as a DDR Commission that deals with disabled veterans.

"DDR is also training the people with disabilities, especially the war wounded. And they are training them in economic as well as income generation skills, so that they are ready to do their own business after demobilization."

Getting started

Pitia said his ministry's strategic plan for 2013 aims to cater to all disabled people, not just veterans: "Previously there was nothing like that... We thought we needed to mainstream it."

In mid-February, the government laid the foundation for a school outside Juba for deaf and blind students. It is calling on international NGOs to help with teachers and materials such as Braille books and abacuses.

Pitia stressed the need for a broad policy covering disability issues.

"You can't do anything unless you have legislation - the policy for legislation must come on board… Just like women and children, disabled people are fighting for their rights," he said.

Currently the only official documents refer to people "with special needs", which is not sufficient, Pitia said. He added that there is need for services to move from urban centres like Juba to the rest of the country.

"The place is so vast - you can't afford every time to bring people from places like Upper Nile [State, along the border with Sudan] to Juba," he said.

But the government is strapped for cash; in January 2012, following a dispute with Sudan over oil transit fees, South Sudan shut down oil production - which accounted for 98 percent of its revenues [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94858/SOUTH-SUDAN-Briefing-life-without-oil ]. Without this income, no one believes the government will be able to provide services to the disabled, let alone basic health or education services to the rest of the population.

Until its programmes are up and running, the government will continue to rely on aid from organizations like the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/news-footage/2012/south-sudan-operation-tvnews-2012-07-08.htm ], which treated people throughout the war and opened up a centre for amputees in Juba in 2008.

The ICRC has treated over 2,000 physically disabled people in South Sudan and provided 1,000 people with physiotherapy. It has also fitted more than 400 artificial limbs for amputees, along with hundreds of orthotic devices such as back and leg braces, crutches, sticks and wheelchairs.

Another NGO, Medical Care Development International (MCDI), with funding from the US Agency for International Development (USAID), ran a centre in Rumbek from 2005 to 2009, registering over 2,000 people.

But when MCDI pulled out and handed services to the government, the clinic fell into disrepair. Now, ICRC is trying to rebuild the centre and wade through the case notes of those who have waited years for artificial limbs.

ICRC prosthetist Gerald Fitzpatrick said, "2,262, that's a lot of people that were serviced before [people who had been MCDI patients, some of whom will need prosthetic limbs] - that's enormous. Hopefully, with a slow start, we can start addressing all these patient files.”

More victims

ICRC's centres and surgical teams will also have to keep up with the flow of newly wounded.

In South Sudan's first year of statehood, "109 casualties from landmines and ERW were recorded, with the actual number likely to be higher due to underreporting”, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in its 2013 appeal [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-south-sudan-2013 ].

Around a third of ICRC's clients who have received an artificial limb over the past four years were landmine victims. Tensions with Sudan over oil and borders remain high, and demining agencies say [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94126/SOUTH-SUDAN-Demining-for-development-as-rebels-re-mine ] militias - which South Sudan alleges are backed by Sudan - are laying new mines as quickly as old ones are being removed.

Still, those lucky enough to receive treatment say their lives are vastly improved.

"I spent a long time not using my legs. I'm very happy now that people have come up with this artificial limb," said Ader, who now works as the amputee centre's night watchman and tends to his farm during the day.

"Those without legs, their lives are not good at all. People like me who have a new leg - their lives are complete, they are free," he said.

hm/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97496/Scant-help-for-South-Sudan-s-disabled</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302181154240604t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 18 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people disabled by shrapnel and landmines during South Sudan’s two-decade-long war with Sudan and thousands more disabled through disease and accidents are struggling to find support in Africa’s newest country, where proper healthcare and funding are in short supply.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Humanitarian crisis in Sudan&apos;s Nuba Mountains</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg" />]]>NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.</description><body><![CDATA[NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan's South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.

IRIN has put together a briefing on the humanitarian situation and prospects for peace in the region.

Who is fighting?

The fighting, which began in June 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93052/SUDAN-Southern-Kordofan-briefing ] in the Nuba Mountains area of South Kordofan, pits the Sudanese army against the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N).

South Kordofan was a key battleground during Sudan's 1983-2005 civil war with what is now South Sudan. Many in the Nuba Mountains sided with the then-rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army, which has since become the official army of South Sudan.

While South Sudan was able to hold a referendum [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] on its independence, the SPLM-N says it remains marginalized by the northern government. SPLM-N also expresses frustration with the "popular consultations" offered to South Kordofan and Blue Nile states to determine their future, feeling theses did not provide a mechanism to guarantee their community’s rights. They have refused to surrender their weapons to government forces, which they see as hostile.

Sudan has accused South Sudan of supporting the SPLM-N, charges both the South Sudanese government and the rebels deny.

What is the humanitarian situation?

More than 200,000 people from South Kordofan and Blue Nile states have fled into South Sudan and Ethiopia, according to the UN [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_4398.pdf ]. Of particular concern are accusations of continued "indiscriminate" aerial bombardment [ http://www.hrw.org/features/sudan-bombardment-civilians-blue-nile-and-south-kordofan ] by the Sudanese Air Force and shelling [ http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=20510 ] by the two sides in the two Sudanese states.

The fighting has displaced or severely affected some 275,000 people in government-controlled areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and another 420,000 in rebel-held areas, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). According to a December 2012 Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/12/11/sudan-civilians-describe-toll-attacks ] report, "government forces have raided villages, burned and looted civilian property, arbitrarily detained people, and assaulted and raped women and girls".

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), an estimated 300 Sudanese refugees from South Kordofan are crossing the border into South Sudan, with many heading to Yida, the largest refugee camp in South Sudan’s Unity State, sheltering an estimated 61,000 Sudanese refugees.

Refugee camps [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96363/SOUTH-SUDAN-As-refugee-numbers-swell-disease-puts-pressure-on-relief-efforts ] in Unity State are under immense pressure from the rising refugee numbers; UNHCR [ http://www.unhcr.org/50fe86c39.html ] recently announced it would be opening a new camp in March to cope with as many as 60,000 refugees who could arrive during the first half of 2013. The agency warned that Yida camp was likely to face problems during this year's six-month-long rainy season; in 2012, the UN World Food Programme was forced to use costly air drops to deliver food when the rains cut off road access.

Speaking at the UN headquarters in New York in January, the director of the  coordination and response division of OCHA, John Ging, said many people in South Kordofan and Blue Nile were subsisting on roots and leaves due to a lack of humanitarian aid. According to OCHA, the NGO Save the Children Sweden has, since January 2012, screened 81,062 children under age five for malnutrition, registering 3,490 cases of severe acute malnutrition and 10,287 cases of moderate acute malnutrition.

Who is hindering access?

Describing the situation as "appalling", Ging blamed the continued civilian suffering and lack of humanitarian access on inadequate political will from both the Sudanese government and the rebels; he warned that unless humanitarian operations were allowed to proceed, more deaths and displacement were inevitable.

Despite an August 2012 Memorandum of Understanding among the Khartoum government, the SPLM-N, and a tripartite mediation group of the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States and the UN, humanitarian actors in Sudan say the agreement's three-month deadline lapsed with neither SPLM-N nor the Sudanese government allowing access or delivery of relief supplies to South Kordofan and Blue Nile.

The government and its humanitarian partners have, largely through the Sudanese Red Crescent Society, been able to provide seeds, tools, water and sanitation services, and health services such as immunization to hundreds of thousands of people in government-held areas of South Kordofan and Blue Nile. However, there has been very limited assistance to populations in rebel-held areas, where recent media reports suggest the population is suffering from acute shortages of food, water [ http://radiotamazuj.org/en/article/water-shortages-hit-dalami-nuba-mountains ] and drugs [ http://radiotamazuj.org/en/article/no-drugs-nuba-mountains%E2%80%99-heiban-district ].

In a November 2012 letter [ http://sudanunlimited.tumblr.com/post/35351052341/a-letter-from-the-nuba-people ] to the international community, leaders of the Nuba people wrote: "We do not have access to food, medicine, healthcare and other basic necessities.  We look around at what is left of our homes, and see our family and friends weak from hunger and disease.  Everywhere we look, we see children, the elderly and other vulnerable people lying on the ground helpless.

"It is very hard for us to explain to our children what is happening when they ask us, ‘Does anyone in the world know what we are going through? Why is it that no one cares about us?’"

A few NGOs have managed to carry out cross-border aid operations through South Sudan. While such operations provide much-needed relief, the UN warns that they are not ideal, as they put staff of the NGOs at risk and do not allow for transparent deliveries of aid based on needs assessments.

On 10 February, the UN's independent expert on the situation of human rights in Sudan, Mashood Adebayo Baderin, urged [ http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=12979&LangID=E ] the Sudanese government "to grant me access to the entire country, in particular to Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile states" in order to assess the human rights situation there.

A senior Sudanese government official said [ http://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/no-crisis-s-kordofan-sudan-says-aid-deal-lapses ] in November 2012 that there were humanitarian needs in the two states, including water and health services, but denied that there was a crisis in the region.

What's the way forward?

In January, a coalition of more than 350 civil society organizations urged [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article45288 ] the leaders of Sudan and South Sudan to address the humanitarian situation in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and to find a lasting solution to the conflict.

"The situation is now too critical to allow civilians to be held hostage to further political intransigence," the statement, presented to the AU Peace and Security Council, read. "Only unified, sustained, high-level political pressure will break the deadlock in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile."

The AU High-Level Implementation Panel for Sudan [ http://www.peaceau.org/en/article/report-of-the-african-union-high-level-implementation-panel-for-sudan-and-south-sudan-353rd-meeting-of-the-peace-and-security-council ], chaired by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, recently released a report urging the government of Sudan and the SPLM-N to "enter into direct negotiations to seek a political solution to the conflict". It also called on the UN Security Council to reiterate previous calls for immediate and unconditional humanitarian aid to affected communities in South Kordofan and Blue Nile.

The report warned that "if either of the two parties persist in failing to permit such assistance, it will not be possible for [Security] Council to discourage any other mechanisms for humanitarian assistance that are not necessarily in full conformity with the preferred principles of impartiality and transparency".

The panel also called on both parties to "enter into direct negotiations to seek a political solution to the conflict".

While no direct talks have so far taken place, recent media reports [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201302051097.html ] indicate that Khartoum and at least some factions of SPLM-N may be willing to start negotiations.

kr/pm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97479/Briefing-Humanitarian-crisis-in-Sudan-apos-s-Nuba-Mountains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204131355270613t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NUBA MOUNTAINS/NAIROBI 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - The ongoing conflict in Sudan&apos;s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states continues to present a major challenge to aid agencies in the region, which say access is urgently required to meet the humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of people.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Free speech at stake in South Sudan</title><pubDate>Thu, 07 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302051439320913t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - Increasing reports of harassment faced by journalists and civil society in South Sudan have raised concern that the world’s newest country is curtailing the basic freedoms it spent decades fighting its northern neighbour for.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - - Increasing reports of harassment faced by journalists and civil society in South Sudan have raised concern that the world’s newest country is curtailing the basic freedoms it spent decades fighting its northern neighbour for.

South Sudan gained independence in July 2011, after decades of rebellion against Khartoum. Today, Sudan ranks 170th out of 179 countries on the Reporters Without Borders’ press freedom index [ http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2013,1054.html ], while South Sudan is ranked 124th, having fallen 13 places from the 2011-2012 index. 

Human Rights Watch (HRW) recently highlighted South Sudan as an area of concern in its annual World Report [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/01/31/south-sudan-threats-free-speech ], calling on the government to "investigate and prosecute attacks on protesters, activists and journalists and pass laws protecting free expression."

Though there had been reports of journalists being detained, beaten and threatened, the first murder of a journalist in the country [ http://en.rsf.org/south-sudan-opinion-writer-gunned-down-outside-06-12-2012,43771.html ] occurred in December 2012. The government's failure to pass legislation protecting the media has increased concerns about the state of press freedom.

Murder

"Every citizen shall have the right to the freedom of expression, reception and dissemination of information, publication, and access to the press without prejudice to public order, safety or morals as prescribed by law," says the country's transitional constitution. "All levels of government shall guarantee the freedom of the press and other media as shall be regulated by law in a democratic society."

But the law is only as good as its enforcement.

On 5 December 2012, political analyst Ding Chan Awuol, who wrote under the pen name Isaiah Abraham, was dragged out of his house by "uniformed men", according to one eyewitness, and shot in the face.

Relatives believe Abraham was murdered for his outspoken political commentary, and said he had received death threats from anonymous callers urging him to stop writing.

One employer, the Sudan Tribune newspaper, says Abraham was called into national security offices weeks before his death to answer for a piece calling for President Salva Kiir's resignation after a contentious deal with Sudan on oil and borders.

Government spokesman Barnaba Marial Benjamin said authorities were "70 percent sure it was an assassination", as public outrage grew and civil society called for the perpetrators to be punished and security ministers to step down [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article44889 ].

"The investigation [into Abraham's murder] is going on. Probably some suspects have been arrested," said Minister of the Interior Alison Monani Magaya.

Intimidation

At the end of 2012, after years of hosting one of the most popular shows on Bakhita Radio in the capital, Juba, journalist Mading Ngor returned to Canada. He attributed his departure to a "climate of fear, threats, intimidations, censorship", and numerous encounters with national security officers. In 2012, he was dragged out of parliament, then barred from covering sessions, and later urged by security forces to "cooperate" and to desist from covering sensitive topics such as corruption.

The week after Abraham's murder, security forces killed at least 10 protesters in Wau, the capital of Western-Bahr-el-Ghazal State. 

Local government officials claimed that the demonstrators were armed, had razed public buildings, and had hurled petrol bombs during a protest about the transfer of local authority to a neighbouring county. However, footage obtained by broadcaster Al-Jazeera [ http://www.aljazeera.com/video/africa/2012/12/2012121432549729855.html ] showed protesters waving small branches known as "peace sticks" while peacefully parading through the town before uniformed police gunned them down.

Two employees of the state broadcaster SSTV were subsequently detained, accused of failing to cover the president's Christmas speech [ http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2013/01/07/259004.html ] in Wau, but local journalists allege it was a witch-hunt against whoever leaked the footage.

"The year ended with two tragic incidents in which South Sudanese lost their lives for expressing their opinions," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at HRW. "South Sudan needs to show clearly it does not tolerate repression of basic freedoms."

Two weeks after Abraham's death, and as the Wau death toll mounted following reprisal attacks, government spokesman Benjamin warned reporters, "I think you should all be careful what you report, as there is a tendency of collecting information here and there without verifying it with the government."

International journalists are also beginning to feel the heat. After an August 2012 article by McClatchy Newspapers correspondent Alan Boswell suggested US-South Sudan relations were strained, the government spokesperson accused him of being "in the pay of Khartoum" and "an enemy of the peace" [ http://www.cpj.org/blog/2012/08/south-sudans-latest-war-of-words.php ]. 

In October 2012, a group of men confiscated Al-Jazeera correspondent Anna Cavell's TV camera while she filmed in a public place in Juba; they warned her that she would be taken to prison. 

Cavell said she was told there was nothing anyone could do to recover the camera; she said government officials told her, "We just don't have control over these people".

Calling the shots

Authorities often call the shots on what can and should be reported.

Following the 2012 release of a letter, signed by the president, calling for 75 past and present officials to return US$4 billion of stolen public money, newspaper editors said national security officials warned them against covering the story. 

Editors say they were also told what they could write about during weeks of clashes along the border [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95196/Briefing-Sudans-border-clashes ] with Sudan in April 2012. Some have complained about security forces marching into offices and demanding that copy be rewritten. 

Many journalists admit that they steer clear of stories relating to security forces altogether. Self-censorship is on the rise following Abraham's death, the Sudan Tribune noted in a January article [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article45243 ].

Atem Yaak Atem, the deputy minister of information and founder of The Pioneer magazine, says it will take time for the country's authorities to adjust from a wartime mentality.

"During those days, it was not prudent for people to point out shortcomings, as it would be used by the other side," sometimes to deadly effect, he said.

Atem added that the quality of journalism in South Sudan was poor, with improper fact-checking and a poor understanding of the laws of defamation often landing journalists in trouble.

South Sudan is still struggling to transform a former rebel army of an estimated 210,000 soldiers [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/issue-briefs/HSBA-IB-19-Arms-flows-and-holdings-South-Sudan.pdf ] into a professional national army, and to change the mindset of soldiers and militias who have been absorbed into the army. A major problem is the lack of command and control in a force that may be loyal to one commander or under the pay of certain officials. 

"Armed forces who see themselves as 'liberators' are emboldened by a climate of impunity in which their crimes go unpunished," said Jok Madut Jok, undersecretary of culture and a leading academic, in a January paper from his think-tank, the Sudd Institute [ http://www.suddinstitute.org/publications/show/mapping-the-sources-of-conflict-and-insecurity-in-south-sudan-living-in-fear-under-a-newly-won-freed ].

Delayed justice

"South Sudan should reverse this worrying trend toward repression of speech and assembly freedoms," HRW's Bekele said. "It should start by thoroughly investigating and prosecuting all crimes against and abuses of those who speak out against the government, including journalists, and by passing relevant laws in line with international standards."

But a senior official provided by the US government in December to assist in investigations into Abraham's death came and left without word, while the government's $50,000 bounty for the killer of Isaiah Abraham is still up for grabs.

Following the Wau shootings, a parliamentary committee and the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), which sheltered thousands of residents during the violence and ensuing protests, launched investigations into the incident. No results have yet been released.

Significant delays to the constitutional review panel mean that a permanent constitution is unlikely to come into effect when elections are held in 2015. 

After eight years of consultations, three draft media laws were submitted to parliament for debate in 2012, but none have yet passed. They will be up for discussion again when parliament reconvenes in April, but many journalists accuse parliament of stalling on bills that would give journalists greater freedom.

"In the absence of laws establishing a legal mechanism to guarantee media freedom and to enable the media to defend their reporting, editors and reporters say they are especially vulnerable to harassment, arbitrary arrest and censorship by security forces," said HRW’s 2013 World Report. "South Sudan also has yet to ratify key human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, which would also reinforce free speech and other basic freedoms."

hm/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97425/Free-speech-at-stake-in-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302051439320913t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - Increasing reports of harassment faced by journalists and civil society in South Sudan have raised concern that the world’s newest country is curtailing the basic freedoms it spent decades fighting its northern neighbour for.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Reprieve for urban refugees in Kenya, but fear persists</title><pubDate>Thu, 24 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012220850140188t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.

On 18 December 2012, Kenya's Department of Refugee Affairs announced that all refugees should leave urban areas and move to refugee camps - the northeastern Dadaab complex for Somali refugees, and the northwestern Kakuma camp for all others. It further ordered an immediate stop to the registration of refugees in urban areas.

The directive was in response to a number of grenade attacks that have occurred in urban areas, follwoing Kenya's invasion of Somalia in October 2011. The attacks have been widely blamed on the Somali militant group Al-Shabab, although the group has not claimed responsibility.

The government was due to begin the relocation of an estimated 100,000 urban refugees to camps on 21 January, but a ruling on 23 January by Justice David Majanja halted the government's plan until 4 February, when a petition against the directive filed by Kituo Cha Sheria [ http://www.kituochasheria.or.ke ], a local legal rights group, is scheduled to be heard.

"I am satisfied that, in view of the international obligations Kenya has with respect to refugees, and the fact that under our Constitution refugees are vulnerable persons, the petitioner has an arguable case before the court, " the ruling stated. "A conservatory order... is hereby issued prohibiting any State officer [or] public officer agent of the Government from implementing the decision evidenced by and/or contained in the Press Release dated 18th December 2012 pending further orders of this court." 

A welcome ruling

Defenders of refugee rights have welcomed the judge's decision. "This is a very positive ruling by the court. We hope it will be widely spread and reduce the fear the refugee community has experienced since the December announcement," Melanie Teff, a senior advocate with the NGO Refugees International [ http://www.refugeesinternational.org ] (RI), told IRIN. "Of course, a lot of harm has already been done since the press release, and many urban refugees have already fled."

Fatuma Diriye lived in Nairobi's Somali-dominated Eastleigh neighbourhood for over five years. There, she ran a small business and sent money and supplies to her children in Dadaab. She recently moved back to Dadaab after the directive and police harassment.

"The police attacked my business several times. I had to pay them some money to stay safe from the harassment," she told IRIN, adding that she feels helpless now that she is totally dependent on aid for her family's needs.

For many refugees, the journey to from Nairobi to Dadaab is a treacherous one; Jelle Ibrahim, a father of six in Dadaab's Hagadera camp, said he had to go through five different police check-points along the way.

"We were asked to bring identification cards - when I showed my travelling document, they put us in a separate place [for questioning]," he said. "We were harassed until the conductor of the bus intervened and paid some money to the police."

Dadaab unprepared

Dadaab refugee complex, originally built to house 90,000 refugees, currently hosts an estimated 500,000 Somali nationals. An influx of refugees from Kenya's towns and cities would have a serious impact on the ability of aid agencies and the government to provide services.

"Dadaab is overcrowded and under-resourced - its population has risen by about 150,000 in the last year, while funding has reduced by about half," Mark Yarnell, Horn of Africa advocate for RI, told IRIN. "Insecurity remains a major issue in Dadaab, and some refugees are actually returning to Somalia for this reason."

Officials in Dadaab say they have not yet seen a significant rise in refugee arrivals from urban areas, but fear they would struggle to cope if they did. 

"The number of refugees arriving from Nairobi appears small. For the time being, it does not have any impact on service delivery or life in the camp. This can, of course, change if more refugees arrive," said Mans Nyberg, senior external relations officer in Dadaab for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 

"We encourage all new arrivals to reactivate their refugee cards so that they will get the benefits they are entitled to as refugees," he added.

Refugees remaining in Eastleigh and other urban centres have expressed relief that the directive will not take place immediately, but said they continue to live in fear of police harassment. 

Police harassment

"For now, we are happy from what we have heard and that the government is not implementing their directives soon... We can't go back to camps because even refugees residing in the camps have their problems. Food, water, health and even space to settle is a problem due to the number of refugee in Dadaab," said Ubah Hussein, who lives in Eastleigh. "We would like to go back to our country, but still there is no firm security and peace in most places."

"Here is where our children call home... The government has put us in a condition of fear, and we can't even move out of our houses. We are lacking freedom of movement. We don't open our businesses," said Abdi Mohamed, an elderly businessman in Eastleigh. "Some of my neighbours have left for Mogadishu, and others are on course if the government directives persist." 

RI's Yarnell said he had met with community leaders in Nairobi who had expressed fear of police harassment and feelings of helplessness.

"I have met community leaders from Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea - people who have been in Nairobi for years, who described feeling helpless and hopeless since the directive," he said. "They regularly experience abuse - mainly extortion - by security forces who detain them and ask for bribes...since the directive, the bribes have gone up from about 500 shillings [US$5.70] to 40,000 [$458], 60,000 [$687] and even up to 100,000 [$1145]."

Eric Kirathe, Kenya's police spokesman, told IRIN that extortion by police officers would not be tolerated and advised refugees to report any such incidents. "Cases of harassment and extortion are very unfortunate. There are channels for reporting - from the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission to police headquarters to the Independent Police Oversight Authority... Reporting to the media or talking about it in an ad hoc way won't get results," he said. 

Rights groups say the harassment of refugees - and Somalis in particular - is not limited to security forces, but also exists within wider Kenyan society. Rufus Karanja, a programme officer with the Refugee Consortium of Kenya [ http://www.rckkenya.org ], said there was growing concern about the safety of refugees in the run-up to the country's 4 March general election.

"In 2007, many refugees were victims of general xenophobia and insecurity, and many were displaced. We are trying to come up with contingency plans for them ahead of the coming election," he told IRIN. "Much of the xenophobia is fuelled by the media, who keep linking the attacks to Somali refugees... There is a need for media sensitization on broad aspects of refugee protection."

A number of civil society groups, under the umbrella of the Urban Refugee Protection Network, on 22 January called on [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/press-release-kenya-civil-society-calls-government-end-abuse-refugees-15171 ] the Kenyan government to end the abuse of refugees that had escalated following the 18 December directive.

"We will continue to pursue, through the courts, reports of extortion, arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention of refugees by security forces," Karanja said.

kr/mh/mod/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97329/Reprieve-for-urban-refugees-in-Kenya-but-fear-persists</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012220850140188t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Women without men vulnerable in South Sudan&apos;s refugee camps</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204041133570655t.jpg" />]]>MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms. The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. &quot;I&apos;m scared,&quot; she said.</description><body><![CDATA[MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa* sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms.

The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. "I'm scared," she said.

Mahasa is one of many women who have fled, unaccompanied by their husbands, to Maban County in South Sudan's Upper Nile State, escaping the fighting in Sudan's Blue Nile State between government forces and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North. Mahasa’s husband is still in Blue Nile, fighting alongside the rebels.

She now lives in Doro camp, which houses more than 44,000 refugees. There, she - like other female refugees - faces daily threats of harassment, exploitation and violence, and the persistent fear that, as a woman, she will be unable to provide for her family.

Harassment

The fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, which started in June 2011, has so far displaced more than 112,000 civilians to South Sudan. Humanitarians say they were "overwhelmed" during the rainy season in the second half of 2012, as tens of thousands of refugees, most of them women and children, came pouring across the border from Blue Nile State. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and its partners scrambled to meet the basic needs of the new arrivals, who initially slept under trees and survived on fruit and stagnant groundwater.

Now, six months later, fighting continues across the border, but the rate of arrivals has eased and aid agencies are transitioning from emergency response mode to meeting the longer-term needs of the refugee population.

More than 80 percent of the refugees are women and children, says Myrat Muradov, a protection officer with UNHCR. The agency has begun to look at the particular vulnerabilities of this group, many of whom are completely dependent on food rations.

"Widows and pregnant women need much help," he said.

Because the camps are spread out across large areas, women often have to walk very long distances to reach food distributions points, and then they must carry the heavy ration bags back with them.
Mahasa, for example, walks half an hour in each direction to collect the food she needs to feed her children.

Aid workers say that on these collection journeys, single women and the elderly are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, sometimes being forced to part with a portion of their ration in exchange for assistance transporting it.

However, this is not the crime Mahasa fears most. One of the most difficult things she and other women must do is collect firewood from the bush surrounding the camp; not only is it hard work, it is also "dangerous," she says, because members of the host community often approach and harass female refugees.

"They hit us," Mahasa says. “They also take the axe from us."

Tensions between the refugees and the host community have been mounting, largely over increasingly limited resources [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97159/SOUTH-SUDAN-Tensions-grow-between-refugees-and-host-community ].

Maple*, an older woman in the camp, and Talitha*, her adult daughter, express similar fears, reporting that both men and women from the host community have hit them with sticks and chased them away as they tried to collect firewood.

"The only way to get the firewood is to hide yourself in order to protect yourself from the host community," Maple said.

Sexual violence

The issue is of growing concern for protection officers working in the four refugees camps of Maban County. Firewood collection "exposes women to humungous risks in terms of sexual violence," one officer working in the camps told IRIN.

A Human Rights Watch report, released on 12 Dec 2012, documented instances of such sexual violence and pointing out that in Jamam camp - also in Upper Nile State - women regularly walk for an hour and a half each way to collect firewood.

The Danish Refugee Council released a sexual and gender-based violence rapid assessment of Doro in October 2012. "Adult women and adolescent girls recounted cases of rape, attempted rape, sexual abuse and harassment," the assessment states. It also found that many instances of sexual and gender-based violence went unreported due to fears of stigmatization. Indeed, the assessment noted that healthcare providers in Doro camp had not had a single instance of rape reported to them since the beginning of 2012.

Support programmes launched

In an attempt to overcome the taboo against speaking about sexual violence, UNHCR has deployed a team to Doro for three months; its mission, Muradov says, is to disseminate information about the availability of post-rape care and get referrals to health services going.

The agency aims to establish a sexual and gender-based violence programme with focus groups to encourage women to talk more openly. However, the lack of female interpreters is a major barrier to this project, so, alongside income-generation projects, language training for women has been made a priority for 2013.

"It's a large part of the strategy moving into a more sustainable operation," Muradov said.

UNHCR has also launched "fuel efficiency talks", which provide training for women across all four Upper Nile camps - Doro, Gendrassa, Jamam and Yusuf Batil - on how to reduce the amount of firewood they use by up to 50 percent. Reducing the quantity of firewood used would alleviating some of the tension with the host community and decreasing the number of firewood collection trips the women have to make, lowering their exposure to potential violence

Meanwhile, UNHCR's Muradov says the American Refugee Council is focusing on psychosocial counselling, while Handicap International is looking at people with special needs. Other humanitarian agencies say they are in the initial phases of establishing income-generating projects for women, aimed at fostering economic independence for female-headed households to protect them from exploitation.

For now though, Mahasa remains worried. "Without a husband, I may not be able to provide for the children," she said.

*Family names withheld

nf-f/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97260/Women-without-men-vulnerable-in-South-Sudan-apos-s-refugee-camps</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204041133570655t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MABAN 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Mahasa sits in the dust outside the hut she built herself, holding her youngest son in her arms. The 29-year-old mother of four knows how vulnerable she is. &quot;I&apos;m scared,&quot; she said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Fear keeps Abyei residents from returning home</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301080945310027t.jpg" />]]>ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.</description><body><![CDATA[ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.

The Abyei Area sits on the border between Sudan and the newly independent South Sudan, but which of the two countries Abyei is part of has yet to be determined. In 2005, a peace deal ending decades of civil war called for a referendum to settle the matter, but that vote has been repeatedly delayed by disagreements over who will be allowed to participate. The referendum is currently scheduled to take place in October.

The indigenous population is dominated by the Ngok Dinka community, many of whom sided with southern rebels during the civil war. But every year, northern Misseriya pastoralists - who are generally aligned with Khartoum - bring their cattle through Abyei in search of pasture. With this annual migration now imminent, there are fears of renewed conflict.

Wandering around the ruins of a home destroyed in last year’s invasion, former resident Longo Mangom said that people fled with nothing and have nothing to come back to.

“We didn’t expect it the day it happened. [Sudanese troops] came in the evening when people were resting, and people were running without taking any luggage or assets,” he said.

Mangom, who has a job with a UN agency, also fled. “We were running just for our lives,” he said.

Services trickling in

Most of the returnees remain near Agok, a town about an hour’s drive from Abyei Town, which is the base for aid agencies shuttling in food, water and healthcare.

Charities are reluctant to be based in Abyei Town or to rebuild more than light infrastructure, lest it stoke tensions between rival communities or be seen as a political move.

Returnees are caught in similar limbo.

“The returnees are coming, and they want to rebuild, but when there is still so much anger and no sufficient agreement. People are fearing,” said Mangom.

“If the two parties do not agree on who should vote, I feel that we will face another conflict,” he said.

Achuil Deng, a tea seller, says there are some basic amenities in Abyei Town. But her hut was one of many razed, and she has resorted to squatting in an abandoned government building. She must trek to Agok for food stocks.

“There’s no problem with water. There’s a hospital here, so that’s okay, as long as there are staff in it - which is not always the case,” she said.

While her husband has stayed in Agok to farm, she has brought their children home. But the schools - once filled with children from both the Ngok Dinka and Misseriya communities - are crumbling.

“There are two things I hope for my kids: They should have a country they know and that belongs to them, and they can continue to go to school so that they can have a future,” she said.

Mounting war rhetoric

Achuil Akol Miyan, minister of finance and acting chief of the Abyei Administration, based in Agok, says the Misseriya have already broadcast threats.

“It is they who said on TV Omdurman [a television station], through their chief, that they would attack us and do a lot of things to stop a referendum,” Miyan said.

The African Union (AU) indicated it would pass the matter to the UN Security Council if the two parties failed to sign on to its latest proposed agreement by 5 December. The deadline has since passed with no agreement, but Sudan’s foreign minister, Ali Karti, warned of more violence if the issue is brought to the Security Council.

His southern counterpart Nhial Deng Nhial has promised that, if people are attacked again, South Sudan’s government will not stand back and watch.

South Sudan has been courting Russia’s vote on the Security Council, with the head of South Sudan’s negotiating team, Pagan Amum, and co-chair of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee, Luka Biong Deng, recently visiting Moscow. But these overtures suffered a blow when South Sudan’s army shot down a UN helicopter on 21 December in Jonglei State, killing four Russian crewmembers. The helicopter had been suspected of being an enemy craft dropping guns to nearby rebels.

Cattle take centre stage

There are also fears that cattle-keeping communities could clash over scarce resources in the first few months of 2013, before a referendum even takes place.

“This year, I can see a number of water points drying up quickly. And, especially this year, we are expecting a large number of nomads to come with a large amount of cattle,” said Biong Deng. “The level of water is becoming low, and they are coming early. Sharing the water and grazing [land] is going to be difficult.”

“Cows are at the centre of our lives… When they are stolen, it brings a lot of anger and disputes,” said Miyan, who claims the Misseriya have stolen 3 million cows in recent years.

“These Misseriya are still doing some battles, like cattle raiding. We are having to live like this, but we hope someone comes and changes the situation,” said 15-year-old Ajak Lot Nadija.

After losing cattle in raids in 2011 and in the conflict, Najida says his family has around 60 cows left. Some stolen cattle were brought back with the help of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNIFSA), but “31 cows are still missing, and there can be no peace until they are returned”.

During a dispute with Sudan, South Sudan stopped pumping crude oil in January 2012, sending both economies into free fall. Meanwhile, UN Food and Agriculture Organization experts say that livestock trade to Egypt and the Middle East is rising. The numbers of exports are unclear, but with Sudan’s oil revenues plummeting, the Misseriya are seen as an increasingly important government partner.

Miyan claims the Misseriya have been passing through Abyei for 250 years, but now their role has been “politicized” and they have been sent to secure oil production in Abyei.

“Khartoum is giving them a deal, okay. Let them claim the land so that they can walk away with the land for grazing, and the government of Sudan will take the oil.”

“The right of grazing and water access is something we are willing to do,” he said. “But we don’t want them to block our rights” to the land.

“The Sudan government, for them the best decision is if there is a partition so that they can accommodate the Arab Misseriya,” said Biong Deng.

He says the AU proposal was more than generous when it comes to grazing rights for the Misseriya as well as a 20 percent share for Sudan in oil production, which could be as low as 3,000 barrels per day.

Rebuilding an uncertain future

Abyei’s few residents say that they expect their families and friends to come back in the coming weeks and months to plant before the rains start, around May, but that they won’t be rebuilding their lives there.

“I wish… there was no insecurity. We could have the cows and goats and rebuild our house. But the situation now is so insecure,” said Deng, the tea seller.

Tensions remain acute. People near a mosque frequented by Misseriya claim the pastoralists come to plot rather than pray. In November, a UNIFSA peacekeeper was killed at the mosque during protests by the Dinka Ngok against the Misseriya [ http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article44530 ].

Attempts to interview Misseriya traders in the Abyei market ended in around two dozen people demanding to know why northerners were being spoken to and insisting that permission first be sought from a local chief.

One Misseriya businessman said that he had no problem with the Dinka, but feared his business would be finished if Abyei went to South Sudan.

“People remain displaced everywhere. We hope that people can come back one day and live in peace,” said Mangom. “In case the situation is settled I’ll come back, but it’s a matter of time and resolutions.”

“I hope to have a chance to go to school. I used to go in the village [school] up to the second class, and after that, we saw that the cattle were being killed and stolen, and I went to help with the cows,” said Najida.

“I want to be teaching people. I’d like to teach them, even the elders, to keep the peace.”

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97191/Fear-keeps-Abyei-residents-from-returning-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301080945310027t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABYEI 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the 120,000 people who fled the Abyei Area following an invasion by Sudanese troops in May 2011 have returned to their homes, amid fears of repeat military action and uncertainty over the area’s political future.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Tensions grow between refugees and host community</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212240936090312t.jpg" />]]>MABAN 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - The earth in Maban County, South Sudan, is already dry and cracked, and even a faint breeze raises a haze of brown dust.</description><body><![CDATA[MABAN 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - The earth in Maban County, South Sudan, is already dry and cracked, and even a faint breeze raises a haze of brown dust. 

The trials of the rainy season - flooded homes and impassable roads - are over. But as the weather changes, and the emergency response transforms into a longer-term humanitarian relief effort, new worries weigh on the minds of refugees and aid workers alike. 

“In the dry season there is no water for the animals to drink, and there is no grass to eat,” Khalifa Chapa said, sitting outside his hut in Doro camp, which, with more than 44,000 residents, is the largest of the region’s refugee camps. 

Fighting between the SPLA-North and the Sudan Armed Forces began South Kordofan, Sudan, in June 2011. The conflict spread to Blue Nile State in September of that year. It is ongoing, driving refugees like Chapa into South Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93052/SUDAN-Southern-Kordofan-briefing ].

Dying cattle 

Four months ago, the 45-year-old father of seven fled Blue Nile State, with 10 cows. 

By the time he reached Doro, he had nine; he had slaughtered one for food en route. Now, he has seven. Two of his herd have already died, and the dry season is only beginning. 

“The cows are coughing, then they have the diarrhoea. This is reason that they die,” he explained.

Indeed, the number of livestock deaths has risen over the past few months, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Maban told IRIN. 

In a single week in late December some 300 goats and cattle died, says the mission’s protection officer, Myrat Muradov. 

Diseases, such as Rift Valley fever and rabies, are a major cause of livestock mortality; a joint initiative is underway to vaccinate animals.

Limited resources

Lack of food and water is another major cause of death, and a source of conflict. 

Humanitarian workers point out that at the end of the rainy season, the grass should be tall. Instead, it is short, making it difficult for refugees and the local community to maintain their livestock herds.

Additionally, the influx of refugees to the region has increased demand for, and decreased supply of, grazing land. 

“This is likely to cause tensions between the host community and the refugees over water for the cattle… and over agricultural land, because that’s the last land that could provide food for the cattle,” explained one humanitarian worker in the area who preferred to remain anonymous.

Chapa says members of the host community have killed the cattle of refugees that were found to be feeding on crops. The local community has also demanded money as compensation from the owners of the cows, he said. 

“Yes, there have been a few protection incidents. Cattle have been stolen, and refugees have been prohibited from grazing cattle. The host community has to be consulted,” UNHCR’s Muradov told IRIN. 

The agency has taken steps to address the problem, establishing in October a host community and refugee relations committee in each of Maban’s four camps. 

According to Muradov, temporary solutions have been devised at Batil and Gendrasa camps, with grazing lands identified for refugee use 5km east of the Gendrasa. 

“The number of reports of complaints has significantly decreased,” he said. 

The mass livestock vaccination campaign in part aims to protect refugees’ assets by addressing the high mortality rate among cattle, goats and sheep. But it is also intended to smooth relations between the refugees and the host community, as the locals’ cattle will also be immunized through the project, according to Pumla Rulashe, press officer with UNHCR’s mission in Maban. 

Muradov says 40,000 to 50,000 animals have already been vaccinated through the programme, conducted jointly through UNHCR, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, South Sudan Department of Agriculture and Vétérinaires sans Frontières-Germany.

In Doro camp, land for cultivation is a bigger issue than access to grazing for livestock, according to Muradov. But he reports that progress has been made in designating an area where refugees can grow crops, with the agreement of the host community. State authorities in the area have endorsed the initiative, he adds.

Still, “we are at the beginning of the dry season, and the further we go the more challenges we will face,” he said. 

Window of opportunity

Humanitarian response teams are gearing up to address the challenges of the months ahead. But they also see the dry season as a window of opportunity.

They had anticipated a resurgence in the arrival of Blue Nile refugees. But that has not happened, and focus is shifting instead to improving services for those living in the camps.

“There has been no big influx as anticipated,” Muradov said. “People are trickling through the border; 340 persons have arrived since the contingency [plan] was activated three weeks ago. For now, we have over 112,000 refugees here, and we need to look into ensuring their longer-term needs.”

Central among those needs is the relocation of refugees from UNHCR tents, which serve as emergency shelters, to more permanent dwellings. Schools and hospitals also need to be upgraded to semi-permanent and permanent structures. 

The NGO GOAL, which runs sanitation and health projects in three of the county’s camps, plans to install 1,500 household latrines in Batil camp before the rains return and interrupt construction. 

“Given the rains and flooding, sites may become inaccessible and latrine pits can collapse during excavation,” said Evelyn Moorehead, GOAL’s emergency coordinator.

The dry season also presents an opportunity to import materials by road; the rains typically sever road access to Upper Nile County, forcing budget-strapped aid agencies to fly supplies in.

“Flying up bulky and heavy inputs such as diesel in private aircraft is significantly more expensive than driving it up during the dry season,” Moorehead said.

nff/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97159/SOUTH-SUDAN-Tensions-grow-between-refugees-and-host-community</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212240936090312t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MABAN 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - The earth in Maban County, South Sudan, is already dry and cracked, and even a faint breeze raises a haze of brown dust.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Ayom Nyol, “There is nothing left from the burning”</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212211231480654t.jpg" />]]>ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.</description><body><![CDATA[ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.

Few aid agencies operate in the area. Almost eight years after a peace deal ended decades of civil war, which country Abyei belongs to remains one of the key unresolved issues between South Sudan (which gained independence in 2011) and Sudan. The two states have failed to agree who should be allowed to take part in a long-delayed referendum - now due in October 2013 - to settle the matter.

The UN Interim Security Force for Abyei is now deployed in the area, but few of the displaced have come back.  Nyol’s husband and five children have stayed near aid and safety in nearby Agok, where many of the roughly 100,000 people from the majority Dinka Ngok community fled. But Nyol has come home to cultivate.

She now lives in a disused government building - one of the town’s only constructions still boasting a roof. Its walls are covered in Arabic graffiti, scrawls by Sudanese troops celebrating their occupation.

Nyol fears that this year’s regular southward migration of Misseriya pastoralists could spark more deadly conflict, even if the stalemate between Khartoum and Juba does not deteriorate into violence.

She told IRIN her story.

“We came to cultivate at home, but our houses are burnt and so we came here, near where the UN is, and we walk to our village about an hour from here every day, and come back here to sleep.

“I come from a village called Maryan Ker. It is one hour’s walk from Abyei Town, so I go during the day and come back at night. There is nothing left there from the burning.

“During the rains, we ran up to Agok. My husband, a farmer, is still there with the children [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92885 ].

“I came back in May 2012 when Sudan Armed Forces left and the rains came so that I could cultivate, as there was not a good place to cultivate in Agok.

“I had three relatives killed in the [2011] attack. They bombed people, and people did not know where to run, so people fell down with the bullets just like that. When they killed people, we could not go back and take the bodies for burial, even though we knew our relatives were there.

“Those of the north, they still need to come here. It seems they need this area to belong to them so we are really fearing.

“Before, they brought a cattle camp and did some grazing here, and then they brought some goods for the shops, and then they would go back in May with the rains.

“Now, they like this place, and they want the land. They want it to be theirs.

“I don’t know what’s wrong with them, because they are our relatives, and they have been staying with us for so long, but now they say this place is theirs.

“We are not comfortable with the situation, as they have looted everything, and we don’t want to see them in this area.

“These Misseriya and their cows, we don’t want them to come here anymore, as they came and chased us away.

“They took all of our cows, now we have nothing. They took around 1,000 from my family, plus all the cows of our relatives. Now nothing is left, nothing at all.

“They need land. They need our cows. They need to come here and take everything.

“Now, we don’t have cattle here, but I hope we will again bring our own cows to graze here.

“Every night, I pray that Abyei will be our area and that we can live here peacefully.”

hm/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97102/SUDAN-SOUTH-SUDAN-Ayom-Nyol-There-is-nothing-left-from-the-burning</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212211231480654t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABYEI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Ayom Nyol is one of several thousand people who have returned to Abyei Town, the once-bustling capital of a region lying on the border between South Sudan and Sudan. Sudan deployed troops there in May 2011, leading most of the population, around 100,000 people, to flee southwards.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Kenyi Chaplain Paul – Security guard, South Sudan</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221527510407t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Kenyi Chaplain Paul, 43, works as a security guard and occasional car-washer in Juba, the capital of the world’s newest state, South Sudan. His wife, 10 children and a nephew live about 100km away, in the town of Kajo Keji, near the Ugandan border.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Kenyi Chaplain Paul, 43, works as a security guard and occasional car-washer in Juba, the capital of the world’s newest state, South Sudan. His wife, 10 children and a nephew live about 100km away, in the town of Kajo Keji, near the Ugandan border.

“My financial situation is not all that good as, when you have to borrow, there will always be a gap and even if you earn, it will be hard to [bridge] gap in places.

"The biggest headache is because two of my girls in primary school are just about to finish. If they complete it well, next will be secondary school, and financing that will be a bit hard for me as my salary is so little.

"I am now washing cars, too, and if I did not have that, I would have stopped my job and gone to work in construction or gone back home to rear livestock, as I wouldn't be able to send enough money back. 

"I'm [hoping] that maybe I will be put on the night shift and then, say, I could rest for an hour or so, then during the day I could do other jobs. I am a good mender of shoes, and I would find a crowded place to sit and try to do that. Or maybe I could get a loan for my wife to mind a small business, like a shop selling a few things.

"The best thing is the reopening of the oil*. Actually, we don't benefit from that, but it will stabilize the situation. [Prices] shot up in the market [after the oil shutdown], and it was difficult to buy. There will be more jobs in private companies. In the past, people feared that it was close to war again and were not coming here. Now, maybe some more investors will come.

"The worst thing is land-grabbing. If you have a plot and you haven't developed it yet, someone can just come and take it from you. This happens a lot in Juba, but this also happened to me in Kajo Keji. The land belonged to my grandfather, and when he died, a neighbour to my left side came and squeezed me, then another neighbour on the other side, and people kept squeezing so that now I'm left with very little.

"I think that things will be better [in a year’s time]. If things normalize, if the land is peaceful and business can run, I think in a year's time things will be OK.

*South Sudan halted oil production in January, amid a row with Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94858/SOUTH-SUDAN-Briefing-life-without-oil ]. Paul spoke to IRIN after an early November announcement that production would resume. But on 20 November, it was announced the resumption had been delayed over a fresh disagreement with Sudan. 

hm/am/rz


Name: Kenyi Chaplain Paul

Age: 43

Location: Juba, although my family lives in Kajo Keji, near the border with Uganda

Does your spouse/partner live with you? No

What is your primary job? Daytime security guard 

What is your monthly salary? US$133 [at the unofficial rate of exchange]

What is your household's total income - including your partner’s salary, and any additional sources? Around $155, plus extra income from washing cars

How many people are living in your household - what is their relationship to you? Twelve in Kajo Keji: 10 children - aged 19 months to 18 years - one nephew cast out by my sister's new husband, and my wife. In Juba, I live with my brother-in-law and some relatives and friends.

How many are dependent on you/your partner’s income - what is their relationship to you? 13 family members.

How much do you spend each month on food? $22

What is your main staple - how much does it cost each month? Beans cost $4.40, maize flour is $4.40, salt is $1.10, sugar is $1.10, and oil $2.20 

How much do you spend on rent? My uncle has a plot in Juba where I stay rent-free. In Kajo Keji, the land belongs to the family, so there is no rent.

How much on transport? I don't spend on transport; I just walk. It is some distance to work. If I move very fast, it is one hour and ten minutes, but if I go slowly it is an hour and a half. Sometimes, if it is late, I get the bus to my house after walking 30 minutes; that costs 20 cents.

How much do you spend on educating your children each month? $66.60, but $111 in all is sent home.

After you have paid all your bills each month, how much is left? For my family, around $44 is left for soap, salt, sugar and maybe some fish for the family in Kajo Keji, where they cultivate sorghum and vegetables for subsistence purposes. I don't save money from this job, but I save money from the animals I rear at home when money is short. Every December, I sell piglets and can get around $133. Sometimes, I can sell some goats or some chickens, but sometimes they die. This money is used for Christmas time and to buy the children clothing. 

Have you or any member of the household been forced to skip meals or reduce portion sizes in the last three months? No

Have you been forced to borrow money or food in the last three months to cover basic household needs? Yes. My wife was ill, and I had to borrow money for the treatment and also for food as the yield was not good this year.

-----------------------------
For more Survivor stories, please visit our In-Depth Our Lives [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96695/98/ ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96866/SOUTH-SUDAN-Kenyi-Chaplain-Paul-Security-guard-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211221527510407t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Kenyi Chaplain Paul, 43, works as a security guard and occasional car-washer in Juba, the capital of the world’s newest state, South Sudan. His wife, 10 children and a nephew live about 100km away, in the town of Kajo Keji, near the Ugandan border.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Grace Taban Genova – Home-brewer, South Sudan</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211280901330264t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Grace Taban Genova, who thinks she is around 38, is searching for a job and land to cultivate. In the meantime, she sells home-made liquor brewed from kola-nut, sugar, yeast and water.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Grace Taban Genova, who thinks she is around 38, is searching for a job and land to cultivate. In the meantime, she sells home-made liquor brewed from kola-nut, sugar, yeast and water.

Genova’s family is originally from what is now South Sudan, but for years they lived near Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, where her husband was a civil servant. In 2009, she returned south, moving to Juba - now the capital of South Sudan - but her husband stayed behind. Their marriage fell apart after lost his job when the South seceded in 2011.

Genova says her husband knows where she and their four children are living, but he doesn’t send money.

"My financial situation is terrible. It's not stable and depends on the market: Sometimes I sell my home brew and sometimes I don't. Things are too bad.

"The sicknesses of the children, their lack of education and their feeding are my biggest problems. There's nothing I can do about it apart from the business of brewing.

"When we first came to Juba in 2009, we were in Nyakuron [on the outskirts of the city], and there was school there. Now there is none. In Sudan, they were going to school.

"There is nothing here that is good news, and the bad news is the same old thing - the kids not going to school and the sickness.

"It's not certain things will be better later. I wish the kids would go to school, have medication and food, and that there would be no problems.

"I wanted to build a good business, but what I have is not enough to grow it.

"South Sudan is not what I expected, but this is where I belong. There are more problems here than in the north, where life was a bit better, but there are none that can beat the fact that I am home."

hm/kr/rz


Name: Grace Taban Genova

Age: Around 38

Location: Outskirts of Juba, beyond Gudele West

Does your spouse/partner live with you? No, we are separated. I live with my two brothers and four children

What is your primary job? Home-brewer

What is your monthly salary? On average 120 South Sudanese pounds [US$40 at the official rate]. I tried looking for a job, but brewing is the only thing here. We used to be OK as my husband worked for the [Sudanese] government as a civil servant.

What is your household's total income - including your partner's salary, and any additional sources? It varies. I can make around 120 SSP [$40] a month, and when my brothers get casual labour work, usually in construction, they can bring home 300 SSP [$100] a month and sometimes 100 SSP [$33].

How many people are living in your household - what is their relationship to you? Seven people: me my four children [aged 13, 11, three and a half, and 11 months], and my two brothers.

How many are dependent on you/your partner's income - what is their relationship to you? All seven.

How much do you spend each month on food? 120 SSP [$40] will get me a big bag - around 20kg - of maize. Everything I make from the brewing, I spend on food and water as there is no water here - we have to buy it. I spend 10 SSP [$3.33] every two days for water. I spend 300 SSP [$100] on sugar every 15 days to make the brew.

What is your main staple - how much does it cost each month? I spend my money on maize to make posho [porridge], and if there is anything extra coming in I buy kale and some beans. I can't estimate costs because what I get I spend. There are those months that are too difficult and I go without anything.

How much do you spend on rent? The place belongs to relatives, and they said we can stay here without paying.

How much on transport? I go to town maybe three or four times a week [to buy food and brewing ingredients], and it costs me 6 SSP [$2] there and back.

How much do you spend on educating your children each month? For two years they have not had school. There is no money to pay for it.

After you have paid all your bills each month, how much is left? Nothing, absolutely nothing.

Have you or any member of the household been forced to skip meals or reduce portion sizes in the last three months? Usually we have one meal a day. It is lunch and no dinner, or dinner and no lunch. There is no breakfast. Sometimes we go hungry and we have nothing to eat.

Have you been forced to borrow money or food in the last three months to cover basic household needs? In the last three months, I don't know. Sometimes I borrow to buy drugs for the kids. But the baby, Emmanuel, has been ill with diarrhoea for three days, and there’s no money and no one can lend it to me. What can I do? I want someone to invest in my business so that I can make things better.

-----------------------------
For more Survivor stories, please visit our In-Depth Our Lives [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96695/98/ ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96961/SOUTH-SUDAN-Grace-Taban-Genova-Home-brewer-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211280901330264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - Grace Taban Genova, who thinks she is around 38, is searching for a job and land to cultivate. In the meantime, she sells home-made liquor brewed from kola-nut, sugar, yeast and water.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Women and children bear brunt of Jonglei violence</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201230959010833t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - Women and children are increasingly being caught up in violent attacks related to cattle rustling and inter-communal rivalries in South Sudan’s Jonglei State, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - Women and children are increasingly being caught up in violent attacks related to cattle rustling and inter-communal rivalries in South Sudan’s Jonglei State, say officials.

“We know that Jonglei has a history of being a violent state, but primarily we are seeing an increase in women and children being caught up in it,” said Chris Lockyear, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) operational manager.

Women and children

MSF has released a new report, South Sudan’s Hidden Crisis [ http://www.msf.org/shadomx/apps/fms/fmsdownload.cfm?file_uuid=BCFAC1AA-BFF1-4905-9E10-1A86F87E6E02&siteName=msf ], highlighting insecurity in the area. It is based on medical data from the organization’s six health centres in Jonglei and over 100 testimonies from patients and staff taken between January and September.

One patient, a 55-year-old woman, told MSF: “On the day of the attack… they set [huts] on fire and threw children in the fire. I collected the children to run away but, because I am old, I cannot run fast and they killed the children... If the child can run, they will shoot them with the gun. If they are small and cannot run, they will kill them with a knife.”

(In line with MSF policy, the report did not identify the perpetrators of these attacks.)

South Sudan gained independence in July 2011, after decades of war with Sudan. During the conflict, Sudan pitted communities in the south against each other, even arming them. The legacy of this violence continues, with South Sudan accusing Sudan of backing rebel militias in the south.

Jonglei has recorded at least 302 attacks between January 2011 and September 2012; over 200,000 people were displaced and 2,500 were killed, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). These represented 43 percent of all attacks in the world’s newest nation [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95826/Briefing-South-Sudan-one-year-on-from-independence ].

Women and children now bear the brunt of this violence. 

“The introduction of small arms and the decades of brutality have changed the dynamic… The men carrying out these attacks view anyone as a viable target - including women and children. Indeed, the cycle of revenge has now spiraled to the extent that the attackers regard the killing or abduction of women and children as a necessary method of revenge,” Lydia Stone, an advisor to South Sudan’s Ministry of Gender, Child and Social Welfare, told IRIN.

Sexual violence is also emerging as a new dynamic in Jonglei’s Pibor County, said Stefano Zannini, head of MSF in South Sudan. “Since 2005, in the area of Pibor, MSF never treated - had never seen - any cases of rape. And if you look, for example, at 2012, we have received 26 cases of sexual violence.” He added that 74 percent of violence survivors in Pibor treated by MSF were women and children.

Militia

Jonglei witnessed large-scale massacres in January of this year [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94706/SOUTH-SUDAN-Moving-beyond-violence-in-Jonglei ] when up to 8,000 youths led by the Lou Nuer ethnic group marched on Pibor, home to the Murle, a rival minority ethnic group.

At least 600 people died, according to UN estimates, with local officials putting fatalities at over 3,000. An October report [ http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/issue-briefs/HSBA-IB21-Inter-tribal_violence_in_Jonglei.pdf ] by Geneva-based think-tank Small Arms Survey (SAS) weighed up both tallies and estimated 1,000 deaths of “mostly Murle women and children.”

The violence is being fomented, at least in part, by South Sudanese officials. “Local and national-level politicians have manipulated the conflict for personal and political gain, while Jonglei-based militia groups have provided weapons to tribal fighters to further their own agendas,” noted SAS.

Attempts to pacify Jonglei have been undermined by the emergence of a new rebel threat - a militia under David Yau Yau - and a stalled disarmament effort. Yau Yau, a Murle, had been granted a presidential amnesty and given a job as an army general, but he gave up the post to resume fighting in April.

Murle mistrust of government forces has been fuelled by the misappropriation of aid meant for those affected by the Pibor massacres. “SPLA [Sudan People's Liberation Army] officers reportedly have stolen cattle and food aid that was delivered to communities after the December and January attacks,” the SAS report said, noting that Yau Yau’s revolt reflects “Murle discontent and general insecurity in Pibor county”.

Disarmament

By late October, the army was forced to halt its disarmament efforts in Pibor. “The reason for suspension is the existence of [the] David Yau Yau militia group in the area,” Maj General Butrous Bol Bol, who commanded the disarmament operation at the time, told the Sudan Tribune.

An August Human Rights Watch statement [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/23/south-sudan-end-abuses-disarmament-forces-jonglei ] reported a string of alleged abuses against civilians, mainly in Pibor County, during the disarmament operation. The abuses included rape, torture and beatings by government forces.

But outside Pibor, the seven-month disarmament [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94978/Analysis-Disarmament-jitters-in-South-Sudan-s-Jonglei-state ] process was largely successful, according to South Sudan analyst John Ashworth, who said people “are very supportive of disarmament.” Ashworth says May peace talks between warring communities, a reshuffle of army commanders, and talks with 50 youth leaders have also helped calmed tensions.

“Life is getting better in Jonglei, and there was less violence after the peace agreement and a lot of hope that it will work,” he said. “In May, you even had community leaders saying to the SPLA: ‘If you find one of my youths with a gun and he won’t give it up, then shoot him’,” he added.

But according to the SAS report, since 2005, disarmament campaigns in Jonglei “have yet to show any durable effectiveness… The weapons that continue to flow into Jonglei to Yau Yau’s forces have prompted Lou Nuer youths to begin arming to protect against newly armed Murle. As in years past, the cycle of disarmament and rearmament persists”. 

Armed groups are also becoming increasingly sophisticated; reports indicate Lou Nuer groups are carrying satellite phones, rocket-propelled grenades and sub-machine guns.

More violence to come?

Because of the violence, only a few aid agencies are working in Jonglei. Most international staff have been evacuated from Pibor, and national staff members risk being caught up in the conflict. The NGO Plan International reports that on 29 October, a former community worker with Plan South Sudan was abducted and later killed by his captors in Pibor.

MSF is concerned the situation in Jonglei could worsen. “The dry season is now upon us, making movement around the area possible again, and we fear a further spike in violence, injury and displacement,” said MSF’s Lockyear.

On 18 November, the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) received a threatening letter allegedly signed by Yau Yau, ordering peacekeepers to withdraw within 24 hours and to stop assisting the SPLA. “It started with 50 soldiers of the militia entering into UNMISS’s compound and requesting UNMISS leave immediately,” said a South Sudan military spokesman. 

One South Sudan expert, who preferred anonymity, said UNMISS should “prioritize Jonglei, and put all their troops there… They need to reinforce troops and be seen as more of a deterrent.”

The SPLA needs to be seen to be providing security, said Ashworth. “As long as the army is willing to control the situation, the people will allow them to do it,” he said.

But a government counter-insurgency would “likely to lead to displacement on a very large scale, civilians being caught in fighting and prevented from accessing basic services or continuing their daily activities that are key to their livelihoods,” an aid worker said.

“If the SPLA choose to do a dry season offensive, the potential impact could be twofold: One, atrocities, and [the] potential downside that civilian communities will be affected and displaced with potentially more human rights abuses. The second is that if they fail to neutralize a militia, then reputation and morale is affected,” said Richard Rands, a security analyst who has trained the SPLA.

UNMISS is more optimistic: “The dry season of 2012 was less violent than the dry season of 2011, so I’m hoping that trend continues,” said Toby Lanzer, the Humanitarian Coordinator and the UN Secretary-General’s Deputy Special Representative at UNMISS. 

“We know that Jonglei is the hotspot in the Republic of South Sudan, but it’s not all of Jonglei. It’s a couple of the counties there, and we’re following events on the ground very closely,” he said.

The UN has launched an appeal for US$1.16 billion in aid for South Sudan in 2013. “One of the reasons why we were the first country in the world this year to issue our humanitarian appeal for 2013 is precisely because we need to get ready in case the worst occurs,” Lanzer said.

hm/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96972/SOUTH-SUDAN-Women-and-children-bear-brunt-of-Jonglei-violence</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201230959010833t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - Women and children are increasingly being caught up in violent attacks related to cattle rustling and inter-communal rivalries in South Sudan’s Jonglei State, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Landmine casualty rate dropping</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2012/ ].

The report was launched ahead of the 12th Meeting of State Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty (MBT), which will take place on 3 December in Geneva. 

The report announced that mines and explosive remnants of war had caused 4,286 casualties worldwide in 2011, the year under review. In 2011, three states - Israel, Libya and Myanmar, none of them party to the MBT - used antipersonnel mines. The use of the weapon by armed groups and militias was seen in six countries in 2011 - Afghanistan, Colombia, Myanmar, Pakistan, Thailand and Yemen - an increase over the previous year, in which the landmines use by armed groups was recorded in only four countries. 

Thus far in 2012, the only state known to use antipersonnel mines has been Syria, another non-MBT signatory. 

Fewer are factory-made 

Mark Hiznay, a senior researcher in the arms division at Human Rights Watch, told IRIN, “It is of course a concern that non-state armed groups (NSAG) continue to use the weapon as well as victim-activated improvised explosive devices, which function in the same way. 

“This last point is subtle, but important, wherein we are seeing many, many fewer factory-produced mines in circulation and more and more improvised or craft mines in use,” he said. 

The LCMM said in a statement, “Active production of antipersonnel mines may be ongoing in as few as four countries: India, Myanmar, Pakistan and South Korea,” although there has been no recorded export of these weapons in recent years. 

Eight countries - China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Singapore, the US and Vietnam - reserve the right to produce antipersonnel mines. 

Hiznay said the “continued naming and shaming is the primary vehicle where the stigma can be applied. India, Pakistan and South Korea each have some form of export moratorium on antipersonnel mines, so at least the proliferation aspect of their continued production is contained. It would be good to get Myanmar to start taking steps in this direction.” 

Non-state actors 

Armed groups are excluded from the MBT. But Swiss-based NGO Geneva Call, which engages armed groups to abide by humanitarian law during conflicts, works to get non-state actors to sign a “Deeds of Commitment”, such as abandoning the use of antipersonnel mines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87608/CONFLICT-Campaigners-target-landmine-use-by-non-state-actors ].

Since 2000, Geneva Call has reached agreements with 42 armed groups banning antipersonnel mine use. Katherine Kramer, Geneva Call’s programme director for landmines and other explosive devices, told IRIN that no armed-groups signatories to the Deed of Commitment were known to have reverted back to using the weapons [ http://www.genevacall.org/news/in-the-press/f-in-the-press/2001-2010/irrc-883-bongard-somer.pdf ].

Kramer said that armed groups see antipersonnel mines as cheap and effective weapons, which they believed to compliment the effectiveness of their smaller forces. The argument can be difficult to counter, so instead the NGO uses humanitarian reasons to convince armed groups to sign the Deed of Commitment. This tends to be more effective on armed groups working closer with affected populations during conflicts. 

There is an element of volatility to working with armed groups. Some may splinter while others might become governments, in which case they become eligible to sign the MBT. 

“There are currently 24 [Deed of Commitment armed group signatories] still active – [in] Burma/Myanmar, India, Iran, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Turkey, Western Sahara - although seven of the signatories from Somalia are in the process of integrating into the Federal State of Somalia,” she said [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96454/In-Brief-Somalia-joins-the-mine-ban-club ].

Mine contamination and clearance 

The LCMM said, “Some 59 states and six other areas were confirmed to be affected by landmines. A further 13 states have either suspected or residual mine contamination.” 

It noted that “steady decreases in annual casualty rates continued in some of the most mine-affected countries, such as Afghanistan and Cambodia, but these were offset by increases in countries with new or intensified conflicts, such as Libya, Pakistan, Sudan, South Sudan and Syria.” 

About 190sqkm of mined areas was cleared last year, and more than 325,000 antipersonnel mines and nearly 30,000 anti-vehicle mines were destroyed. “The largest total clearance of mined areas was achieved by programs in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia and Sri Lanka, which together accounted for more than 80 percent of recorded clearance,” the LCMM statement said. 

“An additional 233sqkm of former battle area was reportedly cleared in 2011, destroying in the process more than 830,000 items of unexploded or abandoned ordnance, as well as 55sqkm of cluster munition-contaminated areas, with the destruction of more than 52,000 unexploded submunitions,” the statement said. 

The mine action budget in 2011 was about US$662 million, the largest annual total to date. Hiznay said, “Much of the increase in support is coming from mine-affected states themselves - countries dedicating national resources to deal with their problem - which now accounts for about 30 percent of global funding. Croatia is good example of this.” 

The dirty thirty 

However, there were setbacks for victim assistance, the LCMM said. “Direct international support for victim assistance programmes through international mine action funding declined by $13.6 million, an almost 30 percent decrease from 2010.” 

But the “dirty thirty”, the moniker used for 36 states resisting membership of the mine ban club - including three permanent members of the UN Security Council; China, Russia and US  - is gradually being eroded. The Marshall Islands and Poland have recently signed, but have yet to ratify, the treaty. 

But the power of global consensus has had an influence on those left out in the cold. States “outside the ban treaty have taken intermediate steps that are in line with the norm set by the treaty, be it through policy reviews, like the US, extension of export moratoria, like Israel, destruction of stockpiles, like Vietnam and Russia, and the apparent cessation of use by Myanmar,” Hiznay said. 

“Some long term hold-outs have joined, namely Finland, and hopefully Poland will, too, by the end of this year. It is clear that the stigma against the use [of mines] is as strong as ever,” he said. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96927/SECURITY-Landmine-casualty-rate-dropping</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Getting healthcare to hard-to-reach areas</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207110833200555t.jpg" />]]>BOMA 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Decades of war and a lack of development have left a majority of South Sudan’s population without access to any form of healthcare, resulting in some of the world’s worst health indicators. In a country where only one in four people has access to medical facilities, virtually everyone qualifies as &quot;hard to reach&quot;, and those attempting to expand healthcare access face daunting challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[BOMA 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Decades of war and a lack of development have left a majority of South Sudan’s population without access to any form of healthcare, resulting in some of the world’s worst health indicators [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95900/SOUTH-SUDAN-The-biggest-threat-to-a-woman-s-life ]. In a country where only one in four people has access to medical facilities, virtually everyone qualifies as "hard to reach", and those attempting to expand healthcare access face daunting challenges.

In the isolated, mountainous Boma District, in Jonglei State, rains cut off vehicular transport for eight months of the year. The only way in is by foot or on a weekly UN flight that takes place only when the rains have let up enough to allow aircraft to land. 

"We are working in one of the most difficult environments in one of the most challenging countries in the world. Instead of expecting people to come to us, we reach out to them to give vaccinations, health education, primary health care and referrals," said Collins Kyererezi, health agency Merlin’s primary healthcare supervisor in Boma.

"The major challenge we are facing is logistics, because from April to December the rains set in and reduce accessibility, with virtually no road access to any of the locations we are serving outside of the town. Maintaining logistical support for the clinics is virtually impossible during the rains, so everything needs to be stockpiled in advance." 

Local health workers

Only one of the four primary health units Kyererezi supervises is less than a day's walk from the Merlin hospital in Boma. The Merlin clinic at the area of Labarap, for example, is three day’s distance away. Anyone requiring hospital treatment during the rains has to be carried on foot. 

Many in Boma are nomadic pastoralists, whose movements further complicate healthcare access. And security is major a concern. In Jonglei State, violent clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96285/SOUTH-SUDAN-Disarmament-and-rebellion-in-Jonglei ] between various ethnic groups is common. 

"For me personally, my greatest concern is supervising the clinics during the wet season due to inaccessibility and banditry - sometimes it is unsafe to walk without [an armed] escort," Kyererezi said. 

Merlin, the only healthcare provider in Boma, works with a team of home-based hygiene promoters who, in addition to providing the population with basic health education and first aid, screen children under age five for malnutrition and refer complex pregnancies to Boma's basic hospital. 

But low literacy rates in Boma make it difficult to recruit local staff, and qualified staff elsewhere in the country regard the area as a hardship duty station. To meet the gap, Merlin ‘mentors’ even those with rudimentary English-language skills, providing them with a two-week crash course in the integrated management of childhood illnesses, immunization services, and maternal and child healthcare, according to Kyererezi. 

This approach has seen about 75 percent of children under five in Boma being reached in routine house-to-house immunization campaigns, well above the national average of 37 percent. With village health workers able to screen for pregnancy complications, about 25 percent of deliveries now take place at Boma Hospital, an improvement over past rates. A 2012 report http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/facts-figures/south-sudan/womens-security/HSBA-threats-in-the-Home.pdf  entitled Women’s Security in South Sudan: Threats in the Home by Geneva-based think-tank Small Arms Survey (SAS)  states that 90 percent of women in South Sudan give birth away from formal medical facilities and without the help of professionally trained assistants.

Helping women

Sarah Kasoga, a doctor from Uganda who has been working in Boma for the past eight months, attributed some of the health problems in Boma to a lack of women's education and empowerment. Harmful traditional practices, such as early marriage, persist, resulting in underage pregnancies. Women are often required to obtain permission from their husbands before seeking healthcare.

"The problem is that illiteracy levels are so high, so many of our patients don't really understand about disease, and then if they do decide to seek treatment, the road network is so poor, with a lot of insecurity around, so it is very difficult for them to [access] healthcare,” she said. “Most patients only come to the hospital very late, after complications have set in, so we are generally dealing with more complicated cases that would have been easier to treat in their early stages."

Besides widespread malnutrition and pregnancy-related complications, other common illnesses in Boma include malaria, acute respiratory tract infections, acute watery diarrhoea, sexually transmitted infections, skin diseases and intestinal parasites, Kasoga said.

But the job is rewarding. The work “gives me the feeling that I am providing services to those who need them the most. I am the only doctor in a 150km radius, and I get immense satisfaction by delivering quality healthcare to the most vulnerable and marginalized groups in such an underserved area," she said.

pm/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96914/SOUTH-SUDAN-Getting-healthcare-to-hard-to-reach-areas</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207110833200555t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BOMA 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Decades of war and a lack of development have left a majority of South Sudan’s population without access to any form of healthcare, resulting in some of the world’s worst health indicators. In a country where only one in four people has access to medical facilities, virtually everyone qualifies as &quot;hard to reach&quot;, and those attempting to expand healthcare access face daunting challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Contraceptives give women the right to choose</title><pubDate>Wed, 14 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211141422380801t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cut off from development by five decades of civil war, South Sudan has the highest maternal mortality rate in the world and high levels of infant mortality and morbidity. Large families struggle to get by in the war-ravaged new nation.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cut off from development by five decades of civil war, South Sudan has the highest maternal mortality rate in the world and high levels of infant mortality and morbidity. Large families struggle to get by in the war-ravaged new nation.

With the help of aid agencies providing family planning services to bolster a fledgling healthcare system, women and families are starting to choose life for the first time.

At Gurei clinic on the outskirts of the capital, Juba, women crowd into a makeshift shelter set up to give talks on birth spacing and limiting. Shushing babies and quieting older children, women who never knew there was a way to control when they arrived are engrossed as health workers explain methods from condoms and pills to inter-uterine devices and hormone implants.

"Some women are just lucky - they don't get their periods and so they stop reproducing for a few years… but not me, I suffer from very quick reproduction," said 21-year-old Jennifer Yeno.

A new concept

She had the first of her three children when she was 15, much like 5 percent of girls that are already mothers by that age; 16 percent are married off early. In South Sudan, a 15-year-old girl is also more likely to die in childbirth than complete her education [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95900/SOUTH-SUDAN-The-biggest-threat-to-a-woman-s-life ]. 

Mother of five Lily Juwa Sisa says she had her first child at 13. She was married off early and had to drop out of school as her father died.

Worries that she will be again left destitute in a game where women are often treated as disposable pawns, she recently got a contraceptive implant.

"I lost my husband and so that's why I need this. I have a new husband and I am not sure whether he is ready to settle with me or not," she told IRIN. "He doesn't have enough money to have more children, but the little we have we can share," but only before her girls "have an education", so as not to be left dependent like her.

"Let me first see the future - that's why it's very important for me to choose," she added.

Sisa also worries that she could have complications after a difficult last birth of twins that required an emergency Cesarean section.

Yeno says she may want more children in the future, but for the next five years the hormonal implant in her arm will make sure her family can grow at a rate that she and her husband have the energy and money for.

"People who reproduce with the gaps between children, they are ever happy," she said. "When I go back to my place, whoever has the same system of reproducing quickly, I will tell her she is able to come here and get the same system I have."

The average woman in South Sudan has 6.7 children and the population is growing at 3 percent a year, with returnees also pouring in since a 2005 peace deal ended decades of civil war and a 2011 referendum secured independence.

Despite an abundance of aid to the new nation, hopes that improved education and health will bring down child and maternal mortality rates will take time to be realized.

Jude Omal, clinical officer for family planning NGO Marie Stopes International (MSI), which provides family planning services at clinics like Gurei, says a shortage of clinics and trained health professionals are major hindrances to women's access to family planning.

"There are some health facilities which don't provide the basic reproductive services like delivery," he said.

Health risks

At Gurei clinic, pregnant women pack the benches and floor outside the three-room clinic while doctors jostle for space to examine and consult mothers-to-be. Many will need to be referred to Juba's only, and also poorly staffed, public hospital, where three of the country's eight registered midwives work.

Data from 2008 suggests that over 2000 women die for every 100,000 births, and that even these figures could have been understated due to the remoteness of South Sudan and lack of records. 

"If you produce too much, you are more prone to birth-related complications because you will not get access to well-trained staff, so these family planning services are valuable to both communities and the government," said Omal.

MSI currently only runs three centres and does outreach work at clinics in South Sudan's three southern Equatoria states, where most of those returning from abroad, Khartoum and East Africa have settled. It hopes to expand its client base of roughly 3,000 northwards through word of mouth of satisfied customers.

In these more remote and conservative areas that rely almost wholly on subsistence farming and cattle keeping, harsher climates and lack of infrastructure have kept the outside world out. There, and in other rural parts of the Equatorias, the only methods communities are using are that men refrain from sex with their wives until a child is of walking age.

John Okech, a medical officer for NGO Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA), says birth spacing is important for South Sudanese women to prevent anaemia, a condition many die of during labour or through past-partum haemorrhaging.

"Some mothers when they want to deliver they die because of obstructed or prolonged labour," says mother of three Milka John, who was aware that having babies in quick succession was dangerous but never knew how to stop. "Women keep producing as many of them are not informed."

Often it is out of their control, in a male-dominated society where women have few rights over their lives.

John says she did not get permission before opting for a five-year implant as her policeman husband’s salary "can't take care of us at home".

“I didn't ask my husband, as he would refuse definitely. The husband would say, `Let her just continue delivering'. But I want to have some rest so I can be a bit healthier," she explained. "It's important as it will enable me to take care of the children, make sure they go to school and get an education."

"I want to take care of these three first, and if they grow well and the interest comes then I will produce," she added.

"Typically in South Sudan, where food is scarce, breastfeeding is vital to a baby's nutrition," said ADRA's Okech. "Without spacing the birth, the children will be getting malnutrition, not good feeding, as... [they] should be getting breastfeeding up until at least two years."

Economic hardship

But health risks aside, economic factors in South Sudan - one of the poorest countries in the world with no welfare system, high unemployment and high levels of insecurity - endanger the lives of women and children. South Sudan's economy has plummeted since the government decided in January to shut down oil production, cutting off 98 percent of its revenue.

Okech says many families are opting for birth control because they cannot afford to feed, clothe and educate more children.

"It helps the child and then it helps even the family - it helps them with the education and health of the children for economic reasons," he said. "The women complain mostly of their husbands, as the husbands actually don't allow for the women to take the family planning measures, so the women decide by themselves sometimes."

In a largely pastoralist country that prizes big families, men are slowly coming round to the idea that small families also have a value.

"Most mothers who prefer these methods, it is related to economics, because they realize that we are in a very challenging economic situation, where if you produce many children in this challenging environment you may not have the money to take care of the children, to feed them," said MSI's Omal. "And also some husbands, because they have challenges in terms of remuneration, the salary that they are getting... they want the right number of children that they can take care of."

Showdowns at outreach clinics between staff and angry husbands not consulted still occur, but health workers say that as awareness grows, they will fade.

"This service is voluntary. We don't force mothers, and we always encourage mothers who want to have this, to go and seek consent from their husbands," Omal added.

hm/kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96781/SOUTH-SUDAN-Contraceptives-give-women-the-right-to-choose</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211141422380801t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 14 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cut off from development by five decades of civil war, South Sudan has the highest maternal mortality rate in the world and high levels of infant mortality and morbidity. Large families struggle to get by in the war-ravaged new nation.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>