<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Somalia</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 13:30:38 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>SOMALIA: Mortality rates among world&apos;s highest in Somaliland</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006221322490248t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The self-declared Republic of Somaliland is grappling with high child and maternal mortality rates, malnutrition and inadequate medical personnel, health officials told IRIN. 
</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The self-declared Republic of Somaliland is grappling with high child and maternal mortality rates, malnutrition and inadequate medical personnel, health officials told IRIN.  

"Somaliland has one of the worst maternal mortality ratios in the world, estimated to be between 10,443 and 14,004 per 100,000 live births," said Ettie Higgins, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) field office in Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland.  

"The infant mortality rate is 73/1,000 while the under-five mortality [rate] is about 117/1,000. Fully immunized children represent a mere 5 percent. Environmental sanitation is highly challenged,” she said. 

"There are a little over 100 doctors in the country, both in the public and private sectors, and about the same number of registered midwives," Higgins explained. 

"Maternal mortality is the leading cause of death among women of reproductive age; it is caused mainly by haemorrhage, puerperal sepsis, eclampsia and obstructed labour," Higgins said, adding that women in Somaliland had a one in 15 risk of dying of maternal-related causes. 

Child mortality 

Abdillahi Abdi Yusuf, head of Somaliland's National Health Management and Information System (NHMIS) in the Ministry of Health, said acute respiratory infections accounted for 40 percent of child mortality in Somaliland, while acute watery diarrhoea and malnutrition accounted for another 40 percent. 

"Diseases that can be prevented through vaccination, such as polio, diphtheria, tetanus, TB, measles and whooping cough cause 20 percent of children's mortality in Somaliland," Yusuf said. 

According to NHMIS statistics, in 2011 “acute respiratory infections [excluding pneumonia] were the highest [cause of] morbidity in Somaliland's public health centres”. 

Other leading causes included “anaemia, urinary tract infections, watery diarrhoea, pneumonia, skin diseases, eye infections, trauma and burns, sexually transmitted infections and bloody diarrhoea”. 

According to a UNICEF/Ministry of Health Multi-Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), diarrhoea is the second-highest cause of morbidity and mortality in Somaliland due to poor sanitation and low rate of access to safe water supplies. 

"In Somaliland, only 42 percent of the population have access to latrines and 41 percent have access to safe water supplies,” the survey said. 

Yasin Nur Tani, a private doctor in Hargeisa, told IRIN: "I used to receive about 20 patients daily, complaining of different ailments; the most common disease is upper respiratory tract infections in all ages while skin disease is second and diarrhoea comes third. 

These are then followed by acute gastritis, intestinal parasites, gynaecological and obstetric diseases and other non-communicable diseases including hypertension and diabetes." 

Somaliland health authorities, in collaboration with international aid workers, conduct a weekly surveillance of communicable diseases and take action as soon as possible. 

"The Ministry's focus on the communicable diseases control programme identifies the control and the prevention of those diseases contributing to the highest burden of disease in the country; these include malaria, tuberculosis, diarrhoeal diseases, HIV/AIDS, meningitis and vaccine preventable diseases," a report [ http://www.emro.who.int/somalia/pdf/Epidemic%20Control-Disease%20tools-EN.pdf ] by the Health Ministry states.

maj/js/am/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94782</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006221322490248t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The self-declared Republic of Somaliland is grappling with high child and maternal mortality rates, malnutrition and inadequate medical personnel, health officials told IRIN. 
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: SGBV on rise in Hargeisa IDP camps</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202011314090053t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region. 

"Numbers of the displaced have increased in recent months, with many families coming to town to escape drought; lack of a police presence within the camps and inadequate lighting have contributed to the increase in some of these cases," Shukri Osman Said, an SGBV coordinator for an NGO, Comprehensive Community-Based Rehabilitation Somaliland (CCBRS), told IRIN at the Stadium IDP camp in Hargeisa.  

The Stadium IDP camp, home to an estimated 5,000 families (30,000 people), is one of several IDP camps in Hargeisa where humanitarian organizations such as CCBRS have ongoing programmes aimed at addressing SGBV among vulnerable communities. 

According to Said, CCBRS has been running the SGBV programme in the IDP camps since 2006 with funding from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. 

"On average, CCBRS handled between 15 and 20 cases of SGBV per month; however, we have noticed that the cases of domestic violence have increased dramatically; in 2011 alone, we had over 500 cases of domestic violence," Said told IRIN. 

"Our SGBV prevention programme has helped somewhat because the SGBV cases have started reducing; our concern is the rise in domestic violence, which is mostly due to men not coping well with economic hardship and ending up venting their frustration on their wives." 

The CCBRS programme, she said, had a component targeting those with physical disabilities and provided orthopaedic aids - such as wheelchairs - to some of the affected IDPs. SGBV coordinators from CCBRS also made home visits for physiotherapy sessions, provided counselling and psycho-social support and referred those requiring specialized treatment and/or legal aid to relevant institutions. 

"Most of the victims of SGBV are poor and cannot afford treatment in private hospitals; some cannot even afford the transport to public hospitals, so we help by referring them to the Sexual Assault Referral Centre in the main hospital in Hargeisa," Said told IRIN. 

"We also refer those requiring legal aid to organizations that help women seek justice." 

Hawo Yusuf, a member of the management committee at the Stadium IDP camp, said the committee supported SGBV survivors by helping them be accepted by society. 

"We help construct shelter for those in need of a place to stay, especially those who become pregnant; we help by tracking and [apprehending] the perpetrators, although our efforts are frustrated when these people are freed without being charged with any offence." 

Livelihood projects 

According to UNHCR Somaliland, Hargeisa is home to approximately 85,000 displaced people who have fled their homes mostly from south and central regions of Somalia, due to various reasons, including drought, limited livelihood opportunities and increased violence. 

"IDPs often live in difficult conditions, more often than not with limited access to basic facilities such as adequate healthcare, good shelter and clean water and sanitation amenities, ample security as well as employment opportunities," the agency said. 

"UNHCR engages IDPs in Hargeisa in various projects like solar lighting or animal husbandry that will equip them with the necessary skills to start up their own businesses and provide a better life for their families." 

CCBRS is implementing an income-generating project, funded by UNHCR, aimed at empowering woman in the IDP camps. Started in 2008, the project has helped transform the lives of the IDPs by providing them with better livelihoods. 

Fouzia Hassan, mother of eight and one of the beneficiaries, told IRIN: "All my children are now in school, thanks to the US$600 grant I received to boost my bread-making business. My business has expanded and I now make between 55 and 65 loaves a day, something I could not have dreamt of doing before the start of this project." 

Hassan said she can now take care of her family better: "I can meet their medical bills, I have built a latrine for the family's use and I have installed a water tank, this is now my home. It has changed my life and my family's." 

js-ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94775</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202011314090053t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Cases of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as well as domestic violence, are increasing in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, with social workers attributing the trend to hard economic times made worse by recent drought in the region.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Paying high price for military incursion</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO-NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Security, service delivery and economic activity in northeastern Kenya have deteriorated considerably since October 2011, when the country’s military forces deployed in neighbouring Somalia in an effort to eradicate the Al-Shabab militia, which has vowed to avenge the incursion.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO-NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Security, service delivery and economic activity in northeastern Kenya have deteriorated considerably since October 2011, when the country’s military forces deployed in neighbouring Somalia in an effort to eradicate the Al-Shabab militia, which has vowed to avenge the incursion. 

In December alone, at least 15 incidents involving grenades or improvised explosive devices (IEDs) occurred in the regions of Garissa, Wajir, Mandera and Dadaab, where some 463,000 people, mostly Somalis, are housed in the world’s largest refugee complex. (See box) 

In the latest incident on 11 January, at least two police officers and four civilians were killed in a raid at the Gerrile border post in Wajir area; other government officials were reported missing, presumably abducted. Al-Shabab said on its Twitter account that it carried out this attack. 

Several blogs reportedly associated with the group also said one of its units was responsible for killing a refugee leader in Dadaab in December because he helped the authorities to locate IEDs there. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94596 ] 

Confirming the Gerrile incident, the regional commissioner Wenslas Ongayo said an operation was under way to rescue the missing officials. 

One local government official in the northeast, who asked not to be identified, told IRIN the insecurity had restricted his duties. "As a senior civil servant and a supervisor, I am supposed to travel to remote parts of Mandera, some areas very close to the Somali border,” he said. 

"Since my life is important to me and my family, I no longer make any field trips since the Al-Shabab killed three government workers [there] two months ago." 

Aid affected 

An aid worker in Mandera, on the Somali border, said thousands of hungry families who relied on food aid had been affected by the withdrawal of relief agencies. 

"How can NGOs believe repeated pledges by the government that it will protect them, whereas almost a dozen of our officers in the police and army have been killed in attacks staged by Al-Shabab in Mandera this year alone?" asked the aid worker. 

The police commander in Northeastern Province, Leo Nyongesa, said security measures had been stepped up.  

"We are doing a lot; our forces have arrested many Al-Shabab fighters and agents and foiled a number of attacks," Nyongesa told IRIN. Nyongesa added that the spate of grenade attacks against security personnel would not deter Kenyan security forces in their quest to fight “terrorism”. 

"We shall endeavour to protect citizens, aid workers and aliens in our territory," he said in the provincial capital, Garissa, after the New Year’s Eve killing of several people in two pub attacks.  

The police force, he said, had also punished some officers after they were implicated in assisting criminals disguised as refugees.  

Heightened threat 

Hussein Omar, a local government official in Ijara, which also borders Somalia, said the council had lost revenue because the livestock trade had come to a stop in this largely pastoralist area. 

Food prices had also increased with local traders no longer able to import goods from Somalia. 

"Many traders have been forced to quit business after the border was closed," he told IRIN. An education official in Ijara said hundreds of pupils and their teachers had been affected following school closures. 

In addition, Kenyan authorities and foreign governments have warned of heightened threat of attack in the capital, Nairobi. 

In a travel warning, the British government said: “We believe that terrorists may be in the final stages of planning attacks. Attacks could be indiscriminate and target Kenyan institutions as well as places where expatriates and foreign travellers gather, such as hotels, shopping centres and beaches.” "

Before, our work was just to guard people’s belongings but that has changed because everybody is a potential terrorist," William Wanyama, a security guard in a 

Nairobi supermarket, told IRIN. At a bus-stop, Lydia Muema, who was waiting to travel out of the capital, said: 
"Nairobi is not Nairobi any more because the oncoming car could be carrying somebody who is planning to hurl a grenade at you. 

"Now, I try to avoid crowded places as much as I can. You are always in fear even when in a tall building." In 1998, the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam were bombed, killing 258 people. The attacks were claimed by Al-Qaeda, which has links to some elements of Al-Shabab. George Bwana, a supermarket manager, said customer numbers had dropped. 

"Many people believe the city centre is the place any terrorist would want to strike and now people prefer to shop closer to where they live," said Bwana. "If you talk to bar owners here in the city, they will tell you the same thing about a declining number of patrons in the evenings." 

na-ko-aw/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94641</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO-NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Security, service delivery and economic activity in northeastern Kenya have deteriorated considerably since October 2011, when the country’s military forces deployed in neighbouring Somalia in an effort to eradicate the Al-Shabab militia, which has vowed to avenge the incursion.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: UN Integration under the spotlight</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups. 

Neutrality, impartiality and independence are regarded as humanitarian principles, but are not the priorities of UN political or peacekeeping missions, and many humanitarian staff believe integration helps to erode them, hampering their ability to help people in need.

Given ongoing tensions between UN agencies, the UK’s Overseas Development Institute [ http://www.odi.org.uk/ ] and US-based public policy group The Stimson Center [ http://www.stimson.org/ ] have carried out an independent study [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=6205 ] exploring the impact of integration on humanitarian response, finding that the new coordination model has drawbacks and some surprising benefits.

Coordination, or the lack of it, became an issue in the 1990s, as UN peacekeepers, political missions and humanitarian agencies found themselves working side-by-side in conflict-affected countries. (See Box I) The report’s authors detail UN operations in three countries - Afghanistan, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - as they struggled to comply with a policy of greater integration in various forms. (See Box II). 

Afghanistan, Somalia and DRC

In all three countries a UN peacekeeping force was trying to stop armed groups threatening a peace process, while a UN political mission was trying to build capacity and support a recognized national government, and humanitarian agencies were trying to provide non-partisan help to all who needed it, regardless of their political affiliation. All three wings of the UN found it difficult when they were told to integrate their operations.

Although the information is presented anonymously, the rawness of interviewees’ emotions shines through the ODI/Stimson report. When it comes to engaging with non-state armed actors [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94095 ] researchers found no evidence that the UN barred contact with such groups, but in some cases individual UN mission leaders created obstacles to contact. In Somalia, where the UN political mission tried to discourage humanitarian agencies from engaging with the Al-Shabab militant group, the overall UN mission head at the time went so far as to say: “Those who claim neutrality can also be complicit. The Somali government needs support - moral and financial - and Somalis as well as the international community have an obligation to provide both.” 

Even where the local UN leadership accepted that the humanitarian agencies had to work with both sides in order to reach people in need, the relationship could be uncomfortable.

In DRC agencies could and did work in rebel controlled areas, but one interviewee told the authors: “It’s difficult to create a relationship with the FDLR [anti government forces] when MONUSCO [the UN peacekeeping force] is partnering with the Congolese army to hit them on the same day!”

One of the report’s authors, Alison Giffen from the Stimson Center, told IRIN they found the issue raised strong emotions among all stakeholders. “We found that despite quite a few reforms in the last five or six years, the debate remains very polarized,” she said. “The challenges and risks facing humanitarian actors are very considerable and this raises the stakes.”

Access and security

The report addresses the issue of whether a closer relationship with military and political operations puts aid workers in greater danger of attack. Encouragingly - and to the surprise of some - the authors concluded: “There is no evidence to suggest that attacks against humanitarian workers are more likely to occur in a UN integrated mission context.” Even in Afghanistan, they say, they could identify no case where there was a clear link between a security incident affecting an NGO and UN integration arrangements.

But Marit Glad of NGO Norwegian Refugee Council, who has written a paper on the implications of integration for the UN’s relationship with other NGOs [ http://www.nrc.no/arch/_img/9608308.pdf ] does not find this particularly reassuring.

"Tying a single incident to integration is very difficult,” she told IRIN. “In some cases, as many as 10-15 different factors could potentially have contributed to a security incident, and it is in many cases impossible to pin down one single reason which caused it.”

Afghanistan has posed some of the starkest dilemmas, with UN agency staff having to relocate to military bases belonging to the NATO-led ISAF force during major security incidents. Some NGOs then stopped coming to meetings in their offices, because they felt that being seen going to the bases would compromise them. Glad says: “Integration brings a clear risk of jeopardizing cooperation between the UN and the NGO community. You have to ask what the benefits are. Is forcing integration worth the risk?”

Pragmatism

In DRC things seem to have been less fraught; a good working relationship with MONUSCO brought benefits to both sides in terms of information sharing, and aid workers benefited from MONUSCO’s help with security and transport arrangements.

Even so, some humanitarian workers worried about the two sides’ different attitude to risk - the military’s only concern was safety, and they felt this tended to make the whole operation too risk-averse, hampering their ability to access populations in need.

Ross Mountain wore the “triple hat” as humanitarian and resident coordinator, and deputy representative of the Secretary-General in DRC. He says his way of working was to try to be pragmatic, and focus on the needs of the victims of the conflict. “There were problems of perception,” he told IRIN, “but we tried to minimize the downside. For instance, as the DSRSG [Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General], I was never personally directly involved in negotiations with rebel groups. We got OCHA [Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs] to do that directly.

“On the plus side, I was very concerned about civilian protection, and being inside the mission, I was able to work closely with the Force Commander, placing the military in areas where the humanitarians had identified concentrations of displaced people so that the peacekeepers’ presence dissuaded militias and other armed groups from attacking them.

“Over time I think integrated missions have become more concerned with the humanitarian dimension... Civilian protection eventually became the number one priority for the UN force in the Congo. What started off at the beginning as an add-on has become the raison d’être of peacekeeping missions.

While the report includes instances where humanitarian advocacy is undermined by integration, Mountain says in DRC in some cases it smoothed his advocacy role with the government. “When linked to the peacekeeping mission, one tended to be rather better listened to by those who didn’t always like what one was saying.”

Clearer guidance needed

The report says it found the reasons for more integration to be poorly understood, and the policy inconsistently implemented. On the whole the political/military side were happier with the outcomes than the humanitarian agencies, but the authors remark that the political/military wings of the mission often did not really understand humanitarian principles [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85752 ] or the imperative need for neutral humanitarian space in which to work.

Clearer guidance, they conclude, is needed from headquarters, including advice on how potential disagreements can be resolved, as well as better planning and training of staff before they take up their posts. And, says Giffen, “confidence-building really needs to happen across all stakeholders, for shared goals to be reached, but also for specific goals to be reached.”

For better or worse, integration is here to stay, and UN humanitarian agency heads understand they must try to make it work, if possible. As UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos said at the study launch: “Integration is a UN-mandated policy. Withdrawing from (it) is not an option… At the same time, we cannot allow integration to impede the effective provision of humanitarian assistance to people in need.” [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/humanitarian-issues-integrating-peacekeeping-and-humanitarian-work-%E2%80%93-how-mak ]

But form must follow function, stresses Mountain - with mission objectives leading the way: “You have to ask yourself, `Integration for what?’ It is vital to focus on what you are trying to do, and never to confuse the tools with the objective.”

eb/aj/bp/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94647</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: ICRC suspends aid deliveries</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - One of the few aid agencies excluded from a ban imposed by Al-Shabaab insurgents in Somalia has suspended food and seed distributions to 1.1m people in the south and centre of the country after local authorities repeatedly blocked its deliveries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - One of the few aid agencies excluded from a ban imposed by Al-Shabaab insurgents in Somalia has suspended food and seed distributions to 1.1m people in the south and centre of the country after local authorities repeatedly blocked its deliveries.

"The suspension will continue until we receive assurances from the authorities controlling those areas that distributions can take place unimpeded and reach all those in need, as previously agreed," said Patrick Vial, the head of the ICRC delegation for Somalia, in a statement released on 12 January. [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/news-release/2012/somalia-news-2011-01-12.htm ]

Without specifically mentioning Al Shabaab, which controls most of the region, the ICRC said deliveries intended for 240,000 people in the Middle Shabelle and Galgaduud had been blocked since mid-December 2011.

"We are actively seeking the cooperation of the local authorities to restore conditions that will allow the resumption of the suspended activities as soon as possible," Vial said.

Some three million people in southern and central Somalia are need of humanitarian assistance because of the combined effects of drought and conflict. Of these up to 250,000 still live in famine conditions, according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Meanwhile, the spokesman for the Kenyan Defence Forces (KDF), which launched operations against Al-Shabaab in Somalia in October, appealed for more humanitarian assistance to be provided to areas it had captured.

"We are calling on international organizations with the ability to provide humanitarian aid in areas under KDF/TFG [Transitional Federal Government of Somalia] control to do so," Maj Emmanuel Chirchir told IRIN.

Currently, Chirchir said, KDF/TFG and Ethiopian forces control parts of Gedo region and several supply routes in the south.

"The environment exists for aid work in areas and supply routes controlled by KDF/TFG because KDF/TFG can provide escort to aid workers; the aid agencies have to iron out with KDF/TFG ways and means of guaranteeing the security of aid workers," he said.

According to OCHA Somalia spokesman Russell Geekie, “Decisions about where humanitarians operate are based on need and the prevailing security situation so organizations are monitoring the situation closely." 

Another senior humanitarian official told IRIN: “"Aid agencies are continually reassessing security in Somalia and do operate wherever it is safe enough. But they generally avoid being associated with any armed group, to demonstrate their neutrality."

“We cannot eat security”

Haji Hiifow, a resident of the town of Buurgabo, 90km from the Kenyan border and which is under the control of combined Kenyan and TFG forces, said the area was still reeling from the effects of a prolonged drought and has not recovered yet, despite the recent rains.

Hiifow said area residents and internally displaced people (IDPs) who fled to Buurgabo from other towns were facing food shortages. He said that there was no aid agency operating in the area.

Although the town was relatively secure now, Hiifow said, "we cannot eat security; we need something to eat and medical help". 

Js/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94635</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - One of the few aid agencies excluded from a ban imposed by Al-Shabaab insurgents in Somalia has suspended food and seed distributions to 1.1m people in the south and centre of the country after local authorities repeatedly blocked its deliveries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Dadaab leaders flee after killings, threats*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 mostly Somali residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.

These deaths, and threats to other refugees, came after an agreement by refugee leaders to step up vigilance with patrols in Dadaab after roadside bombings. Police blamed the attacks on Al-Shabab, a Somali insurgent group, now being targeted by the Kenyan military in Somalia.

The police, one of whose officers was killed in the latest blast, on 19 December, believe Al-Shabab has established a presence in the complex. Some refugees told IRIN that police, during a robust response, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94528 ] had told them to hand over the “evil ones” living among them.

Police detained several people in two of Dadaab’s camps – Ifo and Hagadera - during the vigilance patrols.

A few days later, on 29 December unidentified gunmen shot dead Ahamed Mahmoud Mohamed, a community leader in Hagadera camp. Three days after that, another community leader was fatally shot in Ifo camp.

Both men played prominent roles in Community Peace and Security Teams (CPSTs), a kind of volunteer police service set up several years ago.

“These people were killed in the fight between Kenyan [police] forces and Al-Shabab,” one refugee leader told IRIN, asking not to be named.

“It is not safe any more to work as a leader during this critical situation. If you don’t work with the police the police will crack down, but if we cooperate, Al-Shabab will target us,” he said.

One inhabitant of Ifo camp, where residents last week handed over to police bomb-making equipment they had discovered, said: “We sleep with a lot of fear in the night, because we are afraid of being attacked by those who hid the explosives.” 

A youth leader from Dagahaley, another of Dadaab’s camps, said he left the complex after receiving “several threatening calls” and hearing about unfamiliar people searching for me in the [residential] blocks. 

“Since I was part of the community security team, I am very fearful for my life.” 

He said the caller had warned him, in Somali: “If you don’t stop what you are doing, we will come to where you are.”

“There is no protection in Dadaab, it is just [becoming] like Somalia. People are killed in broad daylight so I can’t risk my life there,” he added.

Threats

“There have been some people who have received threats who have been evacuated,” Lennart Hernander, Kenya representative of the Lutheran World Federation, an NGO that provides training for the CPSTs and is responsible for housing and security in Dadaab.

While these refugees had some position of responsibility in Dadaab, they were not all working with the CPSTs, he said.

“We don’t know why it happened and don’t want to speculate,” he said of the two killings.

The CPSTs “are extremely important in solving daily problems in the camps, such as domestic violence, arguments between refugees, queue jumping, all sorts of problems that occur”, Hernander told IRIN.

“They are especially important for the protection of women; they patrol the camps day and night. We are quite sure they prevent sexual abuse.

“We have to review the whole [CPST] system,” he said.

Insecurity in Dadaab has resulted in the humanitarian presence and response being limited to essential services only. General food distributions were briefly interrupted in late 2011, but resumed shortly before the New Year. 

“Now that the community leaders who played the role of aid workers are targeted, we will have no one to rely on. Delivery of services is turning very difficult. We are in a very bad situation,” said Hassan Bunow, a long-term resident of Ifo camp. 

All these factors, coupled with high food prices and good rains back home, have prompted some refugees to return to Somalia, according to Mohamud Jama, a community leader in Ifo camp.

“We know and have seen that many families who lived in Ifo 2 have gone back to their farms in southern Somalia. They had initially fled from famine but now there is rain. If you visit now, you will find very many empty tents,” he added, without giving details of numbers.

Police criticized

Several youths were detained on 5 January after community members reported bomb-making equipment found in Ifo camp. 

“They arrested our innocent children for no reason when we volunteered to cooperate with them. Now the whole village is in terror of the police. Other sections of the camp are afraid to give information [after seeing] how violent the police acted today,” said one resident.

Citizens’ Rights Watch, a lobby group, gave a damning account of the police response after it visited Dadaab recently, accusing the police of committing several gang rapes and looting and destroying property.

However, Kenya Police deputy spokesman Charles Owino Wahongo dismissed the allegations.

"Claims of police harassment of people in Dadaab or in northern Kenya in general are not sincere because nobody has ever reported to the police about these claims,” he told IRIN.

“If indeed there are cases of high-handedness by security agencies, including the police in their security operations in Dadaab, we are open to receive such complaints and deal with them within the law. Up to this point, we can’t talk much about them," he added.

mh/am/mw

*This is a revised version of a story first published earlier on 9 January

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94596</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HORN &amp; EASTERN AFRICA: Drought highlights in 2011</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Severe drought, exacerbated by poverty and conflict, hit at least four countries in 2011 - Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia - displacing hundreds of thousands of people.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Severe drought, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93426 ] exacerbated by poverty and conflict, hit at least four countries in 2011 - Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia - displacing hundreds of thousands of people. 
 
 Thousands in Somalia and Ethiopia [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94279 ] began the year by making the dangerous journey to Yemen. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91535 ] Others from these two countries headed for South Africa [ http://www.irinnews.org/printreport.aspx?reportid=93403 ] where they faced arrest, deportation and detention. 
 
 Among other innovations, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93633 ] the humanitarian response in drought-affected countries across the Horn saw an escalation in the use of cash transfers. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94396 ] 
 
 As the magnitude of the drought crisis gained international attention, familiar laments emerged [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93337 ] about the failure to heed warnings issued months earlier [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91666 ] and learn from previous famines by building resilience to inevitable weather shocks. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93337 ] 
 
 Somalia 
 
 The drought was especially hard in Somalia, with the UN declaring a famine in some regions of south-central Somalia. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93280 ] Drought and insecurity forced hundreds of thousands to flee [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93564 ] to neighbouring Kenya, swelling the number of people in the congested Dadaab refugee complex, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93332 ] which for many residents, has been “home” for most of their lives. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93906 ] 
 
 Meanwhile, relief efforts inside Somalia were thrown into jeopardy by the banning of several agencies by the Al-Shabab insurgency [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94321 ] as well as by frequent looting at distribution centres [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94222 ] and also Kenya’s military intervention, aimed at neutralizing the insurgents. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94018 ] US anti-terror legislation has also placed hurdles in the way of aid agencies. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93887 ] 
 
 After visiting Mogadishu on 9 December, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said: "On the humanitarian front, UN agencies and NGOs have done outstanding work. Their collective efforts have saved thousands of lives since famine was declared in July. But the situation - particularly in central and southern Somalia - remains dire. Four million people are in crisis; 250,000 people face famine." 
 
 At the end of 2011 it was rain [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94204 ] which cut off those in need in Somalia. Increased insecurity in northern Kenya saw a police crackdown [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94528 ] on Somali refugees in northern Kenya. 
 
 Kenya 
 
 The year started with calls for action to mitigate the effects of recurrent drought [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91666 ] amid warnings that livestock deaths in northern Kenya could increase as the drought worsened. [ http://irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91555 ] When the drought became serious later in the year, farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93540 ] as well as ordinary Kenyans came together to raise funds for the hungry in an unprecedented campaign, Kenyans4Kenya. [ http://www.kenyans4kenya.co.ke/ ] 
 
 The drought had a largely overlooked knock-on effect on food prices in poor urban areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93551 ] and led to an escalation of conflict in some pastoralist areas. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93363 ] 
 
 October saw floods which displaced thousands and rendered parts of the country inaccessible due to washed away bridges and impassable roads. At the end of the year the floods were affecting more than 100,000 people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94479 ] and undermining food security recovery. 
 
 Ethiopia 
 
 Food shortages, as a result of poor rains, were experienced in early 2011 in the Oromiya and Somali regions, prompting the government and its international partners to appeal for US$226.5 million [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91865 ] in relief aid for almost three million people. In May, food and non-food aid started arriving. 
 
 A cash transfer programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93641 ] was launched in September to help reach some of the most vulnerable people in Tigray, one of Ethiopia's most food insecure regions. The pilot scheme transfers cash to those least able to earn money. 
 
 Djibouti 
 
 Lack of adequate preparedness to cope with drought was one of the issues highlighted by President Ismail Omar Guelleh in an interview with IRIN on 27 January. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91804 ] "The problem in our region is that we don’t plan properly for what we know is coming. Four months ago, we had a lot of rain. Four months later, we are dying of starvation and lack of water," he said. 
 
 In August, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) [ http://ochaonline.un.org/CERFaroundtheWorld/Djibouti2011/tabid/7395/language/en-US/Default.aspx ] made a US$3.2 million allocation to UN agencies to help avert an acute crisis caused by the drought. 
 
 Drought and poverty prompted thousands to make the hazardous journey to Yemen, [ http://newsite.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94210 ] with the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, estimating that at least 60,000 migrants had arrived in Yemen between January and August 2011, double the number that had arrived during the same period in 2010. 
 
 js/am/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94567</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Severe drought, exacerbated by poverty and conflict, hit at least four countries in 2011 - Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia - displacing hundreds of thousands of people.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: US bank move highlights importance of remittances</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - The welfare of hundreds of thousands of Somalis who depend on financial assistance from the diaspora is at risk following a decision by a US bank to close down accounts of Somali money transfer companies in the state of Minnesota by 30 December, according to local and international sources.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - The welfare of hundreds of thousands of Somalis who depend on financial assistance from the diaspora is at risk following a decision by a US bank to close down accounts of Somali money transfer companies in the state of Minnesota by 30 December, according to local and international sources. 

Somalis, both in Somalia and in the diaspora, have reacted with dismay at the move by Sunrise Community Bank, arguing that money transfer companies are a lifeline to millions of Somalis who depend on remittances for their livelihoods. 

"After suffering conflict and famine, cutting off the only lifeline left for Somalis is tantamount to a death sentence for [many] Somalis," Ilmi Gedi, head of Qaran money transfer company (one of the largest in Somalia), told IRIN. "If the closure goes ahead, it will not only hit those whose families used to get money but also drought- and famine-displaced people supported by other Somalis." 

Laura Hammond, a senior lecturer at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, said the problem was serious with regards to Minneapolis (the largest city in Minnesota and home to an estimated 60,000-80,000 ethnic Somalis) but potentially not critical to remittance-sending from the rest of the USA. 

However, Hammond said, if other US banks follow suit and close their doors to Somali money transfer companies, the situation would be very serious. 

"The diaspora is one of the main lifelines to [people in] the famine areas and their support is more effective than that of most aid agencies because they are able to deliver funds to precisely where they are needed almost instantly," she said adding: "Aid agencies have technical expertise, but when it comes to getting money to where it's needed quickly they can't begin to compete with the diaspora. 

"One of the cruel ironies of this famine is that the worst-affected areas are also those most conflict-prone, so funding is vital to precisely the areas that make banks nervous." 

Big impact 

It is estimated that US$1.3-2 billion per year is remitted to Somalia from around the world, Hammond said. 

"In a `normal’ year, probably 10 percent of that goes towards `collective contributions’ - relief and development. In an emergency year, the amount of remittances goes up - by how much, we don't know - both to individual recipients and to community-based relief for internally displaced camps, feeding centres, etc," she said. 

The impact of such a closure will be felt the most inside Somalia, where the UN estimates four million are in need of assistance - three million of them in southern Somalia, with 250,000 in famine affected areas at risk of starvation. 

Madino Ji'ale Farah, a 65-year-old grandmother and resident of Mogadishu, told IRIN she and 13 members of her extended family were living on the $200 a month that one of her children sends regularly. 

"We have no other income except our monthly bill from my daughter. We survive on this money and if it stops we have no other means," Jama said. "We would be forced to either go to the camps [for refugees and displaced people] or beg." 

She said her daughter had warned her that she may not be able to send money next month. 

Abdisalam Abdinur, 55, a father of five, depends on the $200 his 21-year-old son sends from Minneapolis. "If it stops we will have nothing else to live on." 

Abdinur told IRIN stopping money transfers will make most Somalis depend on food handouts. "We already have too many waiting for food handouts. Why add to it? It is very cruel. Maybe they want us all to beg." 

In a statement on 27 December, the Somali American Money Services Association (SAMSA) said it was concerned by Sunrise Community Bank's decision to close their accounts. It is estimated that in an average year, over US$100 million is transferred to Somalia through SAMSA from the USA. 

Aid workers worried 

On 23 December, Oxfam America and the American Refugee Committee (ARC) issued a statement decrying the move by Sunrise Bank. 

"This is the worst time for this service to stop. Any gaps with remittance flows in the middle of the famine could be disastrous,” Shannon Scribner, Oxfam America’s humanitarian policy manager, said in the statement. 

She called on the US government to give the bank assurances “that there will be no legal ramifications of providing this service to Somalis in need”. 

Ken Menkhaus, Somalia expert and associate professor at Davidson College, North Carolina, was quoted as saying: “The 2011 famine in Somalia would have been far worse had it not been for the extraordinary mobilization of remittances sent by the Somali diaspora to both their extended families and to local charities - and all those remittances were sent through the `hawala’ system.” 

SAMSA said money transfer operators were by far the main facilitators of aid and development funds for Somalia. “In addition to the needy Somalis, the Somali government, international NGOs, the UN and USAID [US Agency for International Development] use remittance operators to conduct their operations in Somalia.” 

SAMSA said its members were fully compliant with all applicable state and federal laws and regulations, including all relevant provisions of the Bank Secrecy Act and the US Patriot Act. 

ah/am/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94551</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - The welfare of hundreds of thousands of Somalis who depend on financial assistance from the diaspora is at risk following a decision by a US bank to close down accounts of Somali money transfer companies in the state of Minnesota by 30 December, according to local and international sources.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Rape on the rise amid &quot;climate of fear&quot; in Mogadishu IDP camps</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - The number of reported rapes in camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Mogadishu, the Somali capital, has risen sharply, creating &quot;a climate of fear&quot;, according to a civil society source.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - The number of reported rapes in camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Mogadishu, the Somali capital, has risen sharply, creating "a climate of fear", according to a civil society source. 
 
 "We have had the problem of rape in the city but what we are witnessing now is on a scale never seen before," said Mama Hawo Haji, a women's rights activist. "For instance, in the last two days alone, we have taken 32 rape cases to the hospital; in the past four months we recorded 80 cases."
 
 The numbers could be higher, Haji said, as many women do not report rape, fearing that the perpetrators could return to hurt them.
 
 "In many cases, the perpetrators are government security forces who are supposed to protect the women; this has led to a climate of fear in the camps," she said.
 
 Haji said one of the reasons for the surge in rape cases was the fact that there were many more IDPs without protection in the city - "be it protection from the clan or the government".
 
 Mohamed Moge, a human rights activist, told IRIN the government was not in control of its own security forces. "The TFG [Transitional Federal Government] does not really have complete control over those it claims are its forces."
 
 He said the disorganization within the ranks of the TFG was "a big contributing factor to the overall insecurity, not only rape".
 
 A civil society activist, who requested anonymity, told IRIN that in Badbaado, one of the largest camps in the city, a baby was killed few days ago when men jumped over a fence in an attempt to rape the women. "One of them landed on the baby, who died instantly."
 
 Many of the IDPs fled their homes for Mogadishu because of drought and famine and violence in the south and central parts of the country in search of food and safety. 
 
 Jooqey* arrived in Mogadishu in June seeking food for her family. In November, men in uniform attacked the IDP camp she was in and looted her food rations before raping her.
 
 "I had received the food that afternoon and they knew it; they took my food and honour," she said. "I want to go back home as soon as I can. I know who some of them are and cannot do anything."
 
 Jooqey said she was afraid to report the rapists to anyone. "I don’t want to suffer again."
 
 Roar Bakke Sorensen, communications specialist with the UN Population Fund, told IRIN: "UNFPA is extremely worried about these allegations we hear almost daily now from Mogadishu. We are scaling up our activities... Last month we trained staff in the newly developed information management system, which is a tool that we use to collect and analyze data, so that we can target our response and give the survivors adequate assistance according to their human rights."
 
 Protection proposal
 
 Abdullahi Shirwa, head of Somalia's National Disaster Management Agency, told IRIN his organization had forwarded a proposal to the cabinet to protect all IDPs.
 
 "We proposed the creation of a special unit to protect the camps; we also proposed that any member of security forces or outside who rapes should be arrested and charged quickly and given tough sentences," Shirwa said.
 
 He said his agency was waiting for the cabinet to act on the proposal - "I hope we will get a positive response soon." 
 
 However, Haji said rape was on increase yet the government was not addressing it and "giving the attention it deserves. They [government] seem busy fighting each other instead of protecting the public."
 
 She said women's groups were raising awareness of the issue and would continue to do so "until someone listens to us. We will continue shouting from the rooftops until rape stops." 
 
 Calling on Somali men to join women in stopping the menace, Haji said: "I want all Somali men to remember that their mother is a woman, their daughter is a woman, their sister is a woman and their wife is a woman. How would they feel if any of them was raped? I want them to feel angry whenever a woman is raped."
 
 ah/js/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94520</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - The number of reported rapes in camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Mogadishu, the Somali capital, has risen sharply, creating &quot;a climate of fear&quot;, according to a civil society source.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Refugees injured in Dadaab crackdown</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221413360686t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Dozens of refugees have been injured in a security operation by police in the Dadaab refugee camps, northeastern Kenya, following six explosions since early November, one of which killed a policeman on 19 December.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Dozens of refugees have been injured in a security operation by police in the Dadaab refugee camps, northeastern Kenya, following six explosions since early November, one of which killed a policeman on 19 December. 
 
 “We are being told to surrender the Al-Shabab-linked persons carrying out the attacks, yet... the police, who we expect to protect us, are instead proving dangerous to our lives," Isnino Ali Rage, chairman of the Dadaab refugee community, told IRIN on 21 December. 
 
 Camp residents said the police arrested dozens of refugees and beat up others in the operation, which started in the afternoon of 20 December and extended into most of the next day. Residents said the police were looking for explosives. 
 
 In Nairobi, police spokesman Eric Kiraithe told IRIN on 22 December that the objective of the operation was to weed out criminal elements in the camps "masquerading as people in need". 
 
 "Nobody will create a safe haven for kidnappers, killers and makers of explosives; the operation will continue to ensure the camps are secure for the refugees, aid workers and police officers there," Kiraithe said. 
 
 He said people linked to Somalia's insurgent group Al-Shabab were using Dadaab, which holds some 460,000 refugees, to plan attacks. 
 
 "Such people hide in these camps, enjoying relief assistance while planning attacks; the last three explosions in the area have targeted the police," Kiraithe said. "The role of the police is to protect the refugees but if people among the refugees are targeting the police, then we must act. In the past, allegations of extortion and rape were made against the police; we have learnt that this was meant to curtail our policing activities and allow those planning attacks to do so; that is why we are subjecting them to intensive policing. We want to weed out the criminal elements among them.” 
 
 Regarding claims that the police used excessive force, Kiraithe said any professional misconduct by officers would be investigated. 
 
 He said at least 90 police officers had been recently deployed in Dadaab "but we are increasing the numbers depending on the security needs on the ground". 
 
 The explosion in which the policeman was killed and several others injured took place in Hagadera camp. The second explosion on 20 December occurred in the main market of Ifo camp and targeted a police vehicle, which narrowly escaped destruction. 
 
 The refugees said the operation began soon after the Ifo market explosion, with officers breaking down doors to shops and houses in search of weapons and explosives. Business people reported heavy losses. 
 
 "Almost all my property was destroyed, the computer and the big refrigerator; I am also missing hundreds of thousands of Kenyan shillings,” Ali Deck, 25, a refugee and businessman in Ifo camp, told IRIN. "There are no banks in Dadaab, we keep all our money in our shops." 
 
 Few refugees ventured out of their tents during the operation. Those who tried to take food to those who had been arrested earlier were also detained. The injured could not access hospitals. Health and aid workers stayed indoors, local residents said. 
 
 Aden Hassan, 75, a resident of Ifo's Section C18, told IRIN his son was badly beaten up. "My son is mentally handicapped; he ran into the house when the police jumped over the fence but they pulled him outside and beat him mercilessly, they left him bleeding." 
 
 The operation ended after a group of community leaders went to the local police station and held discussions with the officer in charge. One of the elders said the officer told them the operation would continue until the refugees surrendered the "evil ones" living among them. 
 
 "There is nowhere to run; on one side, we are threatened by the fear of the unknown Al-Shabab, who are said to be in the camps, and on the other side we are being harassed by the police," Mama Nahwo Sirat, one of the elders at the police station, said. "I pray to God that we find a way out of this bad situation." 
 
 UNHCR spokesperson Emmanuel Nyabera told IRIN on 21 December the agency was committed to ensuring Dadaab's civilian character was maintained. 
 
 "We are concerned about security in Dadaab; and we are working with the government to ensure that we have access to the refugees," he said. 
 
 After the recent explosions, aid worker movements and services have been restricted. 
 
 mh-js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94528</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221413360686t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Dozens of refugees have been injured in a security operation by police in the Dadaab refugee camps, northeastern Kenya, following six explosions since early November, one of which killed a policeman on 19 December.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Kismayo IDPs face hunger, drug shortages</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101171201470067t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - The plight of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Somalia&apos;s southern port city of Kismayo, controlled by Al-Shabab insurgents, has deteriorated, with thousands facing a food crisis after supply routes were blocked, and drug shortages as patient numbers increase, locals said.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - The plight of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Somalia's southern port city of Kismayo, controlled by Al-Shabab insurgents, has deteriorated, with thousands facing a food crisis after supply routes were blocked, and drug shortages as patient numbers increase, locals said.
 
 "We are extremely concerned about what is happening in Kismayo; Al-Shabab has blocked any attempt to bring supplies by road while the bombing of the airport and the near-closure of the port has contributed to the severe shortage of food in the city," Abdullahi Shirwa, head of Somalia's National Disaster Management Agency, told IRIN on 20 December.
 
 The insurgents took control of the city in 2009, forcing many aid agencies to withdraw, thus cutting assistance to IDPs and other vulnerable people. 
  
 Kismayo residents told IRIN on 20 December the IDPs were not the only ones facing a food crisis.
 
 "We are now seeing long-time residents who are no better off than the IDPs," Mooge Muraadsade, a resident, said. "Many of us depended on work and trade and both are dwindling here."
 
 Al-Shabab controls most of southern Somalia.
 
 Muraadsade said trade through Kismayo port had reduced to a trickle and many businesses that previously depended on the port's activity had shut down.
 
 "Not as many ships as a year ago are coming and the current fighting with Kenyan forces is not helping," Muraadsade said.
 
 The Kenyan Defence Force (KDF) entered southern Somalia in October to try to neutralize Al-Shabab, hampering humanitarian access to some parts of the region, most of which was drought-stricken.
 
 A local journalist, who requested anonymity, told IRIN more IDPs continued to arrive in Kismayo daily.
 
 "We had the long-term IDPs [from the 1990s]; those who came at the height of drought [mid-2011] and now those who are running from the fighting between the government of Kenya forces, the TFG [Transitional Federal Government] and Al-Shabab."
 
 Desperate for aid
 
 The journalist said the displaced were cramped in dozens of camps. "The real problem is that aid agencies have no access to these people because Al-Shabab won't let them," he said, adding that Kismayo, "formerly a thriving business and trade centre, is dying. Sometimes I honestly cannot tell who is an IDP or a resident. Some residents are as badly off as the displaced."
 
 Mohamed*, an IDP from the town of Jilib, 180km west of Kismayo, said: "I left because the fighting had reached us and Kismayo was closer than Mogadishu."
 
 He said in the two months he had been in Kismayo, he and his family had not received any help from any agency. "We beg and depend on what other people give us."
 
 A medical worker at the Kismayo General Hospital told IRIN they were receiving up to 10 people a day suffering from acute watery diarrhoea (AWD) or malnourishment.
 
 "We are getting many children who are so malnourished and they are mainly from the IDP camps," he said.
 
 He said the hospital was supported by Somalis in the diaspora but the last time they had received any drugs was two months ago and they were running out.
 
 On any given day of the week, two or three people died at the hospital, most from hunger-related diseases, he added.
 
 What his patients needed most was "immediate emergency aid such as life-saving drugs for malaria, chicken pox and supplementary food for the malnourished".
 
 The Kismayo journalist told IRIN that Al-Shabab was becoming more strict and refusing to allow "even local aid agencies to operate freely; they have become even more paranoid after the Kenyan incursion". 
 
 In November, Al-Shabab banned 16 aid organizations, including several UN agencies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".
 
 ah/js/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94507</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101171201470067t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - The plight of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Somalia&apos;s southern port city of Kismayo, controlled by Al-Shabab insurgents, has deteriorated, with thousands facing a food crisis after supply routes were blocked, and drug shortages as patient numbers increase, locals said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Aid ban, insecurity &quot;could lead to more deaths&quot; </title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005121231290318t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Officials are warning of an escalation in the humanitarian crisis in Somalia if the ban on 16 aid agencies is not reversed. 
</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Officials are warning of an escalation in the humanitarian crisis in Somalia if the ban imposed by Al-Shabab insurgents [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94321 ], on 16 aid agencies is not reversed. 

"If the current situation continues, many more people will die," a civil society source told IRIN on 8 December. 

"A combination of factors is colluding to make matters worse for the displaced and drought victims: we have had an upsurge in explosions, which have killed over 40 people in the last two weeks; and the ban on 16 aid agencies and the Kenyan forces' entry into southern Somalia are making the delivery of aid very, very difficult." 

The civil society source said Al-Shabab seemed to be under pressure and was using the population to blackmail the government and international community. 

"They are basically using the suffering of the people as a weapon. They are trying to make it costly to go after them." 

In November, Al-Shabab banned 16 aid organizations, including several UN agencies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".  Al-Shabab controls most of southern Somalia.

Humanitarian activities in the parts of the country left by the banned aid agencies have been reduced to "almost nothing", the civil society source said, adding that critical services such as food, water, health and nutrition had been suspended. 

The Kenyan Defence Force (KDF) entered southern Somalia in October to try to neutralize Al-Shabab, hampering humanitarian access to some parts of the region, most of which was drought-stricken. In addition, Mogadishu has been hit by a series of bombings and explosions suspected to be the work of Al-Shabab. 

The UN has reclassified the regions of Bay, Bakool and Lower Shabelle in southern Somalia from "famine/humanitarian catastrophe" to "humanitarian emergency", with 250,000 out of the previous 750,000 Somalis "still at risk of starvation". 

Abdullahi Shirwa, head of Somalia's National Disaster Management Agency, told IRIN: "We are looking for ways to find other aid groups not banned who can take on the work of helping the population." 

He said the Kenyan incursion, the insecurity and ban on aid agencies had "made people's lives even more difficult". 

Shirwa said he was getting reports from border towns in the south that food prices had gone "through the roof, making them unaffordable and unavailable to the population". 

He added: “We are asking both Muslim and non-Muslim agencies who can go there to do so. We are also going to ask the agencies that have been forced out to turn over whatever they have to those who can reach the needy." 

Sowing fear 

Abdisamad Mohamud Hassan, the Minister of the Interior and National Security, told IRIN that Al-Shabab was using the recent flurry of explosions "to create fear among the populations. They [explosions] did not cause so much damage but were meant to discourage people from returning to the city." 

He said security forces had undermined Al-Shabab's attempts to carry out major operations "so they are now resorting to a bomb here and a bomb there", adding: “they are desperate and will do anything to get breathing room". 

The agencies banned by Al-Shabab are: Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, World Health Organization, UN Children's Fund, UN Population Fund, UN Office for Project Services, Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit, Norwegian Refugee Council, Danish Refugee Council, Concern, Norwegian Church Aid, Cooperazione Internazionale, Swedish African Welfare Alliance, German Agency For Technical Cooperation, Action Contre la Faim, Solidarity and Saacid. 

ah/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94425</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005121231290318t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - Officials are warning of an escalation in the humanitarian crisis in Somalia if the ban on 16 aid agencies is not reversed. 
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Mohamud Mohamed Ali, “Two years later, I am back to square one”</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061143500723t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience:</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience: 

“I was almost 18 when I decided to leave. My father supported my decision because he saw that a lot of young men from the city were being forced into armed militias. He was afraid for me and I wanted to leave to avoid being caught but I also thought that I could find a better life outside. 

"In June 2009, I left Mogadishu by road to come to Kenya; we had to avoid a lot of militia roadblocks because they were removing young men from the lorries going into Kenya. At one point we were stopped at an Al-Shabab checkpoint and I pretended I was the driver's assistant. 

"In Nairobi I met other young Somalis and we decided to pool our resources and go to South Africa. I first went to Mombasa where a 'Mukhalas' [facilitator/smuggler] told me he could get me into Mozambique and from there walk into South Africa but I had to pay US$700. The money was supposed to cover all expenses of getting to Mozambique, including dealing with security forces in all countries. 

"I went to Tanzania and from there I was put on a boat with 200 other Somalis to Mozambique in September 2009. The man never told me we were going by boat. I was terrified as I had never been on a boat but he told me the crossing would only take few hours - it took us almost four days. We ran out of food and water was almost finished when we reached the coast. On the fourth night, they dumped us on the beach and said we were now in Mozambique. Luckily, we were found by security forces who took us to a refugee camp. 

"Life in the camp was hard. We only ate once a day, the shelter was poor but it was better than being on a boat for four days and nights. After a few weeks, I walked out of the camp and met some Somali businessmen in a town called Bemba. They gave me some money and I started my way toward South Africa. In Mogadishu I had heard so many stories about South Africa and how different and better it was from the rest of Africa. 

"I finally arrived in South Africa in November 2009. I immediately got a job with Somali businessmen in Soweto. I was a shop assistant and at first it was fine but then we were regularly attacked and robbed by local gangs. 

"No one did anything to stop these gangs. On 6 June 2011, a group of armed men attacked our shop. They took everything, money and everything else. I was hit twice by bullets but no one took me to the hospital. I lost a lot of blood and by the time I was brought to hospital I was unconscious. 

"After 15 days in hospital I decided to leave South Africa. I had left my home country because I did not feel safe and here I was in a foreign country where I was not safe. So I began my journey back. I felt defeated and that I was back to square one but I did not regret leaving South Africa. I want to tell young Somalis, ‘please don’t go through what I went through’. 

"Unfortunately, such is the life of a young Somali, they will do anything to escape. We have nothing in Somalia and nothing outside. It is as if we have been abandoned by everyone in the world." 

ah/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94403</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061143500723t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Yemen returnee numbers soar</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103241310470142t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing unrest and xenophobia in Yemen have prompted an upsurge in the number of migrants and refugees returning to Somalia, with up to 6,000 reported to have travelled back across the Red Sea since the beginning of October.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing unrest and xenophobia in Yemen have prompted an upsurge in the number of migrants and refugees returning to Somalia [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92278 ], with up to 6,000 reported to have travelled back across the Red Sea since the beginning of October. 
 
 "About 400 Somaliland families and 600 Somali families have returned to Somaliland in the last two months,” said Abdillahi Hussein Egeh, director-general of the Interior Ministry in Somaliland, which unilaterally declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. 
 
 “Somalilanders stay in this country, while the Somalis continue their journey to Somalia," he said. 
 
 Despite the unrest in there, thousands of Africans continue to make the perilous crossing, in the other direction, to Yemen, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] many of them fleeing not only conflict but a widespread food crisis in south-central Somalia. 
 
 "Most of those fleeing [Yemen] are afraid of being the target of the two sides, due to their concern that [both] have accused Somalis of supporting their rival," said Mohamed Ahmed, a father of three who arrived in Hargeisa, Somalia, in late October. 
 
 "I have been captured twice, once by the government forces and again by the opposition. Electricity, water and other basic services are erratic due to the crisis,” he said. The final straw that had pushed him to return to Somalia was the bombing of the university in Yemen, where he used to live. 
 
 “My wife and children are still in Yemen, because I was unable able to pay for their transport,” he said, explaining that boat fares have risen significantly. 
 
 Livestock trade affected 
 
 Somaliland used to export about 15,000 head of livestock every month to Yemen but now only exports a third of that figure, according to local businessmen. 
 
 "This is because the livestock can't reach the remote places of Yemen," said Abdi Said, a livestock exporter in Somaliland. 
 
 "Our income has decreased. For example, one person used to send 500 head of cattle per month,” he said. “This has gone down to 100 per month.” 
 
 maj/js/am/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94358</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103241310470142t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing unrest and xenophobia in Yemen have prompted an upsurge in the number of migrants and refugees returning to Somalia, with up to 6,000 reported to have travelled back across the Red Sea since the beginning of October.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Resettlement of drought-displaced begins</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108081050170152t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Resettlement of tens of thousands of drought-displaced Somalis, most of whom had sought refuge in the capital, Mogadishu, is under way, with aid agencies organizing voluntary returns to several areas in southern Somalia, officials told IRIN. </description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Resettlement of tens of thousands of drought-displaced Somalis, most of whom had sought refuge in the capital, Mogadishu, is under way, with aid agencies organizing voluntary returns to several areas in southern Somalia, officials told IRIN. 
 
 “We started a project to resettle some 4,000 families [24,000 people] back to their homes in time for them to take advantage of what is left of the rainy season," said Mohamed Abdullahi Hussein, the director of the United Arab Emirates-Red Crescent Society (UAE-RCS)in Somalia. 
 
 Hussein said the agency was providing the returnees with food to last three months, shelter material and between US$100 and $150 per family. 
 
 The returns are voluntary, with most going to Bay, Bakool and Lower Shabelle regions of southern Somalia, Hussein added. 
 
 Abdullahi Shirwa, head of Somalia's National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA), said it was the government's policy to resettle all internally displaced persons (IDPs). "It is not realistic to maintain hundreds of thousands people in overcrowded IDP camps indefinitely. So the best option is to help return those willing to do so to their home areas." 
 
 Shirwa said NDMA had scheduled a meeting this week with aid agencies in Mogadishu to organize a programme of resettlement. 
 
 "We basically want to see who can do what," he said. "There are agencies that can provide the food; others can provide the transportation, while others can provide shelter material or cash incentives." 
 
 Since UAE-RCS began the return process in November, some 460 drought-displaced families have gone home. 
 
 "On 28 November we repatriated 261 families [1,566 people] back to Bay region," said Abubakar Sheikh Bashir, team leader for the UAE-RCS resettlement project. 
 
 He said many of the returnees, mostly farmers, were eager to take advantage of the best rains in three years "and restart their lives". 
 
 Bashir said many families have already returned on their own, "while others sent back the able-bodied and left behind the elderly, the women and children". 
 
 Bishaaro Haji Alin, 45, lost four of her nine children in the drought that devastated her home area in Buur Hakaba in Bay region. 
 
 "I was here in the camp for the last six months; if we did not come here I could have lost all of my children," Alin told IRIN by telephone, as she boarded a truck back home. 
 
 Alin said she was eager to start planting. "My children are fine and we want to go back to where we belong. We got help here but it is not home." 
 
 Home for Alin and her family, along with some 10,000 families, had been the sprawling Tribunka camp, the largest in Mogadishu. 
 
 Shirwa of the NDMA said the key to resettling the drought-displaced IDPs was to provide them with enough support to allow them to restart their lives. 
 
 "Most of the displaced are agro-pastoralists and so it is not enough to say we will give them food until the next harvest; we need to provide them also with some pack animals and maybe two or three cows or whatever animals they had before," Shirwa said, adding "that will not only empower them but help them start afresh." 
 
 ah/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94330</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108081050170152t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Resettlement of tens of thousands of drought-displaced Somalis, most of whom had sought refuge in the capital, Mogadishu, is under way, with aid agencies organizing voluntary returns to several areas in southern Somalia, officials told IRIN. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Al-Shabab ban on agencies threatens aid</title><pubDate>Mon, 28 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200905191346520343t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 28 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main Islamist insurgent group in Somalia, which is still in the throes of a major food crisis classified as famine in some regions, has banned 16 aid agencies, including several UN bodies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of &quot;illicit activities and misconduct&quot;.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 28 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main Islamist insurgent group in Somalia, which is still in the throes of a major food crisis classified as famine in some regions, has banned 16 aid agencies, including several UN bodies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), World Health Organization (WHO), UN Population Fund (UNFPA) and the UN Office for Project Services (UNOPS) are some of the UN agencies banned. The Norwegian Refugee Council, Danish Refugee Council, Concern, Norwegian Church Aid and Cooperazione Internazionale (COOPI) are among the international NGOs banned by Al-Shabab.

UNICEF spokesman Jaya Murthy told IRIN that men came to the office in Baidao, 240km southwest of the capital, Mogadishu, and told the staff to leave and that the office was no longer UNICEF's.

"Our staff are safe and we are assessing the impact the closure will have on our humanitarian activities in southern Somalia," Murthy said. 

The prospect of permanent closure faced by the agencies could lead to the deaths of thousands of vulnerable people, a civil society member in Mogadishu said. "This is truly bad news for tens of thousands that depend on these agencies." 

He said it was not clear what prompted Al-Shabab's action but suspected that it was "because of the military pressure they have been under lately, maybe they are seeing enemies everywhere".

On October 16, Kenya began a military incursion [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94018 ] into neighbouring Somalia, using terrestrial, aerial and naval assets, with the aim of neutralizing Al-Shabab, which Nairobi says threatens its security and economy.

Murthy said: "UNICEF is extremely concerned about any disruption of its humanitarian work and the feeding of 160,000 severely malnourished children. Any disruption could result in the death of those children." 

He said the agency had not received anything in writing from the group. 

In a statement issued on 28 November, Al-Shabab accused the agencies of "financing, aiding and abetting subversive groups seeking to destroy the basic tenets of Islamic penal system", adding that the agencies were "persistently galvanizing the local population against the full establishment of Islamic Sharia system".

The group said the aid agencies lacked "political detachment and neutrality with regard to the conflicting parties in Somalia, thereby intensifying the instability and insecurity gripping the nation as a whole".

In addition, the agencies were accused of misappropriating funds and using corruption and bribery in their operations.

"From bad to worse"

The civil society source said if the ban stands, "it could make the humanitarian situation in the country go from bad to worse. I just hope it will be a temporary thing."

The UN has reclassified the regions of Bay, Bakool and Lower Shabelle in southern Somalia to "humanitarian emergency" from "famine/humanitarian catastrophe".

According to the UN, humanitarian needs persist, with 250,000 out of a former 750,000 Somalis "still at risk of starvation".

Here is the full list of the agencies banned by Al-Shabab: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, World Health Organisation, United Nations Children’s Fund, United Nations Population Fund, United Nations Office for Project Services, Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit, Norwegian Refugee Council, Danish Refugee Council, Concern, Norwegian Church Aid, Cooperazione Internazionale, Swedish African Welfare Alliance, German Agency For Technical Cooperation, Action Contre la Faim, Solidarity and Saacid.

ah/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94321</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200905191346520343t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 28 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main Islamist insurgent group in Somalia, which is still in the throes of a major food crisis classified as famine in some regions, has banned 16 aid agencies, including several UN bodies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of &quot;illicit activities and misconduct&quot;.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Telling the story against all odds</title><pubDate>Wed, 23 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/2009021812t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 23 November 2011 (IRIN) - Independent media continues to function in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, despite the killing of two journalists since the beginning of the year and the exile of 50 others after receiving death threats. Ten radio stations and a TV station operate in the city, officials said.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 23 November 2011 (IRIN) - Independent media continues to function in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, despite the killing of two journalists since the beginning of the year and the exile of 50 others after receiving death threats. Ten radio stations and a TV station operate in the city, officials said. 
 
 "Seven independent radio stations closed due to lack of staff or were taken over by the fighting groups; the fact that the remaining stations are still operational is a miracle," Mohamed Lajiifiyaana Banaan, a journalist in Mogadishu told IRIN, on World Impunity Day, 23 November. 
 
 Burhan Dini Farah, a radio journalist, said: "I have not seen my family in the last 10 months because of threats against my life. It is difficult to know who the enemy is. You get a phone call or a message telling you ‘we know where you work and live’ and that is it." 
 
 Farah said he slept in the office on some days and on other days with friends. "I have to constantly be on the move and never use the same route twice." 
 
 He said since 2006, he had lost 10 friends and colleagues. "Their only crime was covering the story." 
 
 Farah was once introduced to two young men sent to kill him. "They were very open about it and told me that I was a target but now they were no longer interested in me." 
 
 Not only radio reporters are targeted; even online reporters are affected, according to Mohamed Abdi, who contributes to a Somali website. 
 
 "Somalis listen to a lot of radio but now they are also going on to the internet; this has created problems for people like me who used to hide behind the written word," Abdi said. 
 
 He said warring parties in the country almost always knew who wrote what, adding: "This is Somalia - there are no secrets." 
 
 Abdi said many of his colleagues had left the profession due to fear "but it is our livelihood; it is the only way I know to make a living". 
 
 Mohamed Ali Aasbaro, an executive member of the National Union of Somali Journalists, told IRIN harassment and intimidation of journalists was a continuing thing in Mogadishu. "Each side wants to intimidate you to report what is favourable to them." 
 
 Murders not investigated 
 
 Aasbaro said Mogadishu had to be the most dangerous place to work. 
 
 According to the 2011 Committee to Protect Journalists' Impunity Index, only Iraq ranks higher on a list of countries where murders of media professionals are frequent and not investigated. 
 
 Aasbaro said: "Not one person has ever been arrested or convicted for killing or threatening a journalist." 
 
 He said people who thought they could persuade journalists to side with them were wrong. "We are not on anyone's side; we will continue to tell the story of Somalia and Somalis, the good and the bad." 
 
 A civil society activist, who requested anonymity, said both sides in the conflict - the government and the insurgents - were guilty of harassing and intimidating journalists. "But the killing is one-sided; Al-Shabab is the one group that has made a point of targeting journalists and killing them." 
 
 He said the government would usually "arrest or close down a radio station but we have no record so far of a journalist killed by them. It is futile to target journalists. You kill one or chase him or her; another one will fill the vacuum." 
 
 He said the aim of the fighting groups was to silence journalists and make sure their crimes were not recorded and used against them in future. 
 
 "The first reports of famine came because of Somali journalists in places where they would surely have been killed if those running [the area] knew they did it," Aasbaro said, adding that "without them, the story of the famine victims would never have been known or if it came out it would have been too late for many". 
 
 ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94288</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/2009021812t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 23 November 2011 (IRIN) - Independent media continues to function in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, despite the killing of two journalists since the beginning of the year and the exile of 50 others after receiving death threats. Ten radio stations and a TV station operate in the city, officials said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: Cautionary migration tales are no deterrent</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141155040890t.jpg" />]]>JIJIGA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Ethiopians are on the move. Not only are more rural people relocating to towns and cities, but the number of Ethiopians leaving the country has also ballooned in the last few years.</description><body><![CDATA[JIJIGA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Ethiopians are on the move. Not only are more rural people relocating to towns and cities, but the number of Ethiopians leaving the country has also ballooned in the last few years. 
 
 Many are trying to reach Saudi Arabia via Yemen, while thousands of others head for South Africa, Israel and Europe, crossing deserts and seas and placing their lives in the hands of smugglers who often have little regard for their well-being. 
 
 Most of the migration from Ethiopia is undocumented, so accurate numbers are hard to come by, but the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) reported in 2010 that in Yemen alone nearly 35,000 of newly arrived migrants were Ethiopians, accounting for two-thirds of all new arrivals that year. Between January and October 2011, almost 52,000 Ethiopians made their way to Yemen. 
 
 Refugees from Somalia follow similar routes, often using the same smugglers, but their reasons for undertaking these dangerous journeys are more apparent: Somalia has been plagued by armed conflict for nearly two decades and is now in the midst of a famine. 
 
 Ethiopia is not engaged in a civil war, and although parts of the country have been hard hit by drought, it is one of the world’s largest recipients of development aid. However, it also has one of Africa’s largest populations - an estimated 75 million - with a growing rate of youth unemployment and a shortage of job opportunities. 
 
 “The main reason people migrate from Ethiopia to Yemen is because of need - they go there [Saudi Arabia] to earn money,” said Daud Elmi, 28, who left his village of Lafaisa in eastern Ethiopia to find work in Saudi in 2006. 
 
 Instead, he spent a year in a refugee camp in Djibouti, and another three months in a camp in Yemen, avoiding arrest by claiming to be a refugee from Somalia. After failing to earn enough money to cross into Saudi Arabia, he finally returned home. 
 
 Elmi advises others in his town who are planning to migrate to Yemen or Saudi not to take the risk, but a number still do. “Everyone goes there to improve his life,” he told IRIN. “What we earn here is hand-to-mouth - we can’t save. If you go there and send money home, you can build a house, start a business or help your relatives.” 
 
 Tagel Solomon, coordinator of irregular migration programmes at the International Organization for Migration (IOM), confirmed that Ethiopians usually migrate in search of economic opportunities. 
 
 Most are young men like Kadar Mowlid Mahamoud, 23, who teaches English and computer skills. He set off from Lafaisa in 2008, “seeking a better life” in Europe, but was lucky to make it through Somaliland, a self-declared state on the Gulf of Aden, and Yemen. He ran out of water near the Saudi Arabian border and resorted to drinking his own urine, only to be robbed at knifepoint shortly after crossing. 
 
 He eventually found casual labour on construction sites in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s capital, and during the 18 months he spent there managed to save a little money. But after being severely injured in a car accident, his savings were wiped out by the hospital bill and he decided it was time to go home. He turned himself in to the authorities and was deported in October 2010. 
 
 Political factors 
 
 Most Ethiopians who leave the country are classified as economic migrants and do not qualify for the protection and assistance that refugees receive, but a 2011 study of migration from the Horn of Africa to Yemen by the Danish Refugee Council [ http://www.mmyemen.org/c/document_library/get_file?p_l_id=11104&folderId=11497&name=DLFE-1333.pdf ], notes that “a significant percentage fall in a grey zone that involves elements of economic migration brought on by political and economic oppression”. 
 
 Interviews with new arrivals in Yemen reveal that certain ethnic groups are harassed and suffer discrimination by local government officials in Ethiopia because of their perceived allegiance to rebel armed groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and even established opposition parties like the Oromo People’s Congress. 
 
 Earlier this year, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that the authorities were carrying out mass arrests of ethnic Oromo Ethiopians, whom they alleged were members of the banned OLF [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/04/06/ethiopia-free-opposition-members ]. The Danish Refugee Council report said 47 percent of new Ethiopian arrivals registered in Yemen in 2010 were of Oromo ethnicity. 
 
 “You don’t even have to be an OLF sympathiser - any form of communication with someone who might have a link with the OLF could be enough to get you arrested, and this is what is very worrying,” Laetitia Bader, a researcher with HRW, told IRIN. 
 
 A 2010 HRW report [ http://www.hrw.org/node/93605 ] found that ethnic groups such as the Oromos tend to have less access to international aid through donor-supported programmes, jobs and educational opportunities. 
 
 “Oromos are always linked to the Front,” said a 24-year-old woman quoted in the report. “As Oromos we can’t get work or an education. They [the government] will not allow us to develop.” 
 
 Root causes 
 
 Solomon of IOM said the activities of smugglers and their agents have driven up migration from Ethiopia. “Smugglers come to villages and tell people they’ll get jobs [in the Middle East] and it’s relatively easy,” he told IRIN. “There have been a number of arrests as part of a government effort to crack down on this network, but there is a lot of money involved.” 
 
 Local stories of success or failure can be even more persuasive than the smugglers. In Lafaisa, one man is rumoured to have made it to Malta and to be sending money home to his family, but more common are stories like that of Abdirizak Mohamed Mohamoud [ http://www.irinnews.org/hovreport.aspx?reportid=94278 ], who set off for Italy but spent seven months in various Libyan jails, and another 18 months trying to earn enough money simply to get home. 
 
 Failed attempts to migrate can be financially devastating for a household that has pooled its resources and even sold property to raise the cash for smugglers’ fees. Mohamoud said he would not try again and discouraged others from making the same mistake. “I’m an example for my village,” he told IRIN. “If I had succeeded, all the others would have gone.” 
 
 Yet cautionary tales are not enough to counter the root causes of Ethiopia’s exodus, and even a negative personal experience often does not deter people from trying again. 
 
 IOM is running a project in the Oromia Zone of Amhara in Ethiopia to reduce migration by not only raising awareness of the risks, but by supporting income-generating schemes, and providing youth training. 
 
 No such programme exists in Lafaisa and Mahamoud still wants to go to Europe. “I will wait until the demonstrations [in Yemen] are over, then I’ll go back,” he told IRIN, adding that he advises his students to do the same. 
 
 “I have no future in Ethiopia,” he said. “I’ve seen Europe on TV, and it’s better.” 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94279</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141155040890t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JIJIGA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Ethiopians are on the move. Not only are more rural people relocating to towns and cities, but the number of Ethiopians leaving the country has also ballooned in the last few years.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Unemployment fuels youth exodus from Somaliland</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111221304000691t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - A high unemployment rate in the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, especially among school-leavers and university graduates, has fuelled an increase in migration, with hundreds of young people embarking every month on a perilous journey to Europe through the Sahara Desert, officials said.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - A high unemployment rate in the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, especially among school-leavers and university graduates, has fuelled an increase in migration, with hundreds of young people embarking every month on a perilous journey to Europe through the Sahara Desert, officials said. 
 
 "In the months of August, September and October, about 3,500 young men and women from Somaliland went through Ethiopia, to Sudan, then to Libya and on to cross the Mediterranean Sea on their way to western Europe,” Abdillahi Hassan Digale, chairman of the Ubah Social Welfare Organization, who works for the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told IRIN. 
 
 According to Somaliland's National Development programme [ http://www.slministryofplanning.org/images/nationl_plan/ndp.pdf ] - which was launched in October - total employment (comprising self-employment and paid employment) among the economically active population is estimated at 38.5 percent for urban areas and 59.3 percent for rural and nomadic areas. The weighted average national employment rate is estimated at 52.6 percent. 
 
 Unemployment among the youth, which stands at 75 percent, is much higher than the average. Unofficial estimates show that at least 65-70 percent of Somaliland's 3.5 million people are younger than 30. 
 
 A study carried out in December 2010 by the Somaliland National Youth Organization (SONYO), with Oxfam-Novib, indicated that out of 800 people interviewed, only 25 percent were employed. 
 
 "On the issue of employment, participants were asked if they had any type of employment, paid or unpaid; 75 percent indicated that they had none," according to the study. 
 
 "This was, in a way, to be expected because youth between the ages of 15-22 could still be in school or university... Only 25 percent of the youth stated that they had some employment. Some 43.1 percent of the employed group were engaged in business, 40.6 percent were employed in the private sector, whereas 14.4 percent were employed in the public sector. Of those employed, 77 percent were confident that they had job security." 
 
 The study identified the business sector as the biggest employer of the youth, noting, however, that the sector was not well formalized or regulated. 
 
 "The youth who worked for this sector were mostly unsatisfied with the remunerations they received for the work they did; 69.1 percent of the unemployed youth had been unemployed for more than three years despite the fact that 53.2 percent of them had skills for different trades," the study indicated. "Lack of employment opportunities prevents them from putting their energies and creativity to good use and thereby fulfilling their ambitions. This leaves them with a sense of frustration and hopelessness that drives some of them to take desperate measures. 
 
 "Each year, hundreds decide to try their luck against all odds, by getting to the shores of Europe, crossing continents, deserts and dangerous seas. Most of them do not make it and many perish on the way.” 
 
 Idleness 
 
 According to the study, lack of sports and recreational facilities, venues for cultural activities as well as opportunities for internships and doing voluntary work increase the youth's desperation and feeling of alienation. 
 
 During election campaigns in 2010, many young people supported the now ruling party KULMIYE (Solidarity), because one of its campaign platforms was job creation for the youth and free primary education. 
 
 In his acceptance speech after the 20 June 2010 elections, President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo said: “The winners are our young generation who will never undertake illegal immigration and will never die in the Mediterranean Sea in search of a better life and employment." 
 
 In a statement on 25 October, Labour and Social Affairs Minister Ilhan Mohamed Jama said the government had taken certain measures to ensure the youth had better access to work [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94182 ], in particular, issuing a directive to employers to give priority to citizens. He said there were many foreigners working in Somaliland yet they did not have work permits. 
 
 The ministry has since set up a team to monitor illegal workers in Somaliland. 
 
 “We have now nominated a monitoring team to register the foreign workers in Somaliland and to assess their status, because our mandate is to give job opportunities to our citizens," said Abdil-Kadir Da'ud, director of the ministry's Labour Department. “Only 40 foreign workers are registered with our ministry but the exact number will be known upon completion of our monitoring. 
 
 "We have also urged international aid agencies to advertise job vacancies in Somaliland locally and we have notified them that we will not accept [the] hiring of foreign workers for vacancies that Somalilanders can do." 
 
 Locals ignored 
 
 Zainab Ali Mohamed, chair of Marwo Youth Organization, said: "About 104 international NGOs and UN agencies are now working on different projects in Somaliland; but instead of seeking locals to help in implementing the programmes for which they source funds from donors, about 60 percent of their staff are foreigners. This has had a negative impact on Somaliland youth, many of whom are left with no choice but to leave the country in search of a better life." 
 
 However, some local NGOs say illegal migration by Somaliland youth decreased in October, compared with August and September 2011. 
 
 Ubah’s Hassan said youth migration decreased in October due to increased awareness-raising campaigns by IOM and its Mixed Migration Program partners. 
 
 maj/js/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94285</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111221304000691t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - A high unemployment rate in the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, especially among school-leavers and university graduates, has fuelled an increase in migration, with hundreds of young people embarking every month on a perilous journey to Europe through the Sahara Desert, officials said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Looters sabotage aid efforts in Mogadishu</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111170949490187t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - The frequent looting of relief aid at distribution centres in Mogadishu by local or state security agents seriously undermines efforts to help hundreds of thousands of people, many of whom have fled areas of Somalia in a state of famine, according to officials and aid workers</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - The frequent looting of relief aid at distribution centres in Mogadishu by local or state security agents seriously undermines efforts to help hundreds of thousands of people, many of whom have fled areas of Somalia in a state of famine, according to officials and aid workers.
 
 "Looting of aid is a major problem, especially as it affects the most vulnerable families in Mogadishu, who rely on humanitarian support to survive,” said Marcel Stoessel, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Mogadishu. 
 
 “We have been working with the authorities in Mogadishu to improve the overall security situation in the capital. This is the best way to facilitate the safe delivery of humanitarian assistance to the most vulnerable," Stoessel said. "Obviously, we still need to do more.”
 
 Stoessel did not discuss who was behind the looting but the government has acknowledged the involvement of its own agents.
 
 Earlier this month, Transitional Federal Government (TFG) President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed warned that "soldiers and armed militia" would be dealt with severely if found to be responsible for looting food aid.
 
 Security agents deployed in Mogadishu include TFG soldiers, poorly paid police and militias under the authority of the city's district commissioners. After the August withdrawal from Mogadishu of the Al-Shabab insurgency, such militia groups have grown in importance.
 
 TFG spokesman Abdirahman Omar Yarisow told IRIN the government was serious about tackling the disruption of food aid.
 
 "We have taken extreme measures, such as taking to military court those who try to divert the food aid to loot it. For example, recently the military court sentenced two district commissioners to 10 and 15 years’ imprisonment [respectively]," he said.
 
 He acknowledged that people had been killed and injured when security forces opened fire during food distributions. "This is not acceptable and there are investigations currently under way and those who are responsible will face severe punishment."
 
 In one such incident in early August, 10 people were reportedly killed when TFG troops opened fire during a scramble for food aid in the capital.
 
 Looting "is becoming a daily occurrence and it is mainly done by people wearing government security force uniforms", said Mohamed Ilmi, a human rights activist in Mogadishu.
 
 In one of the latest incidents [14 November] in the Tribunka camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs), Ilmi said, government forces who were supposed to protect aid distribution fired into the crowd, forcing them to run for cover, "they then took the food; fortunately there was only one injury".
 
 Ilmi said on many occasions IDPs had been killed, "as happened in Badbaado camp a few days ago, where at least five were killed".  
 
 “Big business"
 
 He said the attacks bore the hallmark of an organized enterprise. "As soon as they chase the people, trucks come in to carry the loot and the food immediately ends up in the markets. It is as if they were hired to do it."
 
 He said looting of aid meant for the displaced was becoming a "big business".
 
 A civil society source, who requested anonymity, told IRIN the problem was that the government did not have much control over the "so-called security forces".
 
 The source said since Al-Shabab's withdrawal, "young men with guns are roaming the streets. No one knows who they are or under whose control.
 
 "Until the government removes the weapons from the hands of these young gangs, the situation will only get worse," the source said. 
 
 "Unfortunately they seem busy with other things, but if they don’t get the security situation right, it won’t be the IDPs alone who will suffer but all of us, including them."
 
 Rape on the increase
 
 According to Ilmi, the attacks were not confined to food raids. "There is a climate of fear in the camps and it has to do with women being raped and again unfortunately it is mostly men with uniforms," he said.
 
 Ilmi said rape in the IDP camps was rampant. "I don’t know of many people who have been arrested for it."
 
 He expressed concern about the lack of accurate information. "The women won't report it because either they are afraid of being stigmatized or attacked again by the perpetrators," Ilmi said.
 
 He said social workers who tried to collect data were sometimes threatened or even attacked. "You cannot and won't find accurate data but I am sure the numbers are huge."
 
 The civil society source told IRIN that rape had been a problem before in Mogadishu "but it has now reached an alarming rate. There are reports of rape cases in almost all the camps in Mogadishu."
 
 According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are 300 IDP settlements in Mogadishu.
 
 ah/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94222</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111170949490187t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - The frequent looting of relief aid at distribution centres in Mogadishu by local or state security agents seriously undermines efforts to help hundreds of thousands of people, many of whom have fled areas of Somalia in a state of famine, according to officials and aid workers</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Thousands cut off by impending conflict, rain</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200806273t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families have fled Afmadow in southern Somalia as Kenyan and Somali government forces close in on it to oust the Al-Shabab militia group - even as ongoing rains render roads impassable, residents told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families have fled Afmadow in southern Somalia as Kenyan and Somali government forces close in on it to oust the Al-Shabab militia group - even as ongoing rains render roads impassable, residents told IRIN. 
 
 "The allied forces are less than 30km away from us and there is a great deal of fear and apprehension as to what will happen," a resident, who requested anonymity, said. 
 
 He added that some 40 percent of the town's population of about 30,000 had fled to the surrounding areas. "Most are about 10-15km away. They put up makeshift shelters for protection from the rain.” 
 
 He said the displaced were afraid to put up permanent structures for fear that Al-Shabab would tear them down. 
 
 Al-Shabab has been in control of Afmadow, 620km south of the capital, Mogadishu, since the end of 2009. 
 
 "They [Al-Shabab] are not allowing people to take food or anything else out of the town to the displaced." 
 
 The resident said those remaining inside Afmadow were running out of essential goods. "We have had no goods coming in the last month; at this rate we will run out of food." 
 
 Food running out 
 
 Food insecurity continues to increase across Somalia, with four million people affected. 
 
 According to the UN, 750,000 people in Somalia are at risk of dying if they do not receive urgent intervention. 
 
 The Afmadow resident said fear of the impending showdown between the Kenyan troops and Al-Shabab had aggravated the town's situation. 
 
 "Those who can afford [food] are hoarding whatever they can lay their hands on; this is a small town, it won’t take much to clean out the markets, especially since nothing is coming in," the resident said. 
 
 Residents expect the fighting to begin at any time. "I am sure that as soon as there is a break in the rains they will start shooting and we are the ones caught in the crossfire." 
 
 Haji Yolah, a resident of Bilis Qoqani, which is under the control of combined Kenyan and Somali forces, said even areas that were no longer held by Al-Shabab were suffering from food shortages. 
 
 "They [TFG and Kenyan forces] have been here with us for almost a month now and we have not seen a single aid agency," Yolah said. "We have people who are still living in open areas with little to shelter them from rains and the cold." 
 
 Yolah said pushing Al-Shabab out was fine "but we need something to eat and somewhere to sleep". 
 
 He said just because it had rained did not mean the population had food. "We lost most of our livestock and help from outside has been next to nothing; we are desperate." 
 
 He urged the Somali government and aid agencies to "not forget the people who are caught up in the fighting". 
 
 Mohamed Kaskey, a local journalist, told IRIN there had been movement of people but that this has been slowed down by the heavy rains in the area. "I am certain you would have seen more people on the move if the roads were open." 
 
 Kaskey said the reason Afmadow was not empty was because Al-Shabab "has it shut down. They are not allowing anyone to move." 
 
 He said those who had left were heading north instead of south [towards Kenya] "because of the military activities and because of reports that Kenya was stopping people from entering [the country]”. 
 
 ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94204</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200806273t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families have fled Afmadow in southern Somalia as Kenyan and Somali government forces close in on it to oust the Al-Shabab militia group - even as ongoing rains render roads impassable, residents told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DJIBOUTI: Migrants risk all for &quot;better life&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141153580531t.jpg" />]]>OBOCK 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of migrants traverse the road between Djibouti’s capital, Djiboutiville, and the coastal town of Obock carrying little more than a bottle of water and the hope that they are heading towards a better life. They pass through an arid landscape strewn with volcanic rock that sustains little life besides the occasional pastoralist and his goats. Temperatures average around 34 degrees Celsius in winter and in summer can reach 52 degrees.</description><body><![CDATA[OBOCK 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of migrants traverse the road between Djibouti’s capital, Djiboutiville, and the coastal town of Obock carrying little more than a bottle of water and the hope that they are heading towards a better life. They pass through an arid landscape strewn with volcanic rock that sustains little life besides the occasional pastoralist and his goats. Temperatures average around 34 degrees Celsius in winter and in summer can reach 52 degrees. 
 
 It is just one leg of a journey that, for most, started in Ethiopia or Somalia and for the fortunate ones will end with a well-paid job in Saudi Arabia. 
 
 The migrants, mostly young Ethiopian men aged between 18 and 30, tend to underestimate the risks of such a journey. In September 2011, the Djibouti government reported that around 60 corpses of Ethiopian migrants had been found near Lake Assal, a saline lake about 120km west of Djiboutiville. 
 
 Whether they died from drinking contaminated water or thirst and exhaustion after being abandoned by their smugglers is not known, but Bjorn Curley, associate protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Djibouti, described their fate as “a symptom of the dangers these people face while making this journey through one of the hottest, most inhospitable areas in the world.” 
 
 Jamal Yimar, a mason from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, survived an eight-day trek to Djibouti only to be robbed on the road to Obock of the 10,000 Djiboutian francs (US$57) needed to pay a smuggler for his passage to Yemen. 
 
 “Here it is miserable for everyone,” he said, standing outside Obock’s main mosque with about 50 other Ethiopian migrants who sleep there at night. “I have to beg to eat.” 
 
 Yimar worked for five months to save the money for this journey but is optimistic about his chances of replacing the stolen cash, crossing to Yemen, a country beset by internal conflict [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ], and reaching the Saudi border. 
 
 “After some time the problems in Yemen will disappear,” he said. “Look at my hands - I can work hard, and there [in Saudi Arabia] they pay a lot of money.” 
 
 Too many to detain 
 
 Rather than deterring migration, Curley of UNHCR says the unrest in Yemen may have made it easier for smugglers to operate. Over 60,000 migrants arrived there between January and August 2011, double the number that arrived during the same period in 2010. Obock’s relative proximity across the Gulf of Aden has made it a popular departure point. 
 
 In this sleepy port town of about 8,000 inhabitants, groups of migrant men, and the occasional woman, are easy to spot, resting in the shade of the mosque, washing their clothes off the pier or walking towards a large patch of scrubland on the outskirts of town where many of them sleep. 
 
 According to research by the Danish Refugee Council in January 2011 [ http://www.mmyemen.org/c/document_library/get_file?p_l_id=11104&folderId=11497&name=DLFE-1333.pdf ], others are kept out of sight in smugglers’ homes or on isolated stretches of coastline north of town. 
 
 Between July and October this year, a Migration Response Centre on the outskirts of Obock, operated by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in conjunction with a local NGO, Association pour la Reinsertion et le Development d’Obock (ARDO), registered 2,500 migrants. Many more are thought to have bypassed the Centre, where staff offer water, medical referrals and assistance to the few wishing to return home, but no food or overnight shelter. 
 
 Omar Fradda, Obock’s prefect (top official) puts the number of migrants passing through his town every year at 30,000. “Before, we gave them breakfast, lunch and dinner and paid for boats to take them back to Djiboutiville [from where they were deported], but now it became too many,” he told IRIN. 
 
 He receives no additional money from the government to cover the costs of detaining, feeding and transporting the migrants. “How can we arrest them” said a local police officer, “There are too many, and more every day.” 
 
 Migrants like Yimar, who have been robbed by bandits or their own smugglers, depend on the charity of local people for food and occasional paid work carrying loads from boats in the harbour, but there are limits to how much the town’s small population can give the constant stream of hungry migrants. 
 
 “Before, they gave us something, but now [that] our numbers are increasing they don’t give anymore,” said Melese Fantay, from Ethiopia’s Amhara region. He has spent the last 40 days sleeping rough outside the mosque and begging for food after a smuggler he had paid his last 1,350 Ethiopian birr (US$78) to take him to Yemen disappeared with the money. 
 
 The influx has also strained the resources of Obock’s hospital, where head doctor Helem Arbahim Hassan estimates that 10 out of the 40 out-patients he sees every day are migrants, mostly suffering from ailments caused by their difficult journey, such as malnourishment, malaria and foot injuries. 
 
 More seriously, since June about 100 migrants have been admitted as in-patients, mostly suffering from cholera. “They get it from drinking contaminated water,” Hassan said. “Sometimes they collapse on the road and an ambulance picks them up and brings them here.” 
 
 Deaths at departure points 
 
 Many migrants travel part of the way to Obock by car or truck, but Osman Keno, 21, an electrical engineering student from Ethiopia’s Oromia region, made the entire journey on foot over three weeks, travelling with a group of 32 others he met on the road. 
 
 He said they often went for days without finding water and when they did, filled as many containers as they could carry. A porridge called “besso”, made from barley flour, water and sugar, was the only food they had. 
 
 Keno’s parents did not know where he was until he phoned them from Djiboutiville and asked them to send him some money. He and his fellow travellers had each paid a smuggler 2,000 birr (US$116) to get them to Yemen, but had no idea when they would leave. 
 
 While they talk to IRIN from the patch of scrubland outside town where they have been waiting for the past three days, a local man carrying a stick approaches and the migrants, who include two Somali women, hurry towards him. 
 
 The man arranges them in rows, counts them several times with his stick and then divides them into two groups. Bags of bread and bottled water are distributed. It seems departure is imminent and they will soon be transferred to one of the isolated stretches of coastline north of Obock. 
 
 “It is while here that they have no access to food, safe drinking water or shelter from the sun,” said the Danish Refugee Council report. Migrants often wait between three and five days for favourable sea conditions to cross to Yemen. 
 
 “Several deaths at the departure point have been reported by new arrivals over the past year. Many new arrivals in Yemen need medical treatment for severe dehydration and acute diarrhoea, and some arrive very ill from having drunk sea water,” the authors said. 
 
 Death at sea, either from boats capsizing in bad weather, suffocation or from smugglers forcing passengers off overloaded boats, is another significant risk. Some of the migrants spend their time in Obock learning to swim. 
 
 “I’m not afraid,” said Keno. “My parents want me to come home but I don’t want to go back there, ever.” 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94210</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141153580531t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">OBOCK 15 November 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of migrants traverse the road between Djibouti’s capital, Djiboutiville, and the coastal town of Obock carrying little more than a bottle of water and the hope that they are heading towards a better life. They pass through an arid landscape strewn with volcanic rock that sustains little life besides the occasional pastoralist and his goats. Temperatures average around 34 degrees Celsius in winter and in summer can reach 52 degrees.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Rape cases soar in Galkayo camps</title><pubDate>Fri, 11 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111110914390294t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Deteriorating security, a culture of impunity and an increase in attacks on internally displaced people (IDPs) in the central Somali town of Galkayo, Mudug region, have resulted in a sharp increase in rape cases, gender activists told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Deteriorating security, a culture of impunity and an increase in attacks on internally displaced people (IDPs) in the central Somali town of Galkayo, Mudug region, have resulted in a sharp increase in rape cases, gender activists told IRIN. 
 
 "Attacks on women have gone up dramatically in the last two months and the severity of the attacks has become worse," said Silje Heitmann, the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) gender-based violence (GBV) specialist for south-central Somalia. 
 
 Many of the rape survivors live in IDP camps in the town, in flimsy shelters that often do not have doors or other structures that would deter an attacker. Gender activists also attributed the increase in rape to a deterioration of security, with armed gangs of young men roaming about the town, often high on khat (a natural stimulant), and frequently able to get away with raping women who have no clan support. 
 
 Sado Mohamud Isse, an activist, told IRIN clashes between Puntland forces and a clan militia in early September in Galkayo contributed to the increase in rape. 
 
 "The clashes forced many families to flee the town, creating conditions that gangs of young men exploited," Isse said, adding that impunity was another factor. "Almost all the rapists get away with it and know they can get away with it. So they commit these crimes without any fear of repercussions." 
 
 She said the fact that Galkayo town was divided between the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland and the self-declared autonomous region of Galmudug had also contributed to the current wave of rapes. "A criminal who commits rape in the north [Puntland] and thinks someone will come after him will simply cross to the south [Galmudug] and remain there until he feels safe to return." 
 
 Many rape survivors are referred to the Galkayo Education Centre for Peace and Development (GECPD), a group that advocates for women's and IDP issues, for counselling and medical attention. 
 
 GECPD recorded 21 cases and six attempted cases between January and August 2011 but cautioned that these were only the cases that had been been brought to the centre; others went to hospital while still others did not report at all. “There are many more that are not reported out of fear or ignorance,” said Isse. 
 
 “In my estimation rape cases have gone up twice what they were in 2010. Last year, you would hear of a rape case maybe once every two weeks. Now you hear of rape cases every three to four days," said Hawo Yusuf Ahmed of the GECPD. 
 
 Exact figures are not available because there are a number of groups who record cases and even more rapes are not reported, said Ahmed.   
 
 Women's groups have launched campaigns and invited traditional elders, religious leaders and security officials to discuss the issue. "We need to make sure opinion-shapers and those in charge of security realize this is a major problem faced not only by the displaced but also the ordinary women of Galkayo," said Isse. 
 
 Ordeal 
 
 Rape survivor Halwo*, 20, grew up in one of the IDP camps in Galkayo town. "I came here with my mother when I was 10 years old. Six months ago, I was attacked as I went to work. It was around 5:15am, two young men with guns waylaid me and told me to go with them or they would kill me." 
 
 Halwo said the two took her to the outskirts where they raped her and later brought her back to town, warning her that if she told anyone of the ordeal they would return to kill her. 
 
 "I was crying and pleading but they did not care," she said. "They were laughing when they finished and all I wanted to do was hide." 
 
 Halwo said she has since taken to wearing a niqab (a full face-covering veil) because she is afraid the rapists will recognize her. "I see them on the streets almost on a daily basis and I don’t want them to recognize me." 
 
 Halwo is just a statistic in the growing cases of sexual violence in IDP camps, according to activists such as Isse. 
 
 Halwo's mother was also raped a year ago. "It is something that I will never forget," said Mumino*, 40. But she was more devastated by her daughter's rape. "I don’t know why it is happening to us.” 
 
 Isse said apart from a lack of basic services, displaced women now had to deal with the constant fear of rape. 
 
 Neighbourhood watch 
 
 Zahra Farah, head of a women's group in Hela Bokhad IDP camp - home to 1,285 families (each with an average six members) – is part of a committee that “has set up a community watch group that patrols the camp at night. We have had no cases inside the camp since we started the watch group." 
 
 According to UNFPA, one of the problems is the lack of proper data and, to address it, the agency started to implement the Gender Based Violence Information Management System (GBV-IMS). 
 
 "This project was created in response to lack of a system throughout the GBV community for collecting, analyzing and sharing data related to reported incidents of GBV in a humanitarian context," said Roar Bakke Sorensen, communication specialist, UNFPA Somalia Country Office. 
 
 The agency is also providing Post Exposure Prophylaxis kits and kits for sexually transmitted infections to the hospitals in the region, he said. 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94184</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111110914390294t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Deteriorating security, a culture of impunity and an increase in attacks on internally displaced people (IDPs) in the central Somali town of Galkayo, Mudug region, have resulted in a sharp increase in rape cases, gender activists told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Migrants targeted in Somaliland</title><pubDate>Thu, 10 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910230930160227t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 10 November 2011 (IRIN) - Migrants in Somaliland, especially those from Ethiopia, have increasingly come under attack since the government in the self-declared independent state in September ordered employers to fire all &quot;illegal foreigners&quot; as part of its commitment to expelling them from the territory, according to rights organizations.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 10 November 2011 (IRIN) - Migrants in Somaliland, especially those from Ethiopia, have increasingly come under attack since the government in the self-declared independent state in September ordered employers to fire all "illegal foreigners" as part of its commitment to expelling them from the territory, according to rights organizations. 

"Many of those targeted for attack in the past one-and-a-half months live in the eight IDP [internally displaced persons] camps in Hargeisa," said Abdillahi Hassan Digale, an official of the Ubah Social Welfare Organization, which champions the rights of minorities and IDPs. "We have recorded 23 cases of violations, mostly by security groups [young men hired by the community to provide protection services] in these camps. They ask for bribes from the migrants; if they don't pay up, they are threatened that the police will be notified of their presence in the country."

Digale said most of the illegal migrants targeted were employed as watchmen, domestic servants, rubbish collectors, construction workers, farm hands or latrine diggers.

An estimated 90,000 illegal migrants, mostly Ethiopians, were thought to be in Somaliland by the time the government issued the directive. 

On 25 October, the government announced that foreigners working in Somaliland without permission from the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs would be relieved of their jobs and urged employers to prioritize citizens for work.

Human rights organizations estimate that about 45,000 illegal migrants have left Somaliland since the government directive but those remaining were living in difficult circumstances, with some hiding in their homes for fear of deportation. Others have been camping outside the Social Welfare Centre - run by the international NGO Save the Children with funding support from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR - fearing attacks and deportation.

Digale told IRIN: "Only 50 percent of the total estimated number of illegal immigrants has left Somaliland while the 50 percent who remain continue to suffer human rights violations in their settlements, afraid the police could deport them or the citizens could attack them. Already, some have not been paid, despite working for their employers for a month-and-a-half. Others have been beaten by members of the local communities."

Abdi-Hakim Mohamed Elmi, an Ethiopian working as a construction worker in Hargeisa, told IRIN his employer had confiscated his tools and refused to pay him for two days' work.

"Three weeks ago, I worked on a construction site in 150-ka street in Hargeisa, earning 70,000 Somaliland shillings [US$12.70] per day; when I was not paid for two days, I decided to report to the Dalodho police station but I was told there was no-one to follow up on my case," Elmi said. "I have not gone back to the construction site since then because I am afraid my employer could hurt me."

Khadir Abdalla, from Ethiopia's Oromiya region, who lives in the Dami IDP settlement in Hargeisa, was attacked 11 days ago by a group of young men in the camp.

"I used to collect trash in the local government area," he said. "A group of young men came to my home one day and asked me to come out. They asked why I was not adhering to the government directive to leave Somaliland. I told them I would go but, instead, they started beating me using sticks and punching me. They took whatever I had. I did not report them to the police because I was afraid... I would be deported."

Ahmed Yare, another Oromo Ethiopian in the Cakaara IDP settlement, said: "Young men came to my house 19 days ago and asked why I had not left the country. I told them I did not have the fare to travel. They beat me up, injuring me in the head before they left."

Rights violations

Ahmed Mohamed Said, chairman of Somaliland's Counter-Trafficking Network - an umbrella body of local NGOs working with the International Office for Migration (IOM) - said it had registered about 50 cases of human rights violations in the past three months, mainly targeting watchmen, domestic workers, latrine diggers, street sweepers and beggars.

"We submitted these cases to IOM who provided the victims with psycho-social support, rehabilitation and food aid," he said. "There are networks of human traffickers supplying labour from Ethiopia and south-central Somalia; when someone arrives in Somaliland, these middle men link them up to potential employers on condition that he will give up a portion of his salary to them."

Ahmed Elmi Barre, director-general of Somaliland's Ministry of Rehabilitation, Resettlement and Re-integration, told IRIN the ministry had not received any reports of human rights violations against Ethiopians in Somaliland.

However, rights groups say at least 30 Ethiopian Somalis were arrested 20 days ago in the border town of Lawya-addo. But Mohamed Muse Bu'ul, governor of the region of Selel - from where Lawya-addo is administered - told IRIN the arrests were for security reasons.

Bu'ul said: "We know in the region, there are about 450 foreign workers; arrests can happen for security reasons... A year ago, Somali militia who are members of ONLF [Ogaden National Liberation Front] landed in Somaliland's western coast; for this reason it is our duty to keep an eye on the security matters in the area."

maj/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94182</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910230930160227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 10 November 2011 (IRIN) - Migrants in Somaliland, especially those from Ethiopia, have increasingly come under attack since the government in the self-declared independent state in September ordered employers to fire all &quot;illegal foreigners&quot; as part of its commitment to expelling them from the territory, according to rights organizations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
