<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Rwanda</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 17:31:00 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Substantial HIV funding has not hurt other patient care</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902209t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - The large amount of donor funding that has gone into Rwanda&apos;s fight against HIV has not affected efforts to prevent and treat unrelated diseases, such as malaria and measles, and may in fact have improved overall healthcare, a six-year study has found.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - The large amount of donor funding that has gone into Rwanda's fight against HIV has not affected efforts to prevent and treat unrelated diseases, such as malaria and measles, and may in fact have improved overall healthcare, a six-year study has found. 

Researchers at Brandeis University in the US compared the performance of health clinics providing HIV services with those that did not by collecting data on the number of vaccines administered, visits to register child growth, and non-HIV/AIDS hospitalizations to monitor the attention given to non-HIV health issues. 

"We wanted to examine how AIDS funding interacts with the rest of the health sector in Rwanda," Dr Donald Shepard, a professor at the Schneider Institute for Health Policy at Brandeis and the study's lead author, told IRIN/PlusNews. "There are conflicting views - some thought AIDS funding impacted the wider health system favourably, while others thought it worked the other way." 

The fight against HIV has been the one of the best-funded health issues in recent times. A study in 2009 by the UN World Health Organization (WHO) [ http://www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/87/12/08-058677/en/index.html ] found that funding for HIV/AIDS accounted for almost one-third of total health overseas development assistance between 2002 and 2006. 

There has been a backlash [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/79325/GLOBAL-Is-AIDS-still-an-emergency ] against the large amount spent on AIDS, with critics suggesting that funding for HIV is disproportionate to the global disease burden and is using vital resources that could be spent on other diseases. 

The proponents of AIDS funding argue that the devastating impact of HIV justifies the high funding to fight the disease, and that the money has been used to strengthen health systems through improvements in infrastructure and functioning. The authors felt that Rwanda was a good case study because it has received strong HIV funding and has been used to support arguments on both sides. 

"What we found in Rwanda was that large amounts of AIDS funding had not had an adverse impact, as some feared - there is no evidence that it detracted from the rest of the health system," Shepard said. “On the contrary, the evidence suggests that the benefits have spun off into the rest of the health system. In health centres providing HIV services, for example, BCG [Bacillus Calmette-Guérin, a vaccine against tuberculosis] vaccinations increased at a higher rate than at those health centres that didn't provide HIV services." 

The authors found that while there were neither "prominent diversions nor enhancement effects" after introducing HIV services to health centres, there was evidence that the health centres offering HIV services provided better preventive care than those that did not, including better immunization programmes. 

According to Shepard, the fact that AIDS funding had been able to work well within the wider health system was no accident, but the result of a deliberate policy by the Rwandan government. "Rwanda made a thoughtful effort to integrate AIDS services into the general health system - staff who treated HIV patients also treated other patients, and systems set up using HIV funds supported other health issues in a systematic way," he said. 

Rwanda's community-based health insurance, known as Mutuelle, [ http://www.moh.gov.rw/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=294:more-than-80-percent-pay-up-for-mutuelle-de-sante&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=2 ] and its performance-based financing for health centres, contributed significantly to the overall smooth and efficient running of the health system. 

Shepard noted that the findings, while specific to Rwanda, meant that donors should continue their funding for HIV. 

He suggested that "Other countries should look at Rwanda and adapt its systems to their own settings, using funding for HIV to broadly support the health system and strengthen the response to other diseases." 

kr/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95428</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902209t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - The large amount of donor funding that has gone into Rwanda&apos;s fight against HIV has not affected efforts to prevent and treat unrelated diseases, such as malaria and measles, and may in fact have improved overall healthcare, a six-year study has found.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC: Congolese refugees flee fighting into Rwanda</title><pubDate>Fri, 04 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910290758590124t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 04 May 2012 (IRIN) - Renewed heavy fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo&apos;s (DRC) North Kivu Province has pushed some 3,000 Congolese refugees into northern Rwanda where they are in need of humanitarian assistance, says a senior UN official.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 04 May 2012 (IRIN) - Renewed heavy fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) North Kivu Province has pushed some 3,000 Congolese refugees into northern Rwanda where they are in need of humanitarian assistance, says a senior UN official.

"The situation is worsening since humanitarian volunteers are now overwhelmed by the influx of Congolese refugees who are arriving in Rwanda," Neimah Warsame, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in Rwanda, told reporters on 3 May. 

According to Warsame, the refugee influx into the Nkamira transit camp, in the  northwest, has prompted a multi-agency relief effort. 

In a press release, the Rwandan Ministry of Disaster Management and Refugee Affairs said that local administrative leaders, in collaboration with humanitarian volunteers, are screening the refugees arriving at Nkamira. 

The refugees are fleeing fighting between the DRC army and troops loyal to the former Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) militia leader Gen. Bosco Ntaganda. 

In a 3 May statement, the UN Security Council [ http://reliefweb.int/node/494261 ] expressed serious concern over the recent attacks by armed groups in eastern DRC -  in particular former elements of the CNDP under the leadership of  Ntaganda - against the Congolese armed forces, and called for an immediate end to the rebellion.

The Council also expressed concern over the worsening security and humanitarian situation in the area, especially the  increasing number of displaced persons and the outflow of refugees into neighbouring countries. It called “for all crimes, including crimes against women and children, to be expeditiously investigated and the need for all perpetrators of those crimes, in particular Ntaganda, to be brought to justice.”

Ntaganda has been indicted by the UN International Criminal Court for war crimes in the northeastern Ituri region by the Union des patriotes congolais (UPC) militia whose former leader, Thomas Lubanga, was on 14 March found guilty [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95073/DRC-Lubanga-verdict-a-first-step ] of conscripting child soldiers by the Court. Ntaganda was Lubanga’s successor at the UPC. 

At present, Rwanda is hosting some 53, 000 Congolese refugees and asylum seekers in camps in the Gihembe, Kiziba and Nyabiheke areas in the north and western regions. 

"Most of those Congolese refugees have fled previous fighting in their country since 1996,” said Warsame.

at/aw/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95413</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910290758590124t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 04 May 2012 (IRIN) - Renewed heavy fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo&apos;s (DRC) North Kivu Province has pushed some 3,000 Congolese refugees into northern Rwanda where they are in need of humanitarian assistance, says a senior UN official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EAST AFRICA: Regional HIV Bill passed without criminalization clause</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070910t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - East Africa&apos;s Legislative Assembly has passed a regional HIV/AIDS Bill that seeks to protect the rights of people living with HIV and harmonize regional legislation and policy on the prevention and treatment of HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - East Africa's Legislative Assembly has passed a regional HIV/AIDS Bill that seeks to protect the rights of people living with HIV and harmonize regional legislation and policy on the prevention and treatment of HIV. 

Activists have welcomed the passing of the Bill, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88635/EAST-AFRICA-One-region-one-HIV-law ] which, unlike some of the laws in the region's individual member states, does not criminalize the deliberate transmission of HIV. 

"Criminalization impedes rather than promotes the fight against HIV, because it violates the rights of people living with HIV on many fronts," Nelson Otuoma, the coordinator of the Network of People Living with HIV and AIDS in Kenya (NEPHAK), told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Member countries whose HIV legislation has criminalization clauses will be pressed to amend the laws to reflect the spirit of the regional Bill. Three of the East Africa Community's five member states - Burundi, Kenya and Tanzania - have passed HIV laws with clauses that criminalize wilful transmission, while Rwanda and Uganda have not yet passed legislation. 

"This [regional] Bill has a human rights approach to HIV as a major component, and criminalization was never its intention. We expect countries to use this Bill as a template for their legislation and we will lobby towards that end,” said Joyce Abalo, a programme officer at the East Africa National Networks of AIDS Service Organizations (EANNASO). 

"This Bill is an important first step towards strengthening HIV response in the region, because HIV issues must also be at the core of regional cooperation, which countries are quickly embracing," Abalo said. The proposed legislation also outlaws discrimination, guarantees rights to privacy and ensures the provision of health care, regardless of HIV status. 

NEPHAK's Otuoma said the Bill would improve access to HIV services in the regional bloc. "You can't move freely to another country if you are not sure you will get your [HIV] treatment there. Now, should this bill become law, one knows that even he is Kenyan, he can get his treatment in Uganda." 

The East Africa Community HIV and AIDS Prevention and Management Bill (2012) was passed by the East Africa Legislative Assembly on 23 April at its fifth session, held in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi. The heads of state of the member countries are expected to assent to it before it becomes law. 

ko/kr/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95371</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070910t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - East Africa&apos;s Legislative Assembly has passed a regional HIV/AIDS Bill that seeks to protect the rights of people living with HIV and harmonize regional legislation and policy on the prevention and treatment of HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Floods displace hundreds in Rwanda</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011041351510894t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of people have been displaced and several killed by flash floods in the mountainous district of Musanze in northern Rwanda, and in the western districts of Nyabihu and Rubavu, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of people have been displaced and several killed by flash floods in the mountainous district of Musanze in northern Rwanda, and in the western districts of Nyabihu and Rubavu, say officials. 

"The region has received non-stop rain for the whole past week and more floodwater should be expected in the coming days as well," a senior researcher with Rwanda Meteorological Services, told IRIN. 

At least 876 hectares of land has been inundated, turning floodplains into raging rivers, which damaged roads, bridges, schools and clinics, said the Ministry for Disaster Management and Refugee Affairs.  

Food and non-food assistance is being provided to the affected residents, some of whom are seeking refuge in makeshift camps, according to Rwanda Red Cross Northern Province representative Muhayimana Marie Solange. 

The government is helping to airlift supplies to those cut off by the floods. An assessment of flood damage is yet to be carried out. 

at/aw/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95313</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011041351510894t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of people have been displaced and several killed by flash floods in the mountainous district of Musanze in northern Rwanda, and in the western districts of Nyabihu and Rubavu, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: The true burden of cancer</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911041028050170t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Breast cancer continues to be misunderstood, under-diagnosed and fatal, particularly in developing countries, say researchers, despite more than one million official annual diagnoses and almost half a million recorded deaths annually.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Breast cancer continues to be misunderstood, under-diagnosed and fatal, particularly in developing countries, say researchers, despite more than one million official annual diagnoses and almost half a million recorded deaths annually [ http://globocan.iarc.fr/factsheets/cancers/breast.asp ].  

Even with growing efforts from donors and health agencies to draw more attention to chronic non-communicable diseases [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93756 ], awareness about cancer still lags, said Sara Stulac, clinical director in Rwanda for the US-headquartered Partners in Health NGO.  

"Just bringing up the fact that there are children suffering from cancer in Rwanda, the reaction I often get is 'Oh, cancer - Africa - I never thought about that'."  

"We're victims of our own success, which is very good news," Harvard University's director of Global Equity Initiative, Felicia Knaul, told IRIN, referring to declining numbers of deaths from some communicable diseases in developing countries.  The downside of that success is, "You go on to live through other risks and get other diseases", she added.  

The World Health Organization's (WHO) International Agency on Research on Cancer [ http://globocan.iarc.fr/ ] estimated in 2008 that breast cancer was the most frequently officially diagnosed cancer among women, with an estimated 1.38 million cases.  

It was also the most frequently reported cause of death by cancer for women.  

Eighty percent of up to 3.7 million of deaths by cancer - all types - are reported in developing countries, according to recent research Knaul co-authored with the [ http://ghsm.hms.harvard.edu/uploads/pdf/ccd_report_111027.pdf ] Global Task Force on Expanded Access to Cancer Care and Control in Developing Countries at Harvard University. 

Costly care  

Women who reached Rwinkwavu Hospital in Kayonza District in eastern Rwanda, where Stulac works, may have already unsuccessfully sought care elsewhere - often at informal or ill-equipped health centres, she added.  As a result, they frequently arrive at hospital with advanced stages of breast cancer that are harder, more expensive and more painful to cure, said Stulac. 

An estimated 70-80 percent of breast cancer cases are diagnosed at late stages in lower- and middle-income countries, according to Knaul.  But even with early diagnosis, breast cancer can mean a painful and debilitating death in cash-strapped countries where specialists are few and costs are high, said Stulac.  

"Over the course of just seeking a diagnosis, [patients] have depleted their family's resources."  

Cancer prevention and awareness campaigns are infrequent in low-income countries. And when cancer is diagnosed, treatment options can often include palliative care, which is scarce, expensive and stigmatized, according to 2011 oncology research. [ http://www.futuremedicine.com/doi/abs/10.2217/fon.11.101 ].  

The Vienna-based International Narcotics Control Board says 90 percent of the world's opiate supply for pain relief is consumed in the most developed countries, leaving little for poorer countries. [ http://www.incb.org/pdf/annual-report/2010/en/supp/AR10_Supp_E.pdf ]  

Gathering data  

Knaul urged combating disease with data. "We have to help women to diagnose more, even when we don't have good access to treatment because that's how we'll get to know that the disease exists."  

Since 1980, breast cancer cases globally have risen annually by 3.1 percent on average, according to recent reports [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)61351-2/abstract ], and continued rises are predicted by WHO.  

As a complex group of diseases for which there are few national registries, and ones that lack access to diagnostics and treatment, cancer's true burden remains unknown in many developing countries.  

"We need to research at a very basic level of understanding what the disease looks like. We need better data," said Stulac. 

Knaul's report called for public health systems to boost cancer detection alongside anti-poverty, maternal and child health, sexual and reproductive health and HIV/AIDS programming. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93768 ]  

Breast cancer clinical trials in lower and middle-income countries can help boost tracking and prevention - sorely lacking and almost non-existent in some places, said Ismail Jatoi, chief of surgical oncology at the US-based Texas University Health Science Centre.  "Conducting trials in these countries is a way of setting up infrastructure within [health] centres that are conducting trials."  

While an estimated eight out of 10 cancer cases worldwide are diagnosed in poorer countries, research there only attracts 5 percent of global cancer funding, according to the Global Task Force on Expanded Access to Cancer Care and Control.  

"When research and science have helped us come up with newer and better medications, one of our goals should be to advocate for bringing those medications not just [to] rich people, but [to] poor people as well," said Stulac.  

oja/pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94726</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911041028050170t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - Breast cancer continues to be misunderstood, under-diagnosed and fatal, particularly in developing countries, say researchers, despite more than one million official annual diagnoses and almost half a million recorded deaths annually.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Aiming towards two million medical male circumcisions</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270750430610t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - This will be a busy year for Rwanda&apos;s health centres as the country attempts to reach its goal of medically circumcising 50 percent of men by June 2013 as part of HIV prevention efforts.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - This will be a busy year for Rwanda's health centres as the country attempts to reach its goal of medically circumcising 50 percent of men by June 2013 as part of HIV prevention efforts. 
 
 "We plan to extend free male circumcision services to all men in Rwanda - we are targeting two million circumcisions by 2013," said Simoni Kanyaruhango, head of the national male circumcision programme at the Rwanda Bio-Medical Centre. "The programme has, under the sponsorship of the Global Fund [to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria], extended the necessary kits ... to all district hospitals, which will in turn offer the service free of charge to the public." 
 
 The free male circumcision programme began in October 2011, and officials at the Ministry of Health say demand is growing. 
 
 "Here we carry out circumcisions every weekend but we are looking at including the working days as the demand is increasing by the day," said Christian Ntizimira, director of Kibagabaga Hospital in the capital, Kigali. 
 
 A large randomized controlled trial in Kenya, South Africa and Uganda found that medical male circumcision can reduce a man's risk of contracting HIV through vaginal intercourse by almost 60 percent. 
 
 In order to reach 80 percent coverage - a target set by UNAIDS and the World Health Organization (WHO) under a new plan [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94404 ] to accelerate medical male circumcision in eastern and southern Africa - Rwanda would need to circumcise 1,746,052 men; at present, some 15 percent are circumcised. 
 
 However, with a severe shortage of highly trained medical staff - according to WHO, [ http://www.who.int/whosis/whostat/EN_WHS2011_Full.pdf ] Rwanda has just two doctors per 100,000 population - the goal is unlikely to be met unless lower cadre health workers are involved in the campaign. 
 
 Simpler techniques 
 
 At present, the programme is using circumcision surgery, the only WHO-approved method. 
 
 The government is hoping for WHO approval of a device known as the "PrePex system", which delivers "bloodless" male circumcision [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91919 ] and would reduce the need for a sterile environment, anaesthetic and highly trained medical personnel. The PrePex system works through a special elastic mechanism that fits closely around an inner ring, trapping the foreskin, which dries up and is removed after a week. 
 
 "This device has been clinically studied and found effective. We are only awaiting approval from the World Health Organization Technical Advisory Group on technical innovations in male circumcision," said Vincent Mutabazi, lead investigator in the PrePex Clinical study. 
 
 "With WHO approval of the device, we could perform male circumcisions anywhere, any time or even run mobile clinics out to remote communities rather than have men travel long distances for the circumcisions," said Agnes Binagwaho, the Rwandan Minister of Health. 
 
 Education gaps 
 
 Messages on male circumcision have been widely broadcast using print and electronic media, and health centres are also being used to promote the programme. 
 
 However, many in the target population remain unaware or afraid of the procedure. "I know about it of course and I appreciate its importance, but what would happen if I don't heal properly or even heal at all?" asked James Nkuusi, a restaurant owner in Remera, a Kigali suburb. "Besides, my wives are used to me the way I am now - my size, you know. If I got circumcised it would be difficult for me to satisfy them I guess, and I would never let that happen." 

 Experts say male circumcision does not affect [ http://www.malecircumcision.org/publications/documents/Low_cost_leaflet.pdf ] penis size. 
 
 Rwanda Bio-Medical Centre's Kanyaruhango said the government had made significant progress in demystifying the procedure. It is also being careful to emphasize that male circumcision must work in conjunction with other HIV prevention methods to be successful. 
 
 "Male circumcision should only be one element of a comprehensive HIV prevention package, which should include the promotion of condom use, the provision of HIV counselling and testing services and treatment of sexually transmitted infections. And this is what we emphasize," said Kanyaruhango. 
 
 rkm/kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94604</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270750430610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - This will be a busy year for Rwanda&apos;s health centres as the country attempts to reach its goal of medically circumcising 50 percent of men by June 2013 as part of HIV prevention efforts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Criminalization of sex work hinders HIV prevention efforts</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238060668t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sex workers in Rwanda say the criminalization of their activities, combined with their general isolation from society, means they are often excluded from HIV prevention, treatment and care opportunities.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sex workers in Rwanda say the criminalization of their activities, combined with their general isolation from society, means they are often excluded from HIV prevention, treatment and care opportunities. 
 
 Article 225 of the Penal Code states that "Any person who practices the profession of prostitution shall be liable for a term of imprisonment ranging from six months to three years or a fine ranging from 50,000 [US$81.5] to 500,000 [$815] Rwanda Francs." 
 
 Sex workers fall into the category of "most at-risk populations" in terms of HIV infection and transmission, and according to the 2010 Rwanda Behavioural and Biological Surveillance Survey [ http://www.tracrwanda.org.rw/spip.php?article4 ] the overall prevalence of HIV among female commercial sex workers was 51 percent - 17 times the national average of 3 percent. 
 
 The survey also found that condom use by sex workers was inconsistent with their paying sexual partners as well as with their chosen partners, and 36 percent of sex workers reported having had at least one sexually transmitted infection symptom in the 12 months preceding the survey. 
 
 Sex workers say the illegal nature of their profession has a direct impact on HIV prevention and treatment. For instance, when HIV-positive sex workers are jailed, they are unable to adhere to treatment. They also face stigma and discrimination by their communities and even health workers.
 
 "I had this unrelenting cough and I was losing a lot of weight. My skin was deteriorating. The doctor - without my knowledge and consent - just conducted an HIV test," said Nelly*, a sex worker in Nyarugenge, a suburb in the capital, Kigali. 
 
 "He gave me some treatment for opportunistic infections, but didn't reveal to me that I was HIV-positive. When I went back to the health centre some time later, the reception was very cruel... No one wanted to attend to me; the nurses and all the other staff were avoiding me, just pointing fingers,” she said. 
 
 "After a long and frustrating wait I managed to see the doctor, who gave me a few tiny tablets and impolitely told me I was suffering from some incurable disease. I was confused but I came to discover, much later, I was HIV positive," she added. "I resorted to going to a far-off health centre, where they don't know about my [sex] work - at least they would treat fairly there." 
 
 But news of her HIV status had already reached her home and when she visited her family, her parents and siblings forced her to use separate cutlery, crockery and other household items. 
 
 In 2010, more than 100 civil society organizations submitted a position paper on human rights, HIV/AIDS and sex workers to the Rwandan senate, stating that the continued criminalization of the profession forced sex workers to operate covertly, and denied them access to vital healthcare. 
 
 The country's National Strategic Plan on HIV/AIDS (2009-2012) aims to reach 60 percent of sex workers with HIV prevention programmes, but criminalization makes it difficult to reach them, said Willy Mwanafunzi, the executive director of Faith Victory Association. The NGO has embarked on a three-year campaign to fight HIV/AIDS among sex workers. 
 
 "The campaign with sex workers seeks to find alternative economic activities away from [sex work]. We have so far trained over 4,000 sex worker peer educators around the country in HIV prevention, advocacy for condom use and human rights, among others, and these peer educators are also supposed to identify and recruit these sex workers into the project, but the main challenge we have had is identifying the sex workers," he told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 "Sex work is illegal here, so they tend to shy away and hide from the peer educators because they do not trust their motives. They think they [peer educators] are working with the law enforcers, and this has kept them [sex workers] away. However, we have taken it upon ourselves to sensitize the authorities and our target beneficiaries that our activities are for the good of this most at-risk population," Mwanafunzi said. 
 
 Officials at the Ministry of Health told IRIN/PlusNews that sex workers were free to access the country's widely available HIV services. 
 
 "We have carried out sensitization programmes across the board… directed towards behavioural change and HIV/AIDS education to all audiences through the media and other fora,” said Dr Sabin Nsanzimana, head of the HIV/AIDS division of the Institute of HIV/AIDS Disease Prevention and Control at the Ministry of Health's Bio-Medical Centre. 
 
 “We also have in place other HIV/AIDS services, like voluntary counselling and testing, condom distribution and availability, ARV access to all...We do not offer these services in isolation of the high-risk groups.," he pointed out. 
 
 A paper authored by, among others, Rwanda's current health minister, Agnes Binagwaho, [ http://www.hhrjournal.org/index.php/hhr/article/viewArticle/371/574 ] noted that "protecting the health of Rwanda's sex workers (and with them, the broader population) does not demand intensified repression.” 
 
 On the contrary, the paper on developing rights-based strategies to improve health among female sex workers in Rwanda urged “a comprehensive agenda of medical and social support to improve these women's access to health care, reduce their social isolation, and expand their economic options." 
 
 However, the paper also noted that some Rwandan lawmakers continue to advocate a hard-line approach to tackling sex work. 
 
 rkm/kr/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94231</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238060668t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 17 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sex workers in Rwanda say the criminalization of their activities, combined with their general isolation from society, means they are often excluded from HIV prevention, treatment and care opportunities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Rwandan refugees reluctant to repatriate</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907280927540124t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

 According to the “cessation clause” of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/47fdfaf1d.html ] which UNHCR is recommending countries invoke for Rwandans, fundamental and durable changes in a refugee’s country of origin, such that they no longer have a well-founded fear of persecution, should remove the need for international protection. 
 
 “The main thing taken into account is whether the situation that forced people to flee still exists,” explained Fatoumata Lejeune-Kaba, a spokesperson with UNHCR in Geneva. “In this case, for the Rwandans, obviously the genocide and the war is over and many Rwandans have already returned.” 
 
 However, a number of Rwandan refugees living in South Africa whom IRIN interviewed insisted that, while there had been changes in Rwanda, it was not safe for them to return home. 
 
 “I left in 1994 and I haven’t been back,” said Celine*, who like all of the Rwandans interviewed for this article, asked that her real name not be used. “If I go back, my safety will not be guaranteed and even up to now, my family is still getting threatened… people are still getting arrested and put into prison and spend years without trial.” 
 
 “What we fled is still there,” agreed Jean-Pierre*, who left Rwanda after his father, sister and a number of other family members were killed during the genocide. “We follow what is going on in our country; there’s no democracy, no respect for freedom of speech.” 
 
 Jean Pierre has been living in South Africa for 14 years and has already applied for permanent residency, “but what about those who are fleeing the country now and arriving here every day?” he asked. 
 
 Bernard* arrived in South Africa a month ago. A well-known singer in Rwanda, he says he was targeted by the security forces for singing songs critical of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). 
 
 “Soldiers came to my house and I heard my mother outside talking to them. Then I heard shouting and bullets firing and I climbed out the window and ran,” he said, speaking to IRIN through a translator. 
 
 Convinced that his mother had been killed, Bernard crossed the border into Burundi where he stayed for a week before narrowly escaping a second encounter with Rwandan soldiers. After brief stays in Zambia and Mozambique, he finally reached South Africa and did not waste time lodging an asylum claim with the Department of Home Affairs in Pretoria. 
 
 “I heard people talking about the cessation clause, but I couldn’t believe it until they rejected my asylum claim,” he said, adding that his interview had lasted less than 10 minutes and he was handed a decision on the same day. 
 
 Rushed decisions? 
 
 Although South Africa's foreign affairs department has yet to announce whether it will invoke the cessation clause for Rwandan refugees and did not respond to questions from IRIN, Celine said Home Affairs officials had been denying asylum to Rwandans and refusing to extend refugee permits "since the rumours of cessation started". 
 
 Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh of Lawyers for Human Rights, a local NGO which provides legal assistance to refugees, noted that Rwandans seeking asylum in South Africa are supposed to be considered on a case by case basis, but that recent efforts by Home Affairs to address a large backlog of asylum-seeker claims had resulted in some rushed decisions. 
 
 "The people doing the interviews are given a target that they need to make 10 decisions a day which results in people having 10-minute interviews," she told IRIN. "It seems to us not enough time to adequately consider a person’s asylum application." 
 
 Bernard intends to appeal the decision to reject his asylum claim which, according to a print-out given to him by Home Affairs, was based on a lack of evidence that his fear of arrest was well-founded and information indicating that, "the Constitution of Rwanda protects and advances basic human rights and in practice the government respects these rights." 
 
 In fact, a number of human rights organizations have repeatedly raised the alarm about human rights abuses in Rwanda and called for an independent assessment of the current situation in the country prior to invoking the cessation clause. 
 
 "It can’t be compared with what it was in 1994 and there have been significant changes since that time, but there are ongoing concerns such as the very tight restrictions on freedom of expression, and that applies not only to the lack of political space, lack of freedom of the media, but also more broadly to ordinary Rwandans who may have a view that is different from that of the government," said Carina Tertsakian, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch. 
 
 Pressure on UNHCR 
 
 Tertsakian pointed out that the Rwandan government had put considerable pressure on UNHCR to invoke the cessation clause. "I think it’s partly a way of trying to control people; they can speak out much more easily when they’re outside the country," she said. 
 
 Long before UNHCR announced its recommendation on 7 October, the Rwandan government had begun informing its remaining 114,000 refugees, the majority of whom are concentrated in the Great Lakes region, that they would no longer qualify for refugee status after 31 December 2011. Over the past year, high-level delegations have been dispatched to host countries such as Mozambique, Zambia, Uganda and Cameroon urging refugees to repatriate and offering government assistance with reintegration. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90981 ] 
 
 "There's been a fair bit of misinformation about the cessation clause," Tertsakian told IRIN. "I think many people don’t realize that they have the option of resubmitting a claim for refugee status." 
 
 According to Lejeune-Kaba of UNHCR, Rwandans who can still claim persecution or who have gone through severe trauma because of persecution can apply for an exemption from the cessation clause. However, Tertsakian worried about the capacity of a country such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, where an estimated 70,000 Rwandan refugees are living, to process a potential flood of exemption claims. 
 
 "Many countries have a large backlog of asylum-seeker claims... If tens of thousands of Rwandans start re-submitting claims, it's going to be a huge job to go through them," she said. 
 
 Lejeune-Kaba said UNHCR will work with governments to ensure refugees are informed about their right either to apply for exemption or, for those who have established strong ties in their host country, to apply for residency. 
 
 Like Jean-Pierre, Celine has applied for permanent residency in South Africa and hopes to avoid repatriation to Rwanda. "It’s not a matter of having a better life [here] because I love my country," she said. "I’m here because of the protection issue." 
 
 *Not their real names 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94029</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907280927540124t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GREAT LAKES: At risk of &quot;war for food, space&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - High population density, low government support for agriculture, and poor infrastructure and farming methods have resulted in chronic food insecurity in Africa&apos;s Great Lakes region, experts say, despite a climate conducive to growing various crops.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - High population density, low government support for agriculture, and poor infrastructure and farming methods have resulted in chronic food insecurity in Africa's Great Lakes region, experts say, despite a climate conducive to growing various crops.
 
 "We have a very big challenge within the Central Africa region: can the small land support the population we have?” posited Nteranya Sanginga, director-general designate of the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) [ http://www.iita.org/ ]. 
 
 At a recent conference organized by the Consortium for Improving Agriculture–based Livelihoods in Central Africa (CIALCA [ http://www.cialca.org/ ]) in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, Sanginga said intensive and relevant agricultural research could help to feed the steadily growing population.
 
 “If we don’t do that, we could be going into a situation of war - war for food, war for space,” he said.
 
 Predominantly small farms, about less than half a hectare, make agricultural intensification - increasing productivity per unit area of land - necessary to help meet increasing food demands.
 
 Two countries in the region, Rwanda and Burundi, have high population densities estimated at about 400 inhabitants per square kilometre.
 
 Outside sub-Saharan Africa, agricultural intensification [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?reportid=86350 ] has largely been driven by combining inorganic fertilizer and agrichemical inputs with intensive tillage and improved varieties. But experts are recommending more sustainable intensification [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88559 ], involving food systems in harmony with the environment.
 
 “Given the food demand pressures and the environmental constraints (carbon, water, biodiversity), there seems little alternative to an intensification pathway for agriculture – but it needs to be a sustainable one,” notes a study, Sustainable intensification and the food security challenge, presented at the conference. [ http://www.cialca.org/files/files/abstracts_v1.pdf ]
 
 Cash and will
 
 In sub-Saharan Africa, where high fertilizer costs mean low usage, rising agricultural productivity has often followed the provision of more land, but this too has its limitations. 
 
 “The clearing of forests and woodland and cultivation of grasslands is going to generate a significant load of greenhouses gases on an already overloaded atmosphere – with consequences of climate change and potential for negative feedback on agricultural productivity,” according to the study.
 
 Besides on-farm approaches, experts at the conference emphasized the need for improved agricultural financing and political will towards achieving regional food security. 
 
 “The fact that the green revolution bypassed most of Africa has a reason in finance; the lack of political will is also a reason,” Henk Breman, principal scientist at IFDC [ http://www.ifdc.org/Media_Info/IFDC_FAQs ] a food security NGO, said.
 
 With little government support and weak rural infrastructure, as well as high transportation and fertilizer costs, farmers struggle to switch to high input, high output farming. 
 
 According to an International Food Policy Research Institute report titled, Green Revolution, Curse or Blessing, “simply adding to the pile of food will not be enough”. [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/pubs/pubs/ib/ib11.pdf ]
 
 "Typically, governments must make a concerted effort to ensure that small farmers have fair access to land, knowledge, and modern inputs," it states, adding that there is a need for agricultural technologies that can profitably be adopted on all farm sizes.
 
 Boosting production
 
 Shem Michael Ndabikunze, director of the Rwanda Agriculture Board, said increased agricultural investment was already paying off in Rwanda where food production has increased in the past few years.
 
 He said an emphasis on the value chain, all activities from the field to the market, had helped to boost production. At present, 53 percent of agricultural land in Rwanda is consolidated, meaning that farmers have access to improved seed and subsidized fertilizer, Ndabikunze added. 
 
 Rwanda’s food security outlook through to December remains satisfactory, with most markets in the country adequately supplied, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Rwanda_FSOU_2011_08.pdf ], according to FEWS NET. 
 
 Ndabikunze said Rwanda had also increased its public investment in agriculture to 10.1 percent of GDP in 2010, expected to reach 12 percent in 2011. The Maputo Declaration [ http://www.nepad.org/system/files/Maputo%20Declaration.pdf ] by the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) recommends members allocate at least 10 percent of their GDP to agriculture. 
 
 Success stories such as Rwanda and Malawi offer hope, says IITA’s Sanginga. A Farm Input Subsidy Programme introduced in Malawi [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89175 ] in 2005 has helped to improve national food security and the productivity of smallholder farmers. 
 
 But the situation is different in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) where insecurity often limits access to fields. Poor agricultural extension services have also limited farmers’ access to new farming methods.
 
 “Extension is important not just for access to food but also in reducing rural poverty,” said Ann Degrande of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research [ http://www.cgiar.org/ ]. 
 
 Supporting farmers
 
 Serah Kimaru-Muchai of Kenyatta University in Kenya said it was important to use the right communication channels to deliver research products to the farmers, including workshops and training by demonstration. 
 
 “There is a saying... once I see I will not forget; farmers prefer to see these technologies being demonstrated to them,” said Kimaru-Muchai, adding that it was important to train individual farmers in these new technologies as “farmers are the most accessible to other farmers”.
 
 Tools to help farmers choose the best types of crops, amount and type of soil inputs, are often not available, according to a study, Exploring the scope of fertilizer use in East Africa, co-authored by Lydia Wairegi of the Centre for Agriculture and Biosciences International [ http://www.cabi.org/ ]. 
 
 The study [ http://www.cialca.org/files/files/abstracts_v1.pdf ] examined the expected benefits of fertilizer use by relating the value of yield farm gate prices to the value of fertilizer equivalent of nutrients removed for selected crops. 
 
 “There is a need to enable farmers to tell if I invest in maize, I may make more profit than in other crops... Even as we do research, we should have it in our minds that farmers face difficulties making decisions...,” she said.
 
 According to Hans Henner, a World Food Prize Laureate, it is clear there is a need to need to produce more food “but the question is how?” 
 
 “If we put life back into the soil we will get water back into the soil," Henner said. "The soil is a living organism. Agriculture needs to be redesigned. It’s at a crossroads, which is why we need to take it into the future.”
 
 aw/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94116</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 01 November 2011 (IRIN) - High population density, low government support for agriculture, and poor infrastructure and farming methods have resulted in chronic food insecurity in Africa&apos;s Great Lakes region, experts say, despite a climate conducive to growing various crops.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: The politics of humanitarian principle</title><pubDate>Fri, 28 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010201232590539t.jpg" />]]>BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress.</description><body><![CDATA[BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress. [ http://www.humanitaererkongress.de/ ]
 
 “Humanitarian actors often claim they are above politics but it is simply not true,” said Fabrice Weissman, one of the co-authors of the book, which will be officially launched at the end of November. 
 
 “We do still retain our central tenet, which is saving lives,” Weissman added, but we also “seek to puncture a number of myths. We address the big question of when should and shouldn’t MSF be willing to compromise?” 
 
 Contributors lay out a wide range of dilemmas, “seeking to analyze the political transactions and balances of power and interests that allow aid activities to move forward, but that are usually masked by the lofty rhetoric of 'humanitarian principles'”. 
 
 Financing fighters 
 
 The conclusions are often disturbing. “That fighting forces seek to take advantage of aid groups is unavoidable,” Weissman said. “The fact is that unless we provide them with benefits they have no reason to allow us to operate in the areas they seek to control.” 
 
 As an example, he mentioned Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan. “The reality there is that the Taliban are claiming responsibility for the goods and services that humanitarian groups are providing, which allows the Taliban to appear to the local populations as being effective governors.” 
 
 Another benefit fighting forces get from aid groups is money, exchanged for services such as security. “On many occasions, MSF, like other organizations, uses combatants to ensure the safety of its teams and convoys,” said the author. 

 Bribes are also part of negotiations, says Rony Brauman who heads the MSF think-tank Centre de Réflexion Sur l’Action et Les Savoirs Humanitaires, which encourages debate and critical reflection on humanitarian practices. “The question is often not whether to pay them but how much to pay. It must be thought of as an informal tax.” 

 Also, much of the salary paid to local staff can end up in the coffers of fighting forces. Weismann cited Eritrea, which, during the conflict with Ethiopia in 1998, demanded a 50 percent tax on wages paid by NGOs. 
 
 Corruption “integral” 
 
 Other fighting groups simply loot aid organizations, and some even have the gall to sell their spoils back to the aid group. “Corruption is an integral part of the worlds in which we operate,” Weissman said. 
 
 Some aid organizations have policies to avoid corruption. In 2010, Transparency International published Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations, which lays out what aid organizations should do when faced with corruption dilemmas. 
 
 But for MSF, when the aim is to get the job done, corruption may be unavoidable. “Our imperative must always be to save lives but we have concluded that the means by which lives are saved cannot be a moral or ethical issue, and that is a fact that aid groups have tended not to talk about,” Weissman said. 
 
 When donors are combatants 
 
 The book is part of an MSF series associated with CRASH. A 2004 publication, In the Shadow of "Just Wars", [ http://www.msf-crash.org/en/publications/2009/06/04/275/in-the-shadow-of-just-wars/ ] focused on the problems MSF and other organizations had in conflict zones where Western troops were on one side of a conflict while Western donors were funding aid organizations that were supposed to be neutral. 
 
 That book includes examples from Iraq to Sierra Leone, where Western forces used humanitarian rhetoric to win the hearts and minds of local populations and often tried to use aid groups as part of these efforts. 
 
 The latest MSF publication goes further, discussing problems in places such as Gaza where Western donors try to stop aid groups from working with Hamas, which they consider a terrorist organization, but which is the sole authority that aid groups have to cooperate with if they are to provide services there. 
 
 US counter-terrorism laws stipulate that providing support resources to terrorists, even if not for terrorist purposes, could result in criminal prosecution. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94015 ] The impact of these laws on humanitarian action has been discussed in a just-released paper on Counter-terrorism and Humanitarian Action by the Humanitarian Policy Group. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=6019&title=counter-terrorism-laws-international-humanitarian-law-protection-civilians ] 
 
 “Combatants are also human beings” 
 
 Giving humanitarian assistance directly to armed groups is another topic tackled. “Combatants are also human beings and sometimes they need humanitarian assistance more than civilians,” Weissman said. “When combatants are wounded we no longer consider them combatants.” 
 
 Weissman says MSF does draw a line when armed forces use aid organizations to harm civilians. An example he cited is the Democratic Republic of Congo, after the genocide in Rwanda. In 1994, Hutus in Rwanda crossed the border en masse, seeking refuge. At the time, MSF was trying to identify the location of refugee populations around the country so aid organizations were better able to coordinate aid to them. But Tutsi militias operating in DRC used MSF’s information to seek out and attack the Hutu refugees. 
 
 The solution was that MSF stopped publicizing the information but he pointed to other examples of forces using aid groups against civilians that were more problematic. 
 
 In Sri Lanka in 2009, the government rounded up some 270,000 people it suspected of supporting Tamil rebels and then gave aid groups the job of providing the basic services. “We did not want to be supporting a vast prison for an innocent civilian population which the state was unjustly labelling criminals, but we were also concerned about what would happen to the civilians if we didn’t assist them.” 
 
 A lot has been written in recent years about the ways humanitarian agencies can inadvertently fuel injustice and conflict. The problem with the conclusion of many of these publications, said Weissman, is that they call on aid groups to “serve the cause of peace”. That often translated into NGOs cooperating more closely with UN peacekeeping and international donors, he said, which could undermine aid groups’ neutrality. 
 
 In the end, the criteria MSF uses to decide whether or not it should continue a particular operation is simple: “We ask ourselves who benefits most from our presence: the fighting forces or the civilians?” 
 
 dh/aj/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94095</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010201232590539t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Parents, teachers divided over condom initiative</title><pubDate>Mon, 24 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240905590626t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 24 October 2011 (IRIN) - A proposed initiative to distribute condoms to Rwandan secondary school students has divided parents, teachers and other members of society, with some cheering the plan and others concerned that teens are not mature enough to use condoms responsibly.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 24 October 2011 (IRIN) - A proposed initiative to distribute condoms to Rwandan secondary school students has divided parents, teachers and other members of society, with some cheering the plan and others concerned that teens are not mature enough to use condoms responsibly. 
 
 Local NGOs, including Health Development Initiative (HDI-Rwanda), [ http://www.hdirwanda.org ] Rwanda NGOs Forum on HIV/AIDS and Health Promotion, [ http://rwandangoforum.org ] and Association Ihorere Munyarwanda [ http://www.aimrw.org ] are fronting the initiative on the grounds that young people must be protected from HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancies. 
 
 "We developed the idea for this project following numerous secondary school students' complaints [about lack of access to condoms]," HDI Rwanda's Cassien Havugimana said during the launch of the campaign in September in the capital, Kigali. "But for effectiveness, behavioural change awareness must accompany access to the materials needed for safe sex." 
 
 In November, the campaign plans to carry out mass mobilization and awareness-raising for stakeholders including school heads, teachers and local officials. If the government gives the NGOs the go-ahead, condom distribution should start in December; the NGOs aim to reach the entire country, but will start with secondary schools in Kigali. 
 
 According to HDI-Rwanda's communications officer Christine Calouro, any distribution would be accompanied by education on abstinence as a preferred choice for young people and with additional reproductive health information. 
 
 Some secondary school officials have already expressed their vehement opposition to the idea of condoms being handed out to their students. 
 
 "I don't believe in condoms being distributed in secondary schools... It's a no go zone," Innocent Nshimiyemungu, deputy head teacher at Kigali's Lycée de Ruhengeri APICUR, told IRIN/PlusNews. "The children are, in the first place, not mature enough to know how to use condoms." 
 
 "We should promote abstinence instead, and introduce condoms at a higher level - say universities and other higher institutions of learning," he added. 
 
 Edward Asiimwe, a father of two girls of secondary school age, is also against the proposal. 
 
 "To say that condoms be introduced to these young children means we have lost our sense of direction and morals," he told IRIN/PlusNews. "We should emphasize postponement of sexual activity by encouraging these young people to embrace abstinence. How do I start encouraging my young girls to engage in sexual activity instead of concentrating on their academics [studies]?" 
 
 But Jean Marie Twahiirwa, business director at the International School of Kigali, says it is important for young people to be equipped with knowledge of and access to condoms. 
 
 "We should educate these young people about condom use and avail them because either way, they engage in sexual intercourse, so the earlier we teach them the better," he said. "I don't think this will necessarily push them into early sex because emphasis will be put on the essence of sexuality so that the students understand the rightful purpose of sex and condoms." 
 
 Loretta Umukunzi*, a student at the International School of Kigali, told IRIN/PlusNews she would not object to condoms being dispensed at her school. "I think it's OK since I see girls getting pregnant and dropping out of school," she said. "As long as they teach students how to use them properly then we shall not be faced with such problems again." 
 
 Survey 
 
 According to a 2009 Behavioural Surveillance Survey [ http://www.unaids.org/en/dataanalysis/monitoringcountryprogress/2010progressreportssubmittedbycountries/rwanda_2010_country_progress_report_en.pdf ], an estimated 6.1 percent of girls and 14.7 percent of boys aged 15-19 had their first sexual intercourse before the age of 15. The survey found that the percentage of comprehensive HIV knowledge among youth aged 15-19 was 9.4 percent for girls and 11 percent for boys. 
 
 Young women appear to be at higher risk of HIV, with the government reporting HIV prevalence among young women aged 15-24 at 3.9 percent, compared to 1.1 percent for young men in the same age group. The country's national prevalence is about 3 percent. 
 
 Deputy Speaker of Rwanda's parliament Jean Damascene Ntawukuliryayo has thrown his weight behind the campaign. 
 
 "I support the campaign. This will help us curb unwanted pregnancies in schools - of course not forgetting other solutions like involving parents in reproductive health education of their children and including such issues in the school curriculum," he said. 
 
 Officials at the Ministry of Health say while the distribution of condoms in secondary schools is not official government policy, the issue has been under debate for some time. 
 
 "Discussions have been ongoing between the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Health and the National HIV Control Programme around the issues of the many cases of unwanted pregnancies, a clear indication that unprotected sex is real in secondary schools which could lead to the transmission of HIV," said Sabin Nsabimana, head of the HIV division at the Institute of HIV/AIDS Disease Prevention and Control at the Ministry of Health's Bio-Medical Centre. 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 rkm/kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94046</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240905590626t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 24 October 2011 (IRIN) - A proposed initiative to distribute condoms to Rwandan secondary school students has divided parents, teachers and other members of society, with some cheering the plan and others concerned that teens are not mature enough to use condoms responsibly.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Piecing together the Chinese aid jigsaw</title><pubDate>Wed, 19 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109190805510218t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - No one would claim that it is easy to nail down the exact details of the Chinese aid budget, but does Chinese aid deserve the kind of adjectives often applied to it? Is it really “veiled and opaque”? “Wrapped in mystery”? And if it is this un-transparent, is that because everything depends on a secret centralized masterplan in Beijing, or because the system is so disorganized that no one actually knows the whole story of what is going on? </description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - No one would claim that it is easy to nail down the exact details of the Chinese aid budget, but does Chinese aid deserve the kind of adjectives often applied to it? Is it really “veiled and opaque”? “Wrapped in mystery”? And if it is this un-transparent, is that because everything depends on a secret centralized masterplan in Beijing, or because the system is so disorganized that no one actually knows the whole story of what is going on? 
  
 Sven Grimm and colleagues from the University of Stellenbosch in South Africa set out to assess how opaque Chinese aid to Africa actually is. They started while on a field trip to Rwanda, asking questions about how much Chinese aid the country received. “The first thing we found,” said Grimm, “was that a lot of people who should know, don’t actually know.”
  
 In China itself, they initially found the same thing when they questioned Chinese officials, members of think-tanks and academics working in the field of Chinese-African relations. “Their first reaction tended to be, ‘We don’t know. You will have to ask the African governments.”
  
 But once you start digging, said Grimm, you find there is more information out there than you would think. His newly published report on the Transparency of Chinese Aid [ http://www.publishwhatyoufund.org/files/Transparency-of-Chinese-Aid_final.pdf ] offers a guidebook for researchers, detailing where to look, and what information they might find.
  
 The government prints statistical year books, like the Almanac of China’s Foreign Relations and Trade, which gives aggregate figures for total external assistance; and China’s Trade and External Economics Statistical Yearbook offers data in three categories - engineering projects, labour services and design and consulting.
 
 The Chinese Export-Import Bank publishes annual reports which include important information on its concessional loans, such as normal interest rates (2-3 percent) and repayment periods (15-20 years with a 5-7 year grace period.)
  
 White paper on aid policy
 
 Most helpful of all - and a new departure for China - was the early 2011 publication of a white paper entitled China’s Aid Policy. Apart from being a sign of a greater openness, this revealed the geographical distribution of Chinese aid and the kind of countries that received it. Some 45.7 percent went to Africa, the biggest recipient; 32.8 percent to Asia; and 12.7 percent to Latin America and the Caribbean. Some 39.7 percent went to Least Developed Countries; and 11 percent went to medium and high income countries - countries at least as well off, and perhaps better off than China itself.
  
 The paper also listed more than 2,000 complete “turnkey” projects implemented overseas by the end of 2009, broken down by sector - agricultural projects, hospitals, factories, transport infrastructure and - yes - those ubiquitous sports stadiums. So data is certainly there and someone is collecting it, noted Grimm.
  
 But what you don’t get, says Grimm, is any regular publication of data. “It’s scattered; there’s no one annual report. And when it comes to country level, then you have difficulties.”
  
 This is where Chinese aid really is opaque. An apparently simple question such as, “How much aid does China give Rwanda?” is very difficult to answer, and country specific data is never published. “We do know,” Grimm and his colleagues were told, “but we are not publishing it.”
  
 That said, Development Assistance Committee (DAC, within the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD) donors that do publish top-line statistics on aid delivery are often much more reticent about where exactly the money ends up - one of the issues on the table at the annual aid effectiveness forum to be held in Busan, South Korea, in November 2011. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80545 ]
  
 Chinese researchers - who also find this a frustration - shared tips with the team from Stellenbosch. Their advice, apart from asking the African recipients, was to wait for a senior Chinese official to visit the country concerned. The speeches often include previously unpublished statistics, and it is also a good time to ask questions.
 
 Fear of domestic backlash?
  
 But why are the Chinese so coy? Fear of competitive pressures, certainly, says Grimm.
 
 They don’t want countries asking, “Why do they get more than we do?” Invidious comparisons with other donors? Possibly. In total spending China is only a modest donor, hugely outranked by the European Union or the USA. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] And perhaps also because of problems with its own domestic constituency, including online critics who are quick to ask why China should be giving money to foreign countries rather than its own poorer and least developed provinces.
  
 Karin Christiansen, the director of Publish What You Fund, which campaigns for greater aid transparency, says China is not alone in fearing that too much information might cause a domestic backlash. “There’s still a fear among Western donors,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92774 ] she says, “that telling people more will just make them suspicious. I think it has taken a lot of Western donors quite a long time to see transparency of their aid as actually a way of building support rather than a way of undermining it.” 
  
 Christiansen’s organization has been trying to rate the transparency of Chinese aid on the same basis as it rates the DAC countries. It is tricky because the statistics are not comparable; China includes in “aid” some things which DAC countries do not, and vice-versa.
  
 She told IRIN: “China hasn’t appeared in our aid transparency rankings up till now, but our new figures are due out in November and they will include China for the first time. I think there will be a lot of interest to see where China stands. The rankings haven’t yet been finalized, but China won’t be at the bottom of the list.”
 
For more on aid policy, visit IRIN's in-depth: The rise of the "new" donors [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94004 ]
 
 eb/aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93749</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109190805510218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - No one would claim that it is easy to nail down the exact details of the Chinese aid budget, but does Chinese aid deserve the kind of adjectives often applied to it? Is it really “veiled and opaque”? “Wrapped in mystery”? And if it is this un-transparent, is that because everything depends on a secret centralized masterplan in Beijing, or because the system is so disorganized that no one actually knows the whole story of what is going on? </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Keeping a measure on malaria</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010852150003t.jpg" />]]>NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.”</description><body><![CDATA[NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance (ALMA) has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. 
 
 “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.” 
 
 Updated quarterly, it provides information from each country on policies formulated, preventative measures initiated, money spent, lives saved and lost. 
 
 The latest scorecard, launched on 21 September, describes, for example, how Angola and Burundi removed taxes and tariffs on anti-malarial commodities such as mosquito nets, medicines and insecticides. It tells how Côte d'Ivoire distributed 8.9 million nets in 2011, bringing the country closer to achieving universal net coverage. The scorecard also tracks tracer indicators for maternal, newborn and child health. 
 
 “The scorecard is very important,” said Raymond Chambers, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Malaria, “because it gives us the lens to see what’s happening but more importantly gives African countries the chance to compare how they are doing with peer countries and to improve where improvements need to be made.” 
 
 Founded in 2009, ALMA includes 40 African countries, all pledged to eradicating a disease that has no regard for borders. 
 
 Tanzania’s President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, ALMA’s chair, said the evidence proved the disease was “receding steadily”. Eleven African countries have slashed malaria cases by more than 50 percent, he said. Among the preventative measures he highlighted were the distribution of 229 million long-lasting insecticide-treated bed nets, providing coverage for 84 percent of Africans deemed at risk. 
 
 But he also worried about sustaining the gains. He acknowledged how deadly malaria remains to the continent’s inhabitants and how profoundly it hinders development. It is estimated that Africa experiences a 2 percent loss in GDP each year due to the effects of the illness, which forces people out of work and requires them to spend precious money on treatment, he said. 
 
 One issue central to the malaria fight is funding. It is necessary to both protect existing resources and identify new sources of revenue, Kikwete said. “There is a US$3 billion gap in funding that we are trying to mobilize,” he said. 
 
 “Ownership” 
 
 Rwanda’s Bingwaho – whose country has seen as precipitous drop in malaria cases – noted that “we have made progress by an approach based on community, based on integration and, also a word we like to hear, based on country ownership”. 
 
 “Everything that we can do to help move ownership and responsibility of these issues back to the African countries and at the same time provide them with investment instead of subsidy is clearly a step in the right direction,” said UN Special Envoy Chambers. 
 
 Panellists also emphasized the necessity of cooperation between African nations, a particularly important issue since malaria travels easily. Kikwete said Tanzania, which he said has succeeded in eliminating malaria, was thought to have been clear of the malady twice before. But malarial mosquitoes, he said, travel by bus and on “ships, boats and ferries”. The disease has the ability to re-emerge if not contained in surrounding countries. 
 
 “More than 50 percent of all our cases last year were in one district of our country – the border,” said Bingwaho. 
 
 “The fight will not be won by any single country,” added Christian Chukwu, Nigeria’s Health Minister. “We need to work across borders and let’s all of us get more committed.” 
 
 Kikwete concluded that in this “interdependent world” a malaria-free Africa “is in the best interests of humanity. It means increased productivity, more income for our people, more trade.” 
 
 Then he added on a lighter note, “And there’s no more hassle of swallowing malaria pills every time you travel to Africa.” 
 

------------------------------------------------
Malaria update  

 The battle against the anopheles mosquito and the malaria it transmits has been a long and painful one. Recently there have been signs the tide could be turning:
 
 The sterilization of male mosquitoes, which compete with wild males for wild females, is among the techniques being studied. Sterility can be induced by radiation or chemical application. 
 
 There are also studies under way on the genetic manipulation of mosquitoes, which produces the same effect. Other approaches include the production of male-only sterile mosquitoes, notes a study in the Malaria Journal, Transgenic technologies to induce sterility. 
 
 A possible malaria vaccine, merozoite surface protein 3 (MSP3), was also recently tested in Burkina Faso with promising results.  

 pd/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93796</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010852150003t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.”</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC-RWANDA: Augustin Habyaremye: &quot;I don&apos;t want this life anymore&quot;</title><pubDate>Fri, 16 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109120928500231t.jpg" />]]>GOMA 16 September 2011 (IRIN) - At 15, Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, but thanks to his aptitude for languages, he soon rose through the ranks to become a sub-lieutenant in the militia’s intelligence section.</description><body><![CDATA[GOMA 16 September 2011 (IRIN) - At 15, Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, but thanks to his aptitude for languages, he soon rose through the ranks to become a sub-lieutenant in the militia’s intelligence section. 
 
 A Rwandese national by birth, he arrived in the DRC with his mother as part of the mass migration from the neighbouring state after the 1994 genocide and lost contact with her after being given into the care of relatives. 
 
 In 1997, his new family fled to the Walikale district village of Bushalingwa during the war that ended the 32-year long rule of Mobutu Sese Seko. 
 
 It was there that the Mai-Mai recruited him. Habyaremye said he fought with and against numerous militias, as well as for and against the FARDC, the Congolese national army, in the eastern DRC, “to defend our land against the Tutsis. The Tutsis always say they are Rwandans, but they are Congolese Tutsis.” 
 
 He does not recall how many skirmishes and battles he was involved in during his six years with the Mai-Mai, but remembers in 2008 a particularly intense period of fighting with the Congolese army against the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a militia established by Laurent Nkunda, which had strong ties with the Rwandan government. 
 
 “We were fighting every day for three months. About 20 people I knew were killed and about three others were seriously wounded,” he said. 
 
 It was during this time that he was appointed as an intelligence officer, tasked to visit villages to glean information on the movements of militia forces, chiefly because of his knowledge of Kinyarwanda, an official language of Rwanda. 
 
 After one intelligence-gathering mission a few years later he returned to his base only to find his colleagues had decamped and moved elsewhere. “It was then that I decided I did not want this life any more.” 
 
 He slipped away in July 2011 and was brought to the demobilization camp in the eastern DRC city of Goma, in search of what he told IRIN was “a normal life. I want to live in a country where I am not known.” 
 
 He walked for two weeks through the forest, before surrendering to troops of the UN Stabilization Mission in DRC (MONUSCO) in Butembo, North Kivu province. 
 
 “During those weeks, I explained to villagers that I was travelling to my country. And they gave me food and accommodation. You had to be a friend of the forest then. 
 
 “I came helpless, but I knew God would protect me.” 
 
 go/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93737</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109120928500231t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GOMA 16 September 2011 (IRIN) - At 15, Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, but thanks to his aptitude for languages, he soon rose through the ranks to become a sub-lieutenant in the militia’s intelligence section.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC-RWANDA: Militia members return home to another country</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109151310440872t.jpg" />]]>MUTOBO 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - Mutobo is a half-way house between war and peace, where about 9,000 ex-combatants have been processed since 2001 as part of the reintegration of armed militia members from the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) into Rwandan society.</description><body><![CDATA[MUTOBO 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - Mutobo is a half-way house between war and peace, where about 9,000 ex-combatants have been processed since 2001 as part of the reintegration of armed militia members from the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) into Rwandan society. 
 
 For the thousands who have returned, most of whom had not been home since the 1994 genocide, the journey by truck from the demobilization facility in the eastern DRC city of Goma to Mutobo, about 10km west of Ruhrengeri, is a novelty. 
 
 Colonel Abraham Bisengimana, 42, a former officer in the Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR) and a combatant in the eastern DRC with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) since 1997, told IRIN: “We had to walk everywhere, there are no roads there. And if there are, it is too dangerous because of MONUSCO [UN Stabilization Mission in DRC]. We just had to walk to wherever we were going.” 
 
 Since his arrival with the 40th intake of the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (RDRC) earlier this year, his greatest luxury is to allow his mind to wander. 
 
 “During war, the only thing you can think about is war. But not here. Here you can think of anything. I can get a passport. I can travel, because I am back in my own country now. Before, I was confined,” Bisengimana said. 
 
 More than 17 years after the 100-day genocide that resulted in the deaths of about 800,000 Tutsis (85 percent of the Tutsi population according to the genocide museum in the capital Kigali) and moderate Hutus, the RDRC is a stepping stone home for those who fled to the DRC militias. 
 
 Mutobo comprises corrugated iron dormitories with double-bunk beds – with a capacity to house several hundred people - a large lecture hall, kitchen facilities and an administration block, all below a cliff from which people were hurled to their deaths during the genocide. Situated close to the road to the capital Kigali, the property is unfenced and the nearby community tend to their fields and livestock a few metres away from where the ex-combatants go about their daily routines. They rise at 5am and lights-out is at 10pm and on Sundays they are allowed to visit relatives, distance permitting. 
 
 Every ex-combatant, including from the FDLR, DRC army, defunct FAR and Mai-Mai militias, is required to go through the facility’s three-month reintegration process that provides classes in history, national security, nation-building and reconciliation, geography, the electoral system, HIV/AIDS prevention, malaria and entrepreneurial skills. 
 
 The 790 child soldiers who have returned to Rwanda since 2001 are sent to Muhazi, near Kigali. 
 
 Bisengimana, who joined FAR in 1989, fought against the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the kernel of the country’s post-genocide government, in the early 1990s and in the late 1990s returned to the country in covert FDLR raids, said: “History taught by the former government [pre-1994] education system was about the bad history of kings before independence [from Belgium in 1962]. Now we are taught [by the RDRC] the bad history of the former [pre-1994] government. 
 
 “But what we see is the good intentions of this government. The good things being done compared to what was done by others [governments]. That is important… This Hutu, Tutsi thing is useless. When I left, there were not many roads or houses being built. From what existed before, the country is developing very fast,” Bisengimana said. 
 
 Sorting soldiers from civilians 
 
 A former member of the Gendarmerie in pre-1994 Rwanda, Clemence Benemariya, 48, ended up in the Republic of Congo, married a national, had three children, practised subsistence farming and “lived a normal life”, she said. When her husband died recently, she had a yearning to return to Rwanda and she and her children were repatriated by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
 
 Unaware of the demobilization process, she and her children went to live with relatives in south-west Rwanda. But after a few weeks in the country, a member of the local authority told her she had to attend the Mutobo course, because of her military background. 
 
 Becoming a civilian is a compulsory rite of passage in post-genocide Rwanda, but there are some civilians trying to disguise themselves as ex-combatants to be eligible for Mutobo. 
 
 Although nearly all arriving at Mutobo have been screened by the demobilization facility in Goma, Jean-Marie Turabumukra, the RDRC deputy manager, told IRIN each new arrival was subjected to “fine screening” to separate out the civilians who hoped to sneak into the programme under false pretences. 
 
 The process identifies about three out of every 10 “potential clients” as civilians attempting to take advantage of the programme’s opportunities and the US$100 that forms part of the reintegration package, Turabumukra said. 
 
 Those identified as civilians are given transport home. 
 
 Turabumukra readily admits part of the function of the RDRC is the “psychological demobilization” of ex-combatants, while critics have called it an “indoctrination process”. 
 
 “People have been in the bush for 17 years and are provided a certain view of Rwanda. They are told they will be killed if they come here. We take a friendly approach. People must know what happened and why they went into the bush. This is about a new image of the country, for a new society,” he said. 
 
 Most people who have land return to it, but by the time they leave, must have “elaborated a small business project”, Turabumukra said. “If they have problems with paying medical fees or other things, they can get assistance.” 
 
 Rule by fear 
 
 The ex-combatants return to a society lauded and lambasted in equal measure. 
 
 On the one hand, access to health and education and a growing economy - rural internet access in Rwanda is reputedly better than in rural Britain – has given it a reputation as a model developmental state. But human rights organizations consistently highlight heavy-handed state repression, alleged extra-judicial killings - domestically and internationally - by state security operatives, the effective banning of independent opposition parties and widespread press censorship. 
 
 Kagame’s RPF won 93 percent of the vote in the August 2010 election, the second poll since the controversial 2002 “Divisionism” legislation, which provides for hefty prison terms and fines for sowing discord between Hutus and Tutsis, but detractors cite it as vague and used by Kagame’s government to suppress political dissent and opposition. 
 
 In a Human Rights Watch report: Time for a Review of UK Policy on Rwanda, [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/29/time-review-uk-policy-rwanda ] published in July 2011, the author Carina Tertsakian, a senior researcher in the Africa Division, notes: “Despite an outward appearance of calm, Rwanda is a fragile country ruled by fear.” 
 
 One Kigali resident, who was six at the time of the mass killings and declined to be identified, told IRIN conversations between Hutus and Tutsis remained guarded, more than 17 years later. 
 
 Life as a civilian 
 
 Safari Martin, 44, a former Lt-Colonel in the FDLR, uses his military alias when meeting IRIN in Kigali. He graduated from Mutobo a year ago. The former FDLR battalion commander of 400 troops said the pain of the two-year separation from his wife and two children – whom he had sent to live in Uganda - was one of the prime motivations to leave, as were divisions within the armed militia group. 
 
 “I have had telephone calls [from the FDLR in the DRC] calling me a deserter. If the FDLR see me, they will kill me. To them I am a traitor,” he said. 
 
 Martin has been looking for work since leaving Mutobo and even if he were offered a job in the Rwandan army would not accept it, he said. “I do business, petty commerce,” but declined to elaborate. 
 
 His 32-year-old wife is studying for a diploma and Martin scrapes together his family’s monthly expenses for accommodation, school fees for his seven year-old daughter and crèche payments for his four-year-old son, mostly through the generosity of his friends. 
 
 “If I have food for the month, that is good,” he said. “I regret nothing. I am in Rwanda, with my family and friends. My ambition is to study and educate my children. And if I have work, I will be happy. Life is difficult, but it is passable.” 
 
 go/mw 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93736</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109151310440872t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MUTOBO 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - Mutobo is a half-way house between war and peace, where about 9,000 ex-combatants have been processed since 2001 as part of the reintegration of armed militia members from the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) into Rwandan society.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Plan to treat HIV discordant couples</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907200747420031t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 12 September 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive Rwandans in discordant relationships will start taking antiretroviral treatment as soon as they test positive as part of a plan to boost national HIV prevention and treatment efforts.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 12 September 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive Rwandans in discordant relationships will start taking antiretroviral treatment (ART) as soon as they test positive as part of a plan to boost national HIV prevention and treatment efforts. 
 
 "There is evidence that antiretroviral treatment, once started early for eligible HIV-positive patients, alleviates their suffering and reduces the devastating impact of the pandemic," Anita Asiimwe, head of the Institute of HIV/AIDS Disease Prevention and Control, told IRIN/PlusNews. "Antiretroviral therapy has the potential both to reduce mortality and morbidity rates among HIV-infected people, and to improve their quality of life." 
 
 In May 2011, a landmark study - HPTN 052 [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92710 ] - showed major reductions in HIV transmission among discordant couples due to early treatment. The authors of the nine-country study concluded that earlier initiation of HIV treatment led to a 96 percent reduction in HIV transmission to the uninfected partner. 
 
 According to the government, an estimated 7.1 percent of cohabiting couples seeking voluntary counselling and testing services in the capital, Kigali, are HIV discordant. Infections within stable relationships have been identified as one of the main sources of new cases in Rwanda. 
 
 Rwanda has a successful ART programme; Asiimwe said the country had achieved 93 percent coverage of people needing treatment under UN World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines, which recommend initiation of treatment at a CD4 count - a measure of immune strength - of 350 and below. 
 
 "HIV-positive people in discordant relationships will start ART regardless of their CD4 count," said Sabin Nsanzimana, coordinator of the HIV and Sexually Transmitted Infections (STI) Care and Treatment Department at the Ministry of Health's Centre for Treatment and Research on AIDS, Malaria, Tuberculosis and other Epidemics, TRAC Plus. "We hope to start as soon as the guidelines are approved at the senior management meeting and [endorsed by] the Ministry of Health." 
 
 Rwanda is going ahead despite the fact that WHO has not yet released prevention guidelines for discordant couples. At an International AIDS Society conference in Rome in July, the head of WHO's HIV/AIDS department, Gottfried Hirnschall, said the organization had delayed the release of guidelines following the HPTN 052 results. 
 
 Nsanzimana said the added cost of putting thousands more people on treatment would be compensated for by the reduction in new HIV infections and treatment down the line. 
 
 "This strategy will help us make gains on those who will be prevented from infection since these won't have to be treated or even followed up with much money," he said. 
 
 Challenges 
 
 The Rwandan government will have to intensify awareness-raising campaigns: HIV testing remains low, especially among couples. 
 
 "When my wife was pregnant, she took the mandatory HIV test at the health centre and it was positive. Now why should I go for testing to make a mockery of myself?" said Gregory Ruseesa, a taxi tout in suburb of Nyabugogo in the capital, Kigali. "If she has it [HIV], I definitely have it too." 
 
 The head of HIV and STI care and treatment at the Rwanda Biomedical Centre, Muhayimpundu Ribakare, said: "Here in Rwanda it's just very few couples that go for HIV voluntary counselling and testing services; of course this means they are not aware of their HIV status - if they are positive they end up infecting their partners.” 
 
 According to Nsanzimana, the government will also need to intensify its efforts to improve ART adherence to ensure patients do not develop resistance. 
 
 "A patient on ART who doesn't follow prescription and, say, skips a dose, is likely to get the drug-resistant HIV," he said. "Once this happens, the resistant HIV requires another type of medication which is expensive." 
 
 krm/kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93706</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907200747420031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 12 September 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive Rwandans in discordant relationships will start taking antiretroviral treatment as soon as they test positive as part of a plan to boost national HIV prevention and treatment efforts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Sapping the strength of DRC militias</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109011308170397t.jpg" />]]>GOMA 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - Peter Nhimiyimana, 17, knew the risks of deserting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). During his more than two years with the militia group in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), his commanding officer had forced him and other members of his unit to watch the decapitation of two of his friends for their failed escape bid.</description><body><![CDATA[GOMA 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - Peter Nhimiyimana, 17, knew the risks of deserting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). During his more than two years with the militia group in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), his commanding officer had forced him and other members of his unit to watch the decapitation of two of his friends for their failed escape bid. 
 
 “A colonel cut their heads off and then told us: ‘This is an example for anyone who tries to leave [the FDLR]. If you protest [at the punishment], you will also be executed.’ I was frightened. But... I knew I had to leave,” he told IRIN at the Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (DDRRR) camp in the eastern city of Goma. “If I had been caught I would have had my throat cut.” 
 
 Nhimiyimana, a Rwandan national, arrived as a baby with his mother as part of the mass migration to the DRC after Rwanda’s 1994 genocide and was forcibly recruited into the FDLR at 15. “I carried an AK-47, but I did household work - washing and cleaning - for my commander in Mutonga. I was never involved in fighting, but life is hard [in the bush].” 
 
 The child soldier planned his escape meticulously. He first went on “family leave” to visit his father in the North Kivu town of Masisi and the two then arranged a rendezvous in the forest. He made his escape at night and after a five-hour walk met his father, left his weapon with a civilian, and then surrendered at a nearby base of the UN Stabilization Mission in DRC (MONUSCO). 
 
 Nhimiyimana’s father, a civilian, was repatriated to Rwanda by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
 
 “I heard about it [DDRRR] on the radio. I heard other people saying how they had left [armed militias] and returned to Rwanda and they had had no problem,” he said. “I don’t have any fear of persecution. I am not responsible for that [the 1994 genocide]. I was a baby then. I don’t worry. Things will be very good in Rwanda.” 
 
 The radio programme that convinced Nhimiyimana to leave the FDLR for the country of his birth - despite his commanders telling him he would be killed or imprisoned if he returned - is just one part of a multi-pronged strategy adopted by MONUSCO to undermine the fighting capacities of armed groups in the eastern DRC. 
 
 The Security Council’s DDRRR mandate provides for a "voluntary” demobilization, after which foreign combatants in the DRC are returned to their countries of origin. 
 
 Psychological operations 
 
 Mobile radio stations have been deployed “right on the doorstep” of armed militias at MONUSCO field bases. About a dozen or so are in operation, each with a range of about 60km. 
 
 Two daily five-hourly bulletins are broadcast, the lingua franca depending on which armed group is being targeted. For the FDLR it is Kiswahili and Kinyarwanda, while broadcasts to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), which originates from Uganda, use English and Kiswahili, and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) combatants, also mainly from Uganda, are targeted in Acholi, Lingala and English. 
 
 A DDRRR spokesman in Goma, Sam Howard, told IRIN the radio programmes featured testimonies of those who had turned their back on war and returned home, as well as details of demobilization packages and the reintegration process, and all the shows were interspersed with popular music – both past and present – to “create nostalgia and a longing for home”. 
 
 Defections of combatants from armed groups are not without consequences for the local population, a gang-rape victim from Masisi territory, seeking medical assistance in Goma, told IRIN. After a leaflet drop by a MONUSCO helicopter on an FDLR base in 2009 and the subsequent defection of FDLR soldiers, her grandfather, uncle and eldest brother, along with several other men, were herded into the forest and killed. 
 
 “The good ones went back to Rwanda, the bad ones stayed. They were very angry and told us not to think they will go. They told us, ‘We will kill all the Congolese so the whole area can be our property’,” she said. 
 
 Deconstructing an army 
 
 The FDLR is estimated at 2,500-strong by MONUSCO, down from 6,500 in 2008. Although regarded as an armed militia, it is structured as a regular army and many of its officers and rank and file were career soldiers in the Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR), the military of former president Juvénal Habyarimana, whose assassination sparked Rwanda’s 100-day genocide. 
 
 The combination of a rigid hierarchy, mobile-phone communications and a comprehensive picture of the FDLR derived from debriefings and screenings of ex-combatants at Goma’s DDRRR camp in the past decade has enabled the targeted dismantling of its officer corps. 
 
 DDRRR political affairs officer Mathew Brubacher, a former investigator for the International Criminal Court, told IRIN: “We are in contact with many of the officers in the field by cell or satellite phone… You have to really understand the group in order to exploit its weaknesses." 
 
 Jean-Marie Turabumukra, deputy manager of the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (RDRC) in Mutobo, which works hand-in-hand with DDRRR in Goma, told IRIN he would contact FDLR officers in the field from Rwanda and the tone of the conversation was “friendly”. 
 
 “I will tell them, ‘I am waiting to receive you. Those telling you that you will be arrested are speaking lies’,” he said of his conversations. 
 
 In 2008, DDRRR processed an average of 50 FDLR combatants a month but “things really kicked off after the launch of joint operations [of Rwandan forces with the DRC army, FARDC] in 2009”, resulting in a nearly three-fold increase in defections. "Now we are extracting nearly 150 FDLR combatants a month, plus a lot more officers,” Brubacher said. 
 
 The joint operations against traditional strongholds of the FDLR forced them out of their “comfort zones,” putting the armed group on the move and making an already hard life in the bush harder. 
 
 Colonel Sam Abraham Bisengimana, 42, the former head of the political education, ideological and civil affairs unit at FDLR headquarters in eastern DRC, defected earlier this year and told IRIN morale had slumped with the onset of the joint operations. The arrest in Germany of the FDLR president Ignace Murwanashyaka on 17 November 2009 on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity further undermined the organization’s fighting spirit. 
 
 Bisengimana joined FAR in 1990 and after fleeing to the DRC after 1994, joined the FDLR in 1997. He said his flight from the armed group was precipitated both by the sense “of an endless war fighting for nothing”, and the regional discrimination between those from north and south Rwanda within the FDLR. 
 
 Brubacher believes if the joint operations continue, the FDLR could be effectively neutralized in about two years if the alliance between the governments of the DRC and Rwanda remained strong. The lull in operations was a consequence of the restructuring of FARDC and had resulted “in a slight dip in the defection rate but this is likely to be only temporary as the FARDC are already redeploying to begin operations again. 
 
 "Just this week we received three FDLR officers, including two Lt Colonels,” he said. 
 
 Critics of the joint operations say they have exacted a heavy toll on the civilian population through displacement as well as arbitrary killings, and according to a 2010 report by the Pole Institute: Guerrillas in the Mist, The Congolese Experience of the FDLR war in the Eastern Congo, “Each time, the attacks [of joint operations] have only resulted in spreading the FDLR further into the bush, thus giving them more protected territory to operate from.” 
 
 Between 2002 and July 2011, nearly 15,000 foreign ex-combatants, including hundreds of child soldiers, were repatriated to Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda, as well more than 10,000 dependents of former combatants, according to DDRRR records. 
 
 A dangerous game 
 
 The extraction of high-ranking officers is both a patient and dangerous process for all concerned. It took two years of negotiations to convince an FDLR HQ commander Lt-Colonel Amri Bizimana, known by his alias Dimitri, to leave the FDLR, Brubacher said. 
 
 “People have different reasons for leaving. There might be internal problems, or they are just tired of the bush. They might have sent their families away or their wives are complaining that the children are not getting an education, so they put pressure on them. It’s a multitude of different reasons,” Brubacher said. “Dimitri was feeling marginalized and he knew the FDLR was not going anywhere.” 
 
 After building a rapport, face-to-face contact in the bush is often a prerequisite to convince and plan for an officer to take the final step. Like the rank and file, they face execution should their intentions become known, or if they are apprehended during their escape. 
 
 “Most of the time we have MONUSCO escorts [when meeting prospective FDLR deserters] but not all the time. A meeting may be arranged in a hurry. One of our officers had to use a friendly Mai-Mai group [local Congolese militia] to provide security when they extracted a FDLR colonel earlier this year,” Brubacher said. "If we don't meet them at the rendezvous point on time, our client could be killed and our reputation and the trust we are building with other clients is undermined." 
 
 go/am/oa/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93634</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109011308170397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GOMA 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - Peter Nhimiyimana, 17, knew the risks of deserting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). During his more than two years with the militia group in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), his commanding officer had forced him and other members of his unit to watch the decapitation of two of his friends for their failed escape bid.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Catch-22 for unaccompanied child refugees</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002280644470301t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 August 2011 (IRIN) - At the age of 15, Nestor Tata watched rebel soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) kill his father and not long afterwards came home from school to find the murdered body of his mother. With no siblings or anyone else to turn to, he took his parents&apos; savings from their hiding place under a mattress, packed a small bag and fled. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 August 2011 (IRIN) - At the age of 15, Nestor Tata watched rebel soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) kill his father and not long afterwards came home from school to find the murdered body of his mother. With no siblings or anyone else to turn to, he took his parent’s savings from their hiding place under a mattress, packed a small bag and fled. 
 
 “I decided if I stayed, they would kill me too,” he told IRIN. “I took a taxi to Kalemie [in eastern DRC] and then a boat across Lake Tanganyika and then a bus to Lusaka [in Zambia]…I still had no idea where I was going.” 
 
 After a month in Zambia and another two months in Zimbabwe, Tata made his way to South Africa where his youth and lack of English got him across the border despite having no documents. 
 
 “I arrived here by God,” he said. 
 
 But Tata’s troubles were far from over. South Africa’s progressive constitution and laws extend the same protections to unaccompanied minors (the term given to children who cross border without parents or adult care-givers) as to local children, but in practice they face immense bureaucratic hurdles and are often left to fend for themselves. 
 
 Although no figures are available, Mmone Moletsale of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said that based on reports from their partners, South Africa was receiving an increasing number of such children, but still lacked an efficient system for dealing with them. 
 
 The Department of Home Affairs is responsible for issuing the immigration permits and identity documents the children need to attend school or access social services but will not do so unless they have been assigned a social worker by the Department of Social Development and have a Children’s Court order setting out their care arrangements. 
 
 “This is where one of the major problems arises,” said Moletsale, explaining that the type of assistance social workers are supposed to provide is not clearly defined and that there are inconsistencies between different government departments about which should come first - documentation or the Children’s Court order. 
 
 “Children’s Court, Social Development and Home Affairs all have different standard operating procedures when it comes to unaccompanied minors,” said Samantha Mundeta of Lawyers for Human Rights, who is currently helping 75 such children navigate the maze of conflicting regulations. “There’s a lot of passing of the buck.” 
 
 With government social workers in short supply and often reluctant or unsure what to do with unaccompanied minors, most of whom are over the age of 15, Mundeta often resorts to linking them with NGOs like the Refugee Aid Organization (RAO), which has funding from UNHCR to help about 110 migrant and refugee children in Pretoria and Johannesburg with their immediate needs for food, shelter and counselling. 
 
 According to Moletsale, Social Development has agreed on the need to better define the role of social workers with regard to unaccompanied children and to work with other government departments to develop one set of procedures for assisting them. 
 
 Xenophobic element? 
 
 However, Claudia Serra, director of RAO, believes it is not just a dysfunctional system that is working against unaccompanied minors but an unwillingness to view them as deserving of care. “There is a xenophobic element to it, especially when the attitude is, `I’d rather help a South African child’,” she told IRIN. 
 
 Abale Justin, director of the Refugee Children’s Project in Johannesburg, said that the Department of Social Development was always their first port of call when they received an unaccompanied minor in need of a safe place to stay. “They always say the shelters [places of safety] are full but in our experience, most shelters funded by Social Development are not willing to take refugee children, they are giving priority to local children.” 
 
 After six months selling sweets on the streets and learning English, Tata started receiving a R500 (US$70) a month stipend from RAO and, at the age of 18, was finally able to start attending school in January. He had also acquired an asylum-seeker permit which put him in a better position than many other unaccompanied minors who have fled poverty rather than war. 
 
 “For the migrant children it’s even worse, because if there’s no asylum claim, documenting those children is one of the biggest nightmares,” said Moletsale. 
 
 In such situations, UNHCR sometimes assists the government’s International Social Services department to try to trace parents or family members of the children. 
 
 “We come across parents clearly saying they don’t have the means to support [the child] so let them remain in South Africa so they can get an education and a better life,” she said. “We grapple with what’s in the best interests of the child. Do we leave them in an institution in South Africa or send them home?” 
 
 Survival skills 
 
 For orphans like Tata and many other unaccompanied minors who have fled their own horrors in countries such as Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia and DRC, returning home is not an option. 
 
 “I just want to study a lot,” he said. “Maybe I can get a better life, maybe I can be an accountant. But it’s very difficult to study because you’re worrying too much about so much stuff, like what to eat.” 
 
 Steven Rwagasore, a 19-year-old refugee from Rwanda who lost both his parents during the 1994 genocide, is two months away from taking his final exams at the same Pretoria school as Tata, but has only got this far through a combination of survival skills and determination. He subsidized his small stipend from RAO by pasting posters on lampposts and selling fruit after school, but when he failed a year he decided to cut back on his working hours and focus on studying. 
 
 “I ate two slices of bread and drank water for lunch and budgeted myself R7 for dinner,” he said. “I knew that if I go to school, my life will change.” 
 
 Rwagasore wants to become a South African citizen and “contribute something to this economy”, but in order to further his education he will need financial assistance that currently does not exist for unaccompanied children who are no longer minors. 
 
 “A lot that came in as unaccompanied minors are now young adults and we have no budget to assist them,” said Serra. 
 
 “I dream of becoming a chartered accountant or an astronaut,” said Rwagasore. “I’m hoping to go to university if I can get a bursary, otherwise I won’t make it.” 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93546</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002280644470301t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 August 2011 (IRIN) - At the age of 15, Nestor Tata watched rebel soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) kill his father and not long afterwards came home from school to find the murdered body of his mother. With no siblings or anyone else to turn to, he took his parents&apos; savings from their hiding place under a mattress, packed a small bag and fled. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EASTERN AFRICA: Tough lifestyle changes as food prices continue to rise</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 11 August 2011 (IRIN) - Drought, poor rains and continuing high fuel prices have combined to keep food prices in East Africa high, with consumers forgoing basic staples and many traders being forced to shut down their businesses.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 11 August 2011 (IRIN) - Drought, poor rains and continuing high fuel prices have combined to keep food prices in East Africa high, with consumers forgoing basic staples and many traders being forced to shut down their businesses. 
 
 IRIN spoke to residents of seven countries in the region for a sense of how the rising cost of living [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92546 ] was affecting them. 
 
 Ethiopia 
 
 "[Buying] meat and butter is unthinkable; meat has gone up from 40 to 45 birr [US$2.60] a kilo four months ago to 90 birr [$5.20] a kilo now," said Solomon Bekele, 55, who supports a family of five in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. "Butter is now around 120 birr [$6.95] a kilo from just 60 birr [$3.47] in October 2010." 
 
 Solomon, who makes 4,000 birr [$231] a month, says he spends about 60 percent of his income on food. 
 
 According to Ethiopia's Central Statistical Agency (CSA), the annual inflation rate reached 39.2 percent in July, from 16.5 percent in February 2011. 
 
 Food prices rose by 47.4 percent in July against 12.8 percent in February. 
 
 Somalia 
 
 In south-central Somalia, much of which is in the grip of a severe famine, food prices have skyrocketed. 
 
 "We eat one or two of the usual three meals every day because of the high price of food; two months ago, half a kilo of rice cost 20,000 shillings [$0.66], but now it costs 40,000 shillings [$1.32]," said Fadumo Hassan Abdi, a mother of six in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. "Until two months ago, I had a small business in Bakara Market [in Mogadishu], but it was lost during the war between the Transitional Federal Government and Al-Shabab [militia]." 
 
 Mustafe Mohamed, a father of three in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, said: "Four months ago one 50kg sack of rice was only $28, compared with $34.50 now, while a 50kg sack of sugar that cost $40 now costs $50. Before, $90 was enough feed the family, but now you can't even buy food for $200 - we don't know what to do." 
 
 Shaqlan Jama Ismail, a grandmother, says food prices have never been so high in her lifetime. "We used to buy food with cash, but now we have to borrow money," she said. "We are waiting for the almighty Allah to help us." 
 
 "In late July [2011], a litre of petrol was 5,800 Somaliland shillings [$0.96] but now it is about 7,200 shillings [$1.20] - if the situation continues like this we may stop driving," said Mohamed Abdalla, a taxi driver in Hargeisa. 
 
 Tanzania 
 
 On 6 July 2011, Tanzania's Agriculture Minister Tumanne Maghembe announced a ban on crop exports for six months to prevent the food shortages being experienced in many parts of the region. 
 
 Maghembe noted that "generally there is food surplus" in the country, but pockets of food insecurity existed in several regions, including Singida, Dodoma and Shinyanga, as well as northern regions of Arusha and Tanga in the east. 
 
 "There was poor rainfall in several parts of Shinyanga region and crops failed," James Lembeli, Member of Parliament for Kahama, told IRIN. 
 
 According to Tanzania's National Bureau of Statistics [ http://www.nbs.go.tz/cpi/CPI_Release_June2011.pdf ], the annual headline inflation rate for June 2011 was 10.9 percent, against 9.7 percent the previous month. 
 
 "We used to buy rice for 1,200 shillings [$0.74] for a kilo but now, you have to pay 1,500 shillings [$0.92]," said Sitti Pilula, a resident of Kariakoo, a suburb of Tanzania's commercial capital, Dar es Salaam. 
 
 Maghembe noted that since the export ban, smuggling of food to neighbouring countries had increased, threatening food security in Tanzania. 
 
 Fuel prices are also soaring, with some observers predicting protests should the government fail to resolve the issue. 
 
 Kenya 
 
 Kenyan families are adjusting to doing without food items that used to be part of everyday life. 
 
 "I could not eat ugali [maize meal, a staple] without meat; even when I had it with vegetables, it had to be mixed with beef," said Francis Muruli, a teacher in Nakuru, in Kenya's Rift Valley Province. 
 
 Muruli and his family now eat vegetables with their ugali, saving an average of 80 shillings [$0.83] on every meal. 
 
 Due to a shortage of maize caused by poor rains, a 90kg bag, which cost about KSh1,200 [$12.50], now costs as much as KSh4,000 [$41.70]. According to government officials, an unreliable rainy season means the maize yield for the rest of the year is uncertain. 
 
 Wanjiku Kamau, a resident of the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, says the high prices of food and other commodities means she is unable to save any money. 
 
 "I am paid 10,000 shillings [$104] per month; my rent is 3,000 [$31.30] while almost all the rest goes to feeding my children," said the single mother of three. "Everything has increased in price; two litres of cooking oil which I used to buy for 280 shillings [$2.90] is now 470 shillings [$4.90]." 
 
 Francis Kamunya, a secondary school teacher, now goes directly to producers and buys in bulk to reduce the cost of running his household. "Rather than buy maize in single packets, I now prefer taking about 5kg of maize to the posho mill, leaving me with at least some savings," he said. "I buy at least 20kg of rice from the Mwea [rice scheme] traders. It is enough to last three months." 
 
 In northern Kenya, more and more residents are relying on relief food as traders close their businesses due to high supply costs and dwindling customers. 
 
 Abdi Ndenge, a night-watchman at a guest house in Isiolo town, works as a porter during the day yet he can barely make enough to feed his two children. "I was comfortable until December last year; I used to work at night, sleep during the day and could afford to feed my family; this is not possible now with the food prices having gone so high." 
 
 The government has capped fuel prices but global trends and the shilling's poor performance against the dollar mean the Energy Regulatory Commission [ http://www.erc.go.ke ] has been forced to raise these caps several times over the past few months. The pump price of petrol in Nairobi is about KSh115 ($1.20) against KSh97.1 (about $1) in January 2011. 
 
 The shilling has dropped 18 percent against the dollar in 2011, trading at a new low of 95.10 on 9 August. 
 
 Uganda 
 
 According to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, headline inflation reached 18.7 percent in July from 15.7 percent in June. 
 
 "Life is becoming unbearable because I have to struggle every day to be able to put food on the table for my family. Today, the largest bunch of matooke [plantain, a popular local staple] costs up to 20,000 shillings [$7.30]; I used to pay half the price in January but my income has remained the same from that time," said James Mukwaya, a father of four with a household of eight people. "We would resort to maize flour but that too has risen to 3,200 shillings [$1.16] per kilo instead of the 1,500 shillings [$0.54] we used to pay." 
 
 A sugar shortage - caused by drought and the temporary closure of a major sugar factory for maintenance - has seen prices soar: 1kg is retailing at about 5,800 shillings ($2.11) in urban areas, and costs up to 10,000 shillings ($3.65) in rural areas. 
 
 "The producers haven't hiked prices but wholesalers and retailers are taking advantage and have doubled prices," said Jimmy Kabeho, chairman of the Uganda Sugar Cane Technologists’ Association. 
 
 The government has waived taxes on sugar to stem the price rises, including allowing controlled imports. 
 
 Power rationing across the country has also contributed to the rise in prices, with many industries forced to use fuel-guzzling generators for much of their production. 
 
 "Prices are rising night after night; I have to hold my breath when entering the market because of the rising food prices," said Sara Lamunu, a resident of Gulu, northern Uganda. "Last Wednesday a kilo of sugar was 6,000 shillings [$2.19] but this morning the price has risen to 9,000 shillings [$3.30]." 
 
 "I no longer fry food because a litre of cooking oil costs 4,500 shillings [$1.64]," said Alice Atto, another Gulu resident. 
 
 According to Musa Ecweru, the Minister for Disaster Preparedness, exports of food to South Sudan, Somalia and Kenya had contributed to the high food prices. 
 
 Opposition parties and civilians have threatened a resumption of the "Walk to Work" protests that saw the government crack down violently on protesters in April, injuring Kizza Besigye, leader of the country's largest opposition party. 
 
 Rwanda 
 
 Food prices have continued to increase in Rwanda over the past two months, despite the government's tax exemptions on some basic commodities. 
 
 According to the National Institute of Statistics, the increase in the consumer price index of 1.54 percent is attributable primarily to the increase in prices of food and non-alcoholic beverages (2.41 percent), housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels (0.95 percent) and transport (3.08 percent). 
 
 The cost of local goods increased by 5.12 percent, according to the institute, attributed to a 1.7 percent price increase in vegetables and a 6.12 percent increase in bread and cereals prices. 
 
 Although Agriculture Minister Agnes Kalibata has stressed there is no evidence of food insecurity across the country, she said Rwandans had been advised to stock food and to avoid selling their surplus produce. 
 
 "The issue of food insecurity cannot be taken [to be] as serious [in Rwanda] because it has been noticed that prices of certain food commodities in some parts of the country are extremely high while farmers in other parts struggle to get buyers," Kalibata said. 
 
 Jean-Chyrsostome Ngabitsinze, a Rwandan agricultural researcher, said there was a need to engage rural farmers in cash-crop farming. "While encouraging farmers to adopt fruit and vegetable crops, which [are] suitable to both local and international markets, this will help ensure food security and enhance the livelihoods of local farmers," he told IRIN. 
 
 Burundi 
 
 Burundi residents attributed the high food prices to rising fuel prices, and say parts of the country are experiencing severe food insecurity. 
 
 "We fear we could have a famine like the one in Somalia," said Aminata*, a banana vendor in the capital, Bujumbura. "I take care of a family of five children and I am spending at least five times more than what I spent in 2005 to feed them. Today, beans cost 1,300 francs [$1.03] whereas it was only 600 francs [$0.50] in 2005." 
 
 Some families in the drought-prone northern province of Kirundo are skipping meals. A widow told IRIN she now ate once every two days. 
 
 Ciza Leocadia, 29, a mother of twins, said: "I came to Bujumbura in search of food because I was not able to raise my twins in my rural home; I have nothing to eat." She said her husband had gone to neighbouring Tanzania in search of food. 
 
 Sébastien Ndikumagenge, director-general in the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock, said rising food prices, speculation by dealers and a banana disease that had been ravaging the country's staple since November 2010 had compromised food security, with some families at risk of starvation. 
 
 According to a first-quarter report by Burundi's Central Bank, "The rise in food inflation is mainly due to the increase in rice prices (8.7 percent); fresh fish (17.3 percent); dried fish (9.6 percent), palm oil (29.7 percent) and dry beans (14.1 percent)." 
 
 Antoine Gahiru, a communication officer for the Institute of Economic Studies of Burundi, said annual inflation in June was 8.6 percent, due to high water and electricity prices. 
 
 However, sources in the Agriculture Ministry told IRIN grain production across the country was on the increase following recent harvests but a countrywide food deficit of 61,800MT of cereals remained. 
 
 *not her real name 
 
 kt/wm/maj/rk/jk/vm/ca/kr/na/at/dm/kr/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93481</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 11 August 2011 (IRIN) - Drought, poor rains and continuing high fuel prices have combined to keep food prices in East Africa high, with consumers forgoing basic staples and many traders being forced to shut down their businesses.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Rape, justice and privacy</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20069132t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 02 June 2011 (IRIN) - A new report has rekindled debate on whether the Rwandan government &quot;betrayed&quot; women who were raped during the 1994 genocide by letting community-based gacaca courts process their cases.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 02 June 2011 (IRIN) - A new report has rekindled debate on whether the Rwandan government "betrayed" women who were raped during the 1994 genocide by letting community-based gacaca courts process their cases. 

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) report [ http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2011/05/31/justice-compromised ] marks one of the first attempts by an advocacy group to assess how the gacaca handled rape cases, which were transferred from conventional courts in 2008. (Gacaca means "grass" in Kinyarwanda, symbolizing a gathering place and referring to a system of public conflict resolution once reserved for minor civil disputes.)

Because of the community-based nature of gacaca, HRW says the privacy of rape survivors was "seriously compromised" by the transfer. The government, however, argues that appropriate safeguards were put in place to keep testimony confidential, and stresses that gacaca was the only means of administering justice in a timely fashion. Some Rwandan civil society groups share this view. 

Philip Clark, political scientist and author of The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice without Lawyers (2010), said the resource constraints placed on conventional courts, which, before 2008 had failed to take action on genocide-related rape cases, made gacaca "the most obvious process to deal with those particular crimes". Still, he conceded that some problems had emerged. 

More than 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus perished in the genocide. The resulting arrests saw dramatic prison overcrowding: by 1998, 130,000 detainees were being held in a system designed for just 12,000. 

The government in 2002 formally launched trials by gacaca, which were to be adjudicated by ordinary citizens. The cases of so-called "category 1" suspects, including rapists, as well as organizers and leaders of the genocide, remained in conventional courts until 2008. (Those deemed "most responsible" for the genocide were processed by the UN-backed International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania.) 

By 2008, gacaca had tried hundreds of thousands of genocide cases, moving at a much faster pace than conventional courts, which tried just 222 between January 2005 and March 2008. In May that year, parliament transferred most remaining "category 1" genocide cases to gacaca, including at least 8,000 rape or sexual violence cases. 

One official told HRW this decision was made in response to pleas from rape victims, who said they were dying of HIV/AIDS and wanted to see their assailants brought to trial. 

Denis Bikesha, director of training, mobilization and sensitization in the National Service of Gacaca Jurisdictions, also stressed the relative speed of gacaca. "This was done in a bid to render timely justice to many, as before 2008 the rape cases were mostly pending in the Prosecution Authority," he told IRIN. 

Fear of exposure

But Leslie Haskell, author of the HRW report, noted that of the more than 20 rape survivors interviewed for the report, only one expressed a preference for gacaca over conventional courts. For others, who said they had been reluctant to come forward and file complaints but had done so because they believed conventional courts would protect their privacy, the transfer to gacaca "took them by surprise and left some feeling betrayed", the report states. 

Rape survivors feared their identities would be revealed to their communities despite the fact that testimony in rape cases was to be heard behind closed doors, Haskell said. Because trials were held near administrative offices or schools in many cases, third parties would still be able to see a complainant enter a room with a judge and her alleged assailant. "You'd still know it was a rape case, but if all went well you wouldn't know what the details were," Haskell said. 

The report states that "a few" of the women - some of whom had not told their families about the rape and did not want the community to know - decided to drop their cases after they were transferred to gacaca. 

However, the report also notes that provisions were put in place to make it easier for rape survivors to testify: they were able to challenge judges they believed were biased or would not respect their privacy; and they could write letters detailing their allegations rather than appearing in person. 

Bikesha highlighted these "safeguards" in claiming that the rape cases had been "really successful", adding that "whoever dares to reveal secrets" could be subject to "punishment". (He did not specify what that punishment might be.) 

Privacy compromised

According to the report, the process of bringing rape cases before gacaca ended up being "less traumatic" than many survivors expected. "For most women, the experience of appearing in gacaca was emotionally difficult, and more difficult than they believed a conventional court trial would have been, but their cases proceeded relatively smoothly," the report states. 

However, the report does cite some cases in which privacy appeared to have been compromised, with reports of intimidation and accusations of false testimony.

Clark, who observed many gacaca trials as part of his research, said "maintaining privacy was a real problem. A lot of this has to do with the closeness of Rwandan communities. It's almost impossible for any legal process to hide people's identities. People know each other. They're very aware when people are summoned to give testimony." 

Despite reports of intimidation, Jane Abatoni Gatete, former executive secretary of the Rwandan Association of Trauma Counsellors, who now works independently with trauma victims, including some who have brought rape cases before gacaca, said she believed the system had generally served survivors well.

"Steps were put in place by the government, and they were acting to make sure those women were protected and maybe counselled and advised to come forward and give the testimony," she said. "If they didn't then maybe their cases would not have been heard."

Fair trial rights

Beyond the privacy rights of rape survivors, the HRW report also raises concerns about the fair trial rights of the accused. 

Because gacaca does not involve lawyers, the process has long been open to criticism that suspects are unable to prepare an adequate defence. One of the government's justifications for not involving lawyers - in addition to the fact that there simply were not enough - is that community participation negated the need for them. If a witness lied, for instance, community members could speak out. 

With rape cases being held in camera, however, the community cannot participate at all, Haskell noted.

"It was sort of a Catch-22, right? The gacaca system was built on this idea of public participation to call out prejudicial partiality or lies on account of any of the parties who were testifying," Haskell said. "The problem with that is because they are behind closed doors, because there's no public participation, because there's no monitoring by rights groups, it could've been easier to manipulate."

Clark said Rwandans had been taken aback by this feature of the rape cases. "There was a great deal of frustration at the community level that people had had very public hearings for all of the previous crimes, and then suddenly these very contentious rape cases were being held behind close doors where the community couldn't hear and couldn't participate," he said. 

But he added that, in light of HRW's concerns about privacy, this criticism struck him as "a bit rich. I have to say on that particular point it does look like Human Rights Watch are having their cake and eating it, too," he said. "They can hardly criticize open rape cases and then turn around and criticize the fact that they're being held behind closed doors."

The Rwandan government has said that there are no more than 100 gacaca cases remaining, and Clark said he expected the government, which has missed previous deadlines, to stick to the current plan of shutting down the system by December.

If gacaca does end this year, Clark said its record on sexual violence cases would be decidedly mixed, but that the decision to transfer them from conventional courts would also be remembered as "inevitable. I really don't think there was any other way the government could have done it," he said. 

rcb/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92876</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20069132t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 02 June 2011 (IRIN) - A new report has rekindled debate on whether the Rwandan government &quot;betrayed&quot; women who were raped during the 1994 genocide by letting community-based gacaca courts process their cases.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>RWANDA: Trial of microbicide ring in final phase</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006091413470723t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 23 May 2011 (IRIN) - Rwanda is in the third and final phase of testing a vaginal ring containing antiretrovirals, which, if successful, could provide an important female-controlled method of HIV prevention.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 23 May 2011 (IRIN) - Rwanda is in the third and final phase of testing a vaginal ring containing antiretrovirals, which, if successful, could provide an important female-controlled method of HIV prevention. 
 
 Malawi, Rwanda, South Africa and Zimbabwe have all been selected to conduct the final phase of the trial. Phases I and II - conducted in Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, South Africa - assessed the safety and acceptability of a daily application of a gel containing the ARV, dapivirine [ http://www.ipmglobal.org/our-work/ipm-product-pipeline/dapivirine-tmc120 ] . 
 
 "Phases I and II were completed successfully; this means that the microbicide has been evaluated and found to be safe and acceptable," Gilles Ndayisaba, the principal investigator at Project Ubuzima, told IRIN/PlusNews. "Even if in Rwanda we conducted phase I and II on the gel, these phases have been done with the ring in several others [countries] and they were successful," he added. 
 
 Phase I trials involved small numbers of women, followed by expanded safety trials, Phase I/II, which gathered additional safety data among more participants over longer periods. Once the safety trials are complete, longer-term safety and efficacy trials begin. Phase III trials are conducted among high-risk participants so that researchers can see if there is a difference in infection rates between women who use the active microbicide product versus those who use a placebo. This phase looks specifically at the efficacy and gathers information to proceed with putting the product on the general market. 
 
 In Rwanda, the trials are being conducted by a local NGO, Project Ubuzima, with the International Partnership for Microbicides [ http://www.ipmglobal.org ]. The project has carried out safety trials for dapivirine gel among more than 60 women and has conducted an HIV incidence study among 1,250 female VCT clients and 800 high-risk women in the capital, Kigali, in preparation for the final phase. 
 
 An estimated 3,000 HIV-negative women aged between 18 and 40 will participate in the trial in all selected countries - between 400 and 600 will come from Rwanda; the trial is expected to last three years. 
 
 "Potential participants are well-educated on clinical research in general and first have to sign an informed consent form which includes all information concerning risks and benefits while participating in the study," said Marie-Michelle Umulisa, the community outreach manager at Project Ubuzima. "These are reviewed by the Rwandan National Ethics Committee to protect participants' rights." 
 
 Each participant will use the ring for a minimum 15 months or a maximum 33 months. "It is likely that products that can be applied less frequently like the ring will be more acceptable and will achieve better adherence," Ndayisaba said. "Vaginal rings need only to be replaced every four weeks and may therefore have benefits over dosage forms that need to be used more frequently." 
 
 The researchers say dapivirine is advantageous because it is not used in current HIV/AIDS treatment regimens so there is less potential for drug resistance. They say the vaginal ring is cheap to manufacture, comfortable, flexible and can be self-inserted; it is intended to provide long-term protection during anticipated and unanticipated sexual intercourse. 
 
 Uncertainties 
 
 According to Evelyn Kestelyn, executive director of Project Ubuzima, there are advantages to being one of the countries conducting a trial. "When the products finally come on the market... countries that were selected to implement phase III will get the products for free or will purchase them at a subsidized price." 
 
 However, women in Kigali remain uncertain about whether they would use a microbicide ring should the ongoing trial prove successful. 
 
 "I would need to be extremely sure it works well before I can entrust my life with such a thing; I mean I would want to be sure it doesn't have any particular side-effects," said Agatha Ingabire. 
 
 Should the product make it on to the market, Project Ubuzima plans a major campaign to sensitize Rwandans on the microbicide's function. 
 
 "We intend to undertake a huge sensitization process, starting with community leaders and gradually we shall trickle this down to the other masses," said Umulisa. "Community acceptability of this project is key for its success." 
 
 Globally, a number of microbicide trials are ongoing [ http://www.ipmglobal.org/sites/international.ixm.ca/files/ClinicalTrialsFactSheet_APR11.pdf ], testing gels and rings. In 2010, the biggest success [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89895 ] was recorded in a study by the Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South Africa, which found that a vaginal gel containing the ARV tenofovir was 39 percent effective in reducing a woman's HIV risk when used for about three-quarters of sex acts and 54 percent effective when used more consistently. 
 
 rkm/kr/mw]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92787</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006091413470723t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 23 May 2011 (IRIN) - Rwanda is in the third and final phase of testing a vaginal ring containing antiretrovirals, which, if successful, could provide an important female-controlled method of HIV prevention.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92550</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
