<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Refugees/IDPs</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 10:30:55 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Helping displaced children in rebel-held parts of Kachin</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305200656420349t.jpg" />]]>KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children&apos;s laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them.</description><body><![CDATA[KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children's laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them. 

The playground-cum-learning centre is one of six new “child-friendly spaces” that local NGO Wing Pawng Ningthoi (WPN) has built in IDP camps in Kachin State. 

“Most of the children come from conflict zones, but when we ask them about their experiences, many of them don’t know how to answer and just stare in silence,” WPN’s Mary Tawm, who oversees food and shelter assistance for about 10,000 IDPs in six camps controlled by the KIA, told IRIN. 

But these children are also the lucky ones. 

"Thousands of children have been affected by the conflict in Kachin State,” said James Gray, a child protection specialist for the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 

While the agency had been able to provide support and assistance to separated and unaccompanied children and those in need of psychosocial support over the past 18 months in government-controlled areas, he said, “UNICEF is concerned about the situation of children in the non-government controlled areas, where access is difficult, and children are without child protection interventions.” 

“The children’s [psychological] needs are not being met because these are the kind of things that are secondary to food and shelter,” said Oddney Gumaer, international advocacy director of Partners Relief and Development [ http://www.partnersworld.org/ ], one of the few international NGOs to gain access to KIA-controlled territory. 

“In the Western world when there is a crisis or disaster there are psychologists and crisis teams at the location almost immediately and we get all the needed follow-up right away. But for these people there is no support like that,” she explained. 

Protracted displacement 

The children were displaced, like thousands of others, after a ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIA collapsed in June 2011. Many are traumatized, having witnessed acts of violence. 

According to the UN, over 83,000 residents are displaced in Kachin State, including 47,000 (56 percent) in KIA-controlled areas. This number, however, does not include those living with host families or the many who fled to neighbouring Shan State. 

Many of the IDPs have been displaced for a long time, some for over 20 months, triggering renewed and additional needs for basic services and protection, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said in its most recent humanitarian update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Ref_Doc_UNOCHA_Myanmar_Humanitarian_Bulletin_March_2013.pdf ].

To help provide support for children in KIA-controlled areas, WPN is working with local workers from Save the Children in the six centres, and hopes to follow up with more assistance in future.

“Providing a protected environment where children can engage and participate in activities and interact in a more normal situation where they are protected from physical harm is key,” said Kelly Stevenson, Save the Children's Myanmar country manager. 

The pre-school set-up provides more of a group learning environment - similar to a classroom - to help many of the children build up their self-esteem and confidence, Stevenson explained. 

To help bring more awareness of children's basic rights, WPN has also organized several workshops for staff and volunteers, as well as camp residents. But for now, giving children the opportunity of interacting and playing together in a safe environment is proving helpful. 

According to the Laiza-based Relief Action Network for IDPs and Refugees (RANIR) [ http://www.ranirkachin.net/ ], an umbrella group of 11 NGOs and community-based organizations working in KIA-controlled areas, the quality of the humanitarian response in areas outside government control is well below international standards due to a lack of funding and limited access. 

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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98083/Helping-displaced-children-in-rebel-held-parts-of-Kachin</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305200656420349t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children&apos;s laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syrians seeking refuge in Libya</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war. 
  
Since then the tables have turned, and many of those same families find themselves in Libya after fleeing the Syrian conflict, which has left an estimated 6.8 million people (around a third of the population) in need of urgent humanitarian assistance [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20Issue%20%2324.pdf ].
  
Most of the Syrian community in Libya, estimated at around 110,000 by government officials, are believed to have arrived over the past 18 months after having fled the Syrian conflict. 
  
Shavan, a Syrian ethnic Kurd, arrived in Libya in January. "Alone, I left Syria at the end of 2011 leaving my wife and my daughter. I was looking for a place to live far away from the hell of conflict," Shevan said. 
  
After what he says was a difficult year in Lebanon, where he struggled to pay his living costs, he went back into Syria to pick up his family and then left for Libya. 
  
The flow of Syrians to Libya, while far lower than the numbers seen arriving in Syria's neighbours, started almost as soon as the Libyan revolution ended in October 2011. 
  
Some come by air from Lebanon or Turkey, but most have arrived by road, heading through Jordan and then across the Sinai to the Libyan-Egyptian border town of El Salloum (in Egypt). 
  
In the initial stages, Syrians with a passport could enter without a visa, but the rules have been tightened since the attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi in September 2012, after which only families, not single men, were allowed in. 
  
Visa-less travel 
  
From January this year, the coastal border crossing from El-Salloum to Musaid (Libya) has been closed to all non-Libyans without a visa, according to information from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
  
Alongside this measure, the Libyan minister of interior invited his "Syrian brothers" who had previously entered the country without a visa, to register at any passport office to get a government letter confirming their asylum seeker status. 
  
But it is still possible to get across the border without a visa. One Syrian who had recently entered Libya near El Salloum, and asked not to be named, told IRIN: "Smugglers charge US$500 to take Syrians across the border to Libya. I also saw some Syrian women who were using sex work to pay for their transit." 
  
Local NGOs in Libya run by Syrians were the first to provide relief, but many Syrian refugees have been reluctant to receive such aid. 
  
"Suspicions about Syrian secret service infiltrations led the majority away from the operational centres managed by Syrian charities," the head of the UNHCR in Libya, Emmanuel Gignac, told IRIN. 
  
UNHCR registration 
  
After an initial delay, UNHCR started formally registering Syrian asylum seekers and refugees in September 2012. 
  
By the end of April 2013, around 8,000 Syrians were registered with UNHCR as asylum seekers, though because of UNHCR's lack of a formal legal agreement with the government, the asylum seekers cannot advance to the agency's refugee status determination (RSD) process. 
  
The majority of Syrian asylum seekers in Libya are in the second city, Benghazi, due to its proximity to the Egyptian border. 
  
Large Syrian communities are also in Tripoli, mainly in the Suq Al Jumua, Janzoor and Hasham areas, while ethnic Kurdish Syrians in the capital have established a base on the outskirts in Ben Ghashir. 
  
Syrian charities provide support and some aid. "You can ask their help to register your kids in the local schools or to get medical assistance," Bilal*, originally from the Syrian town of Hama, told IRIN. 
  
The delivery of items such as blankets, mattresses and kitchen cooking sets is carried out regularly by Syrian organizations along with the Libyan organization Al Wafa and international agencies like UNHCR, the Danish Refugee Council and the Italian NGO CESVI. 
  
Visiting UNHCR teams also assist the Syrians in Tripoli and Benghazi. The agency has opened a Centre for Community Development for vulnerable cases, and set up a hotline for Syrian asylum seekers. 
  
The call centre receives around 40 phone calls a day - often appeals for medical or cash assistance, according to UNHCR associate RSD officer Valda Kelly. 
  
The presence of Syrians in Benghazi has created some tension, and recently the city's commission in charge of regulating foreign labour, immigrants and refugees called on the national government and congress to reduce the number of people coming into the country to avoid security, economic, political and social risks. 
  
Why Libya? 
  
Despite the distance from their home country, many Syrians cited a lower cost of living and greater job opportunities as the reason for travelling to Libya, rather than the more common Syrian refugee hubs like Jordan and Lebanon. Some also had spent time in Libya before the Arab Spring, when most foreign nationals were evacuated. 
  
But living costs remain a challenge for many in the Syrian community: "I pay 600 dinars (US$465) a month for an apartment and I barely earn 900," Ali who had fled from Duma, on the outskirts of Damascus, told IRIN. 
  
The poverty of many has given rise to practices seen elsewhere in the region: "Syrian women have been offering themselves as brides to the Libyans because they have no alternative for their survival," said Mohamed, a Syrian refugee living in the coastal town of Misrata. 
  
Other Syrians in Misrata confirmed this was happening. "In Benghazi Syrian girls are called `sheep' for their low price. Even regular men already with one wife can afford a new young wife," another Syrian told IRIN. 
  
Shiite fears 
  
Many Syrians told IRIN the Libyans had been welcoming. Ahmad, a Libyan civil engineer working for an Italian company in Misrata, told IRIN: "They are our brothers as they still suffer what we have experienced. They have every right to remain in Misrata." 
  
Local officials in Misrata told IRIN there are about 5,000 Syrian refugees in the town. 
  
Misrata, known as a base for anti-Gaddafi militia activity, is awash with Gaddafi-era weapons, and locals say a blind eye is turned to Syrians buying the weapons for export. 
  
Some local reports in Libya say former revolutionary fighters in Libya, particularly from Benghazi and Misrata, have been travelling in the opposite direction to join the anti-government forces in Syria. 
  
Not everyone is welcoming though. "Because of my Kurdish name, I was threatened often at ordinary checkpoints because Libyans thought I was not a Sunni Syrian but a Shiite," said Shavan. 
  
Syria's now two-year conflict began when people, largely of the Sunni majority, began protesting on masse against President Bashar al-Assad, of the minority Alawite sect (Shia), and has become increasingly sectarian as the violence has increased.  
  
*not a real name 
  
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98085/Syrians-seeking-refuge-in-Libya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Nigerians on the run as military combat Boko Haram</title><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005241211400801t.jpg" />]]>KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.

The attacks on BH camps in northern parts of Borno close to the borders with Chad, Niger and Cameroon followed the 14 May declaration of a state of emergency by Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan in the northeastern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. 

Musa Karimbe fled his village of Bulabute near Marte, BH's major stronghold in the area, on 17 May to Kusiri, 100km inside Cameroon where he is staying with a friend. "We are afraid of a repeat of Baga attacks on our homes," Karimbe said, referring to fighting on 16 and 17 April between troops from the Chad-Niger-Nigeria Joint Multi-National Task Force and BH members in which 187 residents from Baga town on the shores of Lake Chad were killed, and 2,128 homes burnt, according to Human Rights Watch [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97988/Displaced-still-homeless-after-clashes-in-Baga-Nigeria ].

People from villages around Abadam District, including Malamfatori, fled to Bosso in Niger’s Diffa Region, while others have taken refuge in the Cameroonian towns of Fotokol, Amchide, Darak and Kusiri, according to interviews with displaced Nigerians. Officials say 2,000 people have fled across borders, though several of the displaced told IRIN they thought the number was higher.  

The number of casualties from the fighting is not yet clear, though Nigeria defence spokesman Brig-Gen Chris Olukolade said on 17 May that there had been BH casualties, and that 100 BH members had been arrested.

An official with the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) in the capital, Abuja, said they had not yet been able to establish contact with their teams to find out the details of the humanitarian situation, because telephone networks in Borno and Yobe states have been shut down since 16 May. “The areas where military operations are ongoing, are not accessible,” he told IRIN.

Residents of Gamboru Ngala in Borno State said military forces screened them thoroughly before allowing them to cross the border; others passed through the network of unofficial trade routes that criss-cross the region.

The military has placed a “food blockade” on northern Borno, refusing to allow trucks laden with household commodities from leaving Maiduguri (the state capital) to the northern part of the state, in case they end up in BH hands. As a result, prices have shot up, said Bukar Zanna, head of the Traders’ Association in Gamboru Ngala.

Since January 2013 BH has taken control of Marte, Mobbar, Gubio, Guzamala, Abadam, Kukawa, Kala-Balge and Gamboru Ngala local government areas in northern Borno, chasing out local government officials, taking over control of government buildings and imposing Sharia law.

This prompted President Goodluck Jonathan to declare last week that he would “take all necessary action... to put an end to the impunity of insurgents and terrorists,” including the arrest and detention of suspects, taking over BH hideouts, the lockdown of suspected BH enclaves, raids, and arresting anyone possessing illegal weapons.

The military crackdown came after several attempts at dialogue [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96915/Analysis-Hurdles-to-Nigerian-government-Boko-Haram-dialogue ] - the most recent on 17 April, when the president set up a 26-member Amnesty Committee (headed by Nigerian Special Duties Minister Kabiru Tanimu) with a three-month mandate to try to convince BH to lay down its arms in exchange for a state pardon and social reintegration.

Dialogue soon broke down, and BH stepped up bombing attacks and assassinations in April and May in apparent defiance of the proposed amnesty. BH has repeatedly rejected peace talks, citing insincerity on the part of the Nigerian government following a series of failed mediated negotiations. 

On 8 and 9 May the Amnesty Committee met Nigerian security chiefs in Abuja and then BH members in detention in Kuje prison near Abuja to gather information on how to reach out to the BH leadership for talks. But on 9 May around 200 BH gunmen, armed with rocket launchers and rifles, launched coordinated attacks on security forces in the town of Bama in northern Borno, including a military barracks, a prison and police buildings, killing 42 people including soldiers, policemen, prison guards and civilians and freeing 105 inmates. Some 13 BH gunmen were killed in the attacks, according to the military.

In a 13 May video, BH leader Abubakar Shekau rejected the government’s amnesty overtures and vowed not to stop his group’s violent campaigns to establish an Islamic state in Nigeria. 

Flip-flopping

The government’s flip-flop approach is evidence of its frustration with the deteriorating security situation. But the next steps are not clear. “Deployment of troops and the declaration of war on BH by the president have put a huge stumbling block on the path of the Amnesty Committee,” said Mohammed Kyari, a political science professor at Modibo Adama University of Science and Technology in neighbouring Adamawa State capital Yola, which is also affected by the emergency decree.

“It will now be difficult to win the confidence of BH which is crucial in bringing them to the negotiating table because you can’t talk of peace on one hand and be deploying troops on the other.” A leading rights activist in the north, Shehu Sani, who has participated in past negotiations with BH, agrees. 

But many say the government had no choice. Yahaya Mahmud, a prominent constitutional lawyer in Nigeria, told IRIN: “No government anywhere will allow a group to usurp part of territorial sovereignty. The declaration of a state of emergency was necessitated by the constitutional obligation to restore a portion of Nigeria’s territory taken over by an armed group which involves the suspension of constitutional provisions relating to civic rights.”

The fear now is that the more violent the crackdown, the greater the chance of radicalizing angry young men to join the rebel cause. Babagoni Kachalla, a resident of Wuljo, one of the areas taken over by BH in northern Borno, said BH has been going village-to-village since January in all-terrain vehicles fitted with loudspeakers to gather recruits and preach their ideology. In the days leading up to the military response, BH fighters stepped up their recruitment drive, said Borno State residents.

Political scientist Kyari worries, in response to the crackdown, that BH will just shift their bases. “BH can’t face Nigerian troops in conventional war; the troop deployment to northern Borno means they will move out to other towns and cities with less military presence and launch guerrilla war, which is deadlier.”

The deployment of troops to Maiduguri in June 2011 and military crackdowns pushed some BH members northwards within Borno, and others to northern Mali, which they fled during the French, Chadian and Malian intervention in the north.

Trust

Many analysts and politicians are pushing for dialogue as the only way out of the impasse, but trust between the government and BH is very low.

Conspiracy theories in the north abound, including that prominent politicians, including the president, are fanning some of the violence in the north since they would benefit from chaos continuing there in the run-up to 2015 presidential elections. 

While not endorsing the theories, Abdulkarim Mohammed, author of Paradox of Boko Haram, said they should be investigated if the government is serious about understanding the roots of BH’s insurgency. 

The Amnesty Committee stated yesterday it would meet BH leaders anywhere they chose, to negotiate a way out of the violence. 

If the government does not win the confidence of BH soon, to at least bring them to the negotiating table, we are going to be in this much longer than we thought,” said Kyari, adding: “and if it is not managed well, it will engulf neighbouring countries.”

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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98076/Analysis-Nigerians-on-the-run-as-military-combat-Boko-Haram</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005241211400801t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of residents of northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State have fled their homes - thousands of them into neighbouring Niger and Cameroon - following airstrikes by Nigerian fighter jets on Boko Haram (BH) camps from 15 May.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Containing cholera in Niger</title><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203130651570194t.jpg" />]]>NIAMEY 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Cholera has struck 248 people in Ayorou in the Tillabéry Region of northwestern Niger, killing six, two of them Malian refugees.</description><body><![CDATA[NIAMEY 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Cholera has struck 248 people in Ayorou in the Tillabéry Region of northwestern Niger, killing six, two of them Malian refugees.

Among the sick are 31 Malian refugees who are living in Tabareybarey and Mangaize camps near the Mali border, according to the Tillabéry health services and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

In the camps and in surrounding villages, UNHCR has upped the supply of clean water to refugees, is distributing oral rehydration solution, soap, and disinfectant tabs to clean water, but more drugs are urgently needed, it said in a 21 May communiqué [ http://www.unmultimedia.org/radio/english/2013/05/un-refugee-agency-working-to-contain-cholera-epidemic-in-niger/ ]. NGO Médecins sans Frontières is treating those who have contracted cholera in camps.

UNHCR is worried that cholera could spread quickly due to the high concentration of refugees in the region.

Most of the cases were inhabitants of the town of Ayorou, which hosts a Sunday livestock market frequented by people from all across the region. The Ministry of Health is trying to temporarily shut down the market, which is just next to the River Niger, the suspected source of the contamination. The Health Ministry has also banned anyone from using, or drinking, water from the river, though this is very difficult to monitor.

The World Health Organization is supporting local health authorities to contain the disease’s spread.

Last year 5,785 people contracted cholera in Niger, and 110 of them died, according to UNHCR.

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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98078/Containing-cholera-in-Niger</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203130651570194t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIAMEY 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - Cholera has struck 248 people in Ayorou in the Tillabéry Region of northwestern Niger, killing six, two of them Malian refugees.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: How to avoid a fourth year of serious flooding in Pakistan</title><pubDate>Tue, 21 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191142590031t.jpg" />]]>SUKKUR 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Since 2010, monsoon rain in Pakistan has brought with it some of the biggest seasonal flooding in living memory. 
  
Two months from this year’s rains, weather forecasters are already predicting above normal rainfall and in some areas standing water has yet to drain away from last year’s monsoon.</description><body><![CDATA[SUKKUR 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Since 2010, monsoon rain in Pakistan has brought with it some of the biggest seasonal flooding in living memory.

Two months from this year’s rains, weather forecasters are already predicting above normal rainfall [ http://reliefweb.int/report/pakistan/humanitarian-bulletin-pakistan-issue-14-5-%E2%80%93-30-april-2013 ] and in some areas standing water has yet to drain away from last year’s monsoon.

So, after three years of destruction, how ready is the country for this year’s monsoon?

“The situation is not what we would call optimal, but over the last three years, since the 2010 floods, there have been significant improvements [in government and humanitarian organisations’ capacity],” said Khaleel Tetlay, chief operating officer at the Rural Support Programmes Network, which is working with the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in Sindh Province to boost communities’ resilience to natural disasters.

“[Whether or not heavy rain will cause flooding] is very difficult to predict. But if we prepare at the federal, provincial and community levels, a lot of damage can be prevented, especially the loss of life.”

The three floods have damaged infrastructure and houses, displaced millions and caused billions of dollars’ worth of losses to the country’s most important sector - agriculture.

The 2012 floods damaged nearly 650,000 houses in three provinces of Pakistan, and affected almost 1.2 million acres (485,623 hectares) of land. Over 12,000 cattle died [ http://www.ndma.gov.pk/Documents/monsoon/2012/damages/january/damages_details_23_01_2013.pdf ].

The residual humanitarian impact of last year’s floods and the slow drainage of floodwaters have increased vulnerability. Over a million people have yet to return to their homes, living either in temporary settlements or shelters built next to their damaged houses [ http://pakresponse.info/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=IaZV7zwPDF4%3d&tabid=148&mid=915 ].

On the other hand, the experience of three years of flooding has also strengthened coping mechanisms and the quality of any eventual humanitarian response.

Building defences

Reducing the risk of disaster requires investment in several sectors, among them the reconstruction and reinforcement of infrastructure in flood-prone areas.

The need for such work becomes clearer when the pattern of flooding is examined.

While the 2010 flood - which at one point covered over 20 percent of the country - was caused by waterway breaches, in 2012 water levels rose because of heavy rain and a lack of proper drainage in flat areas.

Officials say improving infrastructure to prevent major failures in the face of extreme weather can prove critical.

“In many areas [of northern Sindh], the drainage systems could simply not cope with the rain [in 2012], and that is why water hasn’t drained properly. The idea is to improve these systems, rebuild them properly where needed, so that even with heavy rain, water can be taken away as quickly as possible,” Saifullah Bullo from Sindh Province’s Disaster Management Authority (DMA), said.

The focus from the DMA is on rebuilding embankments and improving waterways and reservoirs. To help drainage, teams of workers are digging new channels in areas where standing water is expected to be an issue.

Reconstruction projects give a chance to “build back better” - making sure rebuilt buildings are more resilient to whatever flooding may come in the future.

“The threat is there, and we have been advising people not to build in very low-lying areas or near rivers and canals. So many houses were completely damaged because they were right next to the channels that overflowed,” Irshad Bhatti, a spokesman for the National Disaster Management Authority, said.

“The idea is to help people make better decisions, keeping in mind the threat of floods. Preparation is the most effective strategy.”

Boosting DRR

There is a clear once-bitten-twice-shy logic about preparing for the monsoon, after three years of devastation.

At the heart of this is disaster risk reduction (DRR): A dollar spent on disaster preparedness is worth seven dollars in post-disaster relief and recovery expenditures, according to the UN Development Programme [ http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/presscenter/articles/2012/07/02/act-now-save-later-new-un-social-media-campaign-launched-/ ].

As Pakistan prepares for the rains with a certain sense of déjà vu, aid workers are asking what can be done to avoid repeating the same emergency relief operations each year.

“The drive for funding DRR has come in part from the fatigue and frustration of… donors,” said Shahida Arif of the DRR Forum, an alliance of 69 national and international NGOs.

“It can seem to them like they are continuously funding activities in post-disaster interventions, when many believe the need for this could have been reduced or avoided with investment in disaster mitigation activities.”

Without an effective DRR strategy and adequate preparation, the effects of natural disasters like floods can linger for years.

Damage to cropland by floods in one year, for example, can have an adverse economic impact on farmers’ livelihoods for years to come, as, unable to plant any crops, they are forced to borrow money to make ends meet.

Without emergency financial assistance, the next plantation cycle is affected too - a serious concern as most communities in areas hit by floods since 2010 rely on agriculture for their livelihood.

The 2012 Monsoon Humanitarian Operational Plan (MHOP) [ http://pakresponse.info/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=n6rnPIqYY-I%3D&tabid=41&mid=597 ] expired in March this year, but activities across several areas are ongoing given the critical needs of the affected population.

The humanitarian partners involved in the plan only received 33 percent of the US$161 million that was needed to fully fund it, leaving gaps in coverage.

But despite funding constraints, humanitarians say they have been able to mix in some DRR activities with the ongoing relief distribution.

While providing treatment and medicine to flood victims, district-level health officials from the Sindh government and aid workers have been instructed to explain preventive measures against disease, including bednets, good hygiene and the importance of vaccinations.

Diseases often spike in the aftermath of flooding as water sources become contaminated and insects like mosquitoes multiply in standing water.

The information could prove useful for people like Mohammed Hayat, a farmer whose village of Mir Sikander in Sindh’s Jacobabad District was completely submerged by flooding in 2012.

“The little one is always feverish, off and on, and I have to spend money I don’t have on taking him to Jacobabad. There is the bus fare, and then any medicines the doctor recommends,” Hayat said. “He has been like this since the floods hit.”

Hayat’s family built a temporary shelter after the flood damaged their house, and have not left their village.

“The water is still here in my village, and the mosquitoes breed on it. We have some nets but there are too many mosquitoes, all over the village,” said Hayat. Most villagers in Mir Sikander were not equipped with mosquito nets when the floods hit, he added.

Better humanitarian systems

The experience of the last three years has taught the importance of coordination and helped build a stronger humanitarian system.

One critical need for villagers like Hayat is shelter, a sector where humanitarian organizations are pooling resources and combining efforts to ensure that their response is efficient and quick.

USAID has helped fund [ http://reliefweb.int/report/pakistan/%EF%BF%BCbuilding-stronger-shelter-cluster-pakistan ] a dedicated shelter cluster team to ensure that relief operations during disasters are efficient and that wastage is reduced.

Several organizations have also conducted pilot projects to gauge the value of using communication technologies to help improve both preparedness and relief operations, relying on the high and growing number of mobile phones in Pakistan.

The CDAC (Communicating with Disaster-Affected Communities) Network ran a three-month project [ http://www.cdacnetwork.org/public/about/cdac-pakistan ] to improve the exchange of information in disaster areas, in particular between those affected and those providing assistance, using technologies like SMS.

A year later, Pakistan NGO Strengthening Participatory Organisation and the Popular Engagement Policy Lab teamed up to set up a system [ http://www.frontlinesms.com/2012/02/22/sending-a-message-of-accountability-sms-helps-improve-services-after-pakistan-floods/ ] where, using mobile phones, those affected by the floods could provide feedback about the assistance they were, or were not, getting.

The effort is expected to be increased this year, and could improve relief operations by directly connecting providers with the affected.

Better coordination systems also include stronger relations between aid organizations and the relevant government agencies, say the Pakistan Humanitarian Forum (PHF).

“The framework for emergency needs assessment is in place and agreed by all stakeholders, so it can be rolled out as soon as a disaster strikes. This is a key achievement,” a spokesman for PHF said.

The long term

The under-funding of disaster risk reduction and disaster management strategies means significant post-disaster work will be needed each year that there is heavy monsoon rainfall.

“Due to limited resources, the scale of DRR/M programmes is very small and scattered,” the DRR Forum’s Shahida Arif told IRIN.

“In a calamity-struck country, such as Pakistan, it is imperative that long-term, comprehensive, [two- to four-year] DRR interventions are initiated,” she said.

In addition to funding, the lack of coordination between critical disaster-related institutions of the Pakistan government is a major hurdle.

“For DRR to really work, it can’t just be the [National Disaster Management Authority]. Every department, every ministry, has to be on board so that they integrate DRR into their policies and projects,” a senior NDMA official said, requesting anonymity as he was not authorized to speak to the media.

Under the DRR plan of the Pakistan government, 10 federal ministries, including health, food security, education and housing, are supposed to be involved.

“We have made progress with making policy and setting out goals, but actually bringing everyone on board has been a slow process, and it is far from complete,” the NDMA official said. “We are on the right path, but if everyone is not on the same page, it will not work very well.”

rc/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 21 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98071/Analysis-How-to-avoid-a-fourth-year-of-serious-flooding-in-Pakistan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191142590031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SUKKUR 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Since 2010, monsoon rain in Pakistan has brought with it some of the biggest seasonal flooding in living memory. 
  
Two months from this year’s rains, weather forecasters are already predicting above normal rainfall and in some areas standing water has yet to drain away from last year’s monsoon.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Seeking safety in the city</title><pubDate>Tue, 21 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Every year, hundreds of thousands of people are forced from their homes by violence or natural disasters. But the face of displacement is changing: While the popular view of displacement is one of sprawling rural camps, displaced people are now just as likely to be living in urban areas, often hidden from view.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Every year, hundreds of thousands of people are forced from their homes by violence or natural disasters. But the face of displacement is changing: While the popular view of displacement is one of sprawling rural camps, displaced people are now just as likely to be living in urban areas, often hidden from view.

The Humanitarian Policy Group (HPG), based at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), has explored this phenomenon in a series of studies called “Sanctuary in the City?” [ http://www.odi.org.uk/projects/2437-sanctuary-city-urban-displacement-vulnerability#details ], which examines displacement conditions and policies in eight urban centres around the world.

HPG’s Simone Haysom told IRIN, “Urban displacement is the future of what displacement is going to look like. Many of the displaced come from cities and are not going to put up with camp conditions. Already more than half are in urban areas, and that percentage is only going to grow, except where governments enforce strict encampment policies. And humanitarians are not equipped with the right tools and resources to deal with urban displacement.”

Camps versus cities

Keeping displaced populations in refugee camps or internally displaced persons (IDP) camps simplifies administration for relief agencies. “Humanitarian operations in urban areas can be more costly and time-consuming,” according to the UN Refugee Agency’s 2012 State of the World’s Refugees report [ http://www.unhcr.org/publications/22-chapter-6-displacement-and-urbanization.html#more-22 ].

“In contrast to refugee camps, humanitarian actors in towns and cities often know little about the food security and nutritional status of urban refugees and IDPs,” the report states.

But as the world grows increasingly urbanized, displaced populations are increasingly gravitating to cities. “Unlike a closed camp, cities present obvious opportunities to stay anonymous, make money, and build a better future,” says UNHCR’s website [ http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c125.html ].

Still, encampment policies are attractive to governments struggling to keep up with the service demands in urban areas, where the added presence of displaced populations could overextend resources and cause resentment among local residents.

Katy Long of the London School of Economics, who works on issues arising from protracted displacements, said, “Eighty percent of displaced people are hosted in developing countries, and they compete for resources. The politics of nationalism play into it too, and the encampment process and the aid which goes with it provide opportunities to pass the costs on [to aid agencies]. Camps may not address the root problems and may leave refugees and IDPs extremely vulnerable, but they make sense in terms of political economy.”

In denial

HPG’s research found that government officials often assert, against all evidence, that displacement is temporary problem.

This was the case in Syria, where the government seemed to be in denial about farmers and herders who had been driven into Damascus by drought and land loss. The HPG study (conducted in 2011, before current conflict reached the capital) found that the government consistently stressed the temporary nature of this displacement, and tried to limit assistance to the squalid displacement camps on the edge of Damascus “to avoid creating a culture of dependency.”

The study’s authors wrote, “Even if the government and the international community appear to portray the displacement… as temporary… the scale of losses in northeast Syria is huge, and return does not seem to be possible without… a long-term strategy aimed at restoring the viability of rural livelihood systems in these areas.”

Similarly, authorities in Afghanistan are reluctant to accept that new arrivals flocking into the capital, Kabul, are there to stay. The HPG Kabul study observed that, “The de facto policy of the government at all levels is that displacement is a temporary phenomenon, and that in time people will return to their rural areas of origin.”

Such assumptions can limit assistance. According to the study, “One senior… official… explained why he had refused an international agency… permission to build temporary toilets and wells in one settlement, on the grounds that ‘IDPs are here for a short time and they don’t need a bathroom and a well in this situation... When we provide them with these services they will never move back to their areas.’”

Long told IRIN that in reality more than two-thirds of the world’s IDPs have been displaced for more than five years, but authorities are often unwilling to face this fact, partly because it reflects badly on them.

“In Afghanistan, for instance, if they admit that they still have a displacement problem, they are admitting that the peace is still fragile and imperfect. But rather than only looking for permanent solutions, we have to learn to live with people being displaced at this moment and focus on making their displacement better, because policies often make displacement a far worse experience than it needs to be,” Long said.

Opportunities for settlement

The HPG researchers in Kabul found that an overwhelming majority of the displaced said they intended to settle permanently in the city. Evidence from elsewhere suggests that, if allowed to do so, they could eventually integrate and make new lives for themselves.

Even 60 years after their arrival, the Palestinians in Damascus are still officially considered refugees, but many have moved out of areas designated as refugee camps and into better housing. The “camps” are now home to a mixed population including migrant workers, IDPs and poor Syrians.

Integration may be easier now because many developing-world conurbations are cities of newcomers. One HPG study showed that virtually everyone living in Yei, a town in South Sudan, had come from somewhere else. New arrivals are also prevalent in more established urban areas like Nairobi, Kenya; one study estimates only 20 percent of those under 35 were born in the city.

In Yei, Nairobi and Kabul, HPG found that the displaced were in circumstances similar to other newcomers: they were relegated to informal settlements with few or no facilities, struggling to find decent housing and earn a living. Long, of the London School of Economics, says experts now wonder whether these situations should be tackled as a general development challenge, rather than differentiating between IDPs and other urban poor.

“There are some places where we need to focus,” she told IRIN, “such as the legal status of refugees, who often don’t have the correct paperwork to be in the city. But rather than pulling out displacement and putting it in a separate box, a lot of solutions work best if they are community-based, not least because then we are not privileging one group over another and building resentment against the displaced.”

eb/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 21 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98074/Seeking-safety-in-the-city</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 21 May 2013 (IRIN) - Every year, hundreds of thousands of people are forced from their homes by violence or natural disasters. But the face of displacement is changing: While the popular view of displacement is one of sprawling rural camps, displaced people are now just as likely to be living in urban areas, often hidden from view.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Libyans in North Africa scared to return home</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.

But after two weeks of imprisonment and torture, the 68-year-old former contractor fled.

“They accused me of supporting [former ruler Muammar] Gaddafi during the revolution, which is not true at all,” Warfella told IRIN in Cairo. “These people have turned life into hell for people, not just in Bani Walid, but everywhere in Libya.”

Warfella is one of tens of thousands of Libyans who have fled to Egypt. Many are accused, often falsely they say, of having fought in pro-Gaddafi forces in 2011, or having publicly expressed support for him.

Far from home, many struggle to find employment and affordable accommodation, and lack almost any formal support. But they fear revenge attacks should they return home.

“There is a persistent desire inside Libya now for taking revenge on whoever took sides with Gaddafi against the revolutionaries, even if these people who took sides with Gaddafi were not influential people or fighters themselves,” said Salah Al Turki, a senior executive from the Cairo-based NGO Libyan Foundation for Human Rights (LFHR).

“Some of Gaddafi's supporters who initially left Libya in the wake of the downfall of the Libyan dictator and then returned to their home towns faced problems. Gaddafi's supporters in other countries watch all this and are filled with fear to return, lest they should meet the same fate.”

The number of Libyans who have fled the country is not clear as very few register with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

A source in the Libyan Ministry of Social Affairs said there were 430,000-530,000 Libyans in Tunisia. LFHR estimates the number of Libyans who had come to Egypt after the demise of Gaddafi's regime at 750,000, although the Libyan Embassy in Cairo told IRIN the number is not more than 30,000. Algeria is also thought to shelter tens of thousands of Libyans.

Despite, its geographical size, the Libyan population is only around six million, and government officials say that having such large numbers of citizens outside Libyan borders is a humanitarian and security concern for the government.

Some Libyans in Egypt were formerly high-ranking figures, like Ahmed Gaddaf Al Dam, a cousin of Gaddafi and a close associate who is now at the centre of a legal tussle [ http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/2010/17/The-price-of-extradition.aspx ] in Cairo, aimed at paving the way for his extradition to Libya. 

But most lacked senior roles in the Gaddafi administration, and say they feel under threat because of their previous public support for Gaddafi, or for simply belonging to a tribe or town judged “pro-Gaddafi”.

Safe haven?

Though many Libyans who have fled to Egypt told IRIN they thought it was not yet safe to return, life in Egypt is far from easy and they say they continue to live in fear.

“Most of these people, particularly those who had committed crimes in Libya before coming here, think that state institutions or even international organizations will spy on them for the sake of the new government in Libya,” Omar Mohamed Al Ogaly, a plenipotentiary minister at the Libyan Foreign Ministry, told IRIN.

“They have this general fear of state or official agencies and this is why they stay away from these agencies.”

Egypt is undergoing economic and political strife of its own after the Arab Spring, and Libyans abroad are struggling with rising food prices and a lack of work.

Mohamed Al Salak, a TV host from the Libyan channel Libya TV, describes meeting one Libyan family living in a cemetery west of Cairo.

“Despite this, the members of this family are afraid to approach the Libyan Embassy for help,” Al Salak said. “Some of them have medical problems, but they are even afraid to go to the hospital, lest their whereabouts are known to the government in Libya.” 

LFHR tries to find ways of reducing the suffering of Libyan refugees in Egypt. Organization staff meet these refugees, try to give some financial support and present their plight to the Libyan government.

Division 

The current debate [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-05-05/world/39048298_1_islamists-militias-parliament ] within Libya about what sort of role ex-Gaddafi supporters should have in the new administration is a subject that also divides Libyans in Egypt. 

In Cairo, fights have taken place in public areas like shopping centres between Libyans who used to support Gaddafi and others who detested his rule and rose up against him.

“We all had to keep silent under Gaddafi even as we did not like the man or his rule,” said Fawzi Al Trapolsi (not his real name), who worked for years as plenipotentiary minister under Gaddafi.

“There must be some forgiveness. Libya will not move a step forward if this desire for revenge continues to control everything.” 

On the other side of the political debate are Libyans like Adel Abdel Kafi, an ex-Libyan fighter pilot who flew his military plane from Tripoli to Cairo in the early 1980s and applied for political asylum in protest against what he called “Gaddafi's despotism”.

“Forgiveness?” he said to IRIN. “How can we forgive the people who either participated in killing innocent Libyans or who kept silent while the Libyans were being humiliated for more than 40 years?” 

Building trust

The Libyan government is taking some steps towards reconciliation. In Tunisia, Naema M. Elhammi, the deputy head of the General National Congress, told IRIN she had met Libyans living in poverty but not yet willing to return.

“They are all afraid,” Elhammi told IRIN. “They think they will face many troubles when they go back. The fact is that some Libyans do nothing but settle old scores with their compatriots. This makes everybody afraid.” 

A group of parliament members, including Elhammi herself, are paying visits to neighbouring countries to talk to the Libyan refugees and convince them to go back. But they still have to build trust. 

In Cairo, the Libyan Embassy has opened a separate office in a different part of the city to the embassy to listen to the problems of the refugees and try to convince them to go back.

Mabrouk Raheel, an embassy official responsible for the office, says 5-7 Libyans visit the office every day to demand help either to continue living in Egypt or to go back to Libya.

“People who did not commit crimes during the revolution have no problem in going back,” Raheel said. “Those who committed crimes, however, must go to court.” 

Al Ogaly, the plenipotentiary minister, says if some Libyans are not able to go to Libya at present, at least Libya must go to them.

“We want these people back,” Al Ogaly said. “They must return to their country. Why should they stay abroad?” 

He says Libya's revolutionaries are now more receptive than ever before to the idea of the return of their compatriots who supported Gaddafi.

Warfella from Bani Walid, whose son is currently in jail in Libya accused of fighting the anti-Gaddafi revolutionaries, says he is not yet convinced.

“We need a justice system that guarantees that nobody will be put in jail unjustly,” Warfella said. “We need security and assurances that nobody will come out, of his own will, and attack us or accuse us of imaginary things. We want Libya to be for all Libyans.”

When asked, however, whether he thinks these conditions can be met in the near future so he can return and see his children and wife, he sighs wearily: “I have hope in God.”

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98045/Libyans-in-North-Africa-scared-to-return-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Evacuation volunteers fan out in Bangladesh</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160959430064t.jpg" />]]>DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far.</description><body><![CDATA[DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far. 

“We’ve been working here for the last couple of days,” Joydev Dutt, a Red Crescent volunteer from Barguna District, told IRIN. He has spent hours riding around on his bicycle in heavy rain with a megaphone hurled over his shoulder. “People are responding to our warning. Almost all people in this cyclone-prone area have been evacuated.” 

According to local government officials, 700,000 to 800,000 people have been evacuated in 13 coastal districts under the country’s Cyclone Preparedness Programme (CPP), operated jointly by the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society and the government. 

The programme operates an extensive telecommunications network, including radio comunication between volunteers and CPP headquarters in Dhaka. 

To receive meteorological storm warnings, each of the 3,291 unit team leaders is provided with a transistor radio. To disseminate warning signals within the community, each team, comprised of 15 volunteers, is given a megaphone, a hand siren, a flag, and a signal light, while team leaders also get a bicycle or motorcycle, depending on the terrain and remoteness of the area. 

Bangladesh Minister of Disaster Management and Relief Abul Hassan Mahmud Ali said the government had finalized all necessary preparations. 

“At least 3,770 shelters [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/76490/BANGLADESH-Cyclone-shelters-save-lives-but-more-needed ] are ready to protect cyclone-affected people. The government also instructed the authorities concerned to prepare all primary schools in coastal areas to shelter affected people,” he said, adding that all public holidays for local government workers had been cancelled. 

The government has also prepared one medical team for every union (smallest administrative unit), two for every sub-district and five for every district, while 100 tons of food will be provided to each of the 13 districts at risk. Twenty-two naval ships are on standby to assist in the rescue operation, he said. 

The category-1 cyclone, with wind gusts of 85-90km per hour over the next 24-36 hours, is expected to hit just north of Chittagong, near the border with Myanmar, according to an update issued on 15 May [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/un-ocha-flash-update-5-cyclone-mahasen-bangladesh-and-myanmar ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 

All port operations, as well as flights into Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar have been cancelled. 

According to the latest estimates, more than four million people are living in high risk areas (districts of Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar). 

Myanmar 

Evacuation efforts are also under way in neighbouring Myanmar’s Rakhine State, where more than 140,000 Muslim Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] were displaced during two bouts of sectarian violence in 2012. 

“We are assisting the relocation in some areas by working with the communities and the state government to move vulnerable people to safer ground quickly, based on the principles of voluntariness and safety,” said Barbara Manzi, OCHA’s head of office in Sittwe. 

According to government figures released on 15 May, more than 35,500 people have been relocated from Sittwe, Minby, Myauk U, Kyauktaw, Rathedaung, Myebon and Pauktaw (townships) since 13 May, in line with stage 1 of the government’s three-stage disaster preparedness plan. 

The internally displace persons (IDPs) are being relocated to higher ground and, where possible, will be temporarily housed in government buildings, schools and mosques. 

“There has been some resistance by local residents and IDPs,” Myanmar's presidential spokesman Ye Htut said. “However, it’s imperative for everyone in the community to work together on this.” 

Burmese authorities are now calling on ethnic Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingyas to set aside their differences and come together, given the potential for a humanitarian crisis. 

Earlier this week, one of several boats carrying IDPs from a flood-prone and exposed camp off the coast of Rakhine struck rocks and capsized. Fifty-eight people are missing, feared drowned, the government says. 

mw/ds/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98046/Evacuation-volunteers-fan-out-in-Bangladesh</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160959430064t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Cape Town&apos;s asylum seekers struggle to get documented</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305151132020076t.jpg" />]]>CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town.</description><body><![CDATA[CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town. 

He has since approached the city’s Refugee Reception Office (RRO) 18 times to try to secure an asylum seeker permit and become documented, but he has never made it past the security guards outside. 

Without documentation, finding even casual work in Cape Town has proved impossible, and without work, he lacks the funds to travel to the cities of Durban, Pretoria or Musina, the three remaining places in South Africa where RROs are still issuing permits to newly arrived asylum seekers. The distance between Cape Town and Pretoria, the nearest RRO where he could apply for asylum, is nearly 1,500km. 

“At the moment, I don’t have money to go to Pretoria or elsewhere,” said Jean Baptiste, whose involvement in a student group opposed to the Congolese government put his life in danger and forced him to flee the country. 

Catch-22 

“For newcomers, it’s a Catch-22 situation,” said Anthony Muteti, a community liaison officer with People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Together with the Scalabrini Centre of Cape Town, PASSOP has registered over 1,800 asylum seekers in situations like Jean Baptiste’s since Cape Town’s RRO moved locations in July 2012 and stopped accepting new asylum seeker applications. It seems likely there are many more who have not been counted. 

Last July, soon after the RRO stopped assisting new arrivals, a high court judgement ruled in favour of the Scalabrini Centre’s urgent application to force the Department of Home Affairs to resume these services in Cape Town [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95951/SOUTH-AFRICA-Court-orders-Cape-Town-to-process-asylum-applications ], pending a full review of the case. 

In March of this year, another high court judgement found that the Department’s decision to close the Cape Town RRO to newcomers had been unlawful due to a lack of consultation with the Standing Committee on Refugee Affairs or with affected groups. The Department is appealing both the interim court order and the March judgement, which requires it to resume full services to asylum seekers and refugees, including new asylum applicants, by 1 July 2013. 

The Scalabrini Centre has not opposed the Department’s leave to appeal on the condition that it be heard as soon as possible and that the Cape Town office assist asylum seekers with permits issued at other RROs around the country. 

Marlize Ackermann, an advocacy officer with Scalabrini, told IRIN that in recent months, most such individuals have been told they cannot renew their permits in Cape Town, but must return to the office where they originally applied for asylum. Scalabrini has registered over 400 such individuals since January. 

“Officially, they’re supposed to be assisted, but in reality permit holders are often refused further extensions of permits, and if it is extended, it’ll just be a 30 day permit to allow them time to get to Musina or wherever,” she said. 

For many asylum seekers, especially those with large families or health problems, travelling a minimum of 1,500km every three to six months in order to extend their permits is simply not possible. They have no option but to allow their permits to expire, making them undocumented and liable to arrest and deportation. 

Deborah Mbela Momba, a mother of six from DRC, who was separated from her husband when fighting broke out in Goma last November, is facing this predicament as the six-month asylum seeker permits she obtained for herself and her children from the RRO in Musina are about to expire. 

With assistance from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Momba travelled from Musina to Cape Town, where she had lived during a previous period of instability in DRC. Now, she and her children are staying with a friend in Mitchell’s Plain, and Momba is earning a small income from braiding hair. 

“I barely get enough [money] to eat,” she told IRIN, speaking tearfully through a translator. “I don’t know how I’ll find enough to go to Musina.” 

Fear of arrest 

According to Ackerman, the police in Cape Town are aware of the situation and rarely arrest asylum seekers without permits. However, Muteti of PASSOP said Home Affairs officials regularly raid places where foreign nationals are known to live and work, arresting those without documents. 

“They’re taken to Pollsmoor Prison and kept with violent criminals for up to 30 days,” he told IRIN. 

Those who avoid arrest, struggle to access healthcare and education for their children, let alone jobs. 

“Whenever I try to get piece work, they won’t take me cause I don’t have documents,” said Daniel Munyoro*, 23, from Zimbabwe. He arrived in Cape Town in March and has not been able to apply for asylum there. “It’s not even safe to walk around because the police might stop and ask me for papers. My buddy is giving me food and a place to sleep, but he keeps asking me when I’m going to start paying.” 

Even for those asylum seekers registered in Cape Town, renewing their permits is not a simple matter, said Muteti. “The RRO is scaling down its services, and treatment of foreigners there is appalling. Sometimes you wait all day and don’t get served.” 

He added that asylum seekers are often told to come to the RRO only on the day that their permits are due to expire. If they do not make it to the front of the queue on that day, they become liable for a R2,500 (US$266) fine. “If you can’t afford to pay, you become undocumented, which means you’ll probably lose your job, the banks will freeze your account and you can be arrested,” he said. 

RROs to relocate 

Asylum seekers in Cape Town are not the only ones struggling to get documented. The Department of Home Affairs has also closed RROs in Johannesburg and Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape Province in the last two years, ostensibly because of complaints from local business owners. In both cases, courts have ruled that the closures were unlawful [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94692/SOUTH-AFRICA-Red-tape-ensnares-asylum-seekers ]. The Eastern Cape High Court ordered the Department to re-open the Port Elizabeth RRO to newcomers last February, but so far it has not done so. 

On several occasions in the past year, department officials have stated that the closure of RROs in metropolitan areas is in line with a strategy to eventually relocate all RROs to the country’s borders. Details have been sketchy, but a December 2012 statement by Home Affairs Director-General Mkuseli Apleni said the first of these RROs was under construction at the border with Mozambique, in Lebombo, although he did not give a timeframe for when it would be completed. 

Refugee rights organizations, such as Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), have been critical of the Department’s plan to move RROs to the borders, particularly without having first introduced it as a policy that would have required inputs at the Parliamentary and Cabinet levels as well as extensive public consultation [ http://www.lhr.org.za/publications/policy-shifts-south-african-asylum-system-evidence-and-implications ]. 

Head of LHR’s Strategic Litigation Unit, David Cote, said there were fears that the move to the borders would have negative implications for asylum seekers. “We’re really concerned that it would create de-facto refugee camps [at the borders],” he told IRIN. 

Muteti of PASSOP is among many in South Africa’s refugee rights sector who have registered a major shift in the South African government’s approach to asylum seeker and refugee protection in recent years. “Being a refugee myself, I’ve been through the mill,” he said. “But there are serious problems affected asylum seekers now.” 

*Not their real names 

ks/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98051/Cape-Town-apos-s-asylum-seekers-struggle-to-get-documented</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305151132020076t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAPE TOWN 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - When Jean Baptiste*, a medical student from Lubumbashi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), arrived in South Africa in September 2012, he headed straight for Cape Town, where he knew he would be able to stay with his brother. No one at the border told him that it was no longer possible to apply for asylum in Cape Town.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Landmine casualties rising in Kachin, Myanmar</title><pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305150926290145t.jpg" />]]>LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State.</description><body><![CDATA[LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State. 

“The artificial leg that I was given last year doesn't fit properly and it rubs on my stump causing a lot of pain,” he said in a hospital in Laiza, the de facto capital of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which has been fighting for greater autonomy from the Burmese government for the past six decades. 

According to rebel Kachin surgeon Brang Sawng, such stories are common and the number of landmine injuries is on the rise. 

“More than 45 soldiers who have had amputations because of landmines over the last two years urgently need prosthetics and replacements,” said Sawng. “The number one injury is caused by landmines, with both Burmese troops and Kachin soldiers mistakenly stepping on their own mines.” 

While neither side has published any official figures on civilian landmine casualties, media reports and information from NGOs indicate there were at least 381 landmine casualties, including 84 deaths in 2011. However, international experts say the real number could be significantly higher. 

"No armed group - neither the army nor any ethnic armed group [in Myanmar] - provides any public information on casualties, especially civilian ones. This is not unusual,” Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, a researcher with the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) [ http://www.icbl.org/intro.php ], told IRIN. 

Many observers fear a rise in civilian casualties - and prosthetics are not the only thing in short supply. 

“For many of the operations we need blood transfusions, but we have no emergency blood bank or reserve so we are forced to operate without blood replacement,” the doctor Brang Sawng explained outside the recovery room of Laiza’s main military hospital. 

According to a recent report [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/03/20/untold-miseries ] by Human Rights Watch (HRW), both government troops and the KIA still use landmines. 

“These are weapons that will continue to maim and kill for years to come and I would be surprised if both sides are capable of mapping and following where they actually placed these mines,” said Phil Robertson, deputy director of HRW’s Asia division. “The answer is for both sides to cease using anti-personal landmines.” 

Off limits 

The collapse of a 17-year-old ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIA in June 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95616/MYANMAR-Kachin-conflict-continues-one-year-on ], has left more than 80,000 displaced. 

For Kachin farmers like Naw Tarong, who fled his home more than a year ago with his wife and three children, leaving behind crops and cattle, the chances of returning home soon look remote. 

“We cannot return home because KIA soldiers have planted landmines around our village to keep the Burmese out, and they have warned us not to go back yet,” Naw Tarong said, adding that some of his cattle had stepped on them and been killed. 

ICBL’s Moser-Puangsuwan said many civilians (mainly subsistence farmers) set off the mines while returning to their fields or foraging in the forest. “Combatants in Myanmar/Burma do not generally mark their mined areas… A deadly hazard exists.” 

Currently, Myanmar has no specific policy to support landmine victims during treatment and rehabilitation, and emergency services in conflict areas are “extremely limited”, according to a 2012 Landmine Monitor report [ http://www.the-monitor.org/custom/index.php/region_profiles/print_theme/2027 ].

As of 1 October 2012, 160 countries (over 80 percent of the world’s governments) have ratified or acceded to the Mine Ban Treaty, and 111 have signed or ratified the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Myanmar [ http://www.the-monitor.org/custom/index.php/region_profiles/print_profile/536 ] has signed up to neither. 

ss/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98040/Landmine-casualties-rising-in-Kachin-Myanmar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305150926290145t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rohingya evacuation under way in Myanmar</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305020948390988t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN. 

“At this point, we are all working against the clock,” Kirsten Mildren, a spokeswoman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN on 14 May in Bangkok. “Thirteen thousand have already been moved. It’s estimated another 25,000 will be moved today.” 

Mahasen [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98024/Bangladesh-Myanmar-brace-for-Cyclone-Mahasen ] is expected to make landfall on 16 May, striking Bangladesh, Myanmar's western Rakhine State, and parts of India. Millions could be affected. 

“It’s really hard at this stage to second-guess the storm path or what its intensity will be when it hits land. It’s changing all the time,” said Mildren. “Needless to say we need to prepare for any possibility.” 

Under Stage 1 of the government’s three-stage disaster preparedness plan, provisions to move upwards of 38,000 persons at risk (IDPs and non IDPs) began on 13 May in the northern Rakhine townships of Sittwe, Pauktaw, Khauktaw, as well as rural areas where many are living in makeshift shelters. 

From there, the displaced are relocated to higher ground and where possible, temporarily housed in government buildings, schools, and mosques. 

In the event the storm increases in severity, Stage 2 of the government’s plan will be activated - including the relocation of more than 100,000 IDPs, as well as non-IDPs living in high risk areas. 

“All options, including staying with host families, are being considered,” Mildren said, noting that UN staff are on the ground and monitoring the evacuation to ensure people are fully informed of what is happening, are allowed to take some of their belongings with them, and that families stay together. 

Most locations are within 60 minutes’ walk from their current locations. In areas where the distances are further, the government is providing transport. 

“It’s a massive logistics operation,” she said. 

Calls for swift action 

Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has issued an urgent call for the Burmese government to step up its evacuation of the Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ], who were displaced by two waves of sectarian violence in 2012. 

Violence between Buddhists and Muslims in June and October 2012 left 167 dead and hundreds injured. At least 140,000 were displaced, says the government, with more than 10,000 homes and businesses burned or destroyed. 

“If the government fails to evacuate those at risk, any disaster that will result will not be natural, but man-made,” warned Brad Adams, HRW’s Asia director. 

Oxfam has echoed the need for swift action. 

“Oxfam welcomes the steps being taken by the government to ensure all affected communities including those displaced by ethnic conflict are relocated to safe places, but swifter action is needed to ensure people are moved before the storm hits,” said Jane Lonsdale, acting country director for Oxfam in Myanmar. “It is essential that humanitarian principles are adhered to in moving all affected populations safely to suitable locations and that no one is left out.” 

According to OCHA, identifying suitable relocation sites is the biggest challenge for the government. The situation is particularly acute in 13 camps in Sittwe (40,000 people), Pauktaw (20,000 people), and Myebon (3,900) where there are sizeable risks of flooding. Another 5,000 IDPs are not in appropriate shelters to withstand the rains. 

On 13 May a boat said to be evacuating up to 200 Rohingya Muslims capsized off the west coast of Myanmar - though it is not clear whether this was part of the official evacuation operation. 

ds/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98034/Rohingya-evacuation-under-way-in-Myanmar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305020948390988t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Quelling xenophobia in South Africa&apos;s townships</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg" />]]>PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</description><body><![CDATA[PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/78386/SOUTH-AFRICA-Xenophobic-attacks-spreading ]. 

Since May 2008, various initiatives have been established to detect early warning signs of future xenophobic attacks and to improve responses. But while no further outbreaks have occurred on the scale of the violence five years ago, attacks on foreign nationals have continued [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96589/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreigners-still-at-risk ]. On average, one person was killed every week in 2011, according to the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA).

The looting and victimization of foreigners has also remained a feature of the frequent service delivery protests that have rocked South African townships in recent years, as has the near impunity of perpetrators [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88052/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreign-nationals-attacked-with-impunity ].

In a statement released on 13 May, CoRMSA concluded that “much more still needs to be done to promote peaceful communities”.

Tensions high

Philippi Township, 25km southeast of Cape Town, has been a hotspot for xenophobic violence in Western Cape Province post-2008. In an area where nearly 60 percent of residents are unemployed, according to census data, Ward Counsellor Thobile Gqola, estimated that foreign nationals run more than half of businesses.

“Generally, people are happy to live side-by-side; the problem starts when it comes to business,” he told IRIN. 

Most of the violence has been directed at Somali refugees who run many of the small grocery stores known as ‘spaza’ shops in the township [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4903/Living-under-siege ]. Like many other Somali traders in Philippi, Abdullahi Wehliye, 28, opened a shop there after losing his shop in neighbouring Khayelitsha Township during the 2008 xenophobic violence.

“I lost everything; I had to start over,” he told IRIN as he served customers through a metal grill, a security precaution that has done little to protect him from crime. 

Wehliye said his shop had been robbed seven times since it opened in 2010. During one incident in 2012, his brother was shot and killed. Although he reported all of the robberies, no arrests have been made. Of 60 Somali shopkeepers in the area, who have formed an association that Wehliye chairs, all have had their shops robbed and the vast majority have experienced shootings, Wehliye said.

A 2012 study [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/ElusiveJustice_17October.pdf ] by Vanya Gastrow and Roni Amit, of the African Centre for Migration and Society at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, found that Somali-run shops suffered disproportionately from crime, including attacks orchestrated by competing South African traders. Their vulnerability to such attacks was found to be partly the result of their lack of access to informal justice mechanisms and community structures.

In township settings, noted the researchers, leaders of local street committees, most of which fall under the authority of the South African National Civic Association (SANCO), often play a more important role in responding to crime than the formal justice system. 

“People in townships still respect their ‘chiefs’,” said Charles Mutabazi, director of the Agency for Refugee Education, Skills, Training and Advocacy (ARESTA), a Cape Town-based NGO.

Peace monitoring, community building

ARESTA partnered with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to start a project in Philippi in 2012 that identified 20 community leaders in each of the townships’ five wards and trained them to be “peace monitors”. The three-day training included mediation and conflict-resolution skills as well as information about the rights of migrants and refugees. 

“There’s a lot of conflict here,” said Vra Mdledle, a SANCO member and secretary to a ward counsellor who went through the training last year. “When you’re in SANCO, they don’t give you training, they just nominate you. ARESTA gave us skills we could use in our communities.”

She gave the example of a Somali shopkeeper in her area who had recently experienced an arson attack. Following a similar attack last year, he alleged that local police had pressured him to drop the case. 

“I called all the peace monitors, and we decided to accompany him to the police station,” said Mdledle. “We asked to see the station commissioner and demanded that the previous case be reopened. I saw the police are not really doing their job.”

Although the focus of the project is to promote diversity and quell xenophobic tensions, the peace monitors do not limit themselves to advocating for foreign nationals. Locals also suffer as a result of police negligence, said Mdledle, and there are many situations that demand conflict-resolution skills in this densely populated township. 

Voyiseka Nzuzo, 24, who went through the ARESTA training in February, said peace monitors in her area had recently intervened after the family of a nine-year-old rape victim beat and stabbed a man they believed to be the perpetrator. “We found that the child had pointed out five different people. We went to the police station and tried to convince the case investigator they had the wrong suspect,” she told IRIN.

As the owner of a barber shop with foreign customers and the founder of a local business association that includes South Africans and migrants, Lefefe Mdunyelwa said he already had friends from other countries before he became a peace monitor, but that he still learned a lot from the training. “I learned that each and every person is just living for themselves; nobody’s trying to steal your business,” he told IRIN. 

Noticing that the foreign members of his association were often discriminated against when it came to the issuing of business permits and the charging of rent by municipal officials, he said his association is now advocating for equal treatment.

Although ARESTA has made efforts to include members of Philippi’s Somali community in the peace monitor training and quarterly peace marches, Mutabazi said participation had been disappointing. 

Wehliye, who is one of eight Somalis to have gone through the training, said language remained a barrier, and Gqola, the ward councillor, said foreign nationals often stayed away from meetings aimed at facilitating dialogue between local and foreign business owners because they felt intimidated.

Wehliye said he signed up for the training because “after we’d been robbed so many times, I wanted to know what rights I had. I learned I had the same rights [to justice] as local people. I feel empowered.”

Becoming a peace monitor has also brought him into contact with local leaders whom he works with to resolve conflicts. “I now feel like a member of the community,” he told IRIN.

Mutabazi said the success of the peace monitor project lay in its emphasis on changing the mindset of influential community leaders. Whether it will be rolled out in other townships will depend on funding, but Mutabazi is convinced that the value of the training has been tested. 

“It’s empowering [participants] to be better community leaders. If we’re leaving that kind of legacy behind, it’s very good for promoting social cohesion.”

ks/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98035/Quelling-xenophobia-in-South-Africa-apos-s-townships</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Towards internal solutions to the DRC crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904210609150343t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - A UN intervention brigade will soon be deployed to the troubled eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in a bid to neutralize militia groups operating there.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - A UN intervention brigade [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97999/Is-more-force-in-the-DRC-more-of-the-same ] will soon be deployed to the troubled eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in a bid to neutralize militia groups operating there. 

The over-3,000-strong military force will work alongside the UN Stabilization Mission in DRC (MONUSCO) to carry out targeted offensives against militia groups, which have caused numerous civilian deaths and massive population displacements. 

While some welcome the forthcoming military intervention, many analysts are advocating for Kinshasa-led initiatives - such as reforming key institutions - as necessary, if not alternative, solutions. 

In this briefing, IRIN highlights some of the key issues that the DRC government needs to address to secure its restive east.  

How can the security sector be reformed? 

An effective security sector is key to resolving most of DRC’s problems, according to analysts. 

“The Congolese government’s inability to protect its people or control its territory undermines progress on everything else,” according to The Democratic Republic of Congo: Taking a Stand on Security Sector Reform, a 2012 report by a group of Congolese and international civil society organizations [ http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/drc-ssr-report-20120416-1.pdf ]. 

“An effective security sector - organized, resourced, trained and vetted - is essential to solving problems from displacement, recruitment of child soldiers and gender-based violence to economic growth or the trade in conflict minerals,” the report says. 

But little money is being directly spent on security sector reform (SSR), it notes.  For example, while official development assistance to DRC post-2006 has amounted to at least US$14 billion, just over one percent, or about $84.79 million, has gone to SSR. 

The report blamed the international community for being “politically incoherent and poorly coordinated” with regard to SSR. It also blamed the DRC government’s lack of political will to take on SSR, attributed to its endemic corruption.  

According to Naomi Kok, a research consultant with the Institute of Security Studies (ISS), “SSR is a long-term project for the DRC, and Kinshasa should take most of the responsibility for completing this successfully.” 

But DRC’s government needs to take charge first. “The problem of the DRC is a weak, and some may argue an illegitimate, government, unable to take full control and charge of its vast territory,” Nicholas Opiyo, a Kampala-based lawyer with the Akijul consultancy [ http://www.akijul.org/index.php ], told IRIN. 

He added:  “The weakness or division in the Congolese army is only... a manifestation of the broader breakdown in the governance infrastructure of the country. As a result, everyone finds resort in a patchy solution, taking control of the instruments of violence.” 

How can the army be reined in? 

Acts of violence against civilians in eastern DRC are rampant, with the DRC army (FARDC) and dozens of militia groups culpable. 

FARDC troops are accused of violating human rights around the town of Minova, in South Kivu Province, last year while retreating from North Kivu Province  after the city of Goma fell to the M23 militia [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96833/DRC-Fall-of-Goma-puts-200-000-children-at-risk ], according to  a  May UN Joint Human Rights Office report [ http://monusco.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=Pj7jOWjAxWo%3d&tabid=10662&language=en-US ]. 

“In this context, at least 102 women and 33 girls were victims of rape or other acts of sexual violence perpetrated by FARDC soldiers,” says the report, which noted the soldiers had arbitrarily executed at least two people, used forced labour and looted from villages. 

FARDC is often regarded as weak, with poorly organized, unmotivated troops. The M23 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95715/DRC-Understanding-armed-group-M23 ] mutiny in eastern DRC in 2012 by ethnic Tutsi FARDC officers, for example, was in part fuelled by grievances over pay and living conditions. 

Training alone will not address FARDC’s problems, which are structural, say experts. 

“There is an overestimation about what training can achieve. Foreign partners (Belgium, USA, France, Angola, South African and China) have now been training the Congolese army since 2006, and the results are very poor,” Thierry Vircoulon, an International Crisis Group (ICG) analyst, told IRIN in an e-mail. 

“Training is only good when it can be applied but, given the state of the Congolese army, the trained soldiers are sent back to a dysfunctional organization without decent pay and working conditions. Training will not solve the structural problems of the Congolese army.” 

FARDC has also been plagued by ethnic divisions, with some troops still loyal to militia groups. 

“The so-called Congolese army is a patchwork of fighters with various backgrounds - former Mobutu military personnel, militiamen from the MLC [Mouvement de liberation du Congo] of Jean-Pierre Bemba, Mai Mai, AFDL [Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo] fighters, etc. And there was not a process to unite these groups, and some of them managed to stay in their territories of origin - CNDP [Congrès national pour la défense du people]/M23 in North Kivu,” noted Vircoulon. 

“Therefore, ethnic and past affiliations remain and are stronger than the military discipline and command. The Congolese army is not an institution; it is a patchwork of undisciplined and untrained groups of fighters.” 

What about demobilization? 

The process of integrating ex-combatants into the Congolese army, part of the government’s disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programme, is also mired in challenges. 

“Currently, the national military is in a shambles, and there are various armed groups that are in various stages of DDR. This situation is aggravated by domestic and regional political manipulation,” ISS’s Kok told IRIN.  

Another challenge is the failure to address the causes of armed rebellion, making disarmament often short-lived.  In 2009, for example, the DRC government signed a deal with members of the CNDP, but failure to fully implement the deal led to the 2012 mutiny that gave rise to M23. 

“[When] the M23 were integrated into the FARDC in 2009… their command and control structures [were] more or less intact. Thus, when the time came for them to defect and form a new rebellion, they were ready to do so,” explained Kok.   

The absence of a vetting process for ex-combatants is also a problem. 

“A strategy of integrating abusive warlords and their fighters into the Congolese army - in often short-lived deals with little or no vetting or training before former combatants are redeployed as Congolese army soldiers - have fuelled the cycles of violence and horrific human rights abuses in eastern Congo,” Ida Sawyer, a researcher and advocate with Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IRIN.  

Reforming the judiciary   

Inadequate justice and accountability mechanisms further enable impunity for abuses. 

Between 15 November and 2 December 2012, at least 58 cases of rape were reported during M23’s occupation of Goma, according to the May UN Joint Human Rights Office report. M23 also executed 11 civilians, recruited and used child soldiers, and engaged in forced labour and looting. 

Only a few DRC militia leaders have been arrested and convicted, among them Thomas Lubanga , who in, March 2012 was found guilty [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95073/DRC-Lubanga-verdict-a-first-step ] of conscripting child soldiers in the northeastern  Ituri  region by the International Criminal Court (ICC).  In March, former M23 commander Bosco Ntaganda surrendered to the ICC.   

Experts are calling for the establishment of specialized courts within DRC to try human rights crimes outside the ICC’s jurisdiction. 

“Together with Congolese civil society organizations, we have also called for the establishment of specialized mixed chambers or a specialized mixed court within the Congolese justice system, with the involvement of international prosecutors, judges and other personnel to prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Congo since 1990,” said HRW’s Sawyer.  

“The need to hold to account those responsible for perpetuating grave crimes (government troops, rebels and militia) must not be short-changed for any short-term gains,” added  analyst Opiyo. 

According to ICG’s Vircoulon, “The blocking of justice reform is the reason why impunity is rife in the DRC.” 

What about negotiating local solutions? 

Peace talks  between M23 and the DRC government are ongoing in Kampala, under the auspices of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), an approach favoured by analysts sceptical of the military intervention force [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44523&Cr=democratic&Cr1=congo ].   

“It all depends on the effectiveness of the UN intervention brigade, but from the point of the organization [ICGLR], we don’t believe the intervention brigade is the final solution to the conflict,” Stephen Mwachofi Singo, an ICGLR programme officer, told IRIN. 

“Already, through [the] ICGLR process, there is a political process ongoing in Kampala. Such a process should be supported to its logical conclusion,” added Singo. 

Tackling ethnic tensions is key to pacifying conflict areas. 

“DRC is a vast, multi-ethnic country, with some of the ethnic groups spanning the borders of neighbouring countries such as Angola and Rwanda. Unfortunately, past and the current DRC government[s] have used this multiplicity of ethnic groups against each other and for political connivance. This has brewed a sense of favour and disfavour,” said analyst Opiyo. 

“In order for the ethnic-based tensions to ease, there is need for not just a nationalistic army but a representative government. A centralized rather than devolved administration would provide a platform for a national, rather than an ethnic, outlook among the Congolese people.” 

According to Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a political scientist at Makerere University, “Lasting peace in the DRC cannot come out of the deployment of aggressive foreign forces.” 

“The causes of violence in that country [DRC] are internal. The solution therefore lies in resolving the internal problems that fuel the fighting. Only [the] Congolese can solve their problems in a sustainable way. Foreigners will not do it for them.” 

so/aw/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98036/Briefing-Towards-internal-solutions-to-the-DRC-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904210609150343t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - A UN intervention brigade will soon be deployed to the troubled eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in a bid to neutralize militia groups operating there.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Bangladesh, Myanmar brace for Cyclone Mahasen</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305130811540320t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned. 

“We are fully prepared and coordination systems are in place,” Mohammad Abdul Wazed, additional secretary of the Bangladesh Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, told IRIN on 13 May from Dhaka, noting that local disaster management committees at district and sub-district level had already been activated. 

“Starting yesterday, we have been broadcasting storm warnings every 30 minutes,” said Myanmar's presidential spokesman Ye Htut. “As a precautionary effort, some people in low-lying areas of Rakhine State have already relocated.” 

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), a red storm alert remains in effect for Mahasen, also known as tropical Cyclone O1B, just east-northeast of Sri Lanka, now moving northwards across the Bay of Bengal towards both countries. 

Set to reach land on 16 May, the storm is expected to strike just south of the Bangladesh port city of Chittagong, but could, depending upon its final trajectory, bring life-threatening conditions for millions of people in northeast India, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s Rakhine State, OCHA warned on 12 May [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/bangladesh-myanmar-tropical-cyclone-mahasen-ocha-flash-update-2-12-may-2013 ].

Bangladesh 

Over the past week, parts of northeast India and Bangladesh have received 6-12 inches of rainfall so additional heavy rain will likely produce widespread flooding and possible mudslides. In the coastal Bangladesh city of Chittagong, a city of 2.5 million people, more than 15 inches of rain were recorded in the past eight days. 

Currently, the cyclone alert signal remains at Level 3 (out of 6), whereby fishermen are advised to return from sea. Once Level 4 is reached, a meeting of the cyclone preparedness committee (headed by the secretary of the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief and made up of representatives of government, Red Cross and civil society) takes place, at which point plans for evacuations will be made, Wazed explained. 

“We think Level 4 may be announced today,” he said, adding that he was awaiting word from the Bangladesh Meteorology Department. 

To date, the Department of Disaster Management has initiated preparations covering: vulnerability and risk analysis - with regular monitoring of the cyclone’s trajectory; pre-positioning of emergency relief items; information management; local level preparedness; and resource mobilization. 

Currently, humanitarian agencies in Bangladesh are revising their contingency plans for all 13 districts in the cyclone belt, including the pre-positioning of stocks in areas deemed most vulnerable. 

Myanmar 

The Burmese government is taking similar action. The Met Office is warning of heavy rain in the central region, especially in the townships of Magway, Sagaing and Mandalay, with a risk of landslides and flooding if the cyclone passes through coastal areas of western Rakhine State. 

On 15 May, rain and a thunderstorm have been predicted in the morning, followed by increasing wind and rain, as well as flash flooding later in the day. 

Aid workers are particularly concerned about the 140,000 mostly Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in makeshift camps in Rakhine, many of them in low-lying coastal areas susceptible to tidal surges. 

“The potential impact of the cyclone could vastly increase this risk,” said Jane Lonsdale, acting country director for Oxfam in Myanmar. “It is vital that the government takes swift action to ensure all communities, including those that are currently displaced, are in safe locations in preparation for the potential impact,” she said - a call the government has already begun to heed. 

“The government has been very proactive and assigned responsibility to the Rakhine State Government who immediately activated the emergency response committee at state and township levels, and activated their Disaster Reduction Plan which includes relocation and evacuation plans. They have developed a three-stage action process, depending on the severity of the storm, with the third stage being evacuation of a large number of IDPs using military assets,” said Kirsten Mildren, a spokeswoman for OCHA in Bangkok. 

In March, UN agencies and NGOs in Rakhine developed a Preparedness Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/inter-agency-preparednesscontingency-plan-rakhine-state-myanmar-march-2013 ] for the country’s annual rainy season, which includes contingencies for storms such as this. The plan identifies the immediate shelter needs of 69,000 people living in the most vulnerable low-lying areas as the top priority: They live in flood-prone camps and/or tents and makeshift shelters which will not withstand the rains. 

According to experts, cyclones that have hit Bangladesh and Myanmar in the past have proven particularly deadly. In 2008, Tropical Cyclone Nargis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92616/MYANMAR-Three-years-later-still-no-shelter ] left more than 100,000 dead in southern Myanmar, while in 1991, Cyclone Marian [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96555/BANGLADESH-Cyclone-shelters-for-livestock-too ] killed more than 100,000 in Bangladesh. 

ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98024/Bangladesh-Myanmar-brace-for-Cyclone-Mahasen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305130811540320t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Towards increased services for Syrian survivors of sexual violence</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg" />]]>NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</description><body><![CDATA[NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - More has to be done to ensure the health and wellbeing of women and children affected by the Syrian conflict, said Babatunde Osotimehin, executive director of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), on a recent visit to Turkey’s Nizip refugee camp, about 40km east of the southern city of Gaziantep.

One of Turkey’s newest camps, Nizip houses some 10,000 refugees, or “guests” as the government prefers to call them, in white canvas tents and containers arrayed in neat numbered rows along the rocky, sun-bleached banks of the Euphrates. 

It is, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance.

Amenities include a laundry facility, a mosque, a health clinic, hot water and hot meals, schools and playgrounds, teahouses, hairdressers and a supermarket where refugees can shop for extras using electronic voucher cards. Kids can play organized football and compete in chess tournaments, watch TV and weave rugs. There is gas and electricity, sanitation and tight security.

But Turkish authorities seem to have overlooked one important detail. According to aid workers, nowhere at Nizip, or at any of Turkey’s 16 other camps, can refugee survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.

“I am impressed by what I have seen here,” Osotimehin, a former Nigerian health minister, told a group of reporters gathered outside the camp’s school. “It’s remarkable what Turkey has done at its own expense.” But he had also come, he said, to highlight the urgent needs of pregnant and lactating women as well as victims of the sexual violence said to be on the rise across conflict-battered Syria. 

Sexual violence in Syria

Indeed, as a January report  by the International Rescue Committee put it, “rape is a significant and disturbing feature of the Syrian/civil war” - an assertion supported by surveys of refugees in Jordan and Lebanon who consistently cited sexual violence “as a primary reason their families fled the country” [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/syria-displacement-crisis-worsens-protracted-humanitarian-emergency-looms-15091 ].

Weeks later, Erika Feller, assistant UN High Commissioner for Refugees, echoed, those concerns, warning of reports that “the conflict in Syria is increasingly marked by rape and sexual violence employed as a weapon of war.” [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44230#.UWQlm_Vfo3G ]

And writing in the Atlantic last month, Lauren Wolfe, director of the Women Under Siege Project, which documents the incidence of rape in conflict zones, described how Syria’s “massive rape crisis” is “creating a nation of traumatized survivors” [ http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/04/syria-has-a-massive-rape-crisis/274583/ ].

To date, Turkey has taken in around 193,000 refugees in 17 camps, and six new camps are currently under construction. Stretched to capacity, the country has been lauded for its open-door policy and generous aid. But at least one gap remains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97851/Is-Turkey-s-approach-to-Syrian-refugees-sustainable ].

“From what we have been able to learn, there is virtually no trained psychosocial support [specific to survivors of sexual violence] currently available in the camps,” said Leyla Welkin, a clinical psychologist and gender-based violence consultant working with UNFPA.

Specific services for survivors of SGBV are rarely at the top of the priority list in emergency settings, said Meltem Agduk, a gender programme officer with UNFPA. Like others have done elsewhere, Turkish officials first focused on providing adequate food and shelter to a spiralling number of refugees.   

“You can see that our camps are in better condition compared to Jordanian camps,” said a senior Turkish official. “The people are very happy.”

The government has informed the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) that specialized staff are available to the Syrian refugees, who can be treated inside the camp or referred to hospitals outside the camp where necessary, UNHCR's office in Ankara said. 

But as Welkin told IRIN after a meeting with women `mukhtars’, or village leaders, who teared up when asked about sexual violence, “there is a significant need for professional support.” 

Psychosocial services, more generally, are available to both women and children in the camps, but a lack of private space makes it difficult for women to talk about their experiences of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), perpetuating a culture of silence that severely impedes efforts to address it.

Building capacity

That dearth of psychosocial support for survivors of sexual violence in Turkey’s refugee camps is a function of its scarcity in the country at large, said Welkin, who is based in UNFPA’s office in the Turkish capital Ankara. “When it comes to SGBV, Turkey is very underserved.” 

Lack of personnel is a challenge for the Ministry of Family and Social Policy more widely, Agduk added. In some cities, there is just one psychologist and one social worker to deal with both the normal Turkish caseload, as well as the influx of Syrian refugees (an additional 130,000 have been registered outside the camps). 

In recent years, Turkey has focused on increasing its ability to respond to domestic cases of SGBV, opening one-stop centres where survivors of SGBV can access counselling, legal advice, and other kinds of support all in one place. But Turkey has less experience in treating SGBV in the context of disasters, in which trauma is multiplied, Agduk said. 

The Turkish government has been keen to address the issue of disaster-related SGBV, she added, and has turned to UNFPA for technical expertise.

Together with the Turkish Ministry of Family and Social Policy, UNFPA has designed a pilot programme to prepare and train 24 health care workers to conduct preliminary psychological assessment and treatment in the camps. The programme will also provide general public education on SGBV, said Welkin, including an intervention specifically targeting men, “some of whom will be perpetrators”.

UNHCR has also given Turkish officials its guidelines, or standard operating procedures, for the prevention of and response to SGBV "to be shared among their staff working with Syrian refugees in the camps."

UNFPA has already trained Turkish health care workers in the clinical management of rape, including emergency contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections, and collection of forensic evidence. But in the absence of access to counselling, said Welkin, victims are unlikely to present for medical treatment, largely because of the stigma surrounding the issue. Cultural differences and language barriers have also posed challenges, Agduk said.

The new training will begin within a couple weeks, with services likely to be up and running within two months, she said. This first phase of the programme targets health care workers, psychologists and social workers at the municipality and governorate level, with the aim of building capacity inside institutions that can be carried forward. 

“My hope is that this catastrophe can serve as an opportunity for Turkey to take a step forward in SGBV prevention and intervention - that the professionals we train will be able to take these skills from the camps to their own communities,” Welkin said. 

Indeed, government officials see this programme as “opening a door” through which they can establish new services that will be available not only for Syrian refugees, but in case of future disasters.

“It is important that they are now taking it seriously,” Agduk said.

New legislation, passed last year, has significantly improved the laws governing SGBV, for example by expanding the definition to include non-married victims of domestic violence or divorced women who are assaulted by their ex-husbands.

Understanding the needs

Still, the task ahead is not easy, and not least for the fact that the UN now faces a major funding shortfall. Of the US$1.5 billion pledged by international donors to cover Syrian refugee needs for the first half of 2013, just over half has been committed. UNFPA requirements for the Syrian crisis, across the region, for the same period were $20.7 million, but so far, say representatives, the agency has received less than half of that [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97877/Promised-aid-funding-for-Syria-reaches-half-way-point ].

Another challenge is that the scale and range of SGBV-related needs among Syrian refugees are not fully clear. 

“Our concern is not about the number of psychologists trained, but the lack of information about the reality on the ground,” said Ayman Abulaban, Turkey representative of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF). He said UNICEF does not currently have information about this, but hopes to in the near future when project activities begin. 

Abulaban said there was a need to assess the gaps, to increase comprehensive prevention and response services, and to create a standardized referral system. He said he hoped a new UNICEF project to increase resilience among children and youth in the camps would help support the government in addressing the needs. (According to a recent Save the Children report, sexual violence in conflict disproportionately affects children and teenagers) [ http://www.savethechildren.org/atf/cf/%7B9def2ebe-10ae-432c-9bd0-df91d2eba74a%7D/UNSPEAKABLE_CRIMES_AGAINST_CHILDREN.PDF ].

“It is of utmost importance that Syrian refugees can access SGBV services,” he said in a written statement.

In the lead-up to its training, UNFPA, the Ministry of Family and Social Policy and AFAD, the government’s disaster and emergency management unit, will conduct a large assessment of the needs, Agduk said.

Meanwhile, as the fighting in Syria rages on, refugees continue to pour over the border, with some 7,000 new arrivals registering each day across the region. By the end of the year, warned UNHCR’s regional coordinator for Syrian refugees, the number of Syrian refugees in the region could surpass four million [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44602&Cr=syria&Cr1=#.UXjrJiuPgjU ].

The Ministry of Family and Social Policy did not answer IRIN's request for comment. 

pa/ha/cb

*This article provides additional information to an original version published on 2 May 2013. 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97953/Analysis-Towards-increased-services-for-Syrian-survivors-of-sexual-violence</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304250551050096t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIZIP 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Turkey&apos;s camps for Syrian refugees are, by many measures, a model of humanitarian assistance. But one important detail appears to have been overlooked: According to aid workers, nowhere in Turkey&apos;s 17 refugee camps can survivors of sexual violence find the level of specialized psychosocial support experts say they so desperately need.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Coffee and patience: a day in the life of a family hosting Syrian refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg" />]]>SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</description><body><![CDATA[SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago, as Syrian refugees began streaming across borders, Lebanese families opened up their homes. Unlike in Jordan, Turkey and Iraq, where hundreds of thousands of refugees are being housed in camps, at the beginning of the influx into Lebanon, the majority of refugees were hosted by families. Some Lebanese households took in as many as six refugee families.

But as the conflict next-door has dragged on and the number of refugees in Lebanon has grown, so too has the burden on their Lebanese hosts.

Today, most of the 425,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon are renting homes or apartments; with only 6 percent hosted by families, according to a survey by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

IRIN spent a day with some Lebanese hosts, bringing you this portrait of a family trying to balance obligation and sacrifice.

It was a series of twists of fate that brought together two families - one Lebanese, one Syrian - that did not know one another.

They met 15 years ago in a shared cab on the way to Syria, where the Lebanese family often shopped for cheaper products. Becoming friends, they met once or twice a year in Syria after that.

When Israel began bombing Lebanon in 2006, as part of a war with the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, the Lebanese family fled to Syria, where their new acquaintances hosted them for one month.

Six years later, the tables were turned.

On a sunny Thursday morning, Hannan is preparing a simple Lebanese breakfast of bread and vegetables for guests in the small Sunni village of Saadanayel, in Lebanon’s eastern Beka’a Valley.

Houda, 7, Bassima, 14, and their grandparents Sadika and Mohammad are seated on the floor of the living room, preparing to eat.

Hannan has been hosting the family of seven Syrian refugees in her humble two-bedroom house for the last five months. The children’s parents, Fadia and Houssam, have been out since early morning, like every day, searching for jobs in the surrounding cities of the Beka’a Valley. Their third child, 10-year-old Kamal, is out fetching water.

When their neighbourhood near the Syrian capital Damascus was bombed in December 2012, Fadia and Houssam called the only people they knew in Lebanon, and Hannan immediately responded.

“It's a pity. They had nowhere to go,” she said. “I couldn't say no. It would have been an offence against God not to help them.”

Hannan’s husband has a second wife, and only sleeps at the house every other day. Their five grown children do not live at home any more. So Hannan gave up her bedroom for the young Syrian couple, and is now sharing the second room with the grandparents and three children.

She spends her morning with the grandparents, interrupting their chit-chat every five minutes to take laundry off the clothesline, prepare coffee, garden, and watch over the refugee children playing in the field next door (They arrived in Lebanon too late in the year to enrol in school).

Everyone helps out with the household tasks, even Sadika, who has arthritis and leg pains. Fadia helps with the cooking and cleaning when she gets home from the job search. But as far as Hannan is concerned, that’s the easy part.

“I am used to cooking a lot of food for my visitors, so I don't mind cooking for 10 people. It is not the logistical side which is difficult. It is the financial side,” she whispers. “We are struggling to get enough food for everyone.”

The Syrian family has run out of money, so she, her husband and her seven guests live off the little money her husband gets from his pension, from their rented out horse pen, and from the garlic they grow in the backyard, which they trade for other vegetables.

They have cut back on meat almost completely and Hannan and her husband no longer buy new clothes or things for the house.

“I don't want to tell them that it's difficult, because I fear God,” Hannan says. “In 2006 when I stayed at their place it was different. I was staying with the grandparents, and it was only for a month.”

Around midday, the visitors begin stopping by. First it is the neighbours; then shisha-smoking friends of Hannan’s son, some of them Lebanese soldiers; then her own friends. They pass the time under the shadows of trees in the garden. The coffee is always flowing. The visits do not stop until late afternoon.

They chat about everything and nothing, and when the discussion turns towards the situation in Syria, Hannan springs out of her seat, and disappears into the house, finding a new task to keep busy. She doesn’t say so, but the discussions appear to make her uncomfortable. At the very least, she’s tired of it. “They spend all day talking about Syria,” she says.

At 2pm, the school bus drops off the neighbours’ children, who join the Syrian children chasing each other around the field. Shortly after their arrival, Fadia returns from hours of job-hunting. She cannot afford to take the bus every day, so sometimes she walks for kilometres.

She checks on her children, then immediately turns to helping Hannan with the daily tasks. She doesn’t get very far before a new visitor arrives.

A local representative from the Sunni political party Future Movement has stopped by. (He sometimes distributes food vouchers to the Syrian refugees, but he does not have any with him this time).

“They're lucky to have found a host family,” Anouar Choubasse says. “A lot of Syrian refugees have nothing, not even a roof.”

Fadia is a little surprised by his arrival and keeps her distance. She has tried to keep her family’s presence as discrete as possible - potentially for fear of the growing resentment [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97354/UN-To-avoid-tensions-with-refugees-Lebanese-hosts-need-support ] towards the refugees in Lebanon. She never shares her opinions about politics.

“Saadnayel has always been a [hospitable] community,” says Choubasse. “But now, I can feel the racism growing. A lot of Lebanese people are in a difficult situation and don't get any help. It's not as bad [here] as in certain villages, where they imposed curfews on the Syrians. But people are losing patience.”

This Lebanese host family appears to be no exception.

His wife may fear God, but Hannan’s husband Ali does not hesitate to speak openly when he comes home later in the afternoon.

“When I sleep here, I have to sleep on the couch in the living room. I want to sleep in the same bed as my wife again. If the situation lasts for more than two more months, I will set up the family in a tent in the garden. If they will be staying for the long term, I will build a permanent structure for them.”

He pauses to consider.

“Of course we need to help them,” he goes on. “As the Arabic saying goes: ‘If someone is good to you, be twice as good to them’. But we need our intimacy at some point.”

By 4.30pm, the visitors begin trickling out. The Syrian father, Houssam, is still not home. His wife hopes his delay means he has found a job.

While Mohammad, the grandfather, takes a nap in the living room, Fadia and Hannan have lunch together. To accommodate the constant stream of visitors, they have to eat in two shifts. Today, the women eat first. They usually mix with the men, but this change of circumstances makes them laugh. “In the old Damascene tradition, the men ate before the women,” Fadia says. “Now it's the opposite.”

Whereas both Fadia and Hannan seemed uncomfortable with some of the visitors talking politics, the atmosphere during lunch is much more relaxed.

Houssam eventually returns, still jobless. He is frustrated, but does not show it.

“I have been looking for a job for five months now and haven't found anything,” he says. “There is too much unemployment in the area and they hire the Lebanese before hiring Syrians… I could take any job, as long as it's not too physical because I have heart problems,” he adds.

They chit-chat together on the front porch until the sun sets.

At night, they watch a drama series - careful to turn on the TV only after the news is over. Hannan tries to distract them with happier thoughts.

“We don't want to follow what is happening in Syria,” she explains. “It is too emotional for the Syrian family to talk about it. When you host a Syrian family, you have to be careful and subtle about the topics you talk about. You also have to be really patient.” And apparently, you also have to have a lot of coffee.

ar/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97997/Coffee-and-patience-a-day-in-the-life-of-a-family-hosting-Syrian-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305081000090696t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SAADNAYEL, BEKAA VALLEY 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - The experiences of 1.4 million Syrian refugees are increasingly well-documented, but little is known about the people who open up their homes to host them. How do you organize your house to accommodate people you may only barely know? What are the stresses and strains? Do politics get in the way? IRIN spent a day in the life of a host family to bring you this portrait.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ].

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ], compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ], the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation ], gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ], which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ].

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ].

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ], meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ].

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ], some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf ], some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime” [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ]. Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ].

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ]. New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ].

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM) [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ], a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ].

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ], and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ].

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

kk/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/Analysis-The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mary Venerato Laki, South Sudan returnee: &quot;We want to go to our own homeland&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg" />]]>RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan's independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.

To prevent the family's savings from being stolen by officials, she converted their money into material goods, which she transported as luggage to South Sudan's border port of Renk.

That was over a year ago.

Since then, Laki has been living in a squalid transit camp in Renk County, along with 20,000 other returnees [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan ] - some of whom have been waiting there for two years. Without the means to transport their luggage onward, they are faced with the difficult choice of remaining in Renk or selling off all that remains of their families' assets to proceed to their final destination.

Laki, like many, has been waiting with her possessions in Renk. She told IRIN her story.

"I am 60 years old, and I come originally from Juba. We went [to Sudan during the] war. Then, [we learned] there is peace in the south, and we had to return home with our children.

"I have the children of my sister, as all of [my family] died. My two sisters, my husband, my brother and my parents are all dead. I am left alone.

"[With] the little money we had, we had to rent the big vehicles that brought us here. I arrived on April 2, 2012.

"It's a terrible life here - there are so many snakes coming from the river. It's terrible. First of all, rain, wind, mosquitoes - we have been suffering with this.

"And since we came here, we have not been given any food. Some of us have been given that, and some of us not.

"There are no services. Since I came here, it's only [in the] last month I got grain and some oil. There is even no plastic sheeting for the houses.

"We are going - we want to go. We want to go to our own homeland. Our children are suffering there, and we are suffering here.

"They said there will be steamers coming to collect us. They used to tell us. that we will be going, we will be going. But until now we are waiting.

"Our money in the north, they don't use it in the south. [For] many of the people, [with] the little money they have, they bought things. If they bring money, it will be taken on the way. This is why the boat [transport barges along the Nile River] has to come to take the things.

"As a family, how can I go to start [a new life] there in Juba? I am an old woman; I'm now 60 years [old]. There's no money. I'm taking this [luggage] for the children. Also, in Juba, if there is nothing, I will sell [our possessions].

"In fact, we have to sell [some now], but [we will earn] little money, and we have to buy food with it. I have already sold some chairs and a bed.

"The clinics here are no good. I have cancer and some back problems, and they cannot help me."

hm/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97980/Mary-Venerato-Laki-South-Sudan-returnee-quot-We-want-to-go-to-our-own-homeland-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The long road home to South Sudan</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg" />]]>RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.

When he began his journey from Khartoum, Sudan was a single state, albeit one still bitterly divided between north and south in the wake of decades of civil war, despite the signing of a major peace accord in 2005.

Since then, almost two million people have left the north for their homelands in what became the independent Republic of South Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] in July 2011. 

Many, like Deng, say they left amid increasing discrimination and reduced access to education.

The period following secession was tumultuous, marked by sporadic conflict between the neighbours’ armed forces and a row over how much Sudan could charge for piping and exporting South Sudan’s oil - a dispute that led to the shutdown of oil production, cutting off 98 percent of South Sudan’s revenue. Amid the furore, Sudan closed its common border, thereby halting the movement of both people and goods.

"Nobody anticipated on independence that the border with Sudan would be shut... that the barges would stop moving up and down the River Nile," said Toby Lanzer, the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for South Sudan and Deputy Representative for the UN Secretary-General.

Peter Lam Both, chairman of the state-run Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, says helping South Sudanese come home is one of the government's priorities, but without funds little can be done.

Luggage

Those living in and returning to the world’s newest country, which is among the least developed and most import-dependent in the world, have to put up with exorbitant prices for basic goods and household items.  For this reason - and to avoid carrying large amounts of cash that might prove attractive to officials - many returnees head south laden with large quantities of furniture and other household items, in effect, their entire life savings.

In the four camps in Renk, piles of such belongings sit beside makeshift shelters.

"The main problem, really, for the returnees in Renk is the issue of luggage. When they were brought from Khartoum or Kosti [a Sudanese river port a little north of Renk], at that time, the government had the resources to bring them with a lot of luggage," Both said.

The South Sudan government says plans to transport both luggage and people back were hampered by a lack of funds following  the January 2011 secession referendum.  In its first year of statehood, Both says the government earmarked around US$16 million to finance returns, but these plans were scotched by austerity measures necessitated by the oil shutdown.

When their turn comes to travel by barge from Renk to Juba, many returnees discover that they have more luggage than can be carried on the barges, so some family members tend to stay behind to watch over the excess cargo.

According to the International Organization for Migration, which assists the returnees, each reaches Renk with an average of one ton in luggage.

People are unwilling to leave their valuables behind, said Deng, the 24 year old. "They say if they sell their luggage... they won't find [the items they need] again, and it will be difficult to buy them again, and you're not guaranteed a job, so it's difficult," he said.

He says selling off his family's only assets is unthinkable.

"I want to go, [but] there's no way. Why would I leave my things and go alone? I would sleep where? I need to take my things to Juba [South Sudan’s capital]. There's no money. I cannot sell my things," he said.

Poor conditions

Grace Nasona, 38, has been in a Renk transit camp for eight months.

It is a "very, very dirty place. No food, no water [that's] good, no anything I want to use", she said.

"Renk County does not have a lot of facilities, and when you have 20,000 people that have arrived here, some two years ago, it puts a lot of constraints on the local population," said Both.

Local officials complain that school class sizes for both morning and afternoon sessions have swollen to up to 150 pupils. They say healthcare is also overstretched and crime is rising.

At a clinic in the Mina transit settlement, nurses say malaria is common, caused by proximity to the Nile, lack of shelter and lack of food, which weakens people's immune systems.

"We don't want to settle here, but we are waiting here until we can all go down with our possessions, and my father's [pension] dues have not been received," said Nanu Chuol, 17, while she had her four-month-old baby tested for malaria.

"The difference is that in the north, many things were available and my father was working so we could get food. But now, he's not working, and his pension hasn't come, so we can't eat much," she said.

"Your chair or your wife"

Renk became even more of a bottleneck after the oil shutdown as the government looked for other sources of revenue.

"In Upper Nile State, the authorities decided to impose some taxes on the aid agencies. That problem has been sorted out now, but of course, it did delay things," said Lanzer.

The IOM says these tax issues resulted in the closure of Renk Port for three months at the start of 2013.

Two barges packed high with luggage were docked in the port in late April. 

Lanzer says that it costs around $1,000 per person to travel downstream to Juba, and is telling people that now it is time to choose between "your chair or your wife".

"To my mind, keeping families together is a very important consideration, as opposed to having some family members stay with luggage in the middle of nowhere," he said.

"People have been stuck in this situation now, some of them for two years, and I think it's the moment for hard choices to be made. Do people want to stay here and integrate into the community? If they do, then let's help them with that. Let's work with the government to get them a plot of land. If they do want to continue on to their destination, I think the reality is that they will have to do that without their luggage," he said.

"Our job is really to help people who have no resources to return," said Both.

After a prolonged stay in Renk, and days of transportation under rain and blistering sun, he says that much of the luggage is ruined by the time it gets unloaded.

More to come

The recent resumption of oil production should refill South Sudan's coffers in the coming year, but the austerity budget will be in place until 2014. 

Meanwhile, Both says around 250,000 more South Sudanese are thought to be in Sudan, and 40,000 are living in poor conditions at transit camps in Khartoum who need to come to South Sudan soon.

And while both countries have agreed in principle to honour one another’s "four freedoms" of citizenship, property ownership, jobs and basic rights, this deal has not yet been finalized.

hm/am/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Activists call for review of Myanmar’s citizenship law</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810264t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar&apos;s citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar's citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4877d6.html ].

“The 1982 citizenship law should be amended to reflect basic principles of human rights, including equality and non-discrimination,” Debbie Stothard, the coordinator for Altsean Burma [ http://www.altsean.org/ ], a Bangkok-based advocacy organization for minority rights in Myanmar, told IRIN. 

There are no reliable data on the number of stateless people in Myanmar; the last population census [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97609/Challenges-ahead-of-Myanmar-s-first-census-in-30-years ] was conducted more than three decades ago, according to the UN Population Fund [ http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/myanmar/2009/11/11/1545/country_profile/ ]. But rights groups believe that in addition to some 800,000 stateless Rohingya in Myanmar's western Rakhine State, ethnic groups originating from China and India are also disenfranchised by the law, facing persecution without legal redress. 

“The law creates a permanent underclass that is exploited with impunity, creating significant resentments [liable to] explode when security forces take advantage of the legal vulnerability of stateless persons through abuse,” said Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch's (HRW) Asia division. 

While all persons born on Burmese soil were considered citizens under the country's earlier 1948 citizenship law, General Ne Win's seizure of power in 1962 led to policies that excluded communities whose ancestors entered the country after 1823 [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=3ae6b4f71b ]. 

The constitution established by Ne Win in 1974 listed 135 “national races” - including the Karen, Shan and Kachin - while excluding all “non-indigenous” minorities. 

Eight years later, the citizenship law, which recognizes only the children of national races as full citizens, was established, leading to limited rights for non-recognized groups such as the Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ]. 

Parliament blocks amendments 

Despite repeated calls for change, including a recent attempt to amend the law on 6 November 2012 by Member of Parliament (MP) Tin Mya from the Union Solidarity and Development Party, objections from other parliamentarians caused proposals for amendments to be shelved, according to Altsean. 

“While the international community has [also] spoken up to the need to amend the law, there has yet to be a coordinated and concerted effort to ensure this actually happens,” said Stothard. 

The discriminatory law may have helped fuel the sectarian violence that broke out between the Muslim Rohingya and the Buddhist population in Rakhine State in June and October 2012 and in the town of Meiktila in March 2013, said Chris Lewa, the director of the Arakan Project, a Rohingya advocacy group. 

“The Rohingya have been constant victims of arbitrary arrests, extortion, harassment and fines due to their precarious legal status and laws prohibiting basic rights such as freedom of movement,” she said. 

Children “blacklisted” 

Since 2008, Rohingyas in Rakhine State - who must obtain permission to marry or travel outside of their villages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88220/MYANMAR-Tentative-steps-towards-Rohingya-rehabilitation ] - have been limited to having two children per couple. 

But with access to birth control limited around the country, Burmese couples have an average of 4.7 children per marriage [ http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/myanmar/2009/11/11/1545/country_profile/ ]. The majority of Rohingya families continue to have more than two children, but forgo birth registration for those children over the limit for fear of being penalized, says Lewa. 

“These children are blacklisted and without any rights at all,” she explained. “They cannot even apply for permission for marriage, to go to school or to move outside of their village with their parents because, according to the authorities, they do not exist,” she added. 

In November 2012, immigration police and the national army in the Rakhine townships of Pauktaw, Maungdaw and Sittwe attempted to register Rohingya families, issuing them temporary national residency cards (NRCs). But these efforts were met with opposition because the registration forms used the term “Bengali” to describe to the Rohingyas - a label referring to their South Asian heritage, used to emphasize their perceived foreignness. 

“It is very controversial as they deserve full citizenship, not just temporary residence, which gives them no other rights, and they are afraid that if they sign the documents then it will be proof that they are non-citizens,” said Lewa. 

Additionally, to receive the NRC, families must prove they have lived in Myanmar for three generations, but many Rohingyas lost evidence of this in the recent sectarian violence, which destroyed up to 4,800 buildings, according to HRW, and forced over 125,000 to flee their homes [ http://www.refworld.org/country,,,,MMR,,516e51b14,0.html ]. 

Missed opportunity 

Myanmar has undergone significant reforms since March 2011 - including the easing of media censorship, the release of hundreds of political prisoners and the reshuffling of the country’s cabinet [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96818/Analysis-How-real-are-Myanmar-s-reforms ]. The European Union subsequently lifted sanctions on Myanmar on 22 April 2013. 

But rights groups fear international pressure to create an inclusive and fair citizenship law will cease to be effective. 

“We are worried that the rights of Rohingya and other stateless people will continue to be set aside in the international euphoria over Burma's reforms,” said Alstean's Stothard. 

Earlier this week, the Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, a government commission set up to investigate the 2012 violence in Rakhine, failed to recommend [ http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Executive-SummaryEnglish-Version.pdf ] any revisions to the citizenship law. Rather, it called for a process to examine the citizenship status of the people in Rakhine, in order to implement the provisions of the current law. 

“The commission missed a critical point when it failed to include reform of the 1982 Citizenship Act to strip out discriminatory provisions and ensure that the law complies with international human rights standards,” said HRW’s Robertson on 29 April. 

dm/ds/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97966/Activists-call-for-review-of-Myanmar-s-citizenship-law</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar&apos;s citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria refugees multimedia series – ‘Where the war still echoes’</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301148480319t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes, follows a Syrian refugee family over the course of a year, from their arrival in Jordan in December 2012. It is an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life, and cope with the violence at home.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Selim and Leila were farmers in Dera'a, southwestern Syria, until the day their village was shelled by government forces and they decided to leave the country. This entailed a terrifying nighttime journey on foot through government-held territory, escorted by the Free Syrian Army. To keep the children quiet and avoid detection, they gave them sleeping pills. Many of their relatives are still stuck in Syria.

Selim, Leila and their eight children now live in Za'atari, a sprawling tented camp in Jordan, just 15km from the Syrian border, which is home to more than 110,000 refugees.

This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes [ http://www.irinnews.org/SyriaSpecial/index.html ], follows the family over the course of a year, from their arrival in December 2012. The series provides an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life and the traumatic effects of the conflict back home, as well as the pressure felt by Selim to return and join the rebellion.

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97954/Syria-refugees-multimedia-series-Where-the-war-still-echoes</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301148480319t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - This new IRIN film series, Where the war still echoes, follows a Syrian refugee family over the course of a year, from their arrival in Jordan in December 2012. It is an intimate view of their struggles to adjust to camp life, and cope with the violence at home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Prospects for Rakhine reconciliation dim</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305021027080852t.jpg" />]]>RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say. 

“The ‘kalars’ want to take our land,” said Aung Tun Hla, an ethnic Rakhine, using a pejorative term for the Rohingyas ethnic group. 

“Before, the relations between the two communities were okay,” added the 48 year old, whose house in Sittwe, the state capital, was destroyed in the violence. “But now they want to quarrel with our people - they want to rape our women and burn our homes.” 

Violence between Buddhists and Muslims in June and October 2012 left 167 dead and hundreds injured. At least 140,000 were displaced, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recently reported [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Ref_Doc_UNOCHA_Humanitarian_Bulletin_on_Rakhine_April_2013.pdf ]. More than 10,000 homes and businesses were burned or destroyed. 

According to most estimates, 95 percent of those displaced are Muslims, mostly Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ]. Under Burmese law, the Rohingya are de jure stateless. There are an estimated 800,000 Rohingya in Myanmar, and human rights groups say they have long faced persecution and discrimination. 

The resentment felt by Rakhine Buddhists towards Rohingyas has made official steps towards reconciliation between the two communities - which are still largely separated by security forces - nearly impossible, and the prospects for displaced Rohingyas returning home appear dim. 

Displaced Rohingyas returning to their homes in Sittwe is “unacceptable”, Aung Tun Hla said. 

Soured dialogue 

Following last year’s violence, long-held prejudices against Rohingyas - and against Muslims and people of South Asian descent more generally - came to the fore. 

Ho Than Hlaing, a journalist at Sittwe for Eleven [ http://elevenmyanmar.com/ ], one of Myanmar’s largest-circulation newspapers, spoke to IRIN about his belief that Rohingyas have had a deleterious effect on Burmese society. Muslims have excessive numbers of children, and they are economically aggressive and want to colonize Buddhist land, he said, echoing prejudices voiced by many Buddhists across the country. 

Meanwhile, monks could play a key role in shaping public attitudes towards reconciliation in this majority Buddhist majority nation, but few have taken a stand against the violence. 

“Before, we lived together, ate together and worked together, but we cannot do this anymore,”said Ashin Ariya, the head monk of Shwezedi Monastery in Sittwe. “The Bengalis want to take the whole area and make everyone Muslim,” he said, referring to the Rohingyas as foreign immigrants - a line often used by Burmese government officials. 

Public dialogue on the Rohingya issue has become so polarized that “it is hard to say anything and stay neutral,” said Tom Kramer, who runs the Myanmar office of the Transnational Institute (TI) [ http://www.tni.org/ ], a conflict-resolution NGO. 

Views are reflexively interpreted as "pro-Rohingya or pro-Rakhine, with nothing in between,” he added. 

Meanwhile, rights groups have criticized authorities’ lack of progress in helping Rohingyas return to their homes and livelihoods, and in some cases they have accused the government of complicity [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2013/04/22/all-you-can-do-pray-0 ] in the Rohingyas’ displacement. 

“Instead of addressing the problem, Burma’s leaders seem intent on keeping the Rohingya segregated in camps rather than planning for them to return to their homes,” said Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/26/burma-rohingya-muslims-face-humanitarian-crisis ], which has repeatedly called on the government to put forward a plan to bring the displaced home. 

Sustainable peace 

Any peace-building effort in Rakhine State will also require looking at the long-standing grievances of the Rakhine Buddhist majority itself, TI’s Kramer said. These include economic concerns that are separate from the sectarian tensions, but which create an environment ill-disposed to reconciliation. 

Despite an abundance of natural resources, Rakhine is the second-poorest state in Myanmar, after Chin State [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87352/MYANMAR-Chin-State-a-mountain-of-trouble ], with widespread unemployment and poverty. It receives little development assistance from the government and, according to a the medical charity Médecins sans Frontières [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6624&cat=field-news ], has historically received less investment in health care than other areas of the country. 

“The Rohingyas' problems have been so great that there hasn’t been time to look at the Rakhine Buddhists' grievances,” Kramer said. 

Chief among these is the historic exploitation of Rakhine State’s resources by the central government, he said. Like many of Myanmar’s border regions, Rakhine’s natural resources were pillaged for decades by the country’s ruling military. The waters off Rakhine State are rich in natural gas, much of it destined for China through a pipeline scheduled to be completed this year. 

Sustainable solutions will require a commitment by the central government to share the benefits of resource-extraction projects in the state, Kramer noted. 

Government inquiry 

On 29 April, the Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, a government commission set up to investigate the 2012 violence, recommended doubling the number of security forces in Rakhine State. It also called for the “temporary separation” of the two communities to continue. 

“While keeping the two communities apart is not a long-term solution, it must be enforced at least until the overt emotions subside,” the 183-page report recommended. 

Both communities highlighted the continued need for the deployment of the military in the region for safety and security, a summary of the much-delayed findings [ http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Executive-SummaryEnglish-Version.pdf ] said. 

The report went on to suggest family-planning education to address what it describes as the rapid growth of the Muslim population in the state. 

bb/ds/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97956/Prospects-for-Rakhine-reconciliation-dim</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305021027080852t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Conflict and returnees strain South Sudan food security</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.

Lakes, Western Bahr El Ghazal and Unity states are the most affected, with at least 1.15 million people expected to face food insecurity as the rainy season progresses, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) office in South Sudan told IRIN.

At present, 2.86 million people in South Sudan are being targeted with food and livelihood assistance, including some 670,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), according to the UN World Food Programme (WFP).

Insecurity

Rampant insecurity is affecting access to food and livelihoods. In Jonglei State, for example, insecurity is restricting “access to wild foods and income sources such as collection and sale of firewood, charcoal and grass,” notes the Famine Early Systems Network (FEWSNET).

FAO noted, “Continued insecurity in parts of Jonglei has led to displacement of populations and limited access to land at a critical time when farming households are undertaking preparations for the coming growing season.”

Insecurity in Jonglei [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/South%20Sudan_Humanitarian%20Snapshot_March%202013.pdf ] “has affected tens of thousands of civilians caught in clashes or fleeing from their homes in search of safety and assistance,” according to an update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20%2324%20OCHA%20EA.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which added that the scope of displacement remains unknown due to access constraints .

Insecurity is also hampering efforts to control outbreaks of the often fatal haemorrhagic septicaemia [ http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/programmes/en/empres/disease_haemo.asp ] and East Coast fever [ http://www.galvmed.org/2012/04/east-coast-fever/ ] in cattle. Cattle-rearing is an important livelihood activity in Jonglei.

In addition, several important roads in Jonglei remain closed.

“The increased insecurity in Jonglei (especially the Bor-Pibor road where movement by humanitarian organizations has been suspended) and other parts of South Sudan could deter commercial transporters from agreeing to carry food along routes where there have been attacks. This could have an impact on our ability to preposition stocks to cover areas which will become inaccessible during the rainy season,” Andrew Odero, WFP’s food security and livelihood cluster coordinator in South Sudan, told IRIN by e-mail.

On 9 April, a UN convoy was attacked between Bor and Pibor, resulting in the deaths of nine UN personnel and three civilian contractors.

Between 1 January and 31 March, at least 109 violent incidents were recorded in South Sudan, with some 12,433 people being newly displaced, according to OCHA [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ].

Abyei IDP returns

There are food security fears in the contested Abyei area, as well, amid high food prices and an influx of IDP returnees. Abyei straddles the Sudan/South Sudan border; which of the countries Abyei is part of may be determined in an October referendum.

“Improved security and the anticipated referendum have prompted the IDPs to begin returning to [the] Abyei area,” states an Abyei Food Security Assessment report by FEWSNET [ http://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/special-report-abyei-food-security-assessment-april-2013 ].

The IDP returns started after the deployment of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei in mid-2011. From then until February 2013, at least 60,000 returnees from Warrap and Northern Bahr el Ghazal states have been registered. A further 30,000 IDPs are expected to return between March and June; “this is likely to increase levels of food insecurity because of further strain on already weak services and inability [of] people to meet their livelihoods needs,” notes FEWSNET.

A limited market supply has kept food prices high in Abyei , it adds.

Despite the relative calm there, some 3,700 people have been affected by livestock migration-related insecurity, adds an OCHA report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ]. “The problem is most acute in the north of the area, where there is a direct interface between Misseriya and Dinka communities. In these areas, communities compete for water and pasture, in particular towards the end of the dry season.”

Returnees from Sudan

An influx of returnees and refugees into parts of South Sudan is also a challenge.

“Upper Nile faces some of the most challenging issues in South Sudan. It hosts some of the largest populations of returnees, refugees (fleeing from insecurity and conflict in Sudan), and IDPs (from neighbouring state Jonglei),” Joanna Dabao of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Juba, told IRIN by email.

“This has put a substantial strain on the limited resources of the host communities. This complex situation has created a barrier to sustainable reintegration, leaving thousands of returnees in dire need of emergency assistance,” she said.

At present, at least 20,000 returnees are in Upper Nile State - about 19,800 in Renk County and 840 in Malakal County - Dabao said. “With persisting violence over the past two years along the other border[s] (Blue Nile, South Kordofan, Abyei, Darfur Region) Renk was, and continues to be perceived as, the safest point of entry into South Sudan.”

“The majority of returnees arriving into South Sudan through Renk, however, report intentions of settling in the Greater Bahr el Ghazal area but hav[e] no means to get there,” she added.

Since 2011, IOM has helped at least 40,000 returnees get home from Sudan, and registered at least 1.88 million returnees in South Sudan since 2007.

But the returnees from Sudan  often lack the skills, experience and social networks needed to cope with the burdens of rural life in South Sudan, notes FAO, adding that “food security in areas of return is poor due to increased pressure [on] social services, poverty, unemployment and a lack of productive assets.”

aw/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97957/Conflict-and-returnees-strain-South-Sudan-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Raids free enslaved migrants/refugees in Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.

In the last four weeks, 1,620 migrants, including women and children, have been freed in army raids around the northern town of Haradh close to the border with Saudi Arabia, according to information from the International medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://www.msf.org/article/yemen-msf-assists-migrants-freed-clutches-human-traffickers ]. It says most of the released migrants it treated at the MSF-run Al-Mazraq hospital had been victims of human trafficking, forced labour and slavery.

“There are clear signs of extreme violence. Fingernails have been pulled out and many are badly beaten. We welcome this clampdown, but there are almost certainly thousands more migrants in captivity, and for those released, welcome centres and humanitarian NGOs are seriously overstretched,” Tarek Daher, MSF’s head of mission in Yemen, told IRIN.

Migrants recently told IRIN horrific stories [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ] of the kidnapping and torture they had experienced after landing in Yemen. Around a 107,000 crossed from the Horn of Africa into Yemen in 2012, most originally from Ethiopia, according to UNHCR [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2010-2013-31-january-2013 ], and at least 30,000 have made the journey so far this year [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/over-30000-refugees-and-migrants-arrive-yemen-so-far-year ].

See previous IRIN reporting on migration in Yemen here:

Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ]

DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ]

ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen"
[ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ]

YEMEN: Tortured for ransom
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ]

jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97961/In-Brief-Raids-free-enslaved-migrants-refugees-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Conflict cuts off civilians in DRC&apos;s Katanga</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg" />]]>KATANGA 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of displaced people in the Democratic Republic of Congo&apos;s (DRC) Katanga Province have received little or no humanitarian aid in the months since having fled ongoing conflict.</description><body><![CDATA[KATANGA 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of displaced people in the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) Katanga Province have received little or no humanitarian aid in the months since having fled ongoing conflict.

In one territory, Malemba Nkulu, the number of displaced is estimated to have risen from 12,000 to 42,000 between December 2012 and January 2013, and no food distribution has yet been organized. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) says, "The global acute malnutrition rate is above 19 percent, and the severely malnourished need treatment.”

"Nineteen percent global acute malnutrition is nearly twice the emergency threshold level," Quoc Nguyen, head of operations for the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) in Katanga, told IRIN, adding that seven territories in Katanga have acute malnutrition rates above the 10 percent level.

UNICEF is assisting children and pregnant and lactating women suffering from acute malnutrition in several territories, including Pweto and Manono, where the rate is also above 19 percent; however this treatment is still not available in Malemba Nkulu. "There's no programme in Malemba Nkulu because of lack of funding, lack of access, insecurity and a lack of partners who can implement a programme," said Nguyen.

Malnutrition is a major contributor to the under-five mortality rate in the province, which UNICEF's latest survey put at 188 per 1,000. In its 16 April bulletin for DRC, OCHA said that in Malemba Nkulu "no humanitarian intervention has been implemented mainly because of difficulties of access and lack of funding".

Displaced people in the neighbouring territory of Manono - recently estimated to number 31,000 - have not had a food distribution since September, the UN World Food Programme (WFP) told IRIN this week, although a convoy of food trucks has just been sent there. WFP has distributed food in the past month at or near most of the other major population centres in Katanga where large numbers of displaced people have gathered.

But of 17,000 people who were displaced this year in the territories of Kalemie, Moba and Manono, most have not yet received any aid, nor have the 747 families living on the route from Mitwaba to Kisele, OCHA reported on 23 April.

Continued displacement

The total number of displaced in Katanga is estimated by the Commission on Population Movements (CMP) - an official body which collects data from aid workers - to have risen from 64,082 in December 2011 to 353,931 currently. 

"Needs are… enormous both among the displaced and the host population," OCHA said in a report published on April 10 [ http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/dr-congo%E2%80%99s-neglected-%E2%80%9Ctriangle-death%E2%80%9D-challenges-protection ]. "Many IDPs have become more vulnerable due to repeated displacements, often across vast distances."

An upsurge in violence by Mai-Mai militia groups has been causing waves of displacement since late 2011. WFP's head of operations in Katanga, Amadou Samake, said the so-called 'triangle of death' between Mitwaba, Manono and Pweto had been emptied of most of its population - 75,000 households - by April 2012. By the end of last year, the displaced already numbered more than 300,000. 

The flow outwards from conflict zones has continued, and Mai-Mai violence has spread west and south, to Malemba Nkulu, Lubudi and Kambove territories.

On 17 February, a gang from the newly created Mai-Mai militia known as Kata Katanga (meaning 'cut off Katanga') killed three officials and drove out the population at Kinsevere, only 40km from Lubumbashi, the provincial capital. 

On 23 March, some 400 lightly armed Kata Katanga members marched from the bush to the centre of Lubumbashi, unopposed, before they were forced to surrender after a shootout with the elite Republican Guard. 

Amid the persistent insecurity, fewer than the 10 percent of the displaced have returned to their villages, Samake estimates. 

WFP assisted 250,000 people in Katanga last year, he said, but has not had the resources to guarantee the displaced three months of rations, the standard the agency aims for in North Kivu. Currently, he said, the agency has 5,915 tons in stock or en route and would need an additional 10,383 tons to feed 320,000 displaced people in Katanga through the second quarter of 2013.

If the displaced do not soon return to their villages, Samake added, another year of missed harvests will worsen food security across the province. 

UNICEF's Nguyen commented that much of Katanga was already in the grip of a food security crisis before the Mai-Mai’s resurgence in 2011. "There is a lack of basic services in every sector - health, water, nutrition and agriculture - and the conflict and displacement make an already bad situation much worse," he said.

Deteriorating security

OCHA reports the security situation worsened in April in Pweto, Manono and Mitwaba territories, with attacks by Mai-Mai groups on a dozen villages. 

The national army, FARDC, recently retook the town of Shamwana, at the centre of 'the triangle of death', but International Crisis Group (ICG) analyst Thierry Vircoulon says the military seems to be having little success in suppressing the Mai-Mai. At the start of 2013, the army had only 1,000 men available in Katanga, but their number is now up to 2,500, UN sources told IRIN. 

Central Katanga has been unstable since Mai-Mai commander Gedeon Mtanga escaped from prison in September 2011. He and more than 1,000 of his followers were freed from Lubumbashi's central jail by eight armed men in broad daylight; there was speculation that the jail break was arranged by local power holders. Gedeon had led a Mai-Mai group known for its brutality and attacks on civilians from 2002 to 2007. Africa Confidential reported on 1 March that "his ambition is to root out the old order" and "his men have killed at least 15 traditional chiefs in Nord Mitwaba alone".

According to OCHA, the other main driver of instability in the province is Kata Katanga, which has also been fighting FARDC.

Like the brutal Mai-Mai group Morgan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97314/Rainforest-riches-a-curse-for-civilians-in-northeast-DRC ], in DRC's Orientale Province, the Kata Katanga and Gedeon Mai-Mai seem to get much of their income from poaching, rather than minerals or agriculture. Therefore, they may not need much support from the local population.

There are no recent figures for the Mai-Mai in Katanga, but ICG estimated they might have numbered 5,000 to 8,000 in 2005 [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/central-africa/dr-congo/103-katanga-the-congos-forgotten-crisis.aspx?alt_lang=fr ].

Following the bloody suppression of a Kata Katanga rally in Lubumbashi on 23 March, a report by local civil society activists accused senior members of the regime of providing the group with arms and funding. 

ICG's Vircoulon told IRIN he believes that several local “barons” are behind the Kata Katanga. 

The DRC's former police chief General John Numbi - a native of Malemba Nkulu who built his career as a political organizer among the Balubakat, President Joseph Kabila's ethnic group - may have held the key to security in the province. ICG reports that Numbi was supplying Gedeon with arms from 2002 to 2004. Later, he organized the manhunt that led to the Mai-Mai leader's capture. 

In 2010, Numbi was suspended as police chief following allegations that he was responsible for the murder of human rights defender Floribert Chebeya. 

Significantly, Gedeon and many of his followers were captured in 2007, after Kabila had won elections with support from a broad coalition in Katanga and elsewhere in the country. That coalition is now crumbling, allowing armed groups to be reactivated in many areas of eastern DRC. 

Protection needs

An April report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Final%20version%20Protection%20Report%20Katanga%2011.04.pdf ] by OCHA in Katanga concludes: "Given the duration of the current conflict, humanitarian actors do not expect to see any improvements in terms of displacement numbers or humanitarian needs in the coming months."

The report highlights alleged abuses by the army as well the Mai-Mai, including allegations that 50 women and 20 girls were detained for two days and repeatedly raped by soldiers in February 2012. 

"Without an increased presence" of the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), says OCHA, "such abuses will continue and may even increase, as will further displacements". 

Currently there are 450 blue helmets in Katanga, an area the size of France.

The report also calls for a political solution to the conflict in Katanga, for the government to reinitiate its programme to disarm, demobilize and re-integrate the Mai-Mai, and for humanitarian actors to establish contact with Mai-Mai groups so as to facilitate humanitarian access and sensitize the combatants on international humanitarian law.

nl/kr/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97963/Conflict-cuts-off-civilians-in-DRC-apos-s-Katanga</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201010210751260211t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATANGA 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of displaced people in the Democratic Republic of Congo&apos;s (DRC) Katanga Province have received little or no humanitarian aid in the months since having fled ongoing conflict.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>