<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Refugees/IDPs</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 14:30:37 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>YEMEN: Players who could throw the upcoming elections off-track</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.

While some observers argue that the election is a mere change of guard, others suggest it is the only way to save Yemen from collapse - ending President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule in accordance with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered agreement signed in November 2011.

The GCC deal aimed to end a year of fighting that led to a deepening humanitarian crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94506 ] But the election is being held under difficult circumstances. 

Violence remains widespread across the country and the election is being opposed by Islamist militants, some elements within the Southern Movement, and the Houthis, who were left out of the November deal.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), [ http://reliefweb.int/node/474598 ] data compiled by the government’s executive unit for internally displaced persons (IDPs) shows that 144,000 people have been displaced in southern and central Yemen since May 2011, and over 80,000 in Abyan Governorate alone.

In Kisher District in the northern governorate of Hajjah hundreds of people have been displaced by recent clashes between Houthis and Salafists. Hajjah is also where tens of thousands of IDPs have been displaced since 2004 by conflict between government and Houthi forces. Over 300,000 remain displaced in Sa’dah Governorate.

Saleh, now undergoing medical treatment in the USA, remains influential within the army, where his son commands an elite brigade; in the economy, where his relatives and cronies hold sway; and in politics where he remains head of the ruling General People’s Congress (GPC). 

Hadi, who has been vice-president since 1994 and is GPC deputy chairman, is considered to be more open to dialogue with the opposition, including influential figures such as Gen Ali Mohsen (an erstwhile Saleh supporter) and Hamid al-Ahmar (a wealthy Sheikh from the opposition Islah Party). In view of the support he has among opposition groups he is viewed as the “consensus” candidate, who will guide the country through a two-year transitional period, in an attempt to resolve issues in the contested South and North, reunite the army and security forces, and prepare the country for competitive elections.

After approving Hadi’s nomination, parliament suspended its proceedings until after the election, essentially rejecting all other nominations, with the view that a competitive election at such a tense time could spark violence. The intention of the coming elections is to transfer power smoothly from Saleh, avoid violence and restore peace and services in Yemen. But many obstacles remain. 

IRIN looks at some of the other key players and groups who could influence the polls.

Al-Musaibly

Ahmad al-Musaibly, a TV announcer supported mainly by youthful protesters, had tried to contest the presidency, but parliament did not accept his credentials. 

Al-Musaibly has no party affiliation, and says he is an “independent revolutionary”. He used to work for Yemen's main state-run TV, but resigned from his job in March to join the anti-Saleh protest movement.

“We need an independent president for the transitional period who believes in the legitimacy of the Youth Revolution against the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh,” the Organizing Committee of the Youth Revolution (OCYR), which supports his candidature, said in a statement on 15 January.

“There are millions of independent Yemeni citizens whom we expect will support this independent presidential candidate,” OCYR media coordinator Zaki Sallam told IRIN. “We expect the international community, which rejects the granting of immunity to killers, to support our candidate.”

His supporters, who had already started printing campaign materials, are likely to be frustrated by his inability to run and could cause trouble. 

GPC

Despite some defections since political unrest began in February 2011, the GPC still has nearly 200 members in the 301-seat parliament, and holds half the posts in the 34-member interim cabinet. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ]

In power for 10 years, and with a nationwide membership going back to when it was founded in the 1980s, party members head many institutions at governorate and district levels. The GPC will no doubt exploit the electoral advantages of incumbency.

Tensions within its leadership have, however, become evident lately. On 10 January, Hadi threatened not to run for president after GPC members accused him of defying Saleh’s authority, with some calling him a traitor.

The issue of immunity from prosecution for Saleh and his closest associates is likely to cause further problems for the GPC: Observers believe the GPC could have difficulty explaining the amnesty to a disgruntled electorate.

The cabinet recently approved a draft law granting amnesty to Saleh, but the decision has sparked widespread anger especially among young Yemenis, and criticism from human rights watchdogs. Yet party stalwarts seem determined: "No election may take place unless the capital Sana’a is cleared of gunmen and a draft law granting immunity to Saleh and his aides is approved," said Sultan al-Barakani, head of the party's parliamentary bloc.

JMP

Established in 2003, and active nationwide, Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) is a coalition of six major opposition parties: the Islamist Islah Party, the Yemeni Socialist Party, the Nasserite Unionist Popular Organization, the Arab Baath Party, the Union of Popular Forces, and the Haq Party.

It is chaired by Abdulwahab al-Anisi of the Islah Party. In December 2011, it took up half the seats in the interim cabinet under the GGC-brokered deal, including the position of prime minister. It has some 60 members in parliament.

JMP has been heavily involved in the nationwide protests against Saleh, and has been accused by GPC of involvement in staff protests at several state institutions - where JMP called for the ouster of institutional heads who are GPC members.

Najiba Mutahar, a political analyst at Taiz University, said attempts by some JMP parliamentarians to obstruct the amnesty law shows the JMP’s lack of support for it. 

JMP, particularly Islah, has widespread support nationwide. It wants the current first-past-the-post system replaced by proportional representation, believing it to be more democratic.

The coalition is supported by “powerful and wealthy figures including Hamid al-Ahmar”, Ahmad al-Zawqari, a member of local NGO Yemen Election Monitoring Network (YEMN), told IRIN.

The "revolutionaries"

Despite the GCC deal, tens of thousands of young protesters calling themselves "revolutionaries" are still camping out in Sana'a and other main cities.

The “revolutionaries” who started the protest movement in February 2011, have long been wary of opposition compromises with the Saleh regime, a fact which may explain their reluctance to support the GCC-brokered deal.

They are opposed to immunity for Saleh and his aides, and are therefore unlikely to back any political group which supports the amnesty. 

"Why give immunity to killers… who killed thousands of us… We will continue protesting until the killers are tried before our eyes," Tawakkul Karman, a young protest leader and Nobel Prize laureate, [ http://www.freep.com/article/20111113/NEWS02/111113026/Nobel-Peace-Prize-winner-decries-Yemeni-President-Ali-Saleh ] told IRIN. 

Observers fear the young protesters could try and disrupt the elections. "Young protesters may escalate their protests, leading to violence and hindering the elections since they think parliament betrayed them by approving the immunity law on 21 January,” said Sheikh Nassr al-Shahiri, leader of the Supreme Council of Central Lands, a pro-JMP tribal coalition. They have already staged protests in Sana’a, Taiz and Aden.

The Southern Movement (SM)

SM comprises tens of thousands of people demanding the secession of the south.

Led by Hassan Baoum, the movement is active in the southern governorates of Dhalea, Lahj, Aden and Abyan; and the eastern governorates of Shabwa, Hadhramaut and Mahrah. It is opposed to the GCC-deal and the February elections.

In a rally in the southern port city of Aden in early January, hundreds of SM members burnt their voting IDs in front of cameras, indicating that they would boycott the elections.

"No polling station will be allowed to open in our territory… No citizen will be allowed to participate in the vote," Salah al-Shanfarah, an SM leader in Aden, told IRIN. "Any election will be illegitimate since our territory is being occupied by northerners."

Some SM members are armed. On 13 January clashes caused seven deaths and 26 injuries. “Their calls for boycotting the elections may find listening ears in the southern streets where people suffer poverty, poor basic services and feel they are excluded from real partnership in power and resources,” said YEMN’s al-Zawqari.

Islamic militants

Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), is a loose affiliation of foreign Al-Qaeda fighters and local militants that has been increasingly confronting the Yemeni government in southern Yemen. Abyan Governorate is its main stronghold, but it is also active in the adjacent governorates of Shabwa, Beidha, Marib and al-Jawf. 

Mostly from Yemen and Saudi Arabia, its militants have exploited the weak control of the central governorate over several parts of the country and gained more territory, recently expanding their operations to Radaa city in Beidha Governorate.

Sheikh Mohammed Bin Sabaa, from Abyan, told IRIN that Ansar al-Sharia are vowing not to allow the election management committees to enter the governorate. “They don’t recognize elections,” he said. “They see democracy as a Western concept introduced by the US.” 

Ongoing military operations against the militants have made various areas of the south unsafe. The movement and expansion of Al-Qaeda and affiliated groups will negatively affect political progress and lead to security tensions, Ayesh Awas, a security researcher at the Saba Centre for Strategic Studies, told the Yemen Times. [ http://yementimes.com/en/1543/news/267/Al-Qaeda-may-hinder-political-progress.htm ] "It's not reasonable to hold elections in the areas of conflict," he said.

The Houthis

Led by Shia cleric Abdulmalik al-Houthi, this Shia rebel group is active in the northern governorates of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Amran, as well as in some parts of Hajjah. It also has thousands of loyalists in Sana’a and other governorates.

They want more autonomy and ultimately the return of the pre-1962 Hashemite Imamate.

The Houthis are opposed to the GCC-brokered deal because of Saudi involvement: Saudi Arabia waged a war against them in 2009. They see democracy as a Western concept arbitrarily imposed on Yemen by the USA, but have supported anti-Saleh protests.

"In Islam, we have a caliphate, but not democracy which is an American concept," said Sameeh al-Rijami, a leader of the movement.

Observers say polling may not take place in Sa’dah and neighbouring areas due to insecurity. Currently, the Houthis are fighting Salafist Sunnis in some parts of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Hajjah governorates.

Hashid Tribal Confederation

This Confederation of several tribes is loyal to powerful Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar, who has been involved in sporadic clashes with pro-government army units since May 2011.

The Confederation is believed to have tens of thousands of gunmen, mainly from Amran, Marib and Sana’a governorates. It has several hundred gunmen protecting al-Ahmar in the al-Hasaba area, north of Sana’a.

They have so far refused to leave Sana’a, as per the GPC-brokered deal, raising tension in the capital just weeks before the elections. “If Saleh wants immunity, he should leave Yemen," al-Ahmar told UN envoy to Yemen Jamal Bin Omar on 12 January.

Defected army units

Some 25-30,000 soldiers are believed to have defected, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and represent a serious source of tension which could affect the elections, according to observers.

These include the First Armoured Division in the capital, and other divisions in the northwestern and eastern parts of the country which are loyal to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh, commander of the Northwestern Military Zone, who says he is in favour of the elections.

The GCC deal requires all troops to be confined to barracks before the elections, but Ali Mohsen Saleh has not complied, fearing his troops could be vulnerable to attack by Republican Guards.

Republican Guard (RG)

Led by Brig Ahmad Ali Saleh, a son of President Saleh, the elite force of 23 divisions is based in Sana’a and other governorates including Dhamar, Ibb, Taiz, Beidha, Hudeidah and Hadhramaut.

RG is estimated to have some 40,000 soldiers controlling almost all strategic mountaintop positions overlooking Sana’a city.

Troops which have defected to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh are demanding that RG abandon such positions before they withdraw from Sana’a, a demand which has been rejected by RG commanders.

Sources:
http://www.arabic-military.com/t11420-topic
http://yemen-press.com/news3179.html
http://www.alahmar.net/
http://www.al-tagheer.com/news38651.html
http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=24733
http://marebpress.taiz-press.net/

ay/eo/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94815</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SRI LANKA: Mine clearance could take 10 years or more</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202060420470038t.jpg" />]]>COLOMBO 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance in Sri Lanka&apos;s conflict-affected north could take more than a decade, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[COLOMBO 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance in Sri Lanka's conflict-affected north could take more than a decade, experts say. 

"It is expected to take [in] excess of 10 years to fully mitigate all remaining contamination in Sri Lanka," the Mine Action Project of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) [ http://www.undp.lk/What_We_Do/Pages/Mine_Action.aspx ] in Sri Lanka told IRIN, citing a lack of resources coupled with the difficult nature of the work. 

Approximately 126 sqkm of land remains to be cleared in the island's north at the end of 2011, according to data from the National Mine Action Centre (NMAC). 

Set up in July 2010, NMAC is the government's lead agency in de-mining work in the country. 

As of 31 December 2011, the largest remaining area was in Mannar District (33.8 sqkm), followed by Mullaitivu (27.7 sqkm), Kilinochchi (23 sqkm), Vavuniya (15 sqkm) and Jaffna (5 sqkm) in the north. 

Smaller areas are in borderline districts of Polonnaruwa and Anuradhapura, along with some parts of the east. 

Barrier to return

More than 6,700 conflict-displaced, mainly from Mullaitivu District, continue to live at Menik Farm [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89572 ] outside the town of Vavuniya, where more than 200,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) once lived following the end of the war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89904 ] between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which had been fighting for an independent Tamil homeland since 1983 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=84146 ]. 

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) [ http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/srilanka_hpsl/Files/Situation%20Reports/Joint%20Humanitarian%20Update/LKRN057_JHERU_Nov-Dec_2011.pdf ], since 1 January 2009, more than 554 sqkm have been cleared of mines and UXO (unexploded ordnance) in the north and east of the country. 

The humanitarian demining unit of the Sri Lanka Army, international organizations - Danish Demining Group (DDG), HALO Trust, Horizon, Mines Advisory Group (MAG), Sarvatra, and Swiss Foundation for Mine Action (FSD)] - and two national organizations - Delvon Assistance for Social Harmony (DASH) and the Milinda Moragoda Institute for Peoples' Empowerment (MMIPE)] - are engaged in demining work. 

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) carries out mine risk awareness programmes in the north and east. 

The UNDP Mine Action Unit said most of the surveys to identify the mine risk areas had been completed, but the task of clearing the mines and UXO remains time-consuming and labour-intensive. 

"It turns out there aren't any fancy scanners or high-tech mine-removal gadgets that can compete with old-fashioned sweat, discipline, and patience when it comes to picking mines out of the ground," US diplomat Emily Fleckner said during a December site visit to Kilinochchi, where some of fiercest fighting once took place. [ http://blogs.state.gov/index.php/site/entry/halo_trust_demining_site ]. 

Fleckner wrote in a blog post for the State Department that officials with HALO Trust told her the organization had removed more mines in Sri Lanka during its first year of operation than all its other de-mining work combined worldwide over the same period of time. 

Funding questions

But it is the overall issue of funding that has people worried most almost two years since the war was officially declared over. 

UNDP’s Mine Action Project says the slow work of removing mines was “compounded by decreasing donor funding” for themselves and other mine clearance agencies. 

On 22 January [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/F_R_570.pdf ], DDG said in an update that it had been forced to reduce its capacity by 20 percent since late 2010 due to funding constraints. 

DDG doubled its clearing capacity soon after the war ended in May 2009. "[But], in late 2010/early 2011 this was followed by an unheralded decrease in funding, especially amongst our major donors who reviewed their strategies globally and in particular towards Sri Lanka." 

The group has since warned of further reductions if funding constraints persist. 

NMAC estimates it will cost more than US$100 million to demine the last 126 sqkm. 

Meanwhile, for those who have returned to their places of origin, the need to remain vigilant continues. 

"We know they are still around," Mathiyavaratham Manivannan, a 32-year-old farmer in Mullaitivu District said, noting that mine-awareness programmes had made it easier for him to identify mines and UXO. "We don't find them that often now, but we do come across them, especially when we clear new land."

According to UNICEF, mine-related incidents were on the decline due to intense awareness programmes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90899 ]. More than 23,000 returnees took part in such programmes in December 2011 alone, with mine risk education continuing in both the north and east of the country, OCHA reported.

In 2011, only 17 mine-related incidents were reported, down from 27 a year earlier. The casualty rate also dropped from 47 to 24. 

ap/ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94798</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202060420470038t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COLOMBO 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance in Sri Lanka&apos;s conflict-affected north could take more than a decade, experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PHILIPPINES: Aid agencies hike emergency appeal for Mindanao</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030735400191t.jpg" />]]>MANILA 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The UN and its partners have revised upwards their emergency appeal for storm-affected Mindanao to US$39 million from the original $28.4 million.</description><body><![CDATA[MANILA 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The UN and its partners have revised upwards their emergency appeal for storm-affected Mindanao [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Press%20Release%2C%20launch%20of%20the%20Revised%20Flash%20Appeal%2C%203%20Feb.pdf ] to US$39 million from the original $28.4 million. 

The second emergency revision of the Humanitarian Action Plan for Mindanao (HAP) [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2012%20revised%20HAP-%20Philippines%20with%20new%20ER%20response%20plan%20_1_.pdf ] was revised on 3 February, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/full_report_141.pdf ], allowing for continued vital assistance to more than 300,000 people over a six-month period. 

"We focused on the immediate evacuation in the early days... We now need to ensure that we accelerate the safe, voluntary and early return and relocation of the displaced," David Carden, country head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) [ http://ochaonline.un.org/PhilippinesCountryProfile/tabid/4261/Default.aspx ], told IRIN in Manila. 

The move comes in response to what has been described as a "dramatic increase of needs" more than a month after tropical storm Washi struck northern parts of the island. 

More than 1,200 people lost their lives and another million were affected when Washi struck on 16-18 December [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94554 ], triggering flash floods and landslides. 

Worst affected were the two major cities, Cagayan de Oro and Iligan, in the north of the island, along with hundreds of villages in the area, according to the country's National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) [ http://www.ndrrmc.gov.ph/ ]. 

Tens of thousands were driven into hastily erected evacuation centres, many of them schools [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94613 ], where they were provided with basic needs such as food, clothing, medicine and shelter after the government and aid organizations launched a large-scale relief operation for more than 400,000 people. 

According to OCHA, about $9.6 million (or 25 percent) of the initial appeal, including $3 million disbursed from the Central Emergency Fund (CERF) [ http://ochaonline.un.org/Default.aspx?alias=ochaonline.un.org/cerf ], has been provided to date; however, outside bilateral donations from various governments amounting to $22 million had also helped significantly in the humanitarian effort. 

But while donations continue to come in, the challenge in reaching those living in hard-to-reach communities remains. 

"There are people in some remote rural areas who are still quite vulnerable, who certainly are in need of humanitarian assistance," Carden said, citing the pressing need for shelter [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94658 ]. 

In a statement on 3 February, the UN said: "Sustained assistance is needed given that hundreds of thousands of people remain without homes and livelihoods." 

Under the revised appeal, priority will be given to all affected, including the displaced in evacuation centres and transitional sites as well as people seeking refuge in makeshift shelters and with relatives in areas where their houses stood prior to the disaster and host communities themselves. 

"Many lives have been saved through our interventions to date," Jacqui Badcock, the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for the Philippines, said. "But, unless this assistance is sustained and adequate shelter solutions are provided to all the displaced, many will remain vulnerable and unable to sustain themselves and their families." 

Malnutrition 

Underscoring those needs further, on 1 February [ http://reliefweb.int/node/474255 ], the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) expressed concern over acute malnutrition rates in Cagayan de Oro and Iligan. 

"Malnutrition is an especially serious concern for Mindanao, where a significant number of children are already undernourished," Abdul Alim, acting UNICEF country representative, said, describing this as an additional blow to these children's health. 

During a recent screening supported by UNICEF, 207 children were found to be acutely malnourished - a 50 percent increase compared with a screening carried out at the beginning of the emergency. 

It said the children diagnosed were afflicted with "wasting" - when muscles and fat waste away. "A child has a 30 percent chance of dying if it is left untreated," UNICEF warned. 

fz/ds/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94784</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030735400191t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MANILA 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The UN and its partners have revised upwards their emergency appeal for storm-affected Mindanao to US$39 million from the original $28.4 million.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MYANMAR: Health concerns for Kachin IDPs</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310745080753t.jpg" />]]>KACHIN STATE 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar&apos;s northern Kachin State have expressed concern over the health of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) along the border with China.</description><body><![CDATA[KACHIN STATE 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar's northern Kachin State have expressed concern over the health of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) along the border with China. 

Preventable illnesses caused by unsanitary conditions and colder weather are taking their toll on the more than 45,000 IDPs in two dozen IDP camps as sporadic fighting between government forces and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) nears almost eight months, they say. 

"Many of the children in the IDP camps suffer from diarrhoea and stomach parasites because they have to drink dirty water. When they go to the toilet, there aren't enough," May Li Aung, director of Wun Pawng Ninghtoi (WPN - "Light of Kachin"), a volunteer group comprising eight local NGOs and charity groups, told IRIN. 

In one camp, aid workers report just five latrines for more than 1,200 people. 

"A few people in the camps have already died from this and we are worried that diseases will spread," she said. 

While much of the water supply is trucked into the camps, many of the displaced while on the run have to drink directly from streams or boil pond water 

The WPN assists 16 camps under KIA control in the southern part of Kachin State, where about 20,000 IDPs are housed in temporary bamboo shelters, but there is a growing strain on volunteers and resources [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93708 ] as the conflict continues. 

In the north, another 20,000 IDPs are housed in camps also under KIA control, with about 10,000 in the government-controlled area around the border town of Myitkyina. 

Vulnerable women 

"Women in the camps can use the clinics there; however, many women are not getting the midwife or family support they need," Shirley Seng, a spokeswoman for the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand (KWAT), [ http://www.kachinwomen.com/ ] based in Chiang Mai, said. "Many women feel insecure and at risk of possible assault by Burmese troops." 

"The problem that we face right now is that many women who are pregnant are having miscarriages," explained nurse Di Di Ah Hkaw. 

The pregnant women have no choice but to run from their homes to a safe place while many of their husbands are fighting on the frontline. Many of the women are carrying their household possessions with them, she explained. 

"In December we had three women in our clinic who miscarried," Di Di Ah Hkaw added. 

Meanwhile, as the political dialogue between Myanmar and others in the international community slowly moves forward, international relief groups are calling for faster action to better address the needs of the displaced. 

Earlier this month, Refugees International released a report [ http://www.refintl.org/policy/field-report/burma-opportunity-expand-humanitarian-space ] calling for increased humanitarian aid to coincide with a string of recent political reforms by the country's first nominally civilian government in decades. 

At the same time, Bill Davies of Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) [ http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/ ] described a recent UN inter-agency mission to the KIA-controlled town border town of Laiza in December - which delivered essential household items to the displaced and conducted an initial assessment of the situation – as a positive step, but stressed the need for stronger assistance and access. 

The UN and its humanitarian partners have repeatedly expressed their readiness to support all those affected by the conflict, and the most vulnerable in particular, a statement [ http://reliefweb.int/node/465420 ] by the UN read at the time. 

"There needs to be consistency and more access for bigger organizations to go in and provide better technical support for the people on the ground. 

"Something as simple as diarrhoea could kill someone as the dehydration leads to the immune system breaking down which could lead to respiratory problems and pneumonia - and eventually death," the health worker warned. 

On 9 June 2011, the 17-year-old ceasefire that had been in place between the government and the KIA broke down, in part because the KIA rejected orders to transform into a single border guard force [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91221 ] under Burmese military control. Others still cite the military's desire to widen its control over areas with Chinese energy projects [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93891 ]. 

ss/ds/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94760</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310745080753t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KACHIN STATE 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar&apos;s northern Kachin State have expressed concern over the health of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) along the border with China.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Fighting in north leads to fresh displacements</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.

“My husband coughs and coughs until he vomits blood… We have no medicine to give him,” Taqwa told IRIN. “It was the hardest trip in my life… We had neither food nor water nor even a blanket to protect ourselves from the cold.”

The elderly couple are among hundreds of families displaced by last week’s clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94724 ] between Houthi-led Shia fighters and Sunni Salafi members in Kisher.

Helene Kadi, an emergency coordinator with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told IRIN 580 families had been displaced by the fighting. “Over 30 percent of the IDPs [internally displaced persons] have taken shelter in five schools, a worrying trend we have seen with recent displacements in the country… Others have been hosted with families or have no shelter.”

According to Ali Meshaal, a social worker in Kisher, around 230 displaced families - mostly the elderly, women and children - fled to Hajjah Governorate’s Ahim District, while more than 250 families had made it to Khairan al-Muharaq. “The whereabouts of dozens of other displaced families is still unknown,” he told IRIN.

Hajjah Governorate is home to more than 100,000 IDPs displaced by fighting between government troops and Houthi rebels since June 2004, according to a December 2011 report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Kind hosts

People from the al-Khamisein area in Khairan al-Muharaq District warmly received several displaced families. “They are sharing their food and water with hundreds of displaced persons who reached their villages. They also freed up schools in the area so they could be used as shelters for the displaced,” he said.

Meshaal appealed to the government and aid organizations to intervene: “The condition of the IDPs is getting much worse due to lack of food and appropriate shelter,” he said.

Ali al-Dubai with local NGO al-Khair Social Charitable Society (ASCS) said more than 2,000 IDPs had been identified and registered for assistance in Hajjah Governorate.

UNICEF, according to Kadi, has distributed 316 hygiene kits and made efforts to raise awareness about hygiene issues among IDPs and the host community. The construction of 12 latrines has been completed and water trucking to IDPs is taking place in the al-Khamisein area. Seven more 1,000 litre tankers are to be deployed and eight emergency latrines will be constructed, and more hygiene kits distributed. Water, sanitation and hygiene assistance is being delivered by UNICEF's partner ASCS, Kadi told IRIN.

Stranded

However, several families are stranded “either on their way to safer areas or inside their homes after many villages in Kisher District became inaccessible and roads unsafe,” said Sheikh Abdullah Dhahban, a member of a recently established tribal mediation committee which is trying to persuade the warring parties to lay down their arms.

“Several dead bodies are still lying in the mountains… None of their relatives have come to collect them for burial,” Dhahban told IRIN.

Local witnesses who preferred anonymity told IRIN on 28 January that Houthi fighters were attempting to tighten their control of a strategic mountain-top position called Abu Dowar, and fighting was also continuing for control of Mishabah hill, which overlooks Suq Ahim (a local market) in Kisher District.

“If Houthis take over this hill it will be easier for them to control the entire district,” one of the witnesses told IRIN.

Waning central government influence due to political turmoil since early last year, has allowed the Houthis to tighten their control of Sa’dah Governorate and push into eastern parts of neighbouring Hajjah Governorate.

“The whole governorate [Sa’dah] is controlled by Houthis. We only have to deal with one party,” said Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of operations for the Near and Middle East at the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The fresh displacements are taking place as Yemen prepares for presidential elections scheduled for 21 February.

ay/cb]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Refugee children miss out on school</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311400500759t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.

“They told us [the schools] asked them to produce ID documents and permits which they don’t have," she said. "We also found the parents weren't working and couldn't afford to pay school fees, even for public schools."

In early 2011, Manjoro and several other unemployed teachers from Zimbabwe and elsewhere, decided to start a project that would go some way towards meeting the need of local refugee and migrant children for affordable schooling with no bureaucratic strings attached. Word quickly spread and today iTemba Study Centre accommodates about 140 children in five cramped classrooms on the first floor of an office building in Berea. In the mornings the centre is open to pre-primary pupils and in the afternoons, seven volunteer teachers teach grades 1-8 using donated textbooks. 

"It's a good school, but we don't have enough supplies," said Duduzile Zulu, 15, from Zimbabwe, who started coming to the centre about a year ago after her mother's income as a waitress failed to cover the cost of her attending a nearby private school. To progress to Grade 9 she will need to transfer to another school, "but I don't have a birth certificate and my Mum can't get time off work to go to [the Department of] Home Affairs," she told IRIN, adding that she knew of other migrant children who did not attend school at all.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) released a report on refugee education in November 2011 [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ebd3dd39.html ] highlighting the limited access refugee children have to education, particularly at secondary levels and for those living in urban areas. 

Barriers

While the quality of education available in refugee camps varies, the difficulties of accessing education in urban settings are generally greater. In addition to legal and policy barriers and the often prohibitive costs of sending a child to a local school, the UNHCR report noted that: "refugee children often have less support than in a camp-based school in adjusting to a new curriculum, learning a new language, accessing psychosocial support, and addressing discrimination, harassment, and bullying from teachers and peers. They may also encounter a lack of familiarity by local school authorities for the processes of admitting refugee children and recognizing prior learning."

A year-long, yet-to-be published study by the Centre for Education Rights and Transformation at the University of Johannesburg into the rights of refugees, asylum-seekers and migrants to education in South Africa found that schools often demanded documents to enrol a child which are not legally required. 

"Often the students don’t have, according to the schools, the right papers," said Ivor Baatjes, one of the study researchers, adding that school principals and staff at public schools were often ignorant of South Africa's actual policy which grants every child the right to access education. "Even for children of undocumented migrants, children have the right to be in school and nothing should be a barrier," he told IRIN.

Demands that parents pay fees at government schools which have been designated as no-fee schools, create a further barrier, said Baatjes, especially for refugees who are often unaware of the law or of their rights. The study also found that those children who are admitted sometimes have to contend with xenophobic attitudes from both teachers and other pupils.

"They treat people equally here," commented Antonia Tshili, a 16-year-old from Zimbabwe, who left a government school last year after the fees became too much for her mother, and started attending iTemba. "At the other school there is this thing that Zimbabweans should go back to their country; they bullied me."  

UNHCR changes tack

Historically, UNHCR provided scholarships for refugee children to study in government or private schools in urban areas, but with nearly half of refugees now living in urban areas and only 4 percent of UNHCR's total budget in 2010 dedicated to education, this approach is no longer viable and the agency now prioritizes working with governments to advocate the integration of refugees into national school systems. 

In South Africa, UNHCR channels funding through local NGOs which educate refugees about their rights and school principals about their obligation to admit refugee children. Additional funding goes to helping refugee children with school books, uniforms and transport while a new approach, being piloted in Durban, is experimenting with donating lump sum contributions to inner-city government schools on the understanding that they will not turn away any refugee child seeking admission.  

"When you look at most of these schools, they host a number of under-privileged children, not only refugees, and the subsidy from government is not great," said Mmone Moletsane, UNHCR community services officer in South Africa. "While no child should be refused education because there’s no money, schools have to survive."

Despite such efforts by UNHCR and the NGO community, Baatjes said that centres like iTemba and a similar project based at Sacred Heart College in the nearby neighbourhood of Observatory, provided "a much needed space and service" to local migrant and refugee communities.

The donor-funded Three2Six Project at Sacred Heart College, now in its fifth year, uses classrooms vacated by the school's regular pupils during the afternoons, to teach refugee children up to Grade 6 level. The project also employs teachers who are refugees themselves and able to overcome language and cultural barriers.  

"While the parents are busy organizing their lives and trying to get papers from Home Affairs, the children come here," explained project coordinator Esther Oliver Munonoka. "The aim is not to keep the children here, but prepare them for proper school. By the time they leave, they can understand English and integrate into any school."

In reality, however, many of the students stay for as long as they can. Nzanga Kapena, 11, from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), who has been coming to the Three2Six Project since 2008, said her mother could not afford "regular schools" and that she does not know what will happen next year when she finishes grade six and will have to leave. "My sisters and brother, when they left here, they just stayed at home," she said.  

Future uncertain

The future of iTemba and the Three2Six Project are also uncertain. Neither are recognized by the Department of Education or receive any public funding. The Three2Six Project receives enough donations from faith-based organizations in Europe that its 150 students can attend for free and are given uniforms, stationery and books, but is still not fully-funded for 2012 and will likely have to cut its Grade 6 class next year despite what Munonoka describes as an ever increasing need for its services.

iTemba charges those parents who can afford it R200 (US$26) a month to cover rental of the building and to pay teachers a small stipend, but according to Manjoro, "a number are failing to afford it."

"My aunt doesn't pay anything for me to come here," said Sarah Dube*, a 16-year-old from Zimbabwe, whose mother sent her and her sister to South Africa "to get a better education".

"I'd like to go to a proper school, but I don't trust myself that I can make it," she added. "I think I'm behind."

*Not her real name

ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94766</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311400500759t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: UN calls for access to the needy</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia's Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country's food security. 

"Over the past couple of months, ICRC distributed food to over one million Somalis in crisis; leaving so many vulnerable Somalis without food will endanger their lives and could also result in pushing a large number of people back into famine, reversing any gains made," Mark Bowden, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, said. 

"We appeal to all factions in Somalia to allow humanitarian actors to reach people most in need, wherever they are."  The ICRC was one of the last aid agencies operating in areas under Al-Shabab’s control. 

In a statement [ http://somalimidnimo.com/salafi/2012/01/al-katai%e2%80%99b-media-presents-new-statement-from-%e1%b8%a5arakat-al-shabab-al-mujahidin-%e2%80%9cclosure-of-the-international-committee-of-the-red-cross-icrc%e2%80%9d/ ] on 30 January, the group accused ICRC of "repeated distribution of expired food and false accusations". 

Al-Shabab said its Office for Supervising the Affairs of Foreign Agencies (OSAFA) "has decided to terminate the contract of ICRC permanently". 

A local journalist, who requested anonymity, said Al-Shabab was angered by the decision of ICRC to suspend its humanitarian activities on 12 January in Al-Shabab-controlled areas after its aid deliveries were blocked.  

In November 2011, Al-Shabab banned 16 aid organizations, including several UN agencies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".   

Somalia is still in the throes of a major food crisis, classified as famine in some regions. A civil society source in Mogadishu said the latest move "will be a setback for the recovery from the drought and famine. The timing is bad for those who are in need and those who were receiving seeds to plant."

An aid worker, who declined to be named, told IRIN a new approach was needed to deal with Al-Shabab.  

The aid worker said Al-Shabab was under a great deal of pressure from Kenyan and Ethiopian troops. Both countries’ forces have entered Somalia and captured Al-Shabab-controlled areas. 

"They [Al-Shabab] are seeing everything as an attempt to destroy or harm them." The aid worker said force alone would not work. 

"Maybe it is time to open channels of communication, preferably by the international community. Surely, if they [international community] can talk to the Taliban, they can talk to Al-Shabab to save lives." 

ah/js/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94768</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Separated children yet to return home</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301355140418t.jpg" />]]>MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Most are living with strangers who offered to take in the children. “I have difficulty supporting them but God is great,” said Brigitte Lahou, a subsistence farmer.
 
In March 2011, she took three separated children into her home outside Danané in western Côte d’Ivoire. One of the children - Doriane aged six - now has contact with her father and will be moving back home soon. However, the others - Davila, eight, and Junior, seven - have still not seen their parents since leaving home. 

“[Davila] lost her family along the road and can’t explain where she came from. She was crying when she arrived,” Lahou said from under a tree in front of her dilapidated wooden home.

UNICEF and its partners documented 686 children who were separated or unaccompanied in Côte d’Ivoire as a result of the 2011 conflict, in which one million people were displaced. One hundred and thirty-seven have been reunified and 60 have returned on their own, their records show.

A UN Weekly Situation Report for 9-18 January, compiled by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, also shows that by mid-January, some 1,600 unaccompanied and separated children were still living in refugee camps in Liberia’s Nimba and Grand Gedeh [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93419 ] counties. Some 128,000 refugees remain in Liberia [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93417 ].

Barriers to reunification

The reunification of children requires people on the ground to do the tracing, to do the reunification, and others who can go to the most isolated rural zones. “We still have reports of families living in the forested area along the Liberian border. This is all posing a challenge for reunification,” said Christina de Bruin, deputy head of UNICEF Côte d’Ivoire.

UNICEF and partners Save the Children, International Rescue Committee and Caritas Côte d’Ivoire also had limited access to the region for months following the capture of former President Laurent Gbagbo in April 2011. 

“The continuous volatile security situation hampered access and hampered the research,” de Bruin said. 

In addition, the area where children were separated is vast and many of the villages are isolated. Finding the families of very young children poses special challenges. “There are cases where we don’t have any information about the families,” said Irene Capet, an emergency response coordinator with Caritas Côte d’Ivoire.

At Sainte Philomene Orphanage in the western city of Man, Capet stands over a group of children who are too young to explain where their villages are, their parents’ names, or even their own.

“We don’t know her real name, but we call her Juliana,” said Capet, pointing to a toddler sitting alone on a plastic mat playing with a spoon, her head bandaged from a fall at the orphanage.

In April, “Juliana” was found following a group of people fleeing killings in Bloléquin, an Ivoirian town about 40km east of the Liberian border. No one in the group knew from where she had come. When she arrived at the orphanage, she showed signs of acute trauma. Capet said the girl did not talk for three months and had lost most of her hair. Efforts to locate the child’s family members - by posting her photos in camps for the displaced and disseminating messages through other NGOs - have failed. 

“We have no idea where her parents are,” Capet said.

Best interests of the child

In some cases, organizations charged with reunification establish contact between a child and his or her parents, but contact does not result in automatic reunification. 

“A key principle for UNICEF is the best interest of the child so we will not force reunification if it is not in the best interest of the child,” de Bruin said.

Determining what is best for each child requires specialists. Red Cross volunteers, in close coordination with the International Committee of the Red Cross, [ http://www.icrc.org/fre/where-we-work/africa/cote-d-ivoire/index.jsp ] have been very involved in reunification.

"When we manage to trace the parents, we ask them if they want us to repatriate their children; then we ask the children if they agree to return to their parents," Albert Jamah, charged with restoring family links for the ICRC in Liberia, said in a January statement. "Every family must meet the best interests of the child."

With the displaced returning to their villages and continued improvements in security, it may be easier to reunify children now. “The program will be scaled up and accelerated in coming months,” says de Bruin.

lb/oss/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94757</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301355140418t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAN 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of children in Côte d’Ivoire were separated from their parents when people fled their villages during post-election violence in 2011, but nine months after the conflict formally ended only a quarter of those children have been reunified with their families, says the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Time running out for displaced farmers</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110050932140974t.jpg" />]]>MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.</description><body><![CDATA[MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.
 
The drought destroyed the crops Boy had planted, killed his livestock which no longer had animal feed, and left his family without seeds for next season.
 
“We lost everything,” he told IRIN.
 
Now he, his two wives and 11 children live on the outskirts of Mazar-i-Sharif, some 85km away, in rented homes without water or electricity.
 
In this community, families displaced by the drought live four or five to a home, with only a tarpaulin covering the mud floor, and sheets covering the holes meant for windows. Young children walk around barefoot in sub-zero temperatures and do not go to school.
 
In each family one man tries to find casual work in the city. If he is lucky, he earns 200 Afghanis a day (US$4) with which to feed his entire family. Newly arrived families received tarps and blankets from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as well as a three-month food ration, but some say they are still very much in need.
 
Their situation is unlikely to change for the better in the near future. Boy says he and his people are happy to return to Alburz in Chimtal District to cultivate, but do not have seeds to plant. Unless they get their hands on some in the next few weeks, they will lose next year’s harvest too.
 
“We will remain vulnerable,” Boy said, from inside one of the low-ceiling mud homes in the neighbourhood. “It is a cycle we cannot change… We are really confused and don’t know what to do.”
 
IOM says more than 6,000 families - 42,000 people - have been displaced across Afghanistan due to the 2011 drought. Those who stayed behind are in many cases more vulnerable, because they do not have the means to relocate and pay rent. But the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) says it is concerned some displaced farmers could end up in what the deputy head of the Afghanistan office, Joseph Inganji, calls a “vicious circle”.
 
Given that the planting season is almost over, if they do not receive seeds “right now”, they will have no crops to harvest come summer, leaving them without a livelihood to return home to, and in need of assistance. They could then form part of the increasingly protracted displacements across the country.
 
There are already more than 450,000 people displaced by conflict in Afghanistan, of whom 289,000 have been displaced for more than one year, according to the UN, putting a stress on government and aid agencies in a country already heavily dependent on international aid.
 
Seed distributions
 
The Ministry of Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock (MAIL), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and other aid agencies have distributed some 1,450 tons of seeds to people affected by the drought in Balkh Province, one of the most affected, according to government and FAO officials. FAO plans to distribute at least another 100 tons as soon as it can assure the quality of the fertilizer.
 
But none of those distributions have specifically targeted displaced people.
 
The government distributed improved wheat seeds (which produce higher yields than traditional seeds from the market), as well as rice and wheat with which to make flour, to 15,000 drought-affected farmers still living on their farms, Kateb Shams, head of the provincial agriculture department, told IRIN.
 
FAO distributed packages of seeds and fertilizer at a subsidized price, reaching 10,000 families, including those displaced people who met the criteria of owning land, according to Ahmad Zia Aria, head of the FAO office in Mazar-i-Sharif, covering the northern region. But even 2,000 Afghanis ($41) may be too much for some of the displaced who can barely afford their rent. FAO plans to reinvest the proceeds of the seeds into drought-affected communities.
 
Other agencies, like ActionAid, have focused on vulnerable families, including women-headed households in drought-hit areas.
 
Seeds are available for purchase from private companies, but FAO lacks the budget to buy more seeds and would not be able to procure and distribute them in time, Aria said.
 
Aid agencies warn that seed distribution at a time of desperation is tricky. To cope with their lack of income and food, farmers may sell their agricultural equipment or eat seeds instead of planting them. Seed distribution should thus be accompanied by food to carry them over until the harvest, and livestock to help rebuild livelihoods, OCHA said, as well as assistance to physically relocate.
 
ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94735</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110050932140974t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
es/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Asylum-seekers in Australia suspend hunger strike</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.  

At least 34 of the participants had been on hunger strike for a week.  

"The ball is now in the government's court," Ian Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition (RAC) [ http://refugeeaction.org.au/ ] told IRIN from Sydney. "I hope this will be followed by action and not just words."  

The suspension follows a meeting between an official from Australia's Department of Immigration and Citizenship [ http://www.immi.gov.au/ ] and 12 elected hunger strikers from the group on 24 January, with an agreement for both sides to meet again a week later. 

More than 3,000 boat people - mostly Sri Lankans, Afghans and Iranians - are now in detention in eight high security immigration detention centres (IDCs) across the country, many for extended periods of time.  

According to the government's own statistics [ http://www.immi.gov.au/managing-australias-borders/detention/_pdf/immigration-detention-statistics-20111130.pdf ], 38 percent of asylum-seekers had been in detention for over a year.  

Policy shift  

On 25 November [ http://www.minister.immi.gov.au/media/cb/2011/cb180599.htm ], the government announced a shift in policy that boat arrivals who did not pose risks would be considered for placement in the community on bridging visas, following initial health, security and identity checks.  

Priority would be given to those who had spent the greatest amount of time in detention.  

Under the plan, asylum-seekers on bridging visas have the right to work and support themselves while their claims for asylum are processed, as well as have access to necessary health services.  

"This will be an ongoing, staged process to ensure an orderly transition to the community and that only suitable people are released," Chris Bowen, Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, said at the time of the announcement, noting he expected at least 100 asylum-seekers to be released per month.  

But two months on and only 107 bridging visas issued, detainees and activists have grown frustrated by the slow pace of the process.  

More than half the Afghan asylum-seekers, many of them ethnic Hazara, at the Pontville centre, joined the recent hunger strike which ultimately resulted in the hospitalization of at least three.  

"There is nothing like 100 visas a month being issued and tensions are growing in all the detention centres," Rintoul said, describing the government announcement as a "cruel hoax".  

Element of hope  

"The process may not be going as fast as we would like, but we acknowledge that it's a difficult process and one that needs to be done properly," Alex Pagliaro, a refugee campaign coordinator for Amnesty International, told IRIN, describing the government's plans to release more asylum-seekers into the community as "genuine".  

"They need to ensure that all necessary services are available to them when they are released," she said, adding: "Once the process speeds up, this will take the pressure off the detention centres, which are already overcrowded."  

"Issuing bridging visas for asylum-seekers who arrive by boat is an important first step towards ending the suffering of thousands of vulnerable people experiencing extended and needless detention," Paul Power, chief executive officer of the Refugee Council of Australia, added.  

"We encourage the Federal Government to continue releasing more people into the community while their claims for asylum are being assessed," he said, citing the importance of having a single system of processing, regardless of whether asylum-seekers arrive by boat or by plane.  

According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, there are more than 5,000 asylum-seekers in Australia today, including 3,464 in the IDC system on the mainland, 945 in immigration detention on Christmas Island off the southern coast of Indonesia, as well as 1,324 living in community detention.  

Under Australian immigration law enacted in 1992 [ http://www.comlaw.gov.au/Details/C2004A04315 ], any asylum-seeker arriving in the country without a visa by boat can be detained indefinitely, while those arriving by plane with a visa can be processed in the community.  

ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94715</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Little hope of swift return for Abyan IDPs</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg" />]]>ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</description><body><![CDATA[ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.
 
But on a visit there in January he found nothing left of his two-storey home and his watermelon farm - the family’s sole source of income - had become a wasteland.
 
“I never expected to see our home in this condition. It is almost completely destroyed and our furniture has been looted,” al-Hasani told IRIN. “Our watermelon farm is littered with spent cartridges and unexploded devices.” 
 
Al-Hasani is one of some 2,500 [ http://yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35102 ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) who went back to Abyan in mid-January to check on their property and belongings.
 
After the visit, the IDPs returned to Aden, where they have been sheltering since May 2011 following clashes between government troops and armed Islamic militants (mainly Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsular).
 
According to the government’s Executive Unit for IDP Camp Management, more than 144,000 people have been displaced in southern Yemen since May 2011. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/reliefweb_pdf/node-457544.pdf ]
 
Local sources told IRIN armed Islamic groups allowed the IDPs to enter Zinjibar city, the main militant stronghold, and other neighbouring areas. 
 
“We were received warmly by the militants - behaviour we have never seen before,” said Abdulkhaliq Abu Omar, a secondary school teacher in his thirties. “We fear they [militants] just want to seduce us to return and then use as human shields,” he told IRIN.
 
According to IDPs, armed militants and the army share control of Zinjibar city, and in some areas the two warring sides are only metres apart, making further clashes a distinct possibility.
 
Nadheer Kandah, a local journalist who accompanied the IDPs on their journey to Abyan, described Zinjibar as a ghost town, with all shops shut and no water or electricity. 
 
“A number of streets and neighbourhoods are no-go areas because of landmines,” he said. 
 
Compensation unlikely
 
“Our home is a wreck… Our grocery [the family’s sole source of income] has been burned down… How can we survive if we return?” asked Ali Saif, a 35-year-old IDP sheltering with his eight-member family in 22 May School in Aden.
 
“We will not return unless our homes are reconstructed and unless we receive compensation for our livelihood sources, which we lost, and unless security is restored… It is too early for us to think about homecoming.”
 
Edward Leposky, external relations officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN there has been no assessment of the dangers of mines and other unexploded devices in the Abyan area. The agency, he added, was monitoring developments and continuing to campaign for improvements on the ground to permit a safe return.
 
According to Ghassan Faraj, secretary-general of Zinjibar local council, the destruction of citizens’ homes and other property is huge. “No assessment has been conducted yet, but we can say that several hundred homes and farms have been damaged or destroyed, most notably in Zinjibar and Jaar cities,” he said. 
 
“The government hasn’t compensated Sa’dah IDPs displaced since 2004 [due to fighting between government forces and Houthi rebels]. This makes us pessimistic that it can do so in Abyan to prompt the return of IDPs," Faraj told IRIN.
 
Yemen is due to hold presidential elections on 21 February as part of a deal brokered by Gulf states to end a year of political turmoil that has left hundreds dead.
 
ay/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94716</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC-CONGO: Refugee returns to start in April</title><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201001191323480511t.jpg" />]]>BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years.</description><body><![CDATA[BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years. 

An agreement on the voluntary repatriation beginning in April was reached during a recent meeting between officials from the two countries and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), in Congo’s capital, Brazzaville. 

A statement released after the meeting explained that by April the level of the Ubangui river, which separates the two Congos, will be high enough to allow navigation by the large vessels needed for the operation. 

“For this return to be effective, we need everyone to make an effort,” said Germaine Bationo, UNHCR’s deputy representative in DRC. “We are thinking in particular of donors in both the humanitarian and development sectors. 

We invite them to join us and invest in [DRC’s] Equateur Province [where inter-communal clashes rooted in resource conflicts prompted a large-scale exodus in late 2009 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87961 ] so that the refugees’ return is sustainable,” she said. 

The voluntary repatriation had been scheduled to start in April 2011 but was postponed for logistical and security reasons. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92712 ] 

During the Brazzaville meeting, officials from DRC said peace and security had improved in Equateur, a prerequisite for return expressed by 80 percent of the refugees, according to UNHCR. 

Some 11,000 of those who had fled Equateur have already returned there from Congo and the Central African Republic, the agency said, adding that some 100,000 people displaced internally in DRC had also returned home. 

lmm/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94712</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201001191323480511t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BRAZZAVILLE 24 January 2012 (IRIN) - Up to 120,000 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will be helped to return home from the north of neighbouring Republic of Congo after more than two years.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Moving beyond violence in Jonglei</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba. 

At least 120,000 people have been affected by the violence, according to the UN’s latest assessment, which could easily rise. 

"The violence in Jonglei hasn’t stopped… our contingency plan for Jonglei could reach about 180,000 people," while half that number already need food aid, South Sudan’s UN Humanitarian Coordinator Lise Grande said on 20 January. 

Local officials have suggested "thousands" of people have been killed in the last few weeks, but this could not be independently confirmed and the UN said it was not possible to provide a count of casualties sustained over such a vast area in so short a time. 

In the hospital, Amon Lull Chop fans her four-year-old daughter Nyaduk, who was unable to keep up as the family fled an attack on the town of Duk Padiet in Duk County last week, which the government says killed more than 80 people. Another 70 or so died in similar attacks by members of the Murle community over the past two weeks. 

“She slept alone until I came back the following morning and I found the child, and her intestines were outside where they shot and stabbed her,” she says, pointing to a bandage stretching from Nyaduk’s navel up to her chest. 

These attacks came after about 8,000 Lou Nuer youths, reportedly joined by some of the country’s dominant Dinka group, marched in late 2011 on Pibor County, razing villages and killing and abducting woman and children. 

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) tracked the deadly column as it snaked its way towards Pibor town. But even with the support of 800 government soldiers, its 400 peacekeeping troops in Pibor town were greatly outnumbered so UNMISS could only advise civilians to flee into the bush or get behind protective lines in the town. 

Thousands of people like Lilkeng Gada took the advice and ran, but were hunted down in their hiding places. 

“We were going to hide from the Lou Nuer, and they came and found us,” she said. “We were just sitting down, and they came all of a sudden, and they shot us down. I fell on the floor and they left me, and one child ran, but two of my children and my husband were shot dead right there. 

“Now, I’m alone. I don’t know what to do now, how to bring up the children. We had cows and they were taken… I don’t know how we will survive.”
 
Targeting the vulnerable
 
Peter Nanou, on another hospital bed in Juba, with a cast on his leg from where he was shot, says he could not save his grandmother from the attack on his village near Pibor. 

“I was the one looking after her. When the Lou Nuer attacked I ran with my mother and my grandmother was left behind and shot dead,” he said. 

Aid agencies and the authorities have expressed shock at the number of women, children and elderly who have been killed or wounded in the attacks. 

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said half the patients it airlifted from an 11 January attack on Wek village, Uror County, were under the age of five. 

Most had gunshot wounds and had been beaten. According to the government, 57 people were killed and 53 wounded in Wek. 

South Sudan Red Cross volunteers are counselling about 150 unaccompanied minors in Pibor, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has tracked down parents of 109 children registered there. 

"I've seen at least 50 children that have been kidnapped by my people,” said a Lou Nuer aid worker who fled to the town of Akobo in early January. 

Conflict drivers 

In a country awash with small arms, decades of tit-for-tat livestock raids – some 80,000 cattle were taken over recent weeks - are often cited as the explanation for the clashes. But other conflict drivers are also in play. 

“The causes of the violence go beyond the retaliatory nature of cattle raiding in Jonglei state and touch upon broader issues of accountability, reconciliation, political inclusion, an absence of state authority, and development,” said Jennifer Christian, Sudan policy analyst for the Enough Project, in a 9 January statement. 

“The political and security-related isolation of the two communities has contributed to the rise of parallel authorities, and renders violence as one of the few mechanisms for addressing community grievances,” the statement added. 

According to the Sudan Council of Churches (SCC), social changes have also contributed to the violence. 

“There is a clear disconnect between the youth and both the traditional and political leaders. The tradition of youth respecting and listening to their elders has been lost. Without the youth's involvement, and their sense of ownership of the peace process, any attempt at peace will fail,” the council said in a 18 January statement. 

“Extremely young children are being ‘initiated’ into the hatred and killing, ensuring that it will continue into the next generation,” the statement warned. 

Stopping the cycle of violence 

On 19 January, UNMISS chief Hilde Johnson said that without a large government deployment to enforce a buffer zone, the UN’s 1,100 combat-ready troops in Jonglei  - half of all those deployed in South Sudan - would have to work “miracles” to stop the backlash of smaller attacks on remote villages. 

“The challenge with protection of civilians with the current [new kind of] counter-attacks means that the unpredictability of the attackers, the speed, the small groups they are moving in, makes it very, very difficult,” she said. 

Johnson also expressed alarm about the increasing use of messages threatening to “wipe out an entire ethnic group from the face of the earth,” warning they could further provoke “systematic ethnic violence”. 

Church-led mediation efforts were aborted without resolution in mid-December, when a scheduled peace conference was postponed indefinitely. 

“The church failed because it did not have government support,” said Joseph Giro Ading, visiting a Murle friend whose abdomen was torn to pieces when he was shot near his hometown Pibor.  

“If we keep on revenging, there will not be any solution to the problem; unless we come down [to Juba] and settle the problem in our area, Jonglei will be finished,” he said. 

On 19 January, the government announced it would disarm warring sides in Jonglei, using force if necessary. In the past, similar initiatives have met with limited, or temporary, success and were criticized by human rights groups for their excessive zeal. 

Earlier in January, a Nuer group – the White Army – warned that any new attempt to disarm it “"will lead to catastrophe". 

For the Enough Project, a broader strategy is necessary.  

“The delivery of basic services, provision of security, and establishment of rule of law by the government in Lou Nuer and Murle areas are critical toward ending inter-communal violence in the long term,” its statement urged. 

A view echoed by the SCC: “It is clear that under-development is a key driver of conflict in the area, and this is exacerbated by a perception that some communities are neglected. Development of the more isolated parts of Jonglei State must become a priority for government (eg roads), the business community (eg mobile phone networks) and the aid community.” 

Jonglei resident Ading drew a similar connection: “All those areas where there are attacks, there are no schools, there are no hospitals, there is nothing… they are just villages where cattle are kept,” he told IRIN.
 
“The government should open roads and schools to particular people who don’t even know their ABC. If they educate people who are illiterate, they will also know bad and good,” he said.
 
hm/am/mw

Also see: SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?” [ http://www.irinnews.org/hovreport.aspx?reportid=94704 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94706</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISPLACEMENT: Governments falling short on R2P, says new study</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.
 
“The key finding in this study is that the governments do not quite meet the benchmarks,” for adequate protection of IDPs, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of IDPs Chaloka Beyani told IRIN.
 
Yet, much more could be done, said Elizabeth Ferris, one of the authors of the study of 15 countries which account for 72 percent of the world’s 27.5 million people internally displaced by armed conflict, ethnic strife and other forms of violence.
 
“If you take IDPs seriously here are a lot of things you can do to make their lives better that won’t cost you a lot of money. It’s all about being determined and having political will,” she said on the sidelines of a meeting in Geneva where she presented the study entitled From Responsibility to Response: Assessing National Approaches to Internal Displacement. [ http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/reports/2011/11_responsibility_response_ferris/From%20Responsibility%20to%20Response%20Nov%202011doc.pdf ]
 
While the study does not rank the performance of the governments, Ferris said Colombia, Georgia, Kenya and Uganda clearly were heading in the right direction, while the Central African Republic, Myanmar and Yemen would get the worst marks. The other countries looked at in the study were: Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Turkey.
 
Nearly half the countries surveyed have adopted some preventive measures on paper, “but all 15 have fallen short of actually preventing displacement in practice,” the report says. “Moreover, many national authorities themselves have been the perpetrators of violence or human rights abuses that have led to displacements, and many states foster a culture of impunity for alleged perpetrators of human rights violations.”
 
Under international law, states bear the primary responsibility to protect persons within their borders and must provide special protection for IDPs because of their particularly vulnerable condition. The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] provide an advocacy and monitoring framework for the assistance and protection needs of IDPs.
 
The October 2009 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa (also known as the Kampala Convention) [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] aims, among other things, to “promote and strengthen regional and national measures to prevent or mitigate, prohibit and eliminate root causes of internal displacement as well as provide for durable solutions”.
 
“Ultimately only the state can provide lasting protection for IDPs,” the study says.
 
“The state’s exercise of its national responsibility for IDPs, therefore, must be the basis for an effective response to internal displacement. It is not a matter of navigating around the principle of national responsibility but of being guided by that principle and consciously gearing all efforts to achieve an effective response.”
 
While “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) is often discussed in terms of the role of the international community, the report says R2P emphasizes “first and foremost” the responsibility of governments to protect the populations within their borders.
 
“If national governments satisfy their responsibility to protect IDPs then R2P is being met at the national level. This study brings the linkage of R2P and IDPs to the fore,” said Beyani, who is also co-director of the Brookings-LSE project on internal displacement.
 
Lack of capacity, political will
 
“While there is broad consensus on the principle of national responsibility, governments may lack the capacity to address internal displacement, or the political will to respond effectively; and in many cases deliberately trigger internal displacement or at least condone the actions that cause it,” the study says.
 
“In Sudan, government forces, militia and rebel groups have committed egregious human rights violations, including against those already displaced, and have mounted attacks that have resulted in massive displacement.”
 
A government’s public acknowledgement of a displacement is a key first step in protecting and assisting IDPs, but is not always forthcoming, the report says, citing the case of Myanmar, where “the government does not acknowledge the existence of conflict-induced displacement”.
 
In Turkey, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal, the governments “have been reluctant at certain points to highlight the fact that their military operations had displaced large numbers of people or that they had been unable to prevent other armed actors from displacing large numbers of people.”
 
Collecting detailed data on displacements can play a key role in getting governments to act, said Kate Haiff, who heads the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre at the Norwegian Refugee Council. 
 
“In many situations, governments will not acknowledge displacement is taking place. With core data, with evidence you can open doors. It’s about getting evidence that we have displacement - these are the numbers and these are the issues people are faced with.”
 
Recommendations
 
The study recommends that governments make the issue of IDPs a political priority, designate an institutional focal point to provide assistance to IDPs, amend or adopt relevant legislation, devote sufficient funds, support the work of national human rights institutions engaging in IDP issues, ask for international assistance where necessary, and search for durable solutions with the participation of IDPs.
 
Of the 27.5 million IDPs uprooted by conflict and violence in more than 50 countries as of the end of 2010, 11.1 million were in Africa - including 4.5-5.2 million in Sudan, and 5.4 million in the Americas - mostly in Colombia. In South and Southeast Asia there were more than 3.5 million, in the Middle East, 3.9 million and in Europe and Central Asia 2.5 million. Millions more have been displaced by natural disasters of development projects.
 
pfm/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94690</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Timeline of Boko Haram attacks and related violence</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.

As the government struggles to cope, experts are urging leaders to seek a political solution to try to quell BH violence, backed up by sharper intelligence-gathering and professional military support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ] Below is a chronology of proven or suspected BH attacks - both recent and over the past few years.

18 Jan 2012: A key suspect in the 2011 Christmas Day bombing in Abuja, which killed more than 40 people, escapes police custody.

17 Jan 2012: Two soldiers and four BH gunmen are killed in an attack on a military checkpoint in Maiduguri, Borno State. Soldiers arrest six high-profile BH members in a raid on a sect hideout in the city.

13 Jan 2012: BH kills four and injures two others, including a policeman, in two separate attacks on pubs in Yola (Adawama State) and Gombe city in neighbouring Gombe State.

11 Jan 2012: Four Christians killed by BH gunmen in Potiskum, Yobe State, when gunmen open fire on their car as they stop for fuel. The victims had been fleeing Maiduguri to their home town in eastern Nigeria.

10 Jan 2012: A BH attack on a beer garden kills eight, including five policemen and a teenage girl, in Damaturu, capital of Yobe State.

9 Jan 2012: BH gunmen shoot dead a secret police operative along with his civilian friend as they leave a mosque in Biu, Borno State, 200km south of the state capital, Maiduguri. The president says BH has infiltrated the executive, parliamentary and judicial wings of government.

7 Jan 2012: Three Christian poker players are killed and seven others wounded by BH gunmen in the town of Biu.

6 Jan 2012: Eight worshippers are killed in a shooting attack on a church in Yola. BH gunmen shoot dead 17 Christian mourners in the town of Mubi in the northeastern state of Adamawa. The victims are friends and relations of one of five people killed in a BH attack on a hotel the previous day.

5 Jan 2012: Six worshippers are killed and 10 others wounded when BH gunmen attack a church in Gombe city.

3 Jan 2012: BH gunmen attack a police station in the town of Birniwa in Jigawa State killing a teenage girl and wounding a police officer.

1 Jan 2012: President Goodluck Jonathan imposes a state of emergency on 15 local government areas hardest-hit by BH attacks, in Borno, Yobe and Plateau states. He orders the closure of Nigerian borders in the north.

30 Dec 2011: Four Muslim worshippers are killed in a BH bomb and shooting attack targeting a military checkpoint in Maiduguri as worshippers leave a mosque after attending Friday prayers.

28 Dec 2011: A bombing and shooting attack by BH on a beer parlour in the town of Mubi, Adamawa State, wounds 15.

25 Dec 2011: A Christmas Day BH bomb attack on Saint Theresa Catholic Church in Madalla town near Abuja kills 42 worshippers. Three secret police (SSS) operatives and a BH bomber are killed in a suicide attack when the bomber rams his bomb-laden car into a military convoy at the gates of SSS headquarters in Damaturu. A policeman is killed in a botched BH bomb attack on a church in the Ray Field area of Jos, capital of Plateau State.

22 Dec 2011: BH bombs in parts of Maiduguri kill 20. Four policemen and a civilian are killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police building in Potiskum, Yobe State. Around 100 are killed following multiple bomb and shooting attacks by BH gunmen and ensuing gun battles with troops in the Pompomari outskirts of Damaturu.

19 Dec 2011: One suspected BH member dies and two others wounded in an accidental explosion while assembling a home-made bomb in a hideout in Damaturu.

17 Dec 2011: A shootout between sect members and policemen following a raid on the hideout of a BH sect leader in the Darmanawa area of Kano State kills seven, including three police officers. Police arrest 14 BH suspects and seize large amount of arms and bombs. Three BH members die in an accidental explosion while assembling home-made bombs in a hideout on the outskirts of Maiduguri.

13 Dec 2011: A bomb attack on a military checkpoint by BH and resulting shooting by soldiers in Maiduguri leaves 10 dead and 30 injured.

7 Dec 2011: An explosion linked to BH kills eight in the Oriyapata district of Kaduna city.

4 Dec 2011: A soldier, a policeman and a civilian are killed in bomb and gun attacks on police buildings and two banks in Azare, Bauchi State. BH open fire at a wedding in Maiduguri, killing the groom and a guest.

27 Nov 2011: A Borno State protocol officer in the office of the governor is shot dead by motorcycle-riding sect members while driving home.

26 Nov 2011: Three policemen and a civilian are wounded in BH bomb and shooting attacks in Geidam, Yobe State. Six churches, a police station, a beer parlour, a shopping complex, a high court, a local council building and 11 cars are burnt in the attacks.

9 Nov 2011: BH members bomb a police station and the office of Nigeria’s road safety agency in Maina village, Borno State. No one is hurt.

4 Nov 2011: The motorcade of Borno State governor Kashim Shettima comes under BH bomb attack in Maiduguri on its way from the airport to the governor’s residence as he returns from a trip to Abuja. Around 150 are killed in coordinated BH bombing and shooting attacks on police facilities in Damaturu and Potiskum in Yobe State. Two BH suicide-bombers blow themselves up outside the military Joint Task Force headquarters in Maiduguri in a botched suicide attack.

2 Nov 2011: A soldier on duty is shot dead by sect members outside Maiduguri’s main market.

November 2011: BH says it will not dialogue with the government until all of its members who have been arrested are released.

29 Oct 2011: BH gunmen shoot dead Muslim cleric Sheikh Ali Jana’a outside his home in the Bulabulin Ngarnam neighbourhood of Maiduguri. Jana’a is known to have provided information to security forces regarding the sect.

25 Oct 2011: A policeman is shot dead in his house in a targeted attack by BH gunmen in Damaturu.

23 Oct 2011: Sect members open fire on a market in the town of Katari in Kaduna State, killing two.

23 Oct 2011: BH members kill a policeman and a bank security guard in bombing and shooting attacks on a police station and two banks in Saminaka, Kaduna State.

3 October 2011: Three killed in BH attacks on Baga market in Maiduguri, Borno State. The victims included a tea-seller, a drug store owner and a passer-by.

1 October 2011: A butcher and his assistant are killed by BH gunmen at Baga market in Maiduguri in a targeted killing. In a separate incident, three people are killed in a shoot-out following BH bomb and shooting attacks on a military patrol vehicle delivering food to soldiers at a checkpoint in Maiduguri. All three victims are civilians.

17 September 2011: Babakura Fugu, brother-in-law to slain BH leader Mohammed Yusuf, is shot dead outside his house in Maiduguri two days after attending a peace meeting with Nigeria’s ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo in the city. BH denies any involvement in the incident.

13 September 2011: Four soldiers shot and wounded in an ambush by BH members in Maiduguri shortly after the arrest of 15 sect members in military raids on BH hideouts in the city.

12 September 2011: Seven men, including four policemen, are killed by BH gunmen in bomb and shooting attacks on a police station and a bank in Misau, Bauchi State. The attackers rob the bank.

4 September 2011: Muslim cleric Malam Dala shot dead by two BH members outside his home in the Zinnari area of Maiduguri.

1 September 2011: A shootout between BH gunmen and soldiers in Song, Adamawa State, kills one sect members while another is injured and captured.

26 August 2011: BH claims responsibility for a suicide bomb blast on the UN compound in Abuja, killing 23 people.

25 August 2011: Gun and bomb attacks by BH on two police stations and two banks in Gombi, Adamawa State, kill at least 16 people, including seven policemen.

3 August 2011: The government rejects negotiations with BH.

July 2011: Government says it will open a negotiation panel to initiate negotiations with BH.

27 June 2011: BH’s gun and bomb attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri leaves at least 25 dead and dozens injured.

20 June 2011: Seven people including five policemen killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police station and a bank in Kankara, Katsina State.

16 June 2011: BH targets national police headquarters in Abuja, killing two.

7 June 2011: Attacks on a church and two police posts in Maiduguri, blamed on the sect, leave at least 14 dead.

6 June 2011: Muslim cleric Ibrahim Birkuti, critical of BH, shot dead by two motorcycle-riding BH gunmen outside his house in Biu, 200km from Maiduguri.

29 May 2011: Three bombs rip through a beer garden in a military barracks in the northern city of Bauchi, killing 13 and wounding 33. BH claims responsibility.

27 May 2011: A group of around 70 suspected BH gunmen kill eight people including four policemen in simultaneous gun and bomb attacks on a police station, a police barracks and a bank in Damboa, Borno State, near the border with Chad.

29 December 2010: Suspected BH gunmen shoot dead eight people in Maiduguri, including the governorship candidate of the ruling All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Borno State.

24 and 27 December 2010: A series of attacks claimed by BH in the central city of Jos and Maiduguri kill at least 86.

7 September 2010: A group of BH gunmen free over 700 inmates including around 100 sect members from a prison in Bauchi. Four people including a soldier, one policeman and two residents were killed in the raid.

26 July 2009: BH launches a short-lived uprising in parts of the north, which is quelled by a military crackdown that leaves more than 800 dead - mostly sect members, including BH leader Mohammed Yusuf. A mosque in the capital of Borno State (Maiduguri) that served as a sect headquarters is burnt down.

11-12 June 2009: BH leader Mohammed Yusuf threatens reprisals in a video recording to the president following the killing of 17 BH members in a joint military and police operation in Borno State. This was after a disagreement over BH members’ alleged refusal to use crash helmets while in a funeral procession to bury members who had died in a car accident.

2005-2008: BH concentrated on recruiting new members and shoring up its resources. As evidence of their growing popularity, Borno State governor Ali Modu Sheriff appoints an influential BH member, Buju Foi, as his commissioner of religious affairs in 2007.

10 October 2004: Gunmen from a BH splinter group attack a convoy of 60 policemen in an ambush near the town of Kala-Balge on the border with Chad. The militants took 12 policemen hostage and police authorities presumed they were killed by the gunmen because all attempts to trace them failed.

23 September 2004: A BH splinter group launches a militia attack on police stations in the towns of Gwoza and Bama in Borno State, killing four policemen and two civilians. They took to the Mandara mountains along the Nigeria-Cameroon border. Soldiers and two gunships were deployed in the mountains and after two days of battle 27 sect members were killed while the rest slipped away. Five BH members who crossed into Cameroon were arrested by Cameroonian gendarmes who had been alerted by Nigerian authorities. The five were deported and handed over to Nigerian authorities.

7 January 2004: Seven members of BH killed and three others arrested by a team of local vigilantes outside the town of Damboa, Borno State, near border with Chad. Bags containing AK-47 rifles were recovered from sect members.

June 2004: Four members of BH were killed by prison guards in a foiled jail break in Yobe State capital Damaturu.

23-31 December 2003: A group of about 200 members of a BH splinter group launched attacks on police stations in the towns of Kanamma and Geidam in Yobe State from their enclave outside Kanamma on the Nigerian border with Niger. The militants killed several policemen and requisitioned police weapons and vehicles. Following the deployment of military troops to contain the insurrection, 18 militants were killed, and a number arrested.

2002: Mohammed Yusuf founded Boko Haram in 2002, establishing a mosque called Markaz as the headquarters of his movement, following his expulsion from two mosques in Maiduguri by Muslim clerics for propagating his radical views.

aa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94691</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Red tape ensnares asylum-seekers</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.

“We keep coming back here but they won’t help us without those papers,” said Abdul, a Somali national in one of the queues that had been forming in a patch of wasteland across the street from the Marabastad RRO in Pretoria since the early hours of a recent Wednesday morning. “They tell us to just go back to the border and get deported back to our country.”

“I heard it was easy to get asylum here and I was tired of conflict,” said Mohammed, another Somali who had arrived at Marabastad at 2am to join the queue. “I’ve been here three weeks and this is my fourth time here, I’m just trying my luck. They’re asking for the 14 days (section 23) paper, which I don’t have.”

The section 23 permit is normally issued to anyone entering the country who wants to apply for asylum. It gives them 14 days to report to an RRO and formally apply for refugee status, although following an amendment to South Africa’s immigration law, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] the section 23 permit will soon only be valid for five days.

Several observers IRIN spoke to at Marabastad said that since the beginning of December 2011, newly-arrived asylum-seekers had been coming to the office without section 23 permits and were turned away by home affairs officials before they even reached the entrance to the building. 

“They used to take about 100 newcomers a day, but now they turn everyone away, it doesn’t matter what nationality you are,” said Abdi Abdullahi, a Somali national who comes to Marabastad to assist his fellow Somalis with translation every Wednesday - the only day of the week when new applications from East Africans are accepted. “Newcomers have no access so fewer people are coming. Too many people just stay at home without legal permits.”

Refugee office closures

The new and unannounced policy of not issuing section 23 permits appears to have gone into effect just as refugee rights activists were celebrating two high court decisions which questioned the legality of the closure of RROs in Johannesburg and the east coast city of Port Elizabeth by the Department of Home Affairs. 

The Crown Mines RRO in Johannesburg closed in May 2011 following litigation by local businesses who complained about the influx of migrants to the area. Lawyers for Human Rights, on behalf of the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA), an umbrella organization for local refugee and migrant rights groups, challenged the Department’s decision not to open a new RRO in a city which attracts the largest number of refugees and asylum-seekers in the country. 

The court found that the decision had in fact been taken in line with a long-term government policy to eventually move all refugee reception services to the country’s borders, but that the lack of any public consultation on the matter had been unlawful.

Home Affairs’ attempts to close down another RRO in Port Elizabeth in November, also ostensibly due to complaints from local businesses, was again met with court action from local refugee rights groups. A December high court ruling required the department to continue providing services to holders of asylum-seeker and refugee permits pending a full hearing on the matter scheduled for February.

Move to the borders

In December, Amnesty International issued a statement [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/.../007/.../afr530072011en.pdf ] registering its alarm at the decision to move all asylum services to ports of entry, noting that “such a move is likely to have a profoundly detrimental effect on the ability of applicants seeking international protection to pursue their claims effectively.”

Following pressure from civil society groups, the Home Affairs Department held a meeting with several NGOs on 21 December in which Lindile Kgasi, chief director of refugee affairs, elaborated on the Department’s intention to move all refugee reception services to the borders as part of a three-year roadmap for “effective and efficient processing and management of asylum-seekers and refugees”.

The roadmap schedules the first of two refugee reception centres to be established at border posts by 2013, with the remaining centres opening in 2014. According to CoRMSA Acting Director Roshan Dadoo, who was present at the meeting, Kgasi said the centres would carry out some initial screening of asylum-seekers for health and security purposes before admitting them into the country, but was vague on the degree of refugee status determination that would take place at the centres and whether asylum-seekers would be detained at borders.

According to Dadoo, Kgasi emphasized that although there were no current plans to detain refugees and asylum-seekers in camps, as many other countries in the region do, she did not rule out this possibility in the future if the current system continued to allow large numbers of economic migrants posing as asylum-seekers to be issued with permits.

“There’s no clarity from them,” commented Dadoo. “They’ve shown us this plan, but they’re not clear at all about what this means in the interim, and now suddenly it seems they’re not giving section 23s.”

A method of exclusion?

The Department of Home Affairs was invited to comment on the non-issuance of section 23 permits, but up until the time of publishing had not responded. However, Dadoo said CoRMSA had received many reports of asylum-seekers without travel documents not being issued with section 23 permits at borders, and that, with the exception of Cape Town, all RRO offices were turning away people who could not produce the permits.

Tina Ghelli, a spokesperson with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in South Africa, said that according to the 1951 Refugee Convention, an individual is not required to produce identification documents in order to apply for asylum and that UNHCR had raised the issue with Home Affairs.

David Cote of Lawyers for Human Rights pointed out that in terms of South Africa’s Refugees Act, a section 23 permit was also not a requirement for applying for asylum. “It seems to be a method they’re using to exclude people without dealing with the inefficiencies within the Department [of Home Affairs] which are part of the problem,” he told IRIN.

Cote added that the issuing of section 23 permits would in any case become virtually redundant once asylum-seekers were given only five days to report to an RRO, a change likely to be implemented from the beginning of April. As each office assigns only one day of the week to a particular nationality group, most applicants would need to wait up to a week to apply, even once they had managed to get themselves to one of only four remaining RROs in the country.

Corruption

Another significant barrier exists in the form of endemic corruption at the RROs. At Marabastad, many of the asylum-seekers IRIN spoke to claimed it was almost impossible to get an asylum-seeker permit, otherwise known as a section 23, without paying bribes to officials and security guards.

“No one gets a permit without money,” said Halima, who was accompanying a recently arrived Somali woman suffering from malaria. “They give you a newspaper to put money in or they go to the bathroom and look for the money when they come back. Even me, I paid R2,000 (US$252) for a two-year permit.”

Halima’s friend had already been turned away from one hospital because of her lack of a permit, but a home affairs official saw her lying on the ground with little interest, claiming that he could not help her without the section 23 paper. 

“These people are trying to fulfil their obligations according to the law, but the Immigration Act doesn’t provide them with alternatives to seeking asylum,” said Cote.

ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94692</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: People consider fleeing as violence increases</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.
 
The wave of attacks, carried out mainly by Sunni extremists from Al-Qaeda in Iraq against Shia communities, has alarmed many who fear the country could descend into chaos once more, with the government itself acknowledging it is not capable of ensuring security on its own.
 
The attacks also come as political factions are at loggerheads over how to reach a power-sharing deal. The Sunni community is complaining that it is being marginalized by the Shia-led government, which recently issued arrest warrants against Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi and other politicians for allegedly operating death squads. 
 
Many fear the current violence could send the country back to the days of 2006-07 when Shia-Sunni conflict left thousands of people dead and millions of others displaced. A few families have already packed their bags and others are contemplating leaving.
 
Here is how some Iraqis are feeling: 
 
Sultan Abdul-Latif Ibrahim, a 55-year-old father of six from the Shia Shabak minority in the northern province of Ninevah: “I lost 10 of my relatives since [the US-led invasion in] 2003... We used to live in the provincial capital, Mosul, for years with Sunnis and Christians. But in 2007 we were forced out of our houses by Sunni extremists who blew up our homes. Since then, we have been living in a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Mosul. Last Monday [16 January] our camp was attacked by a parked car bomb, killing eight people, including six of my relatives. I wish to die now rather than later. We can’t bear the hardships we are going through every day. We, the Shia, are facing constant threats by Sunni extremists who want to eliminate us and there is no place to go. I can’t afford to move with my family to another place.”
 
Hassan Abdul-Mahdi, a 35-year-old Sunni businessman and father of three from Baghdad: “Iraq today is just like Iraq after the toppling of the previous regime. There is one group that wants to dominate and impose its control on the country. Today, the Shia-led government and politicians who control the security forces have started to hunt down Sunni leaders and political figures to bite them one by one using different means... I’m contemplating leaving Iraq as the situation seems to be getting worse.”
 
Jandak Youssif, a 46-year-old Christian from Baghdad: “The situation is getting worse day by day, and the government doesn’t care about our suffering and needs. Our economy is stagnant; illiteracy and unemployment are prevalent; decent public services are not available; and people are leaving the country due to the security situation and religious discrimination. Christians are being attacked and no-one is campaigning for their rights. We are not seeing any improvement in any aspect of our life… My family is scattered in many parts of the world; my parents and brother are stuck in Syria waiting to be relocated to a third country. I have three sisters in Denmark, one in the Netherlands and two in Ninevah Province. Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world but we are the worst in terms of corruption, unemployment and illiteracy.”
 
Examples of recent violence
 
16 January: Two car bombs targeted a camp for displaced Shabak in the northern province of Ninevah and a commercial area in the central province of Babil, killing 11 and wounding 21. 
 
14 January: A bomb attack against Shia pilgrims in the southern province of Basra killed 53 and injured 130. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attack.
 
10 January: A wave of bombs and assassinations nationwide killed 10 people. The targets were government officials, security forces and Shia pilgrims. 
 
9 January: Three car bombs exploded in Baghdad, killing 17 and wounding dozens.
 
5 January: A wave of bombings targeted Shia Muslims in Baghdad and other provinces heading on foot to the revered city of Karbala to mark the anniversary of the death of Imam Hussein. Seventy-eight people were killed and more than 100 wounded.
 
22 December: A string of coordinated bombs tore through mainly Shia neighbourhoods in Baghdad, killing 69 and injuring nearly 200. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks.
 
18 December: The USA pulled the last of its combat forces out of Iraq, leaving only 200 for training and diplomatic protection.
 
sm/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94677</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Loss of relief aid could threaten fragile peace</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg" />]]>GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</description><body><![CDATA[GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.

“I don’t want the world to move on and say everything in Côte d’Ivoire is fine,” Catherine Bragg, assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and deputy emergency relief coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), said on 17 January in Duékoué, 400km northwest of Abidjan.

She was on a three-day tour of the county, which included a visit the Nahibly camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Duékoué which hosts 4,557 people.

“There are still people displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93971 ] without water, electricity, and dependent on food assistance,” she added.

Thousands of returnees who missed the planting season are also dependent on food aid for survival, and their prospects for planting this year are poor. Most were unable to return to their fields because their land was taken over after they were displaced.

Bragg launched a consolidated appeal in Abidjan for Côte d’Ivoire on 16 January. UN agencies are seeking more than US$173 million to cover the needs of over three million people from now until the end of December 2012.

“If they don’t receive humanitarian help, tensions could escalate again,” Max Hadorn, head of OCHA operations in Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.

To kick-start what OCHA describes as a “vital humanitarian response”, it said the Central Emergency Relief Fund had just allocated $8 million for life-saving projects in the country.

Farmers typically begin preparing the fields in February and planting in March. “If they don’t plant, they will be dependent on humanitarian aid for the rest of the year,” he added.

Shelter shortages

“We’re here because we don’t have a home to return to,” said Juliette Tehe, who has been displaced at Nahibly IDP camp since last spring. She comes from Niambly, a village 6km east of Duékoué.

Niambly was set on fire in March 2011 during fighting between government and anti-government forces. At least 1,000 homes were partially or completely destroyed in the village, which is still scattered with residents’ charred belongings.

Neil Brighton of the UN Refugee Agency, which is leading on shelter for the displaced, said in the country’s western region at least 18,000 homes had been destroyed, and there was only enough funding to rebuild 4,000, of which 400 had so far been completed.

“The needs are huge and, at the moment, only three or four agencies are actually building,” he said.

Tehe, who remains displaced, said even with shelter, there were Dozos (fearsome looking traditional hunters) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93378 ] in the village, which may prevent her family from returning. “There are people with guns around. All the fields are blocked,” she said.

“It’s our fields we’re worried about”

In the village of Zeaglo in Moyen-Cavally, northwest of Guiglo, a group of women said that since returning to their village, members of their ethnic group had been threatened by Dozos [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93384 ] when they attempted to enter their farms. One of the village residents, Marceline Dodien, used to farm cassava, cocoa and bananas, but is now idle because her fields were seized during the three months of her displacement during which she lived in the forest.

The women are part of the Guéré ethnic group which overwhelmingly supported ousted President Laurent Gbagbo in 2011. Tensions over land rights with other ethnic groups predate the 2011 crisis. However, politically, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91566 ] Alice Tiemoko, a farmer, said, there was improvement.

“We are unified now. We think well of the [current] president. It’s our fields we’re concerned about,” she said.

Reconciliation obstacles

While many Ivoirians express willingness to reconcile, the women said the groundwork for reconciliation was still missing in Zeaglo.

“If we had our basic needs met - maybe, but our hearts are still filled with anger. We want to get back what was taken from us,” Irene Gueï said.

The women blamed “foreigners” for taking their land, but many of the so-called “foreigners” came to the region decades or generations ago, and also claim rights to the land. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87892 ]

Tiemoko told IRIN the different ethnic groups living in Zeaglo got along in the village. “We laugh together in the village. We get along here, but outside we don’t,” she said.

Bragg applauded the return of over a half a million people in the last nine months, which she said was a testimony to increasing security; the resolution of the crisis; international support; and a tribute to the hard work of the international community. But, she added: “There are still substantial needs that require substantial resources to deal with persisting problems.”

She appealed to donors for continued funding throughout 2012, adding that help for the most vulnerable persons remained “an absolute priority”, especially in the country’s western and southwestern regions.

“Considerable needs remain in several areas such as protection of civilians, restoration of means of livelihood, shelter, access to basic services and voluntary return and reintegration of displaced persons and refugees,” she said on 18 January at the end of her visit. “A premature exit of humanitarian actors could aggravate the situation.”

lb/oss/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94684</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GLOBAL: Fighting for the rights of child soldiers</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.

All sides to the Somali conflict have reportedly been recruiting children. An official working with an NGO that monitors the state of children in the country told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92249   ] that although the exact number of child soldiers was unknown, his group suspected between 2,000 and 3,000 children were in different armed groups.

Up to 300,000 children are still involved in more than 30 conflicts worldwide, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) [ http://www.unicef.org/emerg/files/childsoldiers.pdf  ].

In April 2011, the UN listed dozens of groups that continued to recruit or use children in its annual report on children and armed conflict [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/S2011250.pdf ] . This bid to “name and shame” countries into cooperating with the law has only a limited effect, however. While fewer children are being used as child soldiers today, it is thanks to conflicts having ended, not the practice of recruiting and using children.

“Despite some examples of progress, the bigger picture remains essentially unaltered: the recruitment and use of boys and girls by armed groups remains widespread,” according to the latest report by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers in 2008 [ http://www.childsoldiersglobalreport.org/ ].

Gender is no protection, as girls are recruited into armed groups or abducted for forced labour or sex. Age also proved no barrier; in Columbia, the FARC militia announced it would recruit all children over the age of eight, reported the UN Secretary-General in April 2011: “In one characteristic use of children, a child was used by FARC-EP to carry out an attack against a police station using explosives. The explosives were attached to the child and activated as he approached the police station, killing him instantly.” [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/colombia.html ]

Defenceless

“Many children have few alternatives to, or defences against, joining armed groups,” states the 2008 Coalition report. It cited poverty, discrimination and social exclusion, lack of access to education, and limited job prospects as some of the factors pushing minors to join armed groups.

Not all children associated with armed forces are used as fighters. Minors have been seen manning checkpoints, acting as scouts and guides in battles, running errands, cooking and cleaning for forces during the Côte d’Ivoire election conflict, [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93323  according to government social workers, UN agency and NGO staff, as well as direct testimonies from children. Social workers in Duékoué, in the west, told NGO Save the Children they saw children involved whom they estimated to be as young as 11  [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ]

Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, at 15, and tasked with quizzing local villagers about the movements of militia forces because of his knowledge of Kinyarwanda, an official language of Rwanda. He cannot remember how many skirmishes and battles he was involved in during his six years with them, but in July 2011 he managed to slip away and was brought to the demobilization camp in the eastern DRC city of Goma, in search of “a normal life”.  [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93737   ]

Suicide bombers

Children have also been made to carry explosives between Afghanistan and Pakistan, conduct military operations in the DRC, Philippines, Myanmar and Somalia, carry out arson attacks and collect kidnap ransoms in Haiti; they were used as suicide bombers in Iraq, according to the Secretary-General’s 2010 report, as well as Pakistan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=76701 ] and Afghanistan.

According to a Foreign Policy Association blog [  http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2008/02/13/the-continued-rise-of-the-child-suicide-bomber/ ]: “The use of child suicide bombers appears to be increasing, and while many children are educated and reared into this deadly fate, many are thankfully saved or removed before their actions have deadly consequences. Many have seen the images of infants and toddlers dressed in mock suicide bomber outfits in Palestine, and while they may not commit such acts when they grow up, their fate is one undoubtedly leaning towards violence.”

Laws not applied

There are various instruments outlawing the recruitment and use of children for combat in human rights law, humanitarian law, labour law and criminal law - but a chasm exists between these standards and their application. The Coalition report cites ineffective government and a lack of enforcement mechanisms as reasons why armed groups continued to operate with relative impunity.

Although child soldiers are used all over the world, the largest numbers are in Africa, despite the 1999 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the only regional treaty in the world that prohibits the use of child soldiers.


Most observers agree that the practice continues because children make for cheap and obedient fighters, easily frightened or brainwashed into compliance. The accessibility of light weaponry has also fed into the problem, making it possible for very young children to bear and use arms.

“Any country that has an active armed conflict can expect that troop-hungry commanders will use children to fill their ranks,” said professor, author and psychologist Michael Wessells in a United States Department of State webchat in June 2008 [   http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2008/June/20080613165714xjsnommis0.5646936.html  ]


But all agree that the most obvious reason armed forces take on children is because they can. Despite the regulations outlawing the practice, most of those who violate the conventions and international agreements are not prosecuted.

Children who have been displaced or separated from their parents, have limited access to education, or who have suffered an injustice or emotional abuse, are more vulnerable to recruitment, according to UNICEF.

Among other things, protection involves addressing these vulnerabilities, and identifying non-violent ways for them to contribute to their families and communities. Resources and capacity are particularly needed to extend education and vocational training, as well as to revive agriculture and provide other economic opportunities, according to the UN.

Demobilizing, reintegrating and rehabilitating children who have already participated in armed conflict is as difficult as protecting them. “Children who transition successfully into civilian life are less likely to continue the life of the gun, with its inherent dangers. However, instability in the post-conflict environment can put children at grave risk of re-recruitment and thwart their reintegration,” Wessells wrote in his 2006 book, Child Soldiers: from violence to protection.

The effects on children

Child soldiers are subject to ill-treatment and sexual exploitation. They are often forced to commit terrible atrocities, and beaten or killed if they try to escape. They are subjected to brutal initiation and punishment rituals, hard labour, cruel training regimes and torture. Many are given drugs and alcohol to agitate them and make it easier to break down their psychological barriers to fighting or committing atrocities.

 

Some speak of having been forced to witness or commit atrocities, including rape and murder. Others speak of seeing friends and family killed. Susan, 16, captures the brutalization children suffered at the hands of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda in the following testimony [ http://articles.latimes.com/2006/feb/24/opinion/oe-brooks24  ] :

"One boy tried to escape but he was caught. His hands were tied and then they made us, the other new captives, kill him with a stick. I felt sick. I knew this boy from before; we were from the same village. I refused to do it and they told me they would shoot me. They pointed a gun at me, so I had to do it… I see him in my dreams and he is saying I killed him for nothing, and I am crying."

“Fighting groups have developed brutal and sophisticated techniques to separate and isolate children from their communities. Children are often terrorized into obedience, consistently made to fear for their lives and well-being,” wrote the UN’s Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. “Sometimes they are compelled to participate in the killing of other children or family members, because it is understood by these groups that there is ‘no way back home’ for children after they have committed such crimes.” [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/childsoldiers.html  ]

Many child soldiers report psycho-social disturbances - from nightmares and aggression that is difficult to control to strongly anti-social behaviour and substance abuse - both during their involvement in war and after their return to civilian life. Others, who held high ranks and were feared and respected by other children, find it difficult to go back to classrooms or family dwellings where they are expected to be subservient.

For that reason, according to UNICEF, successful demobilization and rehabilitation programmes not only involve taking the guns out of children's hands but finding ways to reunite and resettle the children with their families and communities, and provide for their psycho-social care and recovery.

 

In Burundi, for example, the lucky ones among the country’s 3,421 former child soldiers who went through a demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) process returned to school but most languish in poverty, with little to do, officials told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92371    ].

Cyprien Ndayishimiye, supervisor of former child soldiers in Bubanza province, said the situation for many former child soldiers was "dangerous" as even those who underwent vocational training during reintegration had yet to find gainful employment or set up income-generating activities.

"Many have even sold the materials they got from the DDR programme, such as sewing machines for those who learned sewing, and planes for those who hoped carpentry would help them," Ndayishimiye said.

 

Tougher for girls

Girls - especially orphans or unaccompanied girls - are especially vulnerable because they are often sexually exploited, raped or otherwise abused, subjected to human trafficking and prostitution, and forced to be “wives” by other combatants. This, in turn, can result in physical and psychological trauma, unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS) and social stigmatization.

 

“Girls are mostly used by armed opposition groups, paramilitaries and militias, but they are also used by government forces,” wrote Dyan Mazurana and Khristopher Carlson in a paper for the UN. “Worldwide estimates suggest girls may account for between 10 to 30 percent of children in fighting forces.” [  www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/elim-disc.../EP.12%20Mazurana.pdf  ]

 

Girls returning from war are often stigmatized and ostracized by their communities, especially if they return with children. 

 

“Girl soldiers are exploited in all the ways that boys are and carry the added burden of gender-based violence,” wrote Wessells.

Girls in particular continue to be excluded from official demobilization, disarmament, repatriation, resettlement and reintegration (DDRRR) programmes, despite their special post-conflict needs.

 

For example, some 3,000 girl soldiers in Liberia were officially demobilized while as many as 8,000 were excluded or did not register, according to the 2008 Coalition report. In the DRC, only about 15 percent of the girls believed to have been involved in the conflict were officially demobilized as the national programme drew to a close.

 

For the girls who do not go through the official programmes, there is no formal support at all.

Society pays a high price

Military recruitment is not only harmful to the children themselves but to societies as a whole. Children's lost years of schooling reduce societies' human and economic development potential. The educational system is further damaged when violent attacks are aimed at schools. The UN reported in 2010 that such attacks are becoming a “significant and a growing trend”. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38343&Cr=children&Cr1=armed+conflict ]


Tensions may also be high between children returning from combat and those who stayed behind, especially when social support and reintegration programmes are aimed at ex-combatants, seeming to reward participation in violence.

Though child soldiers have committed and continue to commit some terrible crimes in wartime, they are still entitled, as children, to special provision and protection.

Besides criminal proceedings, “other, more age- and culturally-appropriate options exist, including truth and reconciliation commissions, community-based rehabilitation and reintegration programmes and the traditional practice of cleansing rituals”, wrote Radhika Coomaraswamy, Special Representative to the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. [ www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf  ]

There is no international consensus on the minimum legal age for criminal responsibility, said Coomaraswamy. International Criminal Court (ICC) Article 26 prevents the court from prosecuting anyone under the age of 18, but not because it believes children should be exempt from prosecution for international crimes, “but rather that the decision on whether to prosecute should be left to states”, says Coomaraswamy’s office   [   Working Paper Number 3: Children and Justice During and in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict, September 2011  ]. “[The] exclusion of children from the ICC jurisdiction avoided an argument between States on the minimum age for international crimes,” it noted. [   http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93900  ]

There are substantial challenges in healing and reintegrating children  [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/ddrforchildren.html ]  into their communities when they have been instruments of brutality and atrocities, and whole societies must sometimes be involved in communal healing and acceptance of the returnees.

Somehow, the differing needs for justice and the reintegration in society of former child soldiers have to be accommodated.

Progress update

The past decade has seen a steady commitment to ending the use and abuse of children in conflict, and a strengthened framework to protect minors and bring perpetrators to justice.

By 2010, 129 countries had signed up to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf   ] while 143 had also ratified it.

The Protocol outlaws recruitment of children under 18 years of age, obliges states to ensure that members of their armed forces under age 18 do not take direct part in combat, raises the minimum age for voluntary enlistment into armed forces to 16 years and includes specific measures requiring proof of a wish to enlist.

In 2006, integrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration standards were created, and the Paris Principles and Guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups were created in 2007 to protect children from being recruited, and helping those who already were. A 2009 policy directive mainstreamed the protection, rights and well-being of children affected by armed conflict within peacekeeping operations.

Local approaches to justice and reconciliation are increasingly playing a role in transitional justice strategies, building upon traditional norms to strengthen the protection of children in communities.

In addition, the UN says more attention is being paid to understanding the root causes of child soldiering in an effort to provide more insight into children’s vulnerability and decision-making. There is, for example, increasing recognition of the role that notions of masculinity play in enticing or coercing children into armed groups.

The UN Security Council passed resolutions 1539 in 2004 [   http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions04.html ] ; 1612 in 2005 [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions05.htm  ]; and 1882 in 2009  [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions09.htm  ], which together created a working group and a monitoring and reporting mechanism to systematically monitor, document and report on the recruitment, abduction, killing or maiming of children, rape and sexual violence, attacks on schools and hospitals, and the denial of humanitarian access. It also led to systematic listing of parties that recruited or used child soldiers, in the Secretary-General’s annual report.

This public humiliation may be effective:  in the last two years, five armed groups have signed special Action Plans with the UN, the first step in being de-listed from the annual report.

“However, the gap between what governments say and what they do remains wide,” says the 2008 Coalition report.

The UN does not monitor and report on every country where children are being used in fighting or these grave violations occur. For example, Côte d’Ivoire is not on the official list of countries monitored by the UN Security Council task force for recruitment of children, yet, as cited earlier, social workers told Save the Children they saw children involved with armed groups who they estimated to be as young as 11 [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ].

Other parties pledge to change but do not, despite the “naming and shaming” of the annual report. “More must be done to systematize and activate the full range of options available to the international community to ensure more robust action against recalcitrant violators,” said the Office for the Special Representative for the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict. “There are, for instance, 16 such persistent violators who have been explicitly named and listed by the Secretary-General for five years or more and the lack of action against them undermines accountability initiatives.”

And of course, national governments are only part of the problem. The Optional Protocol outlaws the recruitment or participation of anyone under 18 in insurgency groups and rebel forces, but “a wide array of armed groups – with diverse aims, methods and constituencies – continue to use children as soldiers and they have proved resistant to pressure or persuasion to stop the practice”, says the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers.

“Despite progress, the overall picture is one of armed groups that have ignored international law and standards, that renege on commitments, are resistant to pressure and persuasion, or have so far proved to be beyond the reach of efforts to end the involvement of children in conflict and political violence,” said the Coalition’s 2008 report.

Higher political profile

The UN said [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/workingtoendimpunity.html ]  national and international tribunals were setting important precedents in the fight to end impunity for grave child rights violations, serving as a deterrent for commanders and warlords all over the world and creating leverage for their compliance with international norms.  

Of the 12 individuals publicly indicted by the International Criminal Court at The Hague, seven have been charged with war crimes against children such as using child soldiers. They include Lord’s Resistance Army leaders Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti (since deceased) and Okot Odhiambo. Also on trial or in the pre-trial stage are cases against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, a militia leader from the Democratic Republic of Congo, who is on trial for recruiting children under 15. The ICC also has open cases on DRC commanders Bosco Ntaganda, Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui for their crimes against children.

The Special Court for Sierra Leone is nearly finished trying a case in The Hague against Liberia’s Charles Taylor for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including conscripting or enlisting children into armed forces or groups and using them to participate actively in hostilities. The trial of a former president is a strong message to the world that even leaders of nations are not beyond the reach of international law when it comes to protecting the rights of children.

Calls for future action

Tackling impunity remains a key priority for the international community. “Concerted emphasis must be maintained on fighting the impunity of perpetrators,” said Coomaraswamy’s office. 

It is also strengthening the data collection and reporting on sexual violence, in the hope it will allow for better identification of perpetrators and better analysis of trends on sexual violence against children. The proliferation of small arms is another issue that the UN would like to see addressed in order to make sure weapons do not end up in the hands of children.

In 2010, Coomaraswamy, with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children, UNICEF and the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, launched the Zero Under 18 Campaign: a two-year initiative to achieve universal ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict by 2012. The push is premised on the belief that the strongest defence against impunity for child rights violators is to have an international moral consensus that no child should take part in armed conflict - and a strong enforcement mechanism to back it up.

“I think the political will is there. What is lacking is the momentum, and that is what we hope to achieve in this campaign,” said Coomaraswamy.

Ending child soldiering remains a daunting challenge. “The military imperatives of the group and the political, economic and social factors that drive conflicts and cause children to enlist – often underpinned by local cultural attitudes towards the age of majority – can outweigh legal and moral arguments,” said the 2008 Coalition report.

The report analyzed 21 conflicts where children were used or deployed and found that children will “almost inevitably” become involved when armed conflict breaks out.

And no matter how strongly the international community pushes for stronger protection and decreased impunity, national laws have to reflect the same in order for change to take place.

Governments must also remember that the problem has deeper and more human roots than the conflict du jour. Because children are more likely to be drawn to armed groups if they have experienced human rights violations or other forms of violence, “governments and societies that fail to prioritize the promotion and protection of children’s rights – economic, social and cultural, as well as civil and political – share responsibility for driving children into the ranks of armed groups”, says the Coalition report. Understanding these deep-seated drivers of child involvement in conflict will be essential in devising a plan to protect them, and punish those who do not.

jb/mw/oa
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94657</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PHILIPPINES: Shelter key issue for Washi survivors</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221206520385t.jpg" />]]>MANILA 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - One month after tropical storm Washi pummelled parts of the southern island of Mindanao, shelter remains the key challenge facing tens of thousands of survivors.</description><body><![CDATA[MANILA 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - One month after tropical storm Washi pummelled parts of the southern island of Mindanao, shelter remains the key challenge facing tens of thousands of survivors.  

Tropical storm Washi hit two major cities, Cagayan de Oro and Iligan in northern Mindanao, and 800 neighbouring villages on 16-18 December, triggering large-scale flooding and landslides that affected more than one million people.  

With more than 50,000 houses damaged or destroyed, some 26,000 survivors remain in 56 overcrowded evacuation centres, the country's National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) reported on 17 January [ http://www.ndrrmc.gov.ph/attachments/article/358/SitRep%20No.%2041%20re%20Effects%20of%20TS%20SENDONG%20as%20of%2017%20Jan%202012,%208AM.pdf ].  

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), another 200,000 are in makeshift shelters or staying with host families.  

"Our top priority at the moment is to ensure that shelter solutions are provided to all the displaced, including families from informal settlements and those living in areas deemed the danger zone," Jacqui Badcock, UN Humanitarian Coordinator for the Philippines, told IRIN.  

In the aftermath of the storm, the government declared strips of land within 20m of the Cagayan River, the country's longest, and its surrounding islets as "no-build zones". Many of the displaced lived in these areas.  

The government and aid groups are now working to identify available land that could be used as temporary relocation sites while permanent sites are being constructed.  

"We [the humanitarian community] are working closely with the government to ensure the relocations are voluntary, safe and dignified," Badcock added.  

Relocation is being done on a staggered basis. An initial 350 of the most vulnerable families, who were living along the riverbanks, have been moved to tents at a temporary relocation site in Cagayan de Oro. 

Permanent relocation sites for those who lost their homes and those who cannot return to their areas of origin (declared by the government as "no build" zones) are due to open in July 2012, according to OCHA; however, the exact number of people to be provided with shelter or shelter-repair assistance remains unconfirmed.  

Availability of land and property rights are an additional challenge, shelter experts say.  

"Although a few relocation sites have already been identified and are being prepared, acquiring land for temporary and permanent shelters is a huge challenge," Anna Pont, International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRC) shelter cluster coordinator in Mindanao, said.  "The land secured should optimally be close to people's livelihoods or has to provide them with new livelihood opportunities," Pont said.  

Accessing remote areas  

Meanwhile, local government and aid agencies are still struggling to reach those outside evacuation centres, particularly in remote and isolated areas.  One month on, communities outside Iligan and in parts of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) remain cut off and accessible only by air. Already affected by internal conflict, Washi has aggravated the vulnerability of these areas, aid workers confirm.  

"The urgent needs [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/map_1585.pdf ] are food, clothing and shelter," Ben Aspera, head of the sub-office for the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Iligan, confirmed.  

Helicopters provided by the Philippine Army fly in supplies twice daily; however, their capacity is largely limited by both quantity and weight.  

"We are able to fly in food, clothing and sleeping supplies. We cannot bring in heavy shelter supplies at the moment," Aspera said.  

And while local and national authorities continue to work to clear roads to better access those affected, incessant rains are making that difficult.  

"We are continuously working on clearing the roads, but we are hampered by rains. We need to be careful because this area is prone to floods and landslides. Likewise, rains sometimes delay us from airlifting supplies," Benito Ramos, head of the NDRRMC, told IRIN.  

"Our immediate concern is to sustain these communities until they can be given permanent shelter," Ramos stressed.  

The government declared a state of national calamity in the most devastated areas on 20 December to hasten relief and rehabilitation efforts as well as facilitate international aid. [ http://www.ndrrmc.gov.ph/attachments/article/363/Proclamation%20No.%20303%20-%20DECLARING%20A%20STATE%20OF%20NATIONAL%20CALAMITY.pdf ]  

On 22 December [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/full_report_141.pdf ], the UN and humanitarian partners called for US$28.6 million to support the government.  

To date, $7.4 million (26 percent) has been provided for shelter, food, water, sanitation and hygiene and logistics. This includes a $3 million disbursement from the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) [ http://ochaonline.un.org/Default.aspx?alias=ochaonline.un.org/cerf ].  

An estimated $9 million is needed for shelter requirements alone, of which $2.7 million or 30 percent has been funded.  

as/ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94658</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221206520385t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MANILA 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - One month after tropical storm Washi pummelled parts of the southern island of Mindanao, shelter remains the key challenge facing tens of thousands of survivors.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>BANGLADESH: Rohingyas wary of Burmese reforms</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002180809440308t.jpg" />]]>COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.</description><body><![CDATA[COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.  

They are skeptical about a string of reform moves by the Burmese government, saying they are not aware of any real improvement in the conditions which forced them to flee their country.  

“The situation has not improved,” Mostak Ahmad, 35, an undocumented Rohingya refugee who fled 10 years ago, told IRIN. “We were hopeful during the 2010 election as we were given voting powers but now we are frustrated.”  

Since taking office in March 2011, President U Thein Sein, a former general, has released hundreds of political prisoners, legalized labour unions, eased censorship, held talks with Washington and London, and signed a ceasefire with ethnic Karen rebels - a major step towards ending one of the world's longest-running ethnic insurgencies.  

But for Rohingya, an ethnic group who fled to Bangladesh en masse from neighbouring Myanmar years earlier, there is little optimism.  

Fazal Karim, 40, who fled to avoid forced labour, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88240 ] had recently spoken with his relatives in Myanmar.“ They said that in some cases the situation had worsened,” he said.  

Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?indepthid=82&reportid=86669 ] - an ethnic, linguistic and religious (Muslim) minority who fled persecution decades ago - are caught between a rock and a hard place, activists say.  

Under Burmese law, the Rohingyas are de jure stateless, but they fare little better in Bangladesh.  

Most Rohingyas in Bangladesh have no legal rights and few employment opportunities. 

According to Refugees International, they live in squalor, receive limited aid and are vulnerable to arrest, extortion and even physical attack.  

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are some 200,000 Rohingyas in Bangladesh, of whom only 28,000 are documented and living in two government camps assisted by the agency. Close to 11,000 live at the Kutupalong camp, with another 17,000 farther south at Nayapara - both within 2km of Myanmar.  

Rakhine State  

Activists say Rohingyas in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State still have no freedom to travel or marry and remain subject to extortion, intimidation and abuse.  

“While there are some improvements in the Burmese government's rhetoric, there is no change on the ground,” said Lynn Yoshikawa, a campaigner with Washington-based Refugees International.  

Following the 2010 elections, forced labour was as pervasive as ever and may have increased, with some labourers as young as 10, a 2011 report [ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs12/AP-Forced_labour_after_the_elections-2011-08-22.pdf ] by the Arakan Project, a group campaigning for Rohingya rights, revealed.  

Chris Lewa, the group’s coordinator, said there had been no sign of improvement for Rohingyas in Myanmar, either in terms of policy towards them, or on the ground, “and little hope” that things could change in the near future.  

The new Burmese government still considered Rohingyas “illegal immigrants from a neighbouring country” and has no intention of granting them citizenship or relaxing restrictions on them, she added.  

Straws in the wind  

However, during a December visit to Myanmar by Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Burmese President U Thein Sein expressed his desire to cooperate with Bangladesh in resolving the Rohingya issue, and two days after the visit Bangladesh officials said Myanmar had agreed to take back documented Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh after verification by its authorities.  

But the agreement will have no impact on the vast majority of Rohingyas who are unregistered, Yoshikawa said.  

There is little chance that many registered refugees would agree to return under the present conditions in Myanmar, though if conditions were to improve significantly many would not hesitate, said Lewa.  

“Who wants a refugee’s life?” asked Faruque Ahmed, a documented Rohingya refugee at the Kutupalong refugee camp. “We are always prepared to go back to Myanmar but we demand the same rights as other citizens,” he said.  

Each year scores of Rohingyas - from Myanmar and Bangladesh - attempt to escape by boat, often turning up in Thailand, Malaysia or as far away as Indonesia.  

In December, at least 23 Rohingyas are known to have died when the two boats carrying them and 200 others capsized in the Bay of Bengal, while on 2 January a number of Rohingyas reached the Australian coast after an arduous voyage from Malaysia, the Arakan Project reported.  

“We know it is a risky journey, but we have no other option,” said Hasan Ali, a documented Rohingya at Kutupalong camp. 

mw/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94639</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002180809440308t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
