<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - OPT</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 16:30:40 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Key West Bank settlement outpost slated for evacuation</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now. [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/migron-petition ] 
 
“The prime minister is trying to implement the court’s decision peacefully,” by reaching an agreement with the Migron settlers which would include moving them from their homes to new housing on adjacent Israeli “state land”, Mark Regev, spokesperson for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, told IRIN.
 
According to the court’s ruling of 2 August 2011, the outpost is on privately-owned Palestinian land.
 
“If there is illegal construction on private land, it has to come down,” said Regev. Any agreement the prime minister reaches with the settlers will be put before the court, he added.
 
There are 18 cases regarding outposts, including Migron, before the high court, according to Peace Now, an Israeli pressure group which campaigns for a politically negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several have been going on for years.
 
Peace Now began petitioning the high court to pressure the Israeli government to take action against the “illegal” outposts, which occupy about 1,620 hectares of West Bank land. About 16 of the outposts are on nearly 100 percent Palestinian land and an estimated 22 are on at least 50 percent Palestinian land, according to Peace Now.
 
“During 2011, the state informed the court of its intention to officially establish 11 new settlements by legalizing `illegal’ outposts, which are home to some 2,300 settlers in 680 structures,” said Lior Amihai of Peace Now’s settlement watch team in Jerusalem. Since the petition was filed there has, however, been little building of outposts on private Palestinian land, said Amihai.
 
“Settlement” is the term used to denote Israeli civilian communities built in territory conquered by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, now called the West Bank by Palestinians and the international community, and known to Israelis as Judea and Samaria.
 
Outposts are settlements built without official Israeli government blessing, typically after the mid-1990s. There are about100 outposts to date, many of which were supported by the Israeli government. [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Law/Legal+Issues+and+Rulings/Summary+of+Opinion+Concerning+Unauthorized+Outposts+-+Talya+Sason+Adv.htm ]
 
In 2003 the government of Ariel Sharon (in which Netanyahu was a senior minister) adopted the road map peace plan, which required Israel to "immediately dismantle" all outposts established after March 2001, including Migron. 
 
Settlement expansion in the West Bank accelerated in 2011. There were 1,850 new “building starts” for housing units (excluding East Jerusalem), an almost 20 percent increase on 2010, says the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_the_humanitarian_monitor_2012_01_19_english.pdf ]
 
Various initiatives by the Israeli government in 2011 were aimed at “legalizing” unauthorized settlement outposts built on private Palestinian land, reports OCHA.
 
About 300,000 Israeli settlers live in the West Bank - out of the West Bank’s 2.5 million people - according to UN estimates, while a total of 500,000 settlers live in occupied Palestinian land. Of these, about 4,000-5,000 settlers live in outposts, according to Peace Now.
 
Humanitarian concerns
 
The Migron settlers announced this week that talks with Israeli Minister Without Portfolio Benny Begin are under way with the aim of legalizing the outpost. Many community members are motivated by religious beliefs that they are entitled to the land.
 
About 322 Israeli settlers live in Migron, one of the largest outposts, which has 14 permanent structures and 56 caravans on about 36 hectares east of the West Bank city of Ramallah.
 
Spokesperson for the Migron community Aviela Deitch told IRIN that when the community was established in 1999 residents were led by the government to believe that they had legal rights to purchase the land.
 
The community is concerned they will not be relocated in a humane manner, says Deitch, noting the issues - some ongoing - surrounding the 2005 settler withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92358 ]
 
Three homes in Migron were destroyed by the Israeli authorities on 5-6 September 2011.
 
“Troops arrived with no forewarning in the middle of the night, without any paperwork, refusing to look at the homeowners’ paperwork, and destroyed three family’s homes," said spokesperson Deitch. “In one home, where five children aged 2-10 were sleeping, troops wearing face masks and carrying shields burst through the windows, terrifying the children.”
 
Families were given no alternative housing by the government, and many personal belongings from the home were destroyed, said Deitch, estimating the total loss at nearly US$300,000. 
 
Spokesperson for the Israeli Police Micky Rosenfeld told IRIN these decisions are in the court’s hands. “They are living there against Israeli law; no one has to tell them in advance to leave,” he said.
 
However, according to the Israeli government-commissioned Sasson Report, [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/Sasson_Report_EngSummary_0.pdf ] millions of shekels of public funds were invested illegally in the outpost, for example, to connect homes to the water and electricity network.
 
The transfer of settlement blocs in the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority (PA) will be essential to any final-status peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians, and the creation of a future Palestinian state.

Settler violence, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_01_20_english.pdf ] including “price tag” incidents by Israeli settlers continues to affect Palestinians’ lives and livelihoods. 

The “price tag” strategy emerged during 2008, in which groups of settlers would exact a “price” against Palestinians and their property in response to attempts by the Israeli authorities to dismantle “unauthorized” settlement outposts,” reports OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_fact_sheet_2009_11_15_english.pdf ]

“We are seeing a general increase in price-tag attacks, and it is the Israeli army’s responsibility to protect Palestinian civilians,” said Amihai, from Peace Now, warning that attacks will increase if Migron is dismantled.
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94776</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Islamic agencies battle the odds in Gaza</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020807410032t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory. [ http://www.secours-islamique.org ]

Hamas is branded a “terror” organization by most western countries, despite their victory in the 2006 Palestinian legislative council elections. That requires Secours Islamique France, and all other international charities working in Gaza, to tread extremely carefully to avoid falling foul of anti-terror legislation.

US rules, specifically their definition of providing support to terrorism, are the most stringent, according to a paper on Counter-terrorism and Humanitarian Action by the Humanitarian Policy Group (HPG), part of Britain’s Overseas Development Institute. “In the US, no knowledge or intention to support terrorism per se is required [for criminal responsibility] if support is knowingly provided to a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization,” says the report. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/6019.pdf ]

In the UK, “having reasonable cause to suspect” that support will contribute to terrorist activity is enough to attract criminal responsibility. 

This notion of "support" under US and UK anti-terror legislation means that, for example, when Secours Islamique France distributes milk and fortified biscuits daily to 10,000 pre-school children in Gaza, the INGO must only deal directly with the schools, to avoid any contact with the Education Ministry.

The Israeli blockade of Gaza, tightened after Hamas seized power in 2007, is an additional impediment to INGOs operating in the territory, increasing costs and affecting project oversight.

In terms of access by international staff, Secours Islamique France has repeatedly applied for permission to enter Gaza via Israel, but is refused each time, according to country director Adel Kaddum. The group is still awaiting the verdict on its 2010 request to officially register as an INGO in Israel; Islamic Relief UK, which delivers aid in 25 countries, applied several years ago but has yet to be approved.

While all INGOs operating in Gaza face similar frustrations, an aid worker, who asked not to be identified, said Israel’s objection to assistance reaching Hamas was sharpened by “Islamophobia” when that aid was delivered by Muslim charities.
 
At the practical level, Islamic INGOs face greater movement and access restrictions than other agencies because some are banned by the Israeli authorities, according to Ahmed Shurrab, including his own agency, Interpal [ http://www.interpal.org/Portals/default/ ]

But the restrictions are not insurmountable. “Israel has denied requests for permits for humanitarian staff to enter Gaza, but with the Rafah crossing [along the Gaza-Egypt border] functioning better, we [expect] international staff may be able to enter,” Muslim Hands International [ http://www.muslimhands.ps/En/ ] director Saed Salah told IRIN.

Financing, however, can be a problem, with US anti-terrorism legislation complicating transfers to NGOs operating in Gaza. The Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), under the US Treasury Department, administers and enforces economic sanctions against countries, groups and individuals deemed a threat.

“Banks are very sensitive, particularly in Gaza, and even if an entity is not marked by OFAC, it can still be assessed as a risk,” says the governor of the Palestine Monetary Authority, Jihad Al-Wazir.

Blacklisted 

Interpal was defined as a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist" that aids Hamas [ http://www.ots.treas.gov/_files/48937.html ] and was blacklisted by OFAC in 2003. 

“Due to the banks being threatened by the US that they will lose their US operating licence if they deal with ‘terrorists’, we do not have full and open banking facilities,” Interpal’s Gaza field office manager, Mahmoud Lubbad, told IRIN. “That makes life difficult, but not impossible.” 

Interpal’s UK headquarters are able to make Euro-denominated transfers directly to its implementing partners in Gaza.

The UK’s Charity Commission has launched two investigations into Interpal, and on both occasions concluded that the evidence did not substantiate Washington’s claim that the organization was linked to political or militant activities. [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/3135392.stm ] [ http://offlinehbpl.hbpl.co.uk/NewsAttachments/NST/interpal09.pdf  (p.14) ]

In an out-of-court settlement in 2005 the Board of Deputies of British Jews, Britain’s leading Jewish organization, said it should not have described Interpal as a “terrorist organization”, in response to a libel suit filed by Interpal against the Board. [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4564784.stm ]

“We believe it was a political decision made at the request of the Israeli Foreign Ministry,” said Lubbad. “There was no due process, no investigation beforehand (and despite subsequent open invitations for the US government to send investigators to look us over, they have never been taken up) and it is a costly exercise to even request to be removed from the ‘terrorist’ list.”

Numbers increasing

However, despite the movement and access restrictions on humanitarian staff and supplies, and obstacles to the transfer of funds into Gaza, the number of Islamic INGOs working with the vulnerable in Gaza is actually increasing. 

Ten new Islamic agencies have opened offices in Gaza since Israel’s large-scale military operation in Gaza – Operation Cast Lead - ended in January 2009, bringing the total to 24, according to Ayman Ayeish, information director of the Hamas-led Interior Ministry in Gaza. A total of 75 INGOs, and about 900 local NGOs, maintain offices in the territory. 

Islamic aid groups based in Europe are noticeably more active than their counterparts from the US, a reflection of the different history and demographic of the two communities.

“The Muslim community in the UK works in local politics and has representation in Parliament, giving them more influence over policy,” said Muslim Hands director Saleh. “Most Muslims living in the US are more recent immigrants and less integrated into the community.” 

According to an American-Muslim aid worker in Gaza: “The relationship between the US and Israel discourages US-based Islamic INGOs from delivering aid to the OPT... They may choose other areas to help people, due to the political sensitivities of the OPT, and the poor track record of receiving Israeli permits.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94750</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020807410032t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Visions for a healthier West Bank economy*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). 
 
 “The Palestinian economy is a closed cash-circle,” the general manager of the Palestinian microfinance network Sharakeh explains.
 
 He goes on to draw several small arrows on the line, meant to indicate different elements of an isolated system: At the bottom, there is the construction worker, who gets his salary from a company contracted by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while the PA itself is kept alive through foreign aid. 
 
 “And this aid is the only fuel that keeps the circle running,” Tawil says, with a serious mien.
 
 Humanitarian aid to oPt increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to $1.3 billion in 2009. After Sudan, oPt was the second largest recipient of aid in the world in 2010. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] Economists and businessmen warn that the PA’s dependency on aid and vulnerability to external shocks could lead the entire West Bank economy to collapse, provoking a humanitarian crisis. Among the most vulnerable are the owners of small businesses and all those who depend on foreign aid channelled through the PA.
 
 Tawil is among a number of people in the West Bank with suggestions for a better way forward.
 
 Coping with aid cuts
 
 Shortly after the 2006 elections which brought militant group Hamas to power in oPt’s Gaza Strip, donors cut off more than $1 billion in aid to the PA as a means of boycotting Hamas. Since then, the West Bank economy has trembled over and over - despite a resumption of aid transfers to the PA in December 2007.
 
 2011 was an especially troublesome year for the PA’s budget, which was hit by delayed payments from Arab countries, temporary aid cuts of $200 million by the US Congress, and a temporary freeze on Israel’s monthly transfer of $100 million in tax funds to the PA. Though both Israel and the US later resumed payments, Israeli officials made clear that they would freeze funds again should Fatah, the dominant political party in the West Bank, form a unity government with Hamas. 
 
 The threats raised fears of a crisis scenario similar to 2006, when the PA’s budget slid from $180 million to $55 million a month, amid running debts of $1.7 billion. The crisis left government employees, who have a relatively high spending power, without salaries. Banks imposed a more restrictive borrowing policy on businesses; and the unsafe environment made foreign investment appear risky and less attractive. 
 
 As withholding aid has become a way to punish the Palestinians for unwanted political manoeuvring, the PA is now seeking more financial independence. 2013 is supposed to be the last year “in which the PA will need any external financing to help with recurrent expenditures,” Prime Minister Salam Fayyad announced in a 2011 interview with the Associated Press. [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45508465 ] 
 
 But it will not be easy, given such aid amounted to about $1.5 billion of the PA’s $3.7 billion budget in 2011. The remaining sources of income were about $105 million in monthly tax refunds from Israel, and much smaller domestic tax revenues. 
 
 The dangers of credit
 
 At first glance, the Ramallah-centred West Bank economy seems solid. Many new neighbourhoods are being built around the city and expensive cars are not uncommon. The West Bank economy grew by 7.6 percent (GDP) in 2010, according to the World Bank. 
 
 But much of what may have seemed like a boom in Ramallah is veneer. 
 
 The economy grew by only 4 percent in the first half of 2011, according to the Bank, and unemployment remained at about 16 percent. According to one employee at a Ramallah branch of the Arab Bank, everything is bought on credit - “even wedding dresses... $300 is enough for a loan of 10,000”.
 
 With a total of $1.09 million in debts, the PA - including its public institutions and employees - is the biggest of all Palestinian debtors, representing 40 percent of what is owed to Palestinian banks, according to Shirin al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestinian Monetary Authority (PMA). 
 
 “A political shock like that of 2006,” al-Ahmad added, “would mean that these 40 percent become a risk factor for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, because no money from the PA means no salaries, and no salaries means that people can’t pay back their loans, or need to take out new ones.”
 
 Even more vulnerable than PA-employees are those with no regular income at all. Without steady work, they are not eligible for loans from any of the 18 banks that operate in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This is why 43,100 Palestinians need to borrow from one of Sharakeh’s 11 microfinance institutions, with a total credit portfolio of $74.6 million, of which $54.7 million can be attributed to clients in the West Bank.
 
 Building an independent economy
 
 “Most of our clients want to run a small business. They are the backbone of the West Bank economy,” said Tawil, the general manager of Sharakeh. “If the cash injections from foreign aid delay PA employees’ salaries, small businesses like groceries are the first that feel the results.”
 
 Mazen Khayyat, owner of a clothing shop in the centre of Ramallah, told IRIN his business was hard hit by the cuts in aid in 2006.
 
 “My debts rose in 2006 from almost nothing to 27,000 New Israeli Shekel [NIS - $7,013]. At the end of 2011, my debts reached 39,500 NIS [$10,260]. In 2006 alone, my profit decreased by 17 percent compared to the year before. All this was because people generally look for cheaper products when the economy is weak. And because most of my clients are government employees or their families, the problem was especially severe in 2006. When their salary comes late, they buy only the most necessary.”
 
 Tawil hopes that by lending to people with no steady income, micro-credit institutions can help build a more independent economy from the bottom up. He suggested the PA support these businesses by giving them tax exemptions. He also recommended university graduates be given more incentives to open a business. 
 
 “No one takes the risk involved in business in this unsafe environment,” he said, “because a regular income, financial safety and a loan have become core values for young people.”
 
 His call for less aid is shared by leading Palestinian entrepreneurs, such as Bashar Masri, who is leading the construction of the new West Bank city of Rawabi for 40,000 future residents between Ramallah and Nablus.
 
 Some foreign companies have refrained from investment in the West Bank because of the recurrent danger of violent conflict, the political unpredictability and the many restrictions on trade, mobility and access, imposed by Israel. 
 
 The World Bank has identified these restrictions as the main obstacle to private sector growth in oPt. So-called Investment Guarantee Funds had provided insurance for some investors against risks resulting from war and conflict in the past, but their reach is limited. Businessmen argue independence from aid would make the arena more attractive. 
 
 “Although cutting aid might hurt in the beginning, more businesses also bring more tax revenues for the PA,” Masri said, adding that “sometimes it has to get worse, before it can get better.”
 
 Despite the many obstacles, some private equity funds recently started investing in the West Bank, Masri explained, adding that one of them, a British fund called Blakeney, invested around $100 million in local projects. “Foreign funds [are showing] more and more interest,” he said.
 
 “Private sector could collapse”
 
 Rawabi’s budget of $800 million is entirely financed by a fund from Qatar, providing independence from the PA and from foreign aid - something most private sector projects in the West Bank lack.
 
 Take for instance the 750 local construction companies represented by the Palestinian Contractors Union (PCU). 
 
 “Many projects contracted by the PA got their money far too late and had to take out expensive loans,” PCU-chairman Adel Odah explained. “This way at least 30 companies went bankrupt in the last two years. Much profit is lost by paying interest rates to banks. If the PA goes bankrupt, the entire private sector could collapse,” he warned.
 
 Replacing aid
 
 The PA is well aware of the risks: “The PA is teetering at the edge of collapse at any point of time,” Prime Minister Fayyad said at the beginning of December, and began curbing its dependency on aid three years ago, according to Ghassan Khatib, a senior PA official.
 
 Between 2008 and 2011, the PA brought down the deficit covered by donors from $1.8 billion to about 1 billion, he said, adding that this trend would continue, “hopefully until the PA needs no more aid”.
 
 Fayyad said the PA’s operational costs should become independent of aid by 2013. 
 
 The question is how. 
 
 “On the one hand, we will replace aid by raising taxes and collecting them more effectively. On the other, we will reduce expenditures,” Khatib explained. Some saving measures, such as restricting PA employees’ use of their government sponsored cars outside working hours, have already been taken.
 
 Khatib said the need for external support would decrease this year, but noted the PA had no control over Israel’s behaviour. 
 
 “But their withholding of our tax money will not keep us from pursuing national unity with Hamas,” he added.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94606</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Revisiting the rules of war in Israel/oPt</title><pubDate>Fri, 16 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112161229490093t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 16 December 2011 (IRIN) - In the wake of increased violence between the Israeli army and militants in the Gaza Strip, Israeli threats of a second large-scale attack on the occupied Palestinian territory raise pressing questions of international humanitarian law (IHL):</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 16 December 2011 (IRIN) - In the wake of increased violence between the Israeli army and militants in the Gaza Strip, Israeli threats [ http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/gantz-warns-of-another-cast-lead-if-gaza-rockets-don-t-subside-1.395816 ] of a second large-scale attack on the occupied Palestinian territory raise pressing questions of international humanitarian law (IHL): 

How can civilians be better protected during urban warfare? And does IHL need to be amended given the increasingly blurred line between civilians and combatants, especially in places like Gaza?

Israeli military officials argue that many humanitarian rules are ill-suited to fighting militants in the densely populated Gaza Strip and say the current reality there makes a revision of IHL necessary. 

“International law is not the embodiment of morality,” Israeli philosopher Asa Kasher, who wrote an early version of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) code of conduct, said at a recent conference in Tel Aviv, aimed at finding answers to some of the challenges urban warfare poses to military practices in the field. “We need different rules that apply to our army facing terrorists in densely populated areas.”

This position is strongly disputed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), charged with monitoring the compliance of warring parties with IHL. It says the Geneva Conventions on the laws of war also apply to asymmetric conflicts in urban settings.

With Israeli military officials saying an attack similar to the 23-day Operation Cast Lead, which killed hundreds of Palestinian civilians in 2008-9, is inevitable, the question is increasingly relevant. 

“There is no doubt that fighting in Gaza will come, probably earlier than we think. And each time it will be more difficult,” Dan Harel, former IDF deputy chief of staff, said during the conference.

His remarks coincided with a recent flare-up in violence in Gaza, as Israeli air strikes killed at least one civilian and wounded several others in early December, while militants in Gaza fired several rockets into Israeli territory.

What defines “direct participation”?

While international law prohibits the targeting of civilians, Harel defended Israel’s past military ventures in Gaza, pointing to the challenges posed by fighting in dense urban areas. 

“How can we differentiate between groups of civilians and combatants on a packed street, especially when combatants don’t wear uniforms? How do we avoid killing civilians in urban areas, when Hamas militants hide among them?” he asked during the conference, hosted by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS).

Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, has denied accusations that it has used civilians as human shields; and the report [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/specialsession/9/FactFindingMission.htm ] of the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict, which accused both Israel and Hamas of committing war crimes, found no evidence of civilians being forced by Hamas to remain in areas under attack.

Knut Dörmann, head of the ICRC legal division in Geneva, said any use of so-called “human shields” would be a war crime under IHL. But voluntary human shields can only be considered direct participants in warfare “if they pose a physical obstacle to a military operation,” he said. 

This notion, he acknowledged, is subject to continuous debate. Neither the Geneva Conventions nor their Additional Protocols provide a clear definition of what represents direct participation in armed hostilities. But according to the ICRC’s interpretation of IHL, [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/feature/direct-participation-ihl-feature-020609.htm ] direct participation involves an act likely to inflict harm or affect military operations; there must be a direct causal link between the act and the harm likely to result; and the act must be specifically designed to directly cause the harm in support of a party to the conflict and to the detriment of another.

Civilians lose the right to protection against direct attack for the duration of each specific act that amounts to direct participation in hostilities, and in case of doubt as to whether they are combatants, must be presumed to be protected against direct attack until their status can be determined, the ICRC said.

Complex application of IHL

But the application of IHL in the context of the conflict between Israel and Gaza is highly complex because it does not fall easily into defined categories of international and non-international armed conflict. 

Despite an absence of Israeli troops on the ground, the ICRC considers Gaza an occupied territory because Israel has retained a considerable degree of control over it, including over its territorial waters, airspace and land borders. Still, Israel's obligations under IHL in Gaza are very limited, because it does not have any permanent presence inside the Gaza Strip. 

“There is a nexus between the scope of Israel’s control and its legal responsibilities - where there is control, there is responsibility,” Tel Aviv-based ICRC legal adviser Eitan Diamond told IRIN. For instance, running the education system of the population may be the occupier’s obligation, but because Israel does not have any permanent presence in Gaza, it is not able and therefore not required to do so. Still, Israel has to ensure that the population's basic needs, such as food, water and medical supplies, are met.

But the situation is complicated still further. Any occupation invokes the category of international armed conflict, and yet this occupation is a result of a historical armed conflict between Israel and Egypt, which no longer exists. Hamas is not a party to that armed conflict, but rather a new conflict that would normally be considered a non-international armed conflict. But because of the ongoing occupation, the rules on international armed conflict continue to apply. 
 
PoWs

However, Palestinian militants captured by Israel are not considered prisoners of war - entitled to special protection - because they are not state actors. 

“But this doesn’t leave them in a legal vacuum,” Diamond said, because they still qualify for protection under the Fourth Geneva Convention on the protection of civilians. 

As Article 4 of that convention states: “Persons protected by the Convention are those who, at a given moment and in any manner whatsoever, find themselves, in case of a conflict or occupation, in the hands of a Party to the conflict or Occupying Power of which they are not nationals.” 

“While there are some who dispute that Gaza is occupied, the West Bank is undisputedly occupied territory,” Diamond explained, “and since the West Bank and Gaza Strip are recognized to be one territorial unit, Gazans held by Israel are clearly persons in the hands of an Occupying Power.” 

Though Palestinian militants can legally be the target of attack while participating in hostilities, they should be protected as civilians when captured because the threat they pose is neutralized by detention. 

“The fact that they participate in hostilities is significant only during hostilities,” Diamond said. Once they are detained, they are entitled to all the protections laid out in the Fourth Geneva Convention, including humane treatment, contact with family, and assistance from the ICRC. 

“Transnational asymmetric warfare”

Furthermore, even when a militant is identified as a legitimate target, other factors must be considered. 

“You can’t just proceed with the killing” in all cases, Dörmann told the conference in Tel Aviv. Following the principle of proportionality, the potential loss of life would have to be weighed against a concrete and direct military advantage, especially in densely populated areas like Gaza, where military targets are often in the midst of residential areas. 

This does not sit well with the Israeli philosopher Kasher, who has been explicitly frank about his contempt of current IHL. He, like some others at the conference, questioned why Israel should have more responsibilities towards what he perceived as the “enemy’s civilians” than towards its own soldiers. 

“IHL only cares about civilians, not about soldiers, and this is immoral,” Kasher said. 

For the former chief of Israeli military intelligence Amos Yadlin, the ethical norms of IHL do not fit Israel’s operations in Gaza. 
 
“If we need moral rules,” Yadlin said, “we have to adapt them to Israeli circumstances. Commanders are facing too many dilemmas when taking decisions on the ground.”

All the more reason, Dörmann said, that commanders must know the legal rules thoroughly in order to apply them in the field. “Every soldier’s knowledge of IHL is essential.” 

Israel is a party to the Geneva Conventions, but has not ratified the protocols for the protection of victims of armed conflict. However, it is widely accepted that these rules are customary international law, and therefore applicable in all conflicts.

A joint research project by the INSS and Tel Aviv University is currently investigating how IHL might be amended, a very difficult move given that a separate international treaty would be necessary. “We try to make international law suitable for the fight against what we call transnational asymmetric warfare”, Yehuda Ben Meir, principal research fellow at the INSS, explained. 

“Some reflection must begin”

However, the ICRC’s Dörmann said such a step would be dangerous. Instead of adapting laws to asymmetric warfare, existing regulations should be reinforced and strengthened, he said. 

“Otherwise we will find ourselves in a downward spiral of disrespect for IHL.” 

Making the rules more suitable for regular armies would only force militants to change their tactics, which would in turn result in another undercut of IHL by the state army, he warned.

In preparation for upcoming challenges, the ICRC strongly recommended that the Israeli army learn from its past experiences in Operation Cast Lead, which saw 1,387 Palestinians killed, around half of whom did not take part in hostilities. 

Civilians could be better protected through effective warning ahead of an attack, he said.

He also raised concerns over the use of specific weapons in residential areas, like white phosphorus, used by Israel during the ground phase of the operation. Originally used as a smoke screen to hide movement, white phosphorus is increasingly used as an offensive weapon, because it can cause serious burns or even death. 
 
“Some reflection must begin over the use of artillery and mortars in populated areas, and especially the use of white phosphorus,” Dörmann said.

Promoting a concept he called “courageous restraint”, Stanley McChrystal offered these words of advice to Israelis at the conference, based on his experience as the former commander of US forces in Afghanistan.

"Limiting fire power might put soldiers more at risk. That is a correct argument,” he told the conference in Tel Aviv. “But it was necessary to protect civilians on a long term… [and] because the perception of our conduct among the people in Afghanistan became so important."

For Israel, perception also plays a big role during conflict in the Gaza Strip, the ICRC’s Diamond said. “This conflict wages on well beyond the battlefield, with each party investing considerable effort in a struggle for legitimacy. If you are seen to violate the rules, you can’t maintain legitimacy.”

ah/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94484</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112161229490093t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 16 December 2011 (IRIN) - In the wake of increased violence between the Israeli army and militants in the Gaza Strip, Israeli threats of a second large-scale attack on the occupied Palestinian territory raise pressing questions of international humanitarian law (IHL):</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Aid agencies help Gaza’s poor in Eid Al-Adha holiday</title><pubDate>Mon, 07 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020805200360t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 07 November 2011 (IRIN) - Impoverished Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip are looking to aid agencies to deliver food assistance during this Eid Al-Adha holiday season.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 07 November 2011 (IRIN) - Impoverished Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip are looking to aid agencies to deliver food assistance during this Eid Al-Adha holiday season.

International NGOs, many Islamic, have been purchasing sheep and cows in preparation for meat distribution to assist the most vulnerable families across Gaza, with several providing gifts and warm clothing as the winter season starts.

Islamic NGOs are launching ‘Qurbani’ appeals worldwide. Qurbani refers to the animals (camels, cattle, goats or sheep) sacrificed by Muslim adults as an obligatory act of worship, and those that that have the means should give a charitable Qurbani, according to most Muslims.

Aid workers from a Turkish Islamic NGO operating in Gaza, Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (IHH), have purchased 170 cows from the local markets for their Qurbani project, which will distribute two kilograms of fresh meat to each of 17,000 needy families. 

IHH’s Eid assistance has a budget of US$400,000 and includes a clothing distribution to 2,000 orphaned children. The organization’s larger orphan sponsorship programme in Gaza assists 10,000 children who have lost at least one parent.

IHH would like to implement similar projects in the West Bank, but are unable to obtain the necessary permits from Israeli authorities, the NGO’s officials in Gaza say.

Israel views IHH as providing support to Hamas, which it regards as a “terrorist” organization.

Israel tightened its blockade of Gaza in June 2007 after Hamas seized power in the Strip. IHH has supported several international campaigns against the blockade, charging that it violates human rights and deepens poverty.

 “In every place we operate, coordination with the local authority is important. It’s not a matter of Hamas or of any other authority, what matters for us is being able to help those in poverty,” an IHH official in Gaza told IRIN.

Sixty-six percent of households in Gaza are either vulnerable to food insecurity or experiencing it, according to the World Food Programme (WFP). Commercial food enters Gaza through the Israeli-controlled Kerem Shalom crossing, or via underground tunnels along the Gaza-Egypt border, but the average family’s lack of purchasing power limits what they can buy. Unemployment in Gaza is around 38 percent.

Taghreed, 36, (who declined to give her family name) has registered for the distribution of beef by the UK-based NGO, Muslim Hands International, which aims to reach 2,500 families this Eid. 

She and her five children live in the Sheikh Radwan area of Gaza City, and although she works as a cleaner in a government building, her salary cannot stretch to afford meat. “I am struggling to feed my family,” Taghreed told IRIN, “I am concerned about my children’s health.”

Data collected in 2010 from 20 health centres run by the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) as part of its growth monitoring system for children in Gaza, indicated that 5 percent of children from 0 to 3 years old showed signs of growth retardation - stunting, wasting and being underweight - said Dr Mohamed Maqadma, chief of UNRWA’s health programme. 

This figure had doubled since 2005, and he noted that many children in Gaza “do not have access to foods that meet growth needs.”

Escalation of violence

The recent escalation of violence between Israel and Palestinian militant groups in Gaza has claimed the lives of one Israeli civilian and 12 members of Islamic Jihad's armed wing. 

Although Israel and Hamas are implementing a ceasefire mediated by Egypt, clashes between the Israeli army and Palestinian militants have taken place in Beit Lahiya and border areas, underscoring the fragility of the truce.

 “If the violence is extended and the borders are closed for a few weeks, cutting off UNRWA’s supply chain, this could have a great humanitarian impact,” the acting director of UNRWA operations in Gaza, Christer Nordahl, told IRIN.

“There is only one crossing point - Kerem Shalom, [along the Gaza-Israel border] - where UNRWA can bring in humanitarian supplies, such as food commodities, medical supplies and fuel,” he said.

UNRWA usually has enough fuel in stock to cover their needs for two to four weeks.

es/oa/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94151</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020805200360t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 07 November 2011 (IRIN) - Impoverished Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip are looking to aid agencies to deliver food assistance during this Eid Al-Adha holiday season.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: The politics of humanitarian principle</title><pubDate>Fri, 28 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010201232590539t.jpg" />]]>BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress.</description><body><![CDATA[BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress. [ http://www.humanitaererkongress.de/ ]
 
 “Humanitarian actors often claim they are above politics but it is simply not true,” said Fabrice Weissman, one of the co-authors of the book, which will be officially launched at the end of November. 
 
 “We do still retain our central tenet, which is saving lives,” Weissman added, but we also “seek to puncture a number of myths. We address the big question of when should and shouldn’t MSF be willing to compromise?” 
 
 Contributors lay out a wide range of dilemmas, “seeking to analyze the political transactions and balances of power and interests that allow aid activities to move forward, but that are usually masked by the lofty rhetoric of 'humanitarian principles'”. 
 
 Financing fighters 
 
 The conclusions are often disturbing. “That fighting forces seek to take advantage of aid groups is unavoidable,” Weissman said. “The fact is that unless we provide them with benefits they have no reason to allow us to operate in the areas they seek to control.” 
 
 As an example, he mentioned Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan. “The reality there is that the Taliban are claiming responsibility for the goods and services that humanitarian groups are providing, which allows the Taliban to appear to the local populations as being effective governors.” 
 
 Another benefit fighting forces get from aid groups is money, exchanged for services such as security. “On many occasions, MSF, like other organizations, uses combatants to ensure the safety of its teams and convoys,” said the author. 

 Bribes are also part of negotiations, says Rony Brauman who heads the MSF think-tank Centre de Réflexion Sur l’Action et Les Savoirs Humanitaires, which encourages debate and critical reflection on humanitarian practices. “The question is often not whether to pay them but how much to pay. It must be thought of as an informal tax.” 

 Also, much of the salary paid to local staff can end up in the coffers of fighting forces. Weismann cited Eritrea, which, during the conflict with Ethiopia in 1998, demanded a 50 percent tax on wages paid by NGOs. 
 
 Corruption “integral” 
 
 Other fighting groups simply loot aid organizations, and some even have the gall to sell their spoils back to the aid group. “Corruption is an integral part of the worlds in which we operate,” Weissman said. 
 
 Some aid organizations have policies to avoid corruption. In 2010, Transparency International published Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations, which lays out what aid organizations should do when faced with corruption dilemmas. 
 
 But for MSF, when the aim is to get the job done, corruption may be unavoidable. “Our imperative must always be to save lives but we have concluded that the means by which lives are saved cannot be a moral or ethical issue, and that is a fact that aid groups have tended not to talk about,” Weissman said. 
 
 When donors are combatants 
 
 The book is part of an MSF series associated with CRASH. A 2004 publication, In the Shadow of "Just Wars", [ http://www.msf-crash.org/en/publications/2009/06/04/275/in-the-shadow-of-just-wars/ ] focused on the problems MSF and other organizations had in conflict zones where Western troops were on one side of a conflict while Western donors were funding aid organizations that were supposed to be neutral. 
 
 That book includes examples from Iraq to Sierra Leone, where Western forces used humanitarian rhetoric to win the hearts and minds of local populations and often tried to use aid groups as part of these efforts. 
 
 The latest MSF publication goes further, discussing problems in places such as Gaza where Western donors try to stop aid groups from working with Hamas, which they consider a terrorist organization, but which is the sole authority that aid groups have to cooperate with if they are to provide services there. 
 
 US counter-terrorism laws stipulate that providing support resources to terrorists, even if not for terrorist purposes, could result in criminal prosecution. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94015 ] The impact of these laws on humanitarian action has been discussed in a just-released paper on Counter-terrorism and Humanitarian Action by the Humanitarian Policy Group. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=6019&title=counter-terrorism-laws-international-humanitarian-law-protection-civilians ] 
 
 “Combatants are also human beings” 
 
 Giving humanitarian assistance directly to armed groups is another topic tackled. “Combatants are also human beings and sometimes they need humanitarian assistance more than civilians,” Weissman said. “When combatants are wounded we no longer consider them combatants.” 
 
 Weissman says MSF does draw a line when armed forces use aid organizations to harm civilians. An example he cited is the Democratic Republic of Congo, after the genocide in Rwanda. In 1994, Hutus in Rwanda crossed the border en masse, seeking refuge. At the time, MSF was trying to identify the location of refugee populations around the country so aid organizations were better able to coordinate aid to them. But Tutsi militias operating in DRC used MSF’s information to seek out and attack the Hutu refugees. 
 
 The solution was that MSF stopped publicizing the information but he pointed to other examples of forces using aid groups against civilians that were more problematic. 
 
 In Sri Lanka in 2009, the government rounded up some 270,000 people it suspected of supporting Tamil rebels and then gave aid groups the job of providing the basic services. “We did not want to be supporting a vast prison for an innocent civilian population which the state was unjustly labelling criminals, but we were also concerned about what would happen to the civilians if we didn’t assist them.” 
 
 A lot has been written in recent years about the ways humanitarian agencies can inadvertently fuel injustice and conflict. The problem with the conclusion of many of these publications, said Weissman, is that they call on aid groups to “serve the cause of peace”. That often translated into NGOs cooperating more closely with UN peacekeeping and international donors, he said, which could undermine aid groups’ neutrality. 
 
 In the end, the criteria MSF uses to decide whether or not it should continue a particular operation is simple: “We ask ourselves who benefits most from our presence: the fighting forces or the civilians?” 
 
 dh/aj/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94095</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010201232590539t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BERLIN 28 October 2011 (IRIN) - For decades aid agencies have been tackling troubling ethical dilemmas about where to draw the line when negotiating with armed forces when trying to deliver aid to vulnerable communities. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) discusses some of the ethical dilemmas it has faced over the past 40 years in Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience, promoted at its annual Berlin Humanitarian Congress.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: New projects to ease Gaza housing crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 25 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109301150180209t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - In response to a growing housing crisis in the Gaza Strip in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), several new building projects have been initiated by the Hamas-led government, and thousands of families have begun purchasing properties in new communities, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - In response to a growing housing crisis in the Gaza Strip in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), several new building projects have been initiated by the Hamas-led government, and thousands of families have begun purchasing properties in new communities, officials say.
 
 In Khan Younis, a project is under way on a 517,000 square-metre site which will include apartment and office buildings, schools, clinics, mosques and a commercial centre.
 
 Housing ministry official Nagi Sarhan says the site, which will include 98 residential plots, will be able to accommodate just over 30,000 people. Public facilities and infrastructure - water, sanitation and electricity networks - will be built by the municipality.
 
 The project began in October 2010, with a budget of US$86,000 funded by the Gaza government. Families, cooperative housing associations and investors have begun purchasing property in the new community which will include a sports club, public parks, and a civil defence and transportation centre.
 
 Import of construction material and equipment for private sector building is still restricted under Israel’s strict blockade on Gaza, tightened in 2007 after Hamas seized power. Some material is allowed to enter for approved projects [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_Gaza_FactSheet_October_2011_english.pdf ] implemented by international NGOs and UN agencies.
 
 However, an increased flow of construction material entering Gaza via underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93943 ] along the Gaza-Egypt border has decreased the price of material and allowed some rebuilding to begin, although the cost of material is still high for the average Gazan (38 percent of Gazans live in poverty, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - OCHA).
 
 The Hamas-led government - still branded a “terrorist” organization by most Western countries and largely isolated from the international community - has struggled to muster funding to rebuild homes and other buildings destroyed during Israel’s 23-day Operation Caste Lead ending January 2009. 
 
 Nearly 6,300 homes were damaged or destroyed during the Operation, according to OCHA.
 [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_special_easing_the_blockade_2011_03_english.pdf ]
 
 Thousands of families have been forced to wait years to rebuild, often living in sub-standard conditions. Meanwhile, housing needs have been compounded by population growth and the thousands of other homes destroyed in previous military operations, reports OCHA.
 
 Another large-scale community development project, called Al-Boraq, is also under way in Khan Younis. New homes, schools, mosques, commercial properties, and access roads to neighbouring areas are envisaged. The project includes 1,000 plots, each 250 square metres and costing US$25,000, said Suleiman Abu Kaide, lead engineer from the ministry on the site; 360 plots have been completed and purchased.
 
 Urban planning schemes are desperately needed in Gaza, where 1.6 million Palestinians live in just 365sqkm.
 
 Amman conference
 
 Jordanian and Palestinian contractors are holding a conference in Amman this week, hoping to generate reconstruction and investment in oPt, focusing on Gaza. Representatives from the Arab League, Islamic Development Bank, NGOs, the European Union and UN agencies are expected to attend.
 
 Gaza public works officials are also in Amman to attend the conference, sponsored by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and King Abdullah of Jordan.
 
 The Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank put forward a recovery and reconstruction plan for Gaza at the Sharm El-Sheikh donor’s conference in March 2009. Over $1.3 billion was pledged by donors [ http://www.undp.ps/en/newsroom/publications/pdf/other/gazaoneyear.pdf ] to support the plan, but none of the funds have ever reached Gaza, said deputy foreign minister Ghazi Hamad - “possibly since the Arab League and Arab donors as governments do not want to deal with Hamas. Funding before reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas will be difficult.”
 
 Spokesperson for the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) Chris Gunness said that at the end of September less than $200 million of the agency’s total $661 million three-year reconstruction plan for Gaza had been approved by the Israeli authorities.
 
 UNRWA has been able to enter construction material to complete only about $18 million worth of approved projects in Gaza, he said, including 151 homes, five schools and two medical centres destroyed during Operation Caste Lead. “This illustrates the small amount of work UNRWA has been able to complete,” he added.
 
 es/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94063</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109301150180209t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 25 October 2011 (IRIN) - In response to a growing housing crisis in the Gaza Strip in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), several new building projects have been initiated by the Hamas-led government, and thousands of families have begun purchasing properties in new communities, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Concerns over Palestinian children in Israeli custody</title><pubDate>Wed, 19 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191238100484t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - While there have been emotional scenes after the release of 477 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails, concerns are being raised about the plight of 164 Palestinian children from the West Bank in Israeli custody.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - While there have been emotional scenes after the release of 477 Palestinian prisoners [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93999 ] held in Israeli jails, concerns are being raised about the plight of 164 Palestinian children from the West Bank in Israeli custody.

They were either sentenced or are being detained, mainly for stone-throwing, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) which, along with other international NGOs, is appealing to the Israeli government to release all Palestinian children in Israeli military detention.

It is unclear whether the children will be part of the second wave of 550 releases in the coming two months.

“UNICEF calls on the Israeli Government to release Palestinian child detainees so that they can be reunited with their families,” said Jean Gough, UNICEF special representative in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). “As stated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the detention of children should be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time,” she said.

The Israeli Justice Ministry was unable to confirm the number of Palestinian children detained by Israel.

Rami AbuHaneieh, aged 14 and from Hebron, was arrested by Israeli forces one month ago for throwing stones. “I have not been permitted to see or speak with him since his arrest,” said his mother, Khloud AbuHaneieh, a primary school teacher. His lawyer was allowed to visit Rami once, said Khloud, adding that her son may be released as part of the second wave of the prisoner swap.

International NGO Defence for Children International-Palestine Section (DCI-Palestine) also issued an urgent appeal for the children to be freed. [ http://www.dci-palestine.org/sites/default/files/ua_5-11_-_prisoner_release.pdf ]

According to the latest figures released by the Israeli Prison Service and DCI-Palestine, on 1 October there were 164 Palestinian children (aged 12-17) in Israeli detention facilities, including 35 aged 12-15. Seventy-six of these children have been sentenced, while 88 children are being held in pre-trial detention.

The number of Palestinian child detained in Israel fluctuates, said UNICEF spokesperson Catherine Weibel in Jerusalem. In 2010, on average 250 children were in detention each month, and in 2009 the monthly average reached 300, she said.

Military and civil courts

DCI estimates each year about 700 Palestinian children aged 12-17 from the West Bank are prosecuted in Israeli military courts after being arrested, interrogated and detained by the Israeli army, police or security agents. According to UNICEF, over 7,000 Palestinian children were arrested and detained by Israeli authorities over the past 10 years.

Sabri Awad, 16, from Beit Umr, near Hebron, was arrested and detained by Israeli soldiers three weeks ago. “Our family and his lawyer have not been allowed to see or speak with him,” said his 18-year-old brother, Yousif Awad, unsure why Sabri was arrested.

In 2010 two children were being held in administrative detention (detention without charge or trial authorized by administrative order rather than judicial decree) in violation of international law, reports UNICEF, although there are none at present.

According to UNICEF spokesperson Weibel, Palestinian children from East Jerusalem are tried in civil courts administered by the Israeli police, just the same as Israeli children. Palestinian children from the West Bank are tried in military courts.

Palestinians arrested by the Israeli army in the West Bank fall under the jurisdiction of Israeli “military legislation”. This is a separate military court system that applies only to oPt, according to the Israeli army.

Radhika Coomaraswamy, UN special representative for children in armed conflict says: [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/09-august-2010-trial-of-omar-khadr.html ] "Juvenile justice standards are clear; children should not be tried before military tribunals." 

Since Israel’s “disengagement” from the Gaza Strip in September 2005, Palestinians from Gaza detained by Israeli authorities are generally prosecuted in Israel under civilian security legislation, and not under military law.

It is a violation of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention to remove children under military occupation from occupied territory, said spokesperson Weibel, thereby prohibiting family visits. 

The Israeli army admits that most Palestinian detainees are imprisoned inside Israel, but argues that removing Palestinians from oPt is approved by the Israeli High Court of Justice and is consistent with Israeli law.

Ill-treatment

According to DCI, reports of torture and/or ill-treatment during the arrest, transfer and interrogation stages in the system, when children may be pressured to sign confessions, have persisted for years.

“Ill-treatment starts at the moment of arrest, when many children report experiencing terrifying night-time raids on the family home, before being tied, often painfully so, and blindfolded,” reports DCI.

Also, children continue to be interrogated in the absence of a lawyer and/or a parent, and continue to be denied bail in around 90 percent of cases in violation of Article 37(b) of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, according to DCI.

The Israeli Prisons Authority was unavailable for comment.

In 2010, there were at least 90 cases documented of the ill-treatment of Palestinian children while detained by Israeli authorities, says Weibel, and in 2009 there were at least 101 cases documented.

Hamas deputy foreign minister Ghazi Hamad, who participated in talks with Israel to broker the prisoner swap deal, told IRIN: “Nearly 200 children and medical patients being held prisoner may be part of the second wave [of prisoner releases].” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94013</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191238100484t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 19 October 2011 (IRIN) - While there have been emotional scenes after the release of 477 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails, concerns are being raised about the plight of 164 Palestinian children from the West Bank in Israeli custody.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Calls for respect of international law as prisoners swapped</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181433330218t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - The exchange of 477 Palestinian prisoners for Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, who had been held by Hamas, has highlighted calls by several human rights organizations and NGOs for Israel to stop violating international law by removing Palestinians from occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - The exchange of 477 Palestinian prisoners for Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, who had been held by Hamas, has highlighted calls by several human rights organizations and NGOs for Israel to stop violating international law by removing Palestinians from occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). 

“Holding these prisoners and detainees in Israel flagrantly breaches international humanitarian law, which prohibits the transfer of civilians, including prisoners and detainees, from the occupied territory to the territory of the occupying state,” according to Israeli human rights NGO B’Tselem. 

“Israel’s disregard for this prohibition is one of the main reasons that the prisoners and their families are unable to exercise their right to visits in a reasonable manner,” B’Tselem added. 

Physicians for Human Rights-Israel has made similar calls. 

The ground-breaking swap, brokered by the Egyptian authorities, led to celebrations across Gaza, and a tightly organized ceremony by the Hamas-led government to welcome home the detainees, including 27 women. 

Fifteen-year-old Rawan Maroof stood at the entrance to the heavily secured event, waiting to greet her father, Talat Maroof, 41, who was part of the release. She and her eight brothers and sisters have not seen their father since he was detained by Israeli authorities in 2007. “I can’t express my happiness, I can’t wait to hold him,” said Rawan. 

Shalit had been in Hamas captivity since June 2006, kidnapped in a cross-border raid executed by Hamas-linked militants. In response, Israel targeted Gaza’s main power station that supplies electricity to Gaza residents. 

The Israeli cabinet approved the agreement on 12 October, under which Shalit was freed in exchange for 1,027 Palestinians held in Israeli jails. 

Hamas deputy foreign minister Ghazi Hamad told IRIN that today’s release includes 325 older prisoners who were serving life-sentences. Many of them were convicted for killing Israelis, including in bomb attacks. A small number of detainees will be transferred to Syria, Qatar and Turkey. 

A second release in the coming two months will include 550 Palestinians prisoners of Israel’s choosing. “Nearly 200 children and medical patients being held prisoner may be part of the second wave,” said Hamad, who participated in the talks with Israel to broker the deal. 

Emotional time 

“Oh my God, it’s an emotional time for our family, we have been preparing since Tuesday [11 October],” says Mohamad Arouki in the Sheikh Radwan area of Gaza City. His brother Rafat Arouki, 42, and a member of the Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), was arrested by Israeli forces in 1993. 

The Arouki family, like scores of Gaza families, have been raising flags and painting welcome banners for those coming home. The family had not been permitted to visit Rafat, imprisoned in Israel, for the last five years. 

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) continues to call on Israel to allow the resumption of the family visit programme for Gazans, suspended in 2007 after Shalit was captured. 

ICRC, which helped facilitate the logistics of the swap after the agreement was reached, monitors the detention and treatment of all Palestinian detainees. In 2010, ICRC enabled 124,000 family members from the West Bank to visit relatives in Israeli jails. 

Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulates that citizens under military occupation cannot be removed from the occupied territory, thereby prohibiting family member visits. 

The Israeli army admits that most Palestinian detainees are imprisoned inside Israel, but argues that removing Palestinians from oPt is approved by the Israeli High Court of Justice and is consistent with Israeli law. 

Palestinians arrested by the Israeli army in the West Bank fall under the jurisdiction of Israeli “military legislation”. This is a separate military court system that applies only to oPt, according to the Israeli army. 

“Since the perpetrators declared themselves hostile towards Israel, and actually acted against Israel, Israel is entitled to take action against the perpetrators in self-defence,” Leor Bendor, spokesperson for the Israeli Foreign Ministry, told IRIN. “Defending Israeli citizens’ personal safety is also a humanitarian issue,” he said. 

Bereaved Israeli families had tried to block the release through the courts, but the petition was rejected. However, Supreme Court President Dorit Beinisch noted: "Undoubtedly, the government's decision will send many terrorists who will be set free without serving their full sentence.” [ http://www.globes.co.il/serveen/globes/docview.asp?did=1000690916&fid=1725 ]. 

Still no talks 

An estimated 5,000 Palestinian prisoners remain under detention in Israel, according to B’Tselem, including 22 parliamentarians. With a population of 2.5 million in the West Bank and 1.6 million in Gaza, it is difficult to find a Palestinian family unaffected. 

The deal, supported by a majority of the Israeli population, is also likely to boost Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s popularity. 

It does not appear that the prisoner exchange will bring the Israelis and the Palestinians any closer to direct negotiations. However, despite Hamas and Israel’s unwillingness to recognize one another, the prisoner exchange proves that through a trusted mediator the two sides can reach a deal. 

The Quartet (UN, EU, USA and Russia) are due in the region next week to try and resume peace talks, which stopped over a year ago. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93999</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181433330218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - The exchange of 477 Palestinian prisoners for Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, who had been held by Hamas, has highlighted calls by several human rights organizations and NGOs for Israel to stop violating international law by removing Palestinians from occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Tunnels boost Gaza mosque reconstruction</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110121118060609t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - An increased flow of building materials entering the Gaza Strip via underground tunnels along the Gaza-Egypt border has allowed reconstruction work to begin on hundreds of religious sites damaged or destroyed during the 23-day Israeli offensive which ended in January 2009. </description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - An increased flow of building materials entering the Gaza Strip via underground tunnels along the Gaza-Egypt border has allowed reconstruction work to begin on hundreds of religious sites damaged or destroyed during the 23-day Israeli offensive which ended in January 2009. 
  
 Nearly a quarter of Gaza’s 850 mosques were affected; 45 mosques were totally destroyed, 107 sustained major damage, and about another 50 had minor damage such as smashed windows and doors, according to the Gaza public works and housing ministry, the religious affairs ministry, and private mosque owners.
  
 An Egyptian above-and-below-ground steel barrier [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88552 ] erected with US assistance was meant to stem the flow of goods through the tunnels, but since the overthrow of Mubarak in Egypt in February 2011, if anything, traffic through the tunnels has increased, say observers.
 
 Israel only allows building material to enter Gaza via Israeli-controlled crossings for approved projects [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_special_easing_the_blockade_2011_03_english.pdf ] funded by international organizations and UN agencies.
  
 According to UN estimates, in September 946 truckloads of authorized construction materials were allowed to enter Gaza via Israeli-controlled crossings for approved international humanitarian building projects: 665 truckloads (46,550 tons) of aggregate, 232 truckloads of cement (9,195 tons), and 41 truckloads of steel bars (1,418 tons).
  
 An average of 90,000 tons of cement, 90,000 tons of aggregate and 15,000 tons of steel bars are entering Gaza via tunnel each month, according to UN estimates.
  
 The quantities of material now becoming available mean prices are going down: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91844 ] Today one ton of cement costs about US$135 in Gaza, down from up to $340 per ton in January, according to deputy housing minister Yasser Shante. “Business has increased over the last three months,” says Arafat Abu Hasira, owner of Abu Hasira Glass and Aluminum Company in Gaza City. Aluminium, only available via tunnel, costs about $6 per kg, down from about $135 a year ago, said Abu Hasira.
  
 Israel says the mosques were used by Hamas to store weapons and that Hamas operatives regularly fired rockets into Israel from within or near mosques, but Hamas disputes this.
  
 “Religious sites are separate from any activity related to security forces or resistance factions,” said deputy minister of religious affairs, Hassam Seifi, adding: “Our communities lost a lot with the destruction of each mosque.”
  
 A “source of peace”
 
 “Gaza is a religious society and mosques are the centre of our communities,” said religious affairs ministry official Abdullah Abugrboah, adding: “Gaza’s population is 99 percent Muslim [predominantly Sunni], with a Christian population of less than 1 percent.” 
  
 It will cost about US$25 million to reconstruct the 45 mosques (an average $500,000 per mosque), said Shante, and about $10million to repair the 157 damaged mosques, at an average cost of US$100,000.
  
 “It is motivating to see new mosques. It’s a source of peace after the war,” said worshiper Mohamed Samara, a 30-year-old researcher at a nearby ministry who came to pray during his lunch break.
  
 Three mosques in his neighborhood of Shujaya were destroyed during the war; one has been partially rebuilt, he said, adding: “A mosque is not only a place of worship, it’s our social fabric, where Palestinians meet.”
 
 Mosques are supervised by the religious affairs ministry (Waqf), in accordance with Islamic law. The ministry is under the Hamas-led government in Gaza, which is still deemed a “terrorist” organization by many Western countries. 
  
 Humanitarian law
  
 According to international humanitarian law, there is no ban on the destruction of religious sites used by opponents for military purposes, said Yuval Shany, chair in public international law at Hebrew University, although there is a presumption that religious sites are civilian targets and should be spared (according to Article 52 of the 1977 First Additional Protocol, [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/7c4d08d9b287a42141256739003e636b/f6c8b9fee14a77fdc125641e0052b079 ] which reflects customary law on the matter).
 
 The Israeli army [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Terrorism-+Obstacle+to+Peace/Hamas+war+against+Israel/Operation_Gaza_factual_and_legal_aspects_use_of_force_Hamas_breaches_law_of_armed_conflict_5_Aug_200.htm ] maintains that its forces operated in accordance with international law, only launching proportionate attacks against military objectives, and blames Hamas for any harm to Palestinian civilians.
  
 According to the Goldstone Report, [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/specialsession/9/factfindingmission.htm ] an Israeli strike on the al-Maqadmah mosque on the outskirts of Jabilyah killed 15 and injured 40 people. Israel rejected the findings of the report and denies responsibility for the attack on al-Maqadmah mosque.
  
 Amnesty International reported the rampant destruction of Gaza mosques in its post-war assessment.
 [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE15/015/2009/en/8f299083-9a74-4853-860f-0563725e633a/mde150152009en.pdf ]
  
 es/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93943</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110121118060609t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - An increased flow of building materials entering the Gaza Strip via underground tunnels along the Gaza-Egypt border has allowed reconstruction work to begin on hundreds of religious sites damaged or destroyed during the 23-day Israeli offensive which ended in January 2009. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Families relieved by prisoner swap </title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110121502020171t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families are eagerly awaiting the publication of the names of the more than 1,000 detainees that are to be released in a ground-breaking prisoner swap deal with Israel. </description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families are eagerly awaiting the publication of the names of the more than 1,000 detainees that are to be released in a ground-breaking prisoner swap deal with Israel. 

The Israeli cabinet approved the agreement today, under which captive Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit will be freed in exchange for 1,029 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails. 

Shalit has been in Hamas captivity since June 2006, kidnapped in a cross-border raid executed by Hamas-linked militants. In response, Israel targeted Gaza’s main power station that supplies electricity to Gaza residents. 

Outside the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) office in Gaza City, Um Mahmoud holds a large photograph of her son Mahmoud Rais, now aged 30. He was arrested in 2003. 

“He was detained at an Israeli checkpoint inside Gaza and we never learned why he was sentenced,” she says. “This release is a victory for Palestinians and for the government.” 

Um Mohamed also clutches a photograph of her husband Salama Musleh, arrested and detained by Israeli authorities in 2003 for killing an Israeli settler. She claims the settler killed seven Palestinians. “God wiling I will find my husband’s name on the list, I have been waiting 18 years.” 

It is not yet clear whether any children will be included in the release. At the end of June 2011, 209 Palestinian boys aged 12-17 were in Israeli detention, according to UNICEF.

During the reporting period (May and June 2011), 15 cases were documented of ill-treatment - in some cases amounting to torture of boys aged 13-17 by the Israeli authorities during arrest, interrogation and detention. Affidavits were taken for the cases that involved the use of hand-ties (14 instances), blindfolding (11), beatings (10), stripped of clothes (10), exposure to heat/cold/rain (5), kicking (5), and verbal abuse (5). 

Hunger strike 

Ex-prisoners and families of detainees have been staging a hunger strike outside ICRC headquarters in Gaza City for over a week, in solidarity with the estimated 1,000 Palestinian prisoners inside Israeli jails who began a hunger strike on 27 September protesting the conditions inside the prisons. 

Strikers’ demands include ending the use of isolation cells and the denial of basic health treatment. 

“The ICRC has facilitated medical visits to the strikers from the start,” said ICRC spokesperson Phiri. “We have shifted resources to focus on these prisoners,” he said. 

According to the agreement, brokered by Egyptian intelligence, Shalit is expected to be released in about a week, along with the release of 479 Palestinian security prisoners. 

Of these 479 prisoners, 96 are from the West Bank and 131 from the Gaza Strip; they will be allowed to return to their homes. Fourteen prisoners from East Jerusalem and six Israeli Arabs will also be allowed to return to their homes. 

About half of the released prisoners (203) will not be allowed to return to their homes. Forty will be deported and the rest transferred to Gaza. 

Twenty-seven women, all the women imprisoned in Israel for security offences, will be released. Two will be deported, one to Gaza and one to Jordan. 

In two months, Israel will release another 550 prisoners of its choosing. 

Over 5,200 Palestinians were being held in Israeli custody for occupation-related offences in August, including 29 women, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 

Of that number 272 are administrative detainees, Palestinians held by the Israeli authorities without charge or trial, allegedly for preventive purposes. 

“Sigh of relief” 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the deal succeeded in bringing Shalit home, while maintaining the security of Israeli citizens. 

Some in Israel, however, questioned the move, concerned that releasing so many Palestinian prisoners for one Israeli soldier could encourage future abductions. 

“For the last five years, the Shalit case has shaped the feelings of many Israelis towards Gaza, as well as the policies of successive Israeli governments towards Gaza,” said Sari Bashi, director of Israeli NGO Gisha, the legal centre for freedom of movement. 

“The sigh of relief is palpable throughout Israel and of course the relief felt by the Shalit family and the families of the prisoners who will be released,” she said. 

Israeli men and women must serve in the military. In a country where most families watch their young son or daughter leave for the army, the Shalit case has been an emotional issue. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93952</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110121502020171t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families are eagerly awaiting the publication of the names of the more than 1,000 detainees that are to be released in a ground-breaking prisoner swap deal with Israel. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Bracing for Palestinian statehood bid fallout</title><pubDate>Tue, 04 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109301149530505t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 04 October 2011 (IRIN) - As reports come in that the USA may be preparing to cut a substantial portion of the aid it gives to the Palestinian Authority (PA) if the Palestinian statehood bid is successful, people in the occupied Palestinian territory are bracing for possible consequences.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 04 October 2011 (IRIN) - As reports come in that the USA may be preparing to cut a substantial portion of the aid it gives to the Palestinian Authority (PA) if the Palestinian statehood bid is successful, people in the occupied Palestinian territory are bracing for possible consequences.
  
 Still branded a “terrorist” organization by the Quartet (European Union, UN, US and Russia), the Hamas-led government in the Gaza Strip is developing programmes to assist the poorest families as the threat of sanctions by Israel and/or the USA looms.
  
 “We are seeking alternative aid to Gaza from Arab nations,” said Omar Al-Derbi, assistant deputy social affairs minister in Gaza. A new programme under the ministry to begin in October pairs Gaza families in need directly with families from Gulf countries. Ten thousand Gaza beneficiaries will receive 1,000 shekels (US$267) every three months for the coming year. Beneficiaries, interviewed by over 200 social workers in Gaza, include widows and the unemployed.
 
 Shahrazad AbuThuria, 41, from Gaza City, and her six children live in a two-room garage without insulation. Her husband left her 16 years ago, and she is now unemployed. As a refugee Shahrazad receives food assistance from the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) every three months, but it is not enough to feed her family, she says. 
 
 She applied to the Gaza social affairs ministry for assistance a year ago, and says a social worker visits periodically, but her case is still under review.
 
 “My daughter, Nida, 15, had to stop attending school, since I can’t afford uniforms,” she said. “It will for sure get worse. The siege will tighten and donor funds will decrease.”
 
 The USA has been giving about US$200 million annually for PA budget support and roughly $350 million to support humanitarian and development projects - mainly channelled through the US State Department, the US Agency for International Development and NGOs - and not through the PA, said Ghassan Al-Khatib, spokesperson for the PA in Ramallah. 
 
 One in four Palestinians lives below the “poverty line” (defined as $609 per month for a household of two adults and three children), according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), including 18 percent of Palestinians living in the West Bank and 38 percent living in the Gaza Strip. PCSB also found that 14 percent of Palestinians were living in “deep poverty” ($478 per month for a household of two adults and three children), with 8 percent in the West Bank and 23 percent in Gaza. 
 
 These are the people most likely to be affected by possible sanctions.
 
 “[Palestinian president Mahmoud] Abbas’s move to the UN may make our situation worse, the siege may tighten,” said Majda Bedawi, a 36-year-old refugee from Beach Camp in Gaza. She has nine children and her husband has been unemployed for five years. 
 
 “We are borrowing from relatives to pay for groceries,” she added. Her family applied for social assistance last week. 
 
 EU, World Bank assistance
 
 At present, the plight of many of the poorest families is being eased thanks to interventions by the European Union (EU), the World Bank, and the PA.
 
 In terms of direct financial support to the recurrent costs of the PA, the EU disbursed $213 million from January to September 2011, including $174 million for salaries/pensions and $39 million for social support. In 2010, about $345 million was disbursed to the Palestinians by the EU.
 
 Some 87,000 Palestinian families - 47,000 in the West Bank and 40,000 in Gaza - are receiving social assistance in 2011 from a “national cash transfer programme” administered by the EU, World Bank, and the PA social affairs ministry in the West Bank, says the PA - an increase on previous years.
 
 About 55,000 families receive EU assistance, 5,000 receive assistance from the Bank, and 27,000 from the PA (this latter group has increased in the past year).
 
 The full integration of Gaza beneficiaries under the programme is expected by the end of 2011. As of June 2011, payments to beneficiaries in the West Bank have been transferred into individual bank accounts. For Gaza beneficiaries, benefits will continue to be paid over-the-counter until the transition to the national programme is effective. This year's third quarterly payment was made on 3 October.
 
 Gaza-PA rift
 
 Lack of communication between the PA social affairs ministry and its counterpart in Gaza is affecting the ability of impoverished families in Gaza to enter the system - although, there is greater cooperation between the two ministries than in other sectors like health care. The EU and the Bank only deal with the PA on an official level, and limit contact with the Gaza government to coordination on logistics.
 
 The USA has been giving about US$200 million annually for PA budget support and roughly $350 million to support humanitarian and development projects - mainly channelled through the US State Department, the US Agency for International Development and NGOs - and not through the PA, said Ghassan Al-Khatib, spokesperson for the PA in Ramallah. 
 
 According to a Reuters report, the Obama administration is asking Congress to unblock its freeze on budget support assistance, imposed by the lawmakers as punishment for the PA’s bid for UN recognition of statehood. 
 
 Meanwhile, Gaza officials have been complaining about the lack of assistance from the PA. “The PA is not transferring sufficient funds as a result of the internal political conflict,” said Al-Derbi. “The ministry requested 18,000 additional families in Gaza receive assistance,” he added. 
 
 Gaza was not consulted on the statehood proposal to the UN. 
 
 es/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93879</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109301149530505t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 04 October 2011 (IRIN) - As reports come in that the USA may be preparing to cut a substantial portion of the aid it gives to the Palestinian Authority (PA) if the Palestinian statehood bid is successful, people in the occupied Palestinian territory are bracing for possible consequences.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Top Hamas official criticizes Palestinian bid for statehood</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109260549250810t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 23 September 2011 (IRIN) - As Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas launches a Palestinian statehood bid, a top Hamas official in the Gaza Strip says Hamas was not consulted on the bid, the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is ill-prepared for it, and new strategies need to be devised to put pressure on Israel; he hailed Turkey’s recent role, and called for “new connections with Arab countries”.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 23 September 2011 (IRIN) - As Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas launches a Palestinian statehood bid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93709 ] a top Hamas official in the Gaza Strip says Hamas was not consulted on the bid, the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is ill-prepared for it, and new strategies need to be devised to put pressure on Israel; he hailed Turkey’s recent role, and called for “new connections with Arab countries”. 
 
 Abbas sidestepped the Hamas-led government in Gaza in his move to the UN, although potential economic sanctions against the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank could directly affect Gaza’s 1.6 million residents. Half of the PA’s estimated 150,000 employees are in Gaza, and the PA pays 57 percent of its budget to Gaza for electricity, water, and fuel. 
 
 “It is very difficult to build a state under occupation,” Gaza deputy foreign minister Ghazi Hamad, told IRIN. “Palestinians are unable to access over half of the West Bank due to Israeli restrictions and many areas are isolated by the settlements. How can we build a state when geographic connections between major West Bank cities like Nablus and Jenin are restricted? There are 500,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank. 
 
 “Hamas supports the creation of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital, but as history has shown, negotiating with Israel is not going to bring statehood,” he said, adding: 
 
 “President Abbas took this decision unilaterally; he did not consult any Palestinian factions, especially Hamas… We need to formulate a new strategy. We need to give people hope and an alternative. Turkey is a model of political Islam - this is what we need…Turkey is now putting pressure on Israel. We [the Hamas government] are looking to other nations in the region to pressure Israel to end its occupation. 
 
 “We are looking for support from Arab nations, like Turkey and Egypt, and other countries that believe the Palestinians deserve a state… We have to create new connections with Arab countries.” 
 
 Hamas officials and independents in Gaza see the wave of revolutions across the Arab world as an opportunity for the Hamas government to foster new diplomatic ties, potentially with newly formed governments in Libya and Egypt. 
 
 Hamas shunned by West? 
 
 “Until now, the US and European Union only deal with the PA in the West Bank, despite the fact that Hamas was elected,” said Hani Besous, a political analyst at the Islamic University in Gaza. 
 
 Palestinian factions Fatah (in control of the PA in the West Bank) and Hamas (in control of the Gaza government) have yet to implement their latest reconciliation agreement signed in Cairo. 
 
 “Abbas’s move to the UN is a good idea, because we deserve a nation,” said Autef Adjour, 24, from Gaza City. “We can’t wait for the mercy of other countries,” said the former fighter in Fatah’s military wing, now unemployed. 
 
 “We need a new political party, but more importantly we need jobs and to end Israel’s blockade.” 
 
 Enas Shrafi, 30, a high school teacher from Gaza City, said she supported Abbas’s move to the UN, but feared Israel would punish the PA. “I am concerned that I will not receive my salary, and I have two small children.” 
 
 Israel collects about $1.2 billion in fees annually for the PA and has previously withheld the funds to exert pressure on the PA. 
 
 The US Congress has called on President Obama to reduce US aid to the Palestinians, about US$500 million annually, if they proceed with their request for statehood. 
 
 “I want defined borders for Gaza, and an open border, so I can go to visit my family in Saudi Arabia,” said Areej (she only gave her first name) from Jabalayah. She hoped the UN would accept the Palestinian request for statehood. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93807</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109260549250810t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 23 September 2011 (IRIN) - As Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas launches a Palestinian statehood bid, a top Hamas official in the Gaza Strip says Hamas was not consulted on the bid, the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is ill-prepared for it, and new strategies need to be devised to put pressure on Israel; he hailed Turkey’s recent role, and called for “new connections with Arab countries”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: World Bank warns fiscal crisis could jeopardize recent gains</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108201253520406t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - The Palestinian Authority (PA) in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has made substantial progress in implementing its institution-building agenda in preparation for possible future statehood, but a severe fiscal crisis and lower economic growth than anticipated for 2011 threaten these important gains, according to a &amp;lt;a href=&quot;http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCReportSep2011.pdf&quot;&amp;gt;World Bank report&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; sent to a forum of PA donors.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - The Palestinian Authority (PA) in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has made substantial progress in implementing its institution-building agenda in preparation for possible future statehood, but a severe fiscal crisis and lower economic growth than anticipated for 2011 threaten these important gains, according to a World Bank report [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCReportSep2011.pdf ] sent to a forum of PA donors.
  
 According to the Bank, lower-than-expected aid flows in the first half of 2011 had an immediate impact on the Palestinian economy. Real GDP growth, steadily increasing in 2009-2010 and previously projected to reach 9 percent in 2011, is now expected to be 7 percent.
  
 The PA remains vulnerable to reductions in aid flows and a shortfall in external financial support, mostly from Arab donors, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ] in the first half of 2011 has contributed to the fiscal crisis.
  
 The PA 2011 budget called for external budget support of US$967 million based on assumptions of strong growth in domestic revenue collections, but my mid-year the PA had only received $293 million - mostly from European donors. Arab donors provided less than $80 million in the first half of 2011, compared to $231 million in 2010, the Bank said in its report sent to the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC - PA donors) on 12 September.
  
 Foreign donations account for just over a quarter of the total Palestinian budget of $3.7 billion used to pay salaries and for other government spending, International Monetary Fund representative Udo Kock told IRIN in July.
  
 “Ultimately, sustaining the PA’s reform momentum and maintaining its achievements in institution-building is dependent on the revival of the private sector,” said Mariam Sherman, World Bank country director for the West Bank and Gaza. “This would grow the tax base and gradually reduce dependence on external assistance.”
  
 Trade restrictions
  
 However, the private sector remains stifled by Israeli restrictions on access to natural resources and markets, according to the Bank.
  
 West Bank and Gaza trade remains largely isolated from global markets due to restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93625 ] imposed on the movement of goods to, from, and within oPt.
  
 Israel still does not allow any Palestinian development in the 60 percent of the West Bank comprising Area C, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93522 ] reports the Bank, and still prevents all exports from Gaza except for a limited amount of agricultural goods, while Rafah (the only official crossing between Gaza and Egypt) remains closed to cargo. 
  
 In areas where government effectiveness matters most - security and justice; revenue and expenditure management; economic development; and service delivery - Palestinian public institutions compare favourably to other countries in the region and beyond, reports the Bank.
  
 The PA also sent its own report [ http://mopad.pna.ps/web_files/publishing_file/PNA%20report%20to%20the%20AHLC%20Sep%202011-%20Building%20the%20State%20ofPalestine-A%20Success%20Story.pdf ] to the AHLC highlighting its state-building achievements over the past two years. The report precedes the AHLC’s next meeting in New York 18 September.
  
 Statehood bid could hit revenue
  
 Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas is due to lodge a proposal with the UN seeking recognition of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem very soon, probably when the UN General Assembly convenes next week.
  
 Abbas has also travelled to Cairo, where the Arab League is meeting this week, to ask Arab countries to cover the PA’s financial deficit and potentially compensate for US assistance that may be halted or decreased due to the Palestinian bid for statehood, and the tax revenue that Israel is expected to seize.
  
 According to the International Monetary Fund, last year the US provided US$225 million in budget support to the PA. US aid to the PA, including contributions for projects and other assistance is estimated at about US$450 million a year, according to the Israeli daily Haaretz.
 
 Gaza and the West Bank are treated as part of the same customs envelope by Israel, which collects the customs taxes and is supposed to remit them monthly to the PA in Ramallah, according to the Paris Protocol signed in conjunction with the Oslo Accords in 1994.
  
 This month’s salary payments (paid one month in arrears) for PA government employees are scheduled to be paid on 15 September, spokesperson for Palestinian Prime Minster Salam Fayyad, Ghassan al-Khatib, told IRIN, although it is unclear if next month’s payment will be made on time.
  
 “The cabinet is working on next year’s budget, and expects less financial deficit in 2012 by increasing domestic revenues and reducing some expenditures, without affecting services,” said Khatib, “which will reduce foreign aid dependency”.
  
 The Bank’s report underscores that economic growth is unsustainable without political progress towards ending the occupation, he added.
  
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93727</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108201253520406t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 15 September 2011 (IRIN) - The Palestinian Authority (PA) in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has made substantial progress in implementing its institution-building agenda in preparation for possible future statehood, but a severe fiscal crisis and lower economic growth than anticipated for 2011 threaten these important gains, according to a &amp;lt;a href=&quot;http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCReportSep2011.pdf&quot;&amp;gt;World Bank report&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; sent to a forum of PA donors.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: The Palestinian bid for statehood</title><pubDate>Tue, 13 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109130829120543t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 13 September 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas will lodge a proposal with the UN this month seeking recognition of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem - occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six Day War - after the breakdown of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 13 September 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas will lodge a proposal with the UN this month seeking recognition of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem - occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six Day War - after the breakdown of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
  
 The precise mechanics of how the proposal will be lodged and which body - the UN General Assembly, the UN Security Council, or both - will vote on it, remain unclear. An adviser to Abbas said he was not sure what the process would look like. The Palestinians could aim for a vote in the UN General Assembly when it convenes next week, since the US has threatened to veto a resolution for Palestinian statehood in the Security Council.
  
 Abbas says the Palestinians chose September for three reasons: 
  
 1. Successful completion of Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan, including Palestinian Authority (PA) reforms and institution-building in preparation for statehood; [ http://www.mopad.pna.ps/web_files/publishing_file/Final%20Report%20of%20the%20PNA%20to%20the%20AHLC%2010%20April%202011.pdf ] 
 2. US President Barack Obama's statement at the UN General Assembly on 23 September 2010 in which he hoped a Palestinian state would have arisen by September 2011; [ http://www.voanews.com/english/news/usa/President-Barack-Obamas-Address-to-the-UNGA-103623234.html ] 
 3. Support for establishing a Palestinian state by this date among the Quartet (UN, USA, European Union and Russia). 
  
 IRIN asked three different observers/officials - Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon; Hebrew University international humanitarian law expert Yuval Shany; and Nabil Abu Rudeinah, an adviser to president Abbas - to comment on key issues.
  
 Danny Ayalon, Israeli deputy foreign minister
  
 Q: Why has Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made his decision to go the UN this September, seeking recognition of a Palestinian state? 
  
 A: Abbas’s decision to go to the UN is strategic and not tactical. Abbas made many demands of Israel during the past two and half years and each time Israel met these demands. However, Abbas refused to even sit in the same room with members of the Israeli government. This was to avoid having to enter negotiations which would have entailed concessions.
  
 Abbas took President Obama’s comments [his September 2010 speech] out of context; the US president clearly stated that he would welcome a Palestinian state that arose as a result of negotiations between the parties. This is clearly not the case, and Abbas has cherry-picked comments for his own purpose rather than meeting the expectations of the Palestinians enunciated in the very same speech.
  
 The Quartet has said on many occasions that it calls for a return to negotiations and one of its most recent statements stated clearly that “unilateral actions by either party cannot prejudge the outcome of negotiations and will not be recognized by the international community.”
  
 To truly support President Obama's vision and the wishes of the international community, the Palestinians should come and sit at the negotiating table with Israel and resolve the conflict through a two-states-for-two-peoples solution.
  
 Q: Is the PA now fully prepared for statehood?
  
 A: No. It fails to meet the international standards for sovereignty. It does not have established borders, is beholden to the international community for its economy, and has not sufficiently proven that it is “peace-loving”. 
  
 If we look at the most recent example of South Sudan, the 193rd member state of the UN, this is the correct paradigm for membership. The South Sudanese only applied for membership after a negotiated solution with its neighbours, not before. This is the correct order. 
  
 Q: Would negotiations between the PA and Israel - which cover final status issues - continue after the UN’s potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: This could prove very difficult. The Palestinians have breached all their obligations and signed agreements, if they unilaterally declare a state. If the Palestinians feel that the international community can serve as a “rubber stamp” for the maximalist demands then they will have no incentive to compromise on any of the core issues. 
  
 A unilaterally declared Palestinian state will essentially tear up existing agreements and could be a death knell for the peace process. 
  
 Q: Would security coordination between the PA and Israel continue, even after the UN's potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: Security coordination is in the best interests of both Israel and the Palestinians. However, we may have no choice but to re-evaluate our position on all agreements and understandings if the Palestinians breach their obligations.
  
 Q: What will be the status of the Oslo Accords [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oslo_Accords ] if a Palestinian state is recognized?
  
 A: A unilateral declaration of independence is a fundamental breach of the Oslo Accords and other signed agreements, and could render them null and void. Article 31 of the Declaration of Principles, otherwise known as the Oslo Accords, stated that: “Neither side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91905 ] pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiation.” 
  
 This is just one of many reasons why we are calling on governments around the world not to support such a fundamental breach, and support a negotiated peaceful agreement.
  
 Q: Would the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population be better met under a functioning Palestinian state?
  
 A: In the last two years, Israel has assisted the Palestinian economy to rise consistently 8-9 percent per year. Unemployment is down, tourism is up and the quality of life is vastly improved. All this [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93374 ] could be jeopardized by the Palestinian leadership and they know this very well. 
  
 Yuval Shany, chair in Public International Law, Hebrew University
  
 Q: Why has Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made his decision to go the UN this September, seeking recognition of a Palestinian state? 
  
 A: My sense is that the Palestinians have made a strategic choice to internationalize the conflict - perhaps because they have little faith in bilateral negotiations with Israel. Palestinian statehood opens up some avenues for advancing such a goal - for example, asking the International Criminal Court to investigate Israeli military operations in the occupied [Palestinian] territory, inviting UN rapporteurs to visit the area, and perhaps even attempting to invite peacekeepers to the area. Options could include UN or Arab League peacekeepers.
  
 Q: Is the PA now fully prepared for statehood?
  
 A: It is no less prepared than many other new states - East Timor, South Sudan, etc.
  
 Q: If a Palestinian state is recognized, do you think Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank will continue?
  
 A: Yes.
  
 Q: Would negotiations between the PA and Israel - which cover final status issues - continue after the UN’s potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: There is no legal impediment to continued negotiations.
  
 Q: Would security coordination between the PA and Israel continue after the UN's potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: This depends to some extent on Israel's reaction to the Palestinian application. A decision to terminate the Oslo Accords may jeopardize the existing arrangements.
  
 Q: What will be status of the Oslo Accords if a Palestinian state is recognized?
  
 A: The current status of the Accords is already uncertain. It will be harder to maintain their relevancy after a Palestinian state emerges. Israel may exercise its right to revoke the agreements formally.
  
 Q: If a decision to terminate the Oslo Accords was taken, what legal status would Israeli military personnel and civilians in the West Bank have in the absence of the Accords? Could Israel potentially assume more control over the West Bank if the current Area A, B and C arrangement [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93522 ] were cancelled?
  
 A: The situation will revert - legally speaking - to the pre-Oslo period. Israel would base its presence directly on occupation law.
  
 Q: Would recognition of a Palestinian state affect UN operations in the area? Would the obstacles to delivering humanitarian aid remain the same, if the Israeli occupation remains?
  
 A: UN operations would continue, but may face more obstacles if cooperation between the parties is reduced. The [humanitarian] situation for the Palestinians could become more difficult, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ] at least in the short-term.
  
 Q: Would the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population be better met under a functioning Palestinian state?
  
 A: Hard to say. It is likely that deterioration in Israel-Palestinian relations (and also US-Palestinian relations) may have adverse economic consequences for the Palestinians at least in the short term. There could also be security tensions… If a formal vote does not go before the UN General Assembly until October, the process may take a few months to unfold.
  
 Nabil Abu Rudeinah, adviser to president Abbas
  
 Q: Why has Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made his decision to go the UN this September, seeking recognition of a Palestinian state? 
  
 A: The Americans failed to provide us or the Israelis a platform for negotiations. They failed to stop or cease the settlement activities.
  
 Abu Mazen’s [Abbas’s] position, as well as the Palestinian leadership, has always been that we are ready for negotiations on this clear basis - 1967 borders with an agreed [land] swap, with a cessation of settlements. For this, we are ready to come back to negotiations.
  
 Last year Obama said [in his 23 September 2010 speech] that he hoped he would see a Palestinian state as a new member of the UN.
  
 As long as negotiations are not there, this is the only option we have to protect our people and our interests. We cannot keep this stalemate any more than this. That is why the UN is the only place that we can assert our rights. 
  
 The Israelis are refusing to return to the negotiating table, even on the reference which Obama mentioned in his speech in May [ http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/19/remarks-president-middle-east-and-north-africa ] - borders of 1967.
  
 The Quartet failed several times to issue a statement that puts our perspective on negotiations; the Americans failed to cease [Israeli] settlement activities, and that’s why we are obliged to go to the UN - it’s a Palestinian and an Arab decision.
  
 Our problem is not with the Americans, even though they are threatening to use their veto [against a Palestinian bid for statehood]. Our problem is with the Israelis. The Americans are unable to force Israel to return to negotiations.
  
 Q: White House Middle East envoys Dennis Ross and David Hale met president Abbas in Ramallah on 7 September. What potential implications were outlined by the US that could result from a request to the UN for recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: They said they do not want us to go to the [UN] Security Council.
  
 They said that [Quartet representative Tony] Blair is trying to prepare a statement and Abu Mazen [Abbas] told them that once we see that statement we will give our thoughts about it, but it is too late. We are not looking for any confrontation with the US, despite what Congress has mentioned.
  
 Q: Do you think the US will withhold funding to the PA if you limit the proposal for statehood to a vote before the UN General Assembly, and how would that affect the PA budget?
  
 A: Maybe. So far the [US] Congress is threatening; our relation with the [US] administration is continuing, but we have to wait and see what might happen after September.
  
 The financial situation is very difficult. Over the last six years many donors and countries stopped funding the PA. The Americans said Congress will boycott us. I do not know if the Europeans and the Arabs will follow, but the issue is not just about money; the main issue is our rights. 
  
 Many Arab states have stopped funding the PA, but yesterday [8 September] the Kuwaitis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ] paid. 
  
 Occupation must end after 63 years. The Israelis should withdraw and the Americans should change their policy towards Israel and the Middle East. We do not want to isolate Israel, or to confront the Americans. We want to implement what we did in Camp David and Annapolis and the speech of Obama - a state on the lines of 1967 and an agreed swap. If the Israelis are willing, we are ready.
  
 The US administration says Congress would put obstacles [up] to [prevent] funding the PA, but it’s unclear if the US administration would stop its funding, and if the issue will reflect negatively on the PA, on the Americans, on Israel and the donors.
  
 The Palestinian issue is the core issue of the Middle East. Nobody can ignore it - not the Americans, not the Europeans, not the Arabs, not even the Israelis.
  
 We do not want to confront anybody. We want the occupation to end. We want our state to be built, and we are ready. We need the Americans to change their policy and we urge them not to obstruct our approach to the UN. We are not going to confront the Americans or isolate Israel or delegitimize Israel. We are willing and ready to live side-by-side with an Israeli state. 
  
 Q: Is the PA now fully prepared for statehood at the end of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan?
  
 A: We were prepared 20 years ago. We are maybe the only stable country in the Middle East. The only problem is the occupation. This is what the Americans and the Israelis must understand. Without solving this issue with a just solution, the whole Middle East will be in an unstable situation and the extremist movement will grow.
  
 Q: What about the disconnect between the PA and the government in the Gaza Strip?
  
 A: There is no government in Gaza. The PA pays 57 percent of its budget to Gaza - for electricity, water, fuel, and we pay for 77,000 [PA] employees in Gaza.
  
 We signed an agreement [between Fatah and Hamas] in Cairo [specifying] that we need an independent government to prepare for elections next May. Our contacts are continuing with them on different issues, and the only problem is forming the government. We are still committed to the agreement and we are ready for elections, including foreign observers to supervise the elections, as we did the last two times.
  
 They [Hamas-led government in Gaza] are doing a very good job on security by preventing anybody from firing against Israel.
  
 Q: Would negotiations between the PA and Israel - which cover final status issues - continue after the UN’s potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: We will immediately return to negotiate, because the land within the 1967 borders will be an “occupied land” not “disputed land”, and every single settlement will be illegal - it is enough for us to come back to negotiations. This is the purpose of our going to the UN, to determine that this is “occupied land”, not “disputed land” as the Israelis are saying.
  
 Q: Would security coordination between the PA and Israel continue, even after the UN's potential recognition of a Palestinian state?
  
 A: As president Abbas said many times, the security will continue, the cooperation will continue. We will not allow any violence. We will not allow any confrontations with the Israelis as long as we [Abbas administration] are in the Muqata [presidential office in Ramallah].
  
 If President Abbas and the Palestinian leadership decide something else after September, it’s a different story. For example, president Abbas could decide to resign if he fails. Who will control the security apparatus? 
  
 The Israelis and the Americans should understand that stability means they should come to an agreement with us; otherwise troubles will continue in the Middle East and extremism will grow. 
  
 This is why we are going to the UN. President Abbas will address the world and tell them this is the situation. We are ready for negotiations; our state is ready; and as long as there are no negotiations and Israel continues its settlement activities, we have no option but to come to the UN. And after that we are ready for negotiations [with Israel] on the final-status issues.
  
 Q: What will be the status of the Oslo Accords if a Palestinian state is recognized?
  
 A: The PA is committed to Oslo. It is up to the Israelis. The West Bank is occupied - Areas A, B, and C. We do not have any real authority. We do not have anything to lose.
  
 If Israel decides to cancel Oslo they will have to face the reality. There will not be any PA; there will not be any security branches taking decisions from us [Abbas administration]. Let them face in the West Bank what they face in Gaza and what they are going to face everywhere, in Lebanon and in Syria. Let them take care of security. Let them take care of the people.
  
 PA is responsible for the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza and takes its decisions from the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization]. If the Israelis cancel Oslo the Palestinian leadership will convene and take the right decision.
  
 Q: Would the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population be better met under a functioning Palestinian state?
  
 A: The humanitarian situation is terrible in the West Bank and Gaza. If you cross the bridge [from the West Bank to Jordan; the West Bank’s only international crossing point under Israeli control] you can see hundreds of people waiting. Go and see the kind of humiliation they face. Go to any checkpoint, like Qalandiya and see what happens. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93474 ]
  
 The humanitarian situation is worsening. Humiliation is continuing, and that is what the president is going to tell the UN and the world. We cannot accept this situation or continue to foster it. The occupation should end. 
  
 If the world is going to support the Israelis and the Americans, let them face the reality. You see what is happening in the Arab world. The Arab revolutions are continuing.
  
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93709</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109130829120543t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 13 September 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas will lodge a proposal with the UN this month seeking recognition of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem - occupied by Israel since the 1967 Six Day War - after the breakdown of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: West Bank dogged by high cost of trade</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109010619070578t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank trade remains largely isolated from global markets due to restrictions imposed on the movement of goods to, from, and within the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), according to a July 2011 study by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank trade remains largely isolated from global markets due to restrictions imposed on the movement of goods to, from, and within the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), according to a July 2011 study [ http://www.unctad.org/en/docs/tdb58d4_en.pdf ] by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

Constraints on imports and exports inflate prices for Palestinian businesses and consumers, apparent as families struggle to buy gifts during the Eid post-Ramadan holiday.

Constraints facing Palestinian trade to or via Israel include access within the West Bank itself prior even to reaching the border with Israel or Jordan; a time-consuming and expensive back-to-back truck loading system; and severe scrutiny measures imposed at the border crossing to Jordan (Allenby or King Hussein Bridge, the West Bank’s only international crossing point) and the commercial crossings between the West Bank and Gaza and Israel, according to an unpublished World Bank report drafted in February 2011 and seen by IRIN.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) and Palestinian businesses are hoping a 20 September bid for statehood before the UN - and the assertion by UN agencies that Palestinian institutions are prepared for statehood - will open channels to international trade.

“The back-to-back system, internal West Bank checkpoints, and the clearance process at Israeli ports that require Palestinian goods to be searched several times and often held in warehouses for long periods, delay trade,” said PA deputy economic minister Abdel Hafiz Nofal.

Barriers to imports and exports increase the cost of trade transactions by about 40 percent, he said.

The back-to-back truck-loading system, which applies to all West Bank exports, does not allow trucks to cross into Israel. Instead, goods are offloaded from a Palestinian truck and inspected before being moved to an Israeli truck for final delivery within Israel or overseas.

For goods entering the West Bank from Israel, the cargo is transferred in the same manner, but without a security inspection for most goods.

No container scanners

According to the World Bank, the absence of container scanners at borders constrains Palestinian access to external markets, and means all cargo is subject to physical inspections. For goods outgoing from the West Bank to Israel, manual and canine inspection is used where deemed necessary.

“There are six commercial crossing points between the West Bank and Israel, and to date there are no scanners at any of the six points,” said Nofal.

According to Paltrade, [ http://www.paltrade.org/en/ ] the national trade development organization which includes 327 leading Palestinian businesses, PA customs and border officials are prohibited at Allenby Bridge and at crossing points between the West Bank and Israel. 

Arafat Asfour, chairman of Paltrade and partner in Nassar Group, the largest Palestinian marble and stone company, says the biggest obstacles facing Nassar are local trade restrictions, including the back-to-back system.

Loading and unloading trucks 3-4 times before they reach their destination is costly, said Asfour. 

If Nassar sends one truck from Bethlehem to Ashdod or Haifa port in Israel for sea-shipment, with two containers of stone [16 tons per container], it should cost US$550-650, but Nassar pays double for the extra trucks required.

Nassar is also reducing the amount of material per truck from 20 to 16 tons to allow dogs used by Israeli authorities to manoeuvre inside for security checks. Asfour estimates a 20 percent loss in transportation costs on each truck.

The international standard is 20 tons per container, and under normal trading conditions a truck is scanned as it crosses the border, according to Asfour. 

“Scanning entire trucks is more efficient and secure than manual searching with dogs,” says Asfour, and “Sometimes our materials stay 2-3 weeks in Israeli ports, which incur extra storage costs.”

Jordan even more costly

Despite the barriers, most Palestinian traders say it is still quicker and cheaper to export goods via Israel than Jordan.

Palestinian goods moving to or from Jordan must cross Allenby Bridge, where cargo is removed from Palestinian trucks, inspected, and then loaded onto Jordanian trucks. The process takes 4-8 hours or longer, and Allenby’s scanners cannot handle large cargo, reports the World Bank.

Since containers are prohibited from entering Jordan or Israel, Palestinian shippers say they often reconfigure cargo onto smaller pallets for inspection, and there is no cold storage.

If Palestinian shippers had consistent access to outside markets via Allenby Bridge, it could increase trade by as much as 30 percent annually, according to Paltrade.

In 2010, Palestinian trade with/through Israel accounted for 74 percent of total Palestinian trade, according to UNCTAD.

The increased cost of trade has raised the price of goods for Palestinians, including food, beverages and hygiene products, according to the PA economic ministry.

Per capita gross domestic product in the West Bank is about US$1,500, and about US$26,000 in Israel, according to the World Bank. “There is a rich society and a poor society that are being treated on an equal basis,” says Asfour. “This is why one customs union is unfair to the Palestinians.”

Gaza and the West Bank are treated as part of the same customs envelope by Israel, which collects the customs taxes and is supposed to remit them monthly to the PA in Ramallah, according to the Paris Protocol signed in conjunction with the Oslo Accords in 1994.

The Protocol stipulates that the value added tax in oPt can only be 3 percent lower than Israel’s tax, and gives the Israeli Institute for Standards authority over Palestinian imports and exports.

Israel is restricting imports according to its own national production to regulate competition in its own market, which does not necessarily apply to the Palestinians, said Nofal.

“Palestinians are forced to import fuel [petrol] via Israel, but if we could import fuel via Jordan or Saudi Arabia it would cut the price in half, which would create opportunities for industry and lower costs for average Palestinians,” he added.

Not all imports come from Israel

Recent evidence published by the Bank of Israel suggests that of the total Palestinian imports from Israel reported by official statistics, only 42 percent are actually goods produced in Israel, says UNCTAD.

“The remaining 58 per cent are produced in a third country, and transit to the OPT via Israel. Factoring out these `indirect’ imports negates the overstated importance of the Israeli economy to that of the OPT. The officially reported share of imports from Israel would be closer to 35 per cent, rather than 75 per cent, of all Palestinian imports. Under normal trade and transit conditions, therefore, Israel would no longer enjoy overwhelming dominance as the leading OPT trading partner. This underscores the failure of Palestinian–Israeli convergence and economic integration under prolonged occupation. And… this arrangement deprives the PA of significant customs revenue that it needs in order to meet essential obligations, lower its structural budget deficit, and reduce aid-dependence,” the UNCTAD report says.

Meanwhile, lack of Palestinian purchasing power is evident this holiday season in the West Bank, where 18 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.

“People are looking, but not buying,” said Nidal Mohamed, 41, pushing his cart loaded with clothing by hand to Ramallah’s central market. Nidal said he has taken a second job cleaning a coffee shop to support his family of nine.

Israel says security measures implemented at crossing points are necessary to protect Israeli civilians from attacks. 

Israel does not support the potential bid for statehood, [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/About+the+Ministry/Behind+the+Headlines/The+Dangers+of+Premature+Recognition+of+a+Palestinian+State-15-Jun-2011.htm ] asserting that the PA is ill-prepared to secure its borders.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93625</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109010619070578t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank trade remains largely isolated from global markets due to restrictions imposed on the movement of goods to, from, and within the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), according to a July 2011 study by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Palestinians feel the pinch as Arab donors stay away</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108201253520406t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 22 August 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are facing increasing financial woes this Ramadan, as the Palestinian Authority (PA) juggles with its dwindling budget.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 22 August 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are facing increasing financial woes this Ramadan, as the Palestinian Authority (PA) juggles with its dwindling budget.
 
 August salary payments for the PA’s estimated 150,000 employees, about half in the West Bank and half in the Gaza Strip, arrived late and it is unclear when September payments will arrive.
 
 “The PA’s financial situation has deteriorated due to shortfalls in donor financing, and revenue collection has been lower than budgeted,” International Monetary Fund (IMF) representative Udo Kock in Jerusalem told IRIN. 
 
 Although the reasons for the shortfalls are difficult to gauge, he says. “Mostly Arab donors are not paying,” Ghassan Khatib, spokesperson for Palestinian prime minister Salam Fayyad’s office, told IRIN.
 
 Foreign donations account for just over a quarter of the total Palestinian budget [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] of US$3.7 billion used to pay salaries and for other government spending. 
 
 The PA budget has been missing about $35 million monthly in donor payments since the start of the year, said Khatib. He estimated the total unpaid amount since January to be about $300 million.
 
 According to the PA finance ministry, [ http://www.pmof.ps/news/plugins/spaw/uploads/files/accounts/2011/08/table7_eng.pdf ] between January and July, 33 percent of required external budget support has been disbursed, instead of the 58 percent that should have been disbursed during this period.
 
 Saudi Arabia made a partial payment of $30 million in July. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are the largest Arab donors to the PA.
 
 Experts say Arab nations have been focused on other concerns since the January revolution erupted in Egypt, and crises in other parts of the Arab world, like Libya and Syria.
 
 Funds redirected
 
 “Last year my family had two or three types of food on our `iftar’ [daily meal to break the Ramadan fast] table and now we barely have enough,” said Mohammed Musa, 48, a guard at a municipal building in Ramallah and a PA employee. 
 
 His monthly salary of about $460 supports a family of 10 living in Am’ari refugee camp [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=105 ] in Ramallah, which has high unemployment and a population of about 10,000.
 
 In response to the crisis, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas ordered PA institutions to stop holding official Ramadan `iftar’ dinners and to divert the allocated funds to poor Palestinians.
 
 Several public and private institutions followed suit, like telecommunications company Paltel Group, the largest private sector company in oPt.
 
 Wael Qadan, director of planning with the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS), said: “In response to Abbas’s request, PRCS cancelled the `iftar’ meal for businesspeople and redirected the funds - about $20,000 - to our emergency budget.” These funds (about $35,000) are used to assist Palestinians with medical care, education fees, and home building, he said.
 
 According to prime minister Fayyad’s office, the PA social affairs ministry has a fund of about $223,000 from the Emirates Red Crescent which is being spent on Ramadan meals for 12,000 people in the West Bank and Gaza, and new clothing for the holiday.
 
 Pressure
 
 Palestinian families and businesses say they are feeling the pressure.
 
 “I am selling a quarter of what I sold last Ramadan,” said cafeteria owner Amjad Baker, 28, from Ramallah, as he prepared `katayef’, a traditional pancake-like holiday sweet.
 
 “The economy is down, aid is not coming in, and people do not have money to spend,” said Amjad.
 
 He said new elections should be held, and he hoped for a stronger Fatah candidate.
 
 The PA’s current financial crisis is being exacerbated by uncertainty surrounding the potential Palestinian bid for statehood at the UN in September, and the outcome of reconciliation between Palestinian factions Fatah in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza.
 
 Gaza government faces crisis
 
 Salaries for the estimated 25,000-30,000 military and civilian employees of the Hamas-led government in Gaza will be paid in full after delays over the past eight months, a Gaza government official who preferred anonymity told IRIN.
 
 “The Gaza government collects $10-12 million in local revenue, and the rest of the government operating budget [estimated at about $30-35 million, according to Hamas officials interviewed by IRIN in 2010] comes from outside sources,” said the official.
 
 There may be additional delays, said the official, mostly related to logistical problems in receiving the funds due to political upheaval in the region.
 
 Meanwhile, `iftar’ tables in Gaza are often barren, power cuts are frequent, and nearly half the population is food insecure, according to the World Food Programme. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2011_08_19_english.pdf ]
 
 es/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93550</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108201253520406t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 22 August 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinian families in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are facing increasing financial woes this Ramadan, as the Palestinian Authority (PA) juggles with its dwindling budget.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Growing Palestinian displacement in West Bank Area C</title><pubDate>Wed, 17 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108150734290562t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 17 August 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinians living in Israeli-controlled Area C of the West Bank, where Israel retains controls full control over security, planning and zoning, say they are victims of a deliberate policy by the authorities aimed at their displacement.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 17 August 2011 (IRIN) - Each year, hundreds of Palestinians in Area C have their homes demolished by the Israeli authorities because they are unable to obtain permits for their buildings, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Area C covers 60 percent of the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91971 ] with a Palestinian population of about 150,000.
 
 Israel retains military authority and full control over building and planning in Area C: as much as 70 percent of it is inaccessible to Palestinians, classified as Israeli settlement areas, firing zones, or nature reserves. 
 
 In the remaining 30 percent there are a number of other restrictions that reduce the possibility for Palestinians to obtain a building permit, reports OCHA. In practice, Palestinian construction is normally permitted only within the boundaries of a plan approved by the Israeli Civil Administration, which covers less than 1 percent of Area C, much of which is already built-up, according to OCHA.
 
 Many Palestinians living in Area C are left with no choice other than to build without a permit.
 
 Israel says authorities have only demolished illegal structures, and that Jewish and Palestinian residents in Area C are subject to the same restrictions.
 
 An August 2011 OCHA report [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_area_c_report_august_2011_english.pdf ] highlights the concerns of 13 Area C communities, including restrictive and discriminatory planning and zoning policies which limit Palestinian construction and use of the land, and lack of effective law enforcement in response to settler attacks.
 
 Also, movement and access restrictions, like those created by Israel’s “Separation Barrier”, limit access to land and water resources for many communities.
 
 Khallet Zakariya
 
 Residents of Khallet Zakariya, located in Area C south of Bethlehem say Israeli authorities are demolishing their homes and settlers have destroyed their livelihoods in an effort to force the community to relocate.
 
 Farmer Mohamed Khalil, 55, from Khallet Zakariya, says Israeli settlers ruined about half a hectare of his agricultural fields in June and spray-painted “death to Arabs” in black on the wall of his home, which is still visible.
 
 “It’s not the first time settlers destroyed my land,” said Mohamed. “It takes 3-4 years to cultivate crops of grapes and plums.” 
 
 The lost crops will affect income for three families, including 19 people. Mohamed has filed a complaint with Israeli police.
 
 According to Mohamed, officials from the Civil Administration, the Israeli governing body that operates in the West Bank, came and offered to relocate his community of about 350 people to an area west of Bethlehem called Nahhlin.
 
 “My father cultivated this land - we declined,” he said.
 
 Ido Hevroni, a resident of neighbouring Israeli settlement Alon Shvut [ http://peacenow.org/map.php ] with a population of about 3,000, located south of Khallet Zakariya, says there is peace between his community and Palestinian families.
 
 “I am against any illegal structure, Palestinian or Israeli,” said Hevroni, as he and his eight-year-old daughter walked through Khallet Zakariya. 
 
 With settlement Bat Ayin located directly west and settlement Rosh Zurim directly to the north, residents of Khallet Zakariya say there is a strategy to force them out to allow settlement expansion.
 
 However, expansion has mostly been in larger settlements over the past year, according to Israeli NGO B’Tselem.
 
 Bulldozed
 
 Fatima Saed, her husband Mahmoud, and their four children had 20 minutes notice to pack their belongings and evacuate their home in Khallet Zakariya before it was bulldozed by Israeli authorities on 25 July.
 
 “Our lawyer was not informed that we had lost our court case disputing the demolition order for our home,” said Fatima. Her family is now living at her brother’s house nearby, with 21 people crammed into two rooms.
 
 “We built here without a permit, because my family owns the land,” she said.
 
 In the first six months of 2011, OCHA reports that the Israeli authorities demolished 342 Palestinian-owned structures in Area C, including 125 residential “structures”, displacing a total of 656 Palestinians, including 351 children - almost five times as many demolitions and people displaced as during the first half of 2010, according to OCHA.
 
 Maj Guy Inbar, Israeli coordinator of government activities in the occupied Palestinian territory (COGAT), told IRIN: “There is no policy to move people from their homes.”
 
 He acknowledges, however, that Israel has increased action to monitor illegal building, both in Jewish and Palestinian sectors within Area C.
 
 “A similar number of illegal Israeli and Palestinian structures have been demolished by Israel so far in 2011,” said Inbar, and “Israel is working to approve and authorize more areas within Area C that Palestinians will be permitted to live [in] and build [on].”
 
 Few building permits
 
 B’Tselem spokesperson Sarit Michaeli said: “Israeli settlements were built in contravention of international law in the West Bank, while the Palestinian population in Area C is under occupation and protected by international law.”
 
 Israeli NGO Bimkom, [ http://eng.bimkom.org/Index.asp?ArticleID=137&CategoryID=125&Page=1 ] comprised of planners and architects to strengthen human rights in the field of planning, published a comprehensive report in 2008 detailing what it describes as separate planning systems for Israeli settlements that allow for growth and expansion.
 
 From 2000 to 2007, the Civil Administration approved 5 percent of the applications for building permits submitted by Palestinians in Area C. The total number of building permits issued to Palestinians during these seven years was 91, an average of 13 building permits per annum, reports Bimkom. 
 
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93522</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108150734290562t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 17 August 2011 (IRIN) - Palestinians living in Israeli-controlled Area C of the West Bank, where Israel retains controls full control over security, planning and zoning, say they are victims of a deliberate policy by the authorities aimed at their displacement.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Ambitious plans to boost oPt transport, trade infrastructure</title><pubDate>Wed, 10 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908241019060684t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 10 August 2011 (IRIN) - Developing transport and trade infrastructure in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is the focus of a growing number of proposed donor and Palestinian Authority (PA) projects, but it remains to be seen if and when some of these projects will come to fruition.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 10 August 2011 (IRIN) - Developing transport and trade infrastructure in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is the focus of a growing number of proposed donor and Palestinian Authority (PA) projects, but it remains to be seen how many of them will ever come to fruition.
  
 Increasing trade has been marked by the World Bank as key to sustainable private sector growth; and a coherent trade strategy and an appropriate border management and customs system are PA priorities on the path to hoped-for statehood.
  
 Several institutional and capacity-building projects are under way, launched in conjunction with the Palestinian Reform and Development Programme 2008-2010. [ http://www.mop-gov.ps/web_files/issues_file/PRDP-en.pdf ] Donors and the PA have been struggling to develop transport infrastructure like roads and international crossing points essential to move goods and people, due to access and building restrictions in the West Bank, mainly in Area C. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91971 ] 
  
 Over 1,000 Israeli checkpoints and physical barriers hinder the movement of goods and people in the West Bank, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_the_humanitarian_monitor_2011_07_20_english.pdf ]
  
 Israel says [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/HumanitarianAid/Palestinians/Implementation_Civil_Policy_Judea_Samaria_2010.htm ] there is free movement between Jenin and Hebron, and only 16 checkpoints are in operation.
  
 The Gaza Strip remains under a four-year Israeli blockade [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_special_easing_the_blockade_2011_03_english.pdf ] that largely restricts the movement of goods and people. 
  
 “More than half the West Bank roadway network is in need of major rehabilitation,” said deputy minister of public works and housing Fayeq Deek, while the PA lacks funds, and the majority of major roads are in Area C.
  
 Israel retains military authority and full control [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91971 ] over the building and planning sphere in Area C; 70 percent of the area is classified as a firing zone, settlement areas, or nature reserves, and is inaccessible to Palestinians; 60 percent of the West Bank is in Area C. 
  
 West Bank and Gaza have a road network of about 4,900km, less than half of which is major roads that connect cities with each other and border crossings, says the World Bank.
  
 About 2,000km are two-lane paved roads with a width of 4-7 metres, and the other roads are mostly unpaved with a width of 3-6 metres, according to the Bank.
  
 PA officials say repeated requests for permits to rehabilitate road networks are ignored by Israeli authorities, including those between key West Bank trading centres, though the World Bank says potential trade benefits from road rehabilitation would probably be overshadowed by the constraints imposed by Israeli’s “Separation Barrier” that snakes through the West Bank.
  
 The Israeli Coordinator of Government Activities in the (Palestinian) Territories (COGAT) was unavailable for comment.
  
 Qalandiya bottleneck
  
 Qalandiya checkpoint, operated by the Israeli army, is located on the main access road - known as Jerusalem Road - between East Jerusalem and Ramallah. It is the only access point for central and northern West Bank residents to reach most areas of East Jerusalem. Additionally, the section of Jerusalem Road leading to Qalandiya is the only exit from the major West Bank city Ramallah and the surrounding area to the southern and central West Bank, including Hebron, Bethlehem, and Jericho.
  
 A trip by car from Ramallah to East Jerusalem that would normally take 10 minutes can take over two hours, due to lengthy security procedures at the checkpoint.
  
 Repeated requests to Israeli authorities to rehabilitate and widen the dilapidated road have been denied, public works ministry official Deek.
  
 “An average of 30,000 vehicles crosses Qalandiya daily, and if we could build an access road to re-route the south-bound traffic, we could reduce the bottleneck,” he said.
  
 PA transportation and public works ministries are presenting a national transportation plan (seen by IRIN but not available online) to donors. It includes a comprehensive regional road network, a Gaza seaport, airports and plans to rehabilitate an additional international crossing point - Prince Mohammed (Damiah) Bridge between Jordan and the West Bank. 
  
 The vision includes a railway line (in consultation with the Rand Corporation) looping round the West Bank, and connecting to Jordan, Gaza and Egypt, said deputy transportation minister Ali Shaath. He has submitted the plans to the Islamic Development Bank and the Union for the Mediterranean [ http://eeas.europa.eu/euromed/index_en.htm ] for potential funding. 
  
 PA plans include rehabilitating Gaza and Qalandiya airports, the latter located in a restricted military area under Israeli control in East Jerusalem. A third site slated for an international airport is in the Baqa’a area of East Jerusalem, [ http://www.mopad.pna.ps/web_files/publishing_file/Final%20Report%20of%20the%20PNA%20to%20the%20AHLC%2010%20April%202011.pdf ] also restricted to Palestinians. 
  
 “Trade Facilitation Project”
  
 Since the closure in 2007 of Karni, Gaza’s main commercial crossing, and Rafah, Gaza’s only passenger terminal, which operates sporadically, the PA has had no opportunity to manage borders or crossings. 
  
 Palestinian customs previously worked at Allenby (King Hussein) Bridge - the West Bank’s only international crossing, located on the West Bank-Jordan border - with Israeli counterparts, but they were removed by the Israeli government in 2001.
  
 To assist the PA in modernizing its border management system the US Agency for International Development (USAID) launched its Trade Facilitation Project [ http://www.usaid.gov/wbg/misc/ECO/PEO%20TFP%20fact%20sheet.pdf ] in 2008, with a budget of about US$12 million for the first three years. 
  
 The project aims to facilitate the efficient movement of goods, people and services within the West Bank, between the West Bank and Gaza, and to markets abroad. 
  
 Extended to 2012, the Project supports infrastructure upgrades on the Palestinian side of selected crossings points, and is now helping the PA prepare new customs legislation, capacity-building in customs and VAT, and facilitating training in customs procedures and enforcement.
  
 A component of the project monitors and analyses movement and access conditions, said Antonio Galli, access and policy adviser for the project in Ramallah.
  
 “Operations at the crossing points remain time-consuming and costly,” said Galli, “with intense security procedures, strict limitations on exporting with containers, and in some cases limited infrastructure.”
  
 Many raw materials critical to the productive sectors are classified by Israel as “dual-use” (civilian and military), and their import (to the West Bank) entails the navigation of complex procedures, creating delays and significantly increasing costs, says the World Bank. [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankSep2010AHLCReport.pdf ]
  
 “Sometimes even importing fax machines and telephones can be a difficult, lengthily process,” said Galli, and “the current infrastructure at Allenby would not be able to handle a large volume of goods.”
  
 Proposed customs upgrade
  
 The UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) is negotiating with the PA and donors for a proposed project that would modernize the PA customs system, and could be interconnected with other systems in the region, said Mahmoud Elkhafif, coordinator of UNCTAD assistance to the Palestinian people, [ http://www.unctad.org/palestine ] based in Geneva. 
  
 “ASYCUDA [ http://www.asycuda.org/ ] is a customs system that tracks every piece of goods entering and exiting a country, to set tariffs and taxes, and to record final destination of goods,” said Elkhafif.
  
 The budget for the 18-month project will probably be about $1.5 million and will include training in the ASYCUDA (a UN) system.
  
 “Developing trade infrastructure, most of which is in Area C, would require Israeli cooperation that under the present conditions of occupation does not exist,” Elkhafif added.
  
 Gaza and the West Bank are treated as part of the same customs envelope by Israel, which collects the customs taxes and is supposed to remit them monthly to the PA in Ramallah, according to the Paris Protocol signed in conjunction with the Oslo Accords in 1994.
  
 The European Union is also helping transport organization and market diversification in oPt.
  
 Regional trade project
  
 The World Bank has proposed a regional cross-border trade facilitation and infrastructure project for Mashreq countries - Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and the West Bank and Gaza. The project, still in the preliminary stages, would provide a combination of technical assistance to each country, including logistics, transport, institutional capacity-building, and infrastructure developments to support railway corridors linking the countries. Phase I of the project covers 2012-2017, and phase II 2017-2025. 
  
 Technical assistance would also be provided to facilitate implementation of the ASYCUDA system for Mashreq countries. The project includes expanding international border crossings, including those between Jordan and the West Bank, and between Egypt and Gaza.
  
 The project would rehabilitate a road linking northern West Bank communities with the commercial Prince Mohamed Bridge border crossing to Jordan. The bridge, now closed, is north of Allenby Bridge.
  
 Due to closures and checkpoints the route to Allenby Bridge is lengthy and difficult for northern West Bank residents.
  
 The project also includes the setting up of trade logistics centres in Jericho and Rafah, and Palestinian trucking industry reforms.
  
 es/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93474</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908241019060684t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 10 August 2011 (IRIN) - Developing transport and trade infrastructure in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is the focus of a growing number of proposed donor and Palestinian Authority (PA) projects, but it remains to be seen if and when some of these projects will come to fruition.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Donor aid boosts West Bank infrastructure despite impediments</title><pubDate>Fri, 29 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291049100606t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 29 July 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank infrastructure projects have increased as a result of the Palestinian Authority&apos;s (PA) state-building efforts and increased donor funding, although significant barriers to implementation remain, report officials from Palestinian prime minister Salam Fayyad&apos;s office, PA ministries and donors.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 29 July 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank infrastructure projects have increased as a result of the Palestinian Authority's (PA) state-building efforts and increased donor funding, although significant barriers to implementation remain, report officials from Palestinian prime minister Salam Fayyad's office, PA ministries and donors.
 
Infrastructure, intertwined with economic development, is seen as the backbone of a future state under the framework of the 2008 Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP), the government's comprehensive effort to prepare for an independent Palestinian state by September 2011.
 
The PA has succeeded in connecting almost all residential areas to the electricity grid (99.8 percent of the population now connected), repair thousands of kilometres of roads, as well as improve the water and sanitation networks since 2008.
 
In Ramallah a year-long US$2.5 million "Rehabilitation of the City Centre" project, funded by the PA and the municipality and ending in August, will see upgrades to the city's water and electricity network, roads and communications infrastructure. The project is in Area A, where the PA has full control.
 
However, PA ministries say permits for project related construction and rehabilitation, particularly in Area C, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91971 ] are not forthcoming and projects are frequently destroyed by Israeli authorities, hindering their ability to deliver essential public services.
 
Israel retains military authority and full control over the building and planning sphere in Area C; 70 percent of the area is classified as a firing zone, settlement areas, or nature reserves, and is inaccessible to Palestinians; 60 percent of the West Bank is in Area C.
 
"Restrictions in Area C affect the total population," spokesperson from Fayyad's office Ghassan Khatib told IRIN. "For example, a proposed Nablus sewage treatment plant between Nablus and Tulkarem is located in Area C, but serves the Nablus population in Area A." Public infrastructure like sewage and solid waste management facilities cannot be located near population centres, making Area C the only option available, say Palestinian officials.
 
The project has yet to be approved by the Israeli authorities after nearly 10 years of delay, said Khatib.
 
The PA has managed to close unsafe landfill sites and to create two new landfills in the Tulkarem and Hebron governorates, with plans for a Southern West Bank Landfill serving the Bethlehem and Hebron governorates. "It took nearly eight years of negotiations with Israeli authorities to obtain the necessary permission to access areas for the landfills," said Khatib. Several more are urgently needed.
 
Ramallah, a sprawling urban centre in the West Bank, needs a new landfill to serve its residents and 10 surrounding municipalities, said Ramallah Municipality spokesperson Maha Shihadeh. "The population is too close to the dumping site, and it must be moved to avoid potential health effects."
 
Restricted access
 
Officials from the PA ministry of planning and administrative development (MoPAD) [ http://www.mopad.pna.ps/web_files/publishing_file/Final%20Report%20of%20the%20PNA%20to%20the%20AHLC%2010%20April%202011.pdf ] say infrastructure and services must be adapted to the geography imposed by occupation, despite the high cost.
 
Areas A and B are not contiguous, so many projects like roads and utility networks extend into Area C, less than 1 percent of which has been planned for Palestinian development by the Israeli Civil Administration, reports the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
In the first half of 2011, 342 Palestinian-owned structures were demolished in Area C by Israeli authorities, according to OCHA, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_Area_C_Fact_Sheet_July_2011.pdf ] while over 3,000 demolition orders are outstanding. 
 
Israel says [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/NR/rdonlyres/3F532B57-F377-4FEF-99C8-68A810CA7AAC/0/IsraelReportAHLCApril2011.pdf ] it has approved a greater number of PA infrastructure projects over the last year aiming to upgrade Palestinian water and sewage infrastructure, agriculture, and the electricity network.
 
Increased donor funding
 
An increase in donor funded development projects since 2008 prompted the PA planning ministry to develop an aid information management system, DARP, an inclusive database that currently contains about 1,500 ongoing or completed donor funded projects in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), including projects from Arab donors.
 
Over the past 20 years the PA received about US$20 billion in donor funds, $7.7 billion of which came in the last three years, according to a senior planning ministry official.
 
OPt, with a population of about 4.1 million (2.5 million in the West Bank and about 1.6 million in Gaza) had a gross domestic product (GDP) of $7 billion in 2010. Net official development assistance to oPt was $2.5 billion in 2010, which amounts to 36 percent of GDP, reports the planning ministry.
 
In 2010 about $1.148 billion of the assistance went to budget support; about $755 million to development projects from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and non-OECD donors; and about $585 million was for humanitarian projects, including the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) general fund for the West Bank and Gaza and the UN-NGO Consolidated Appeals Process, according to the planning ministry.
 
A recent report by aid watchdog Development Initiatives [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] said humanitarian aid to oPt in 2009 was $1.3 billion, making it the second largest recipient in the world.
 
Project implementation challenges
 
The US Agency for International Development (USAID) launched its $300 million Infrastructure Needs Program [ http://www.usaid.gov/wbg/misc/WRI/INP%20fact%20sheet.pdf ] in 2008, including construction and rehabilitation of roads, water and wastewater systems, schools, and other required facilities as the PA prepares for its role in a future Palestinian state.
 
Major challenges USAID faces include "protracted GOI [Government of Israel] approvals to transport materials and equipment into the West Bank," and "Delays in PWA [Palestinian Water Authority] land acquisition for funded projects." 
 
USAID declined to comment on these development challenges.
 
The European Union (EU), the main donor and partner to the PA, supports a number of major public infrastructure programmes in the areas of transportation, electricity, water access, wastewater treatment and solid waste management.
 
After addressing urgent needs linked to rehabilitation of the Palestinian basic infrastructure from 2005 to 2010 (total $166.6 million), the EU is focusing on sector-concentrated interventions, said John Gatt-Rutter, deputy head of the EU Delegation in Jerusalem. 
 
In 2011, the EU expects to invest $31.5 million in the water and sanitation sector. "We are implementing our projects in a total partnership with the PA," said Gatt-Rutter, and "we do use our contacts with the Israeli government to try to facilitate the implementation of some projects."
 
About 43 percent of donor assistance to the Palestinians is from the EU and EU member countries; about 25 percent from the USA and its agencies; about 25 percent from Arab countries and their agencies; and about 7 percent from other donors, like Australia, Japan, Canada and Norway, says the planning ministry official.
 
Quartet coordination efforts
 
Office of the Quartet Representative (OQR) [ http://www.quartetrep.org/quartet/ ] Tony Blair continuously negotiates with Israeli officials to try and coordinate donor projects. 
 
"Part of the OQR's work is helping to facilitate infrastructure projects, most of which are donor funded, that are fulfilling the requirements of PM Fayyad's state building Plan [PRDP]," a spokesperson from the OQR Jerusalem office told IRIN. 
 
"It's not just about political negotiations; there must be progress on the ground as well for Palestinians to realize improvement in their day-to-day lives," he said.
 
es/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93374</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291049100606t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 29 July 2011 (IRIN) - West Bank infrastructure projects have increased as a result of the Palestinian Authority&apos;s (PA) state-building efforts and increased donor funding, although significant barriers to implementation remain, report officials from Palestinian prime minister Salam Fayyad&apos;s office, PA ministries and donors.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Growing number of children with anxiety disorders</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102191250120274t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 26 July 2011 (IRIN) - The number of children with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other anxiety disorders including depression has increased in the occupied Palestinian territory where conflict continues with Israel, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and Palestinian NGOs specializing in mental health.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 26 July 2011 (IRIN) - The number of children with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other anxiety disorders including depression has increased in the occupied Palestinian territory where conflict continues with Israel, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://msf.org/msf/articles/2011/07/international-activity-report-2010.cfm ] and Palestinian NGOs specializing in mental health. 
 
Violations against Palestinian children related to the armed conflict between Israelis and Palestinians have been documented by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Jerusalem, including patterns of killing and injuries, arrest and detention, ill-treatment and torture, displacement and denial of access to health and education services. [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/A5E73540242D17C2852578B8005A04B4 ]
 
Children are doubly affected, sometimes by multiple traumatic events and by the effects of the trauma on their parents and care-givers.
 
MSF recently increased its number of clinics and staff training in developmental psychology to meet the growing needs of Palestinian children. Fifty-four percent of mental health patients at MSF clinics in the Gaza Strip were under 12 in 2010, it said. Over a third of the cases MSF treats in Gaza and over half in Nablus in the West Bank are severe, and affect the functioning of a person in daily life.
 
“More than half of consultations in Gaza and in Nablus are for children under 18 years old, so far in 2011,” said Hélène Thomas, psychological coordinator at MSF-France in Jerusalem.
 
“Children and adolescents have particular symptoms of psychological distress, like bedwetting, nightmares, learning difficulties [reading and speech], concentration and memory problems and therefore academic failure, or even aggressive behaviour,” said Thomas.
 
MSF provided 6,099 psychological consultations and treated 702 new patients in 2010 at their six centres in Gaza and one in Nablus, compared to 4,912 consultations in 2009.
 
“Nearly half of MSF patients under 15 years old in Gaza were treated for PTSD and nearly a third were treated for other anxiety disorders in 2010,” said Thomas, and “about a fifth of patients under 15 years old in Nablus were treated for PTSD.”
 
In Gaza, 74 percent of cases in 2010 came one year after a violent event. In Nablus a high level of anxiety cases (over 40 percent of all MSF patients) are diagnosed with anxiety related to settler harassment and military incursions.
 
“Children form an emotional association with symbols of a traumatic event,” said Thomas, “like when Israeli soldiers raid a home with dogs, and after the child develops a phobia of dogs, linking dogs to the event and fear associated with it.”
 
Mental health professionals from the Palestinian NGO Treatment and Rehabilitation Center for Victims of Torture (TRC), [ http://www.trc-pal.org/en/ ] which provides comprehensive treatment and rehabilitation services to survivors of torture and organized violence across the West Bank, also reports that children seeking mental health care overwhelmingly suffer from PTSD and other anxiety disorders.
 
TRC treated 3,800 patients across the West Bank in 2010, about 15 percent of them children, and is partnered with Palestinian NGO Gaza Community Mental Health Programme in Gaza (GCMHP). [ http://www.gcmhp.net/ ]
 
EMDR therapy
 
The TRC’s team of 36 psychologists and six psychiatrists say a popular form of psychotherapy - eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR), developed in the USA in 1987 - is proving successful in the Center’s treatment of children.
 
EMDR, often used in conjunction with cognitive therapy, creates bilateral stimulation (induced by, for example, eye-movements, tones or tapping) between the right and left sides of the brain during sessions to resolve the development of trauma-related disorders caused by exposure to distressing events, such as rape or military combat.
 
According to EMDR founder Francine Shapiro, when a traumatic experience occurs, it may overwhelm usual cognitive and neurological coping mechanisms. The memory and associated stimuli of the event are inadequately processed and dysfunctionally stored. 
 
Psychologists from TRC and the East Jerusalem YMCA [ http://www.ej-ymca.org/ ] travelled to California in May to begin certification in EMDR training with Francine Shapiro. In about a year’s time TRC will begin to train Palestinian mental health professionals in EMDR techniques. 
 
EMDR therapy aims to process these distressing memories, reduce their lingering influence and enable clients to develop coping mechanisms, says Khader Rasras, TRC executive director and clinical psychologist.  
 
“I ask the child to recall the memories of the traumatic event in their minds, or for younger children the parent may recall the event,” explains Rasras, and “while reviewing the events chronologically the child follows my back-and-forth finger movements with their eyes.”
 
After Lina, eight-years old from Ramallah, witnessed her father forcibly removed by Israeli soldiers from the family home about a year ago she was diagnosed with acute PTSD. He remains in administrative detention, imprisoned without charge or trial.
 
Soldiers kicked in the door and began searching, recalls Lina, and when my father put his hands behind his head I held on to his leg. A soldier pulled me away by my hair, she says.
 
After Lina developed a stuttering problem, bed-wetting and lost weight, her mother brought her to TRC.
 
“Lina responds well when I tap on her right and left knees,” says Rasras. “EMDR is well suited for children since it is interactive, often with hand-games and drawing, and children do not have sophisticated memory networks."
 
Barriers to mental healthcare
 
Mental health professionals from GCMHP have yet to be granted permission by the Israeli authorities to exit Gaza for training. Under more than four-years of strict blockade, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_special_easing_the_blockade_2011_03_english.pdf ] Gaza health professionals are rarely allowed to leave Gaza for training or education. 
 
Cultural sensitivities are also a barrier to mental health care, although MSF reports that it is easier for parents to bring children for treatment, and often seek treatment themselves after they see results.
 
TRC head Rasras says he offers to place a barrier between himself and female patients, such as a handkerchief, when taping their hands or shoulders to help patients feel comfortable. Even then, the social stigma of mental health care in West Bank rural areas is often too great for many patients to continue treatment.
 
es/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93334</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102191250120274t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 26 July 2011 (IRIN) - The number of children with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other anxiety disorders including depression has increased in the occupied Palestinian territory where conflict continues with Israel, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and Palestinian NGOs specializing in mental health.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Israeli restrictions ensure slow pace of Gaza reconstruction</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103280850180532t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The housing crisis in the Gaza Strip is not going to be resolved any time soon: Only a small number of the 40,000 units needed to meet natural population growth and the destruction of homes in Israeli military operations are being built, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The housing crisis in the Gaza Strip is not going to be resolved any time soon: Only a small number of the 40,000 units needed to meet natural population growth and the destruction of homes in Israeli military operations are being built, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
 Israel restricts the import of building materials deemed to be of potential military benefit to Gaza’s Hamas government. A limited number of international, mainly-UN-backed, building projects are being allowed to go ahead, but the Israeli checking process is causing delays.
 
 Israel’s spokesperson for the Coordinator of Government Activities in the (Palestinian) Territories (COGAT), Guy Inbar, told IRIN that COGAT reviews all international projects due to security concerns. "COGAT wants to have supervision that the projects are not being implemented near Hamas facilities, and to ensure that construction material goes only to the [Israeli-approved international] projects and not to Hamas."
  
 The UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has only brought in a tiny fraction of the construction material needed - 3,291 trucks since June 2010 (under 4 percent of the agency’s overall US$660 million construction plan to rebuild homes and schools in the Gaza Strip over three years).
  
 It had also planned to build 100 schools, a teacher training centre, 10,000 “shelters” and two healthcare centres. “The so-called `easing’ of the blockade has made almost no difference in the lives of real people,” said UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness in Jerusalem. 
  
 In June 2010, after several international activists died trying to end the blockade, Israel announced a package of measures to ease its blockade of the territory to provide relief to Gaza’s population, while protecting Israeli citizens from harm. However, basic construction material like cement, gravel and asphalt remained on specific lists of prohibited “dual-use” items. [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/HumanitarianAid/Palestinians/Lists_Controlled_Entry_Items_4-Jul-2010.htm ]
  
 And as if to emphasize its determination to maintain the blockade, on 19 July Israeli commandos intercepted and boarded an international protest boat trying to reach Gaza.
  
 Approved projects
  
 Some 73 reconstruction projects worth about 28 percent of the cost of UNRWA’s entire work plan for Gaza, have been approved by COGAT. Currently, UNRWA is entering about 240 trucks per week of aggregate and 90 trucks of other building materials. At this rate it will take a year to enter the supplies for the 73 approved projects, said Gunness.
  
 Approved water and sanitation projects are also being delayed due to the lack of construction material.
  
 As a result of the restrictions, there has been a significant increase in the amount of construction material entering Gaza via underground tunnels along the Gaza-Egypt border over the past year. An estimated 98,000 tons of construction material was entering Gaza monthly, according to a March report by OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_special_easing_the_blockade_2011_03_english.pdf ] A similar amount was also now entering via the Kerem Shalom crossing, OCHA reported in June.
 
 The International Committee of the Red Cross has called the blockade “a collective punishment in clear violation of international humanitarian law”.
  
 According to Israel, Gaza is no long occupied territory since it withdrew its forces in 2005, and the Hamas government in power is now responsible for the welfare of Gaza’s population. 
  
 es/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93293</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103280850180532t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The housing crisis in the Gaza Strip is not going to be resolved any time soon: Only a small number of the 40,000 units needed to meet natural population growth and the destruction of homes in Israeli military operations are being built, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Record donor aid, record costs</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today. [ http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/reports ] 
 
 The report, which looks at aid year-on-year over the past decade, also shows that disaster preparedness is consistently sidelined; and that emergency aid is spent in the same countries year-on-year, begging the question: is it the right solution to the problem?
 
 Largely responsible for the boost in aid were the USA, Canada and Japan, according to the GHA. Their increases offset the declining aid budgets of a number of donors, including the Netherlands, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Korea, Portugal and Ireland - all of which watched their aid budgets shrink for the second year in a row.
 
 Donors outside the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) [ http://www.oecd.org/dac/ ] also gave more: between 2005 and 2009 their foreign assistance more than doubled from $4.6 billion to $10.4 billion, according to a second Development Initiatives report by Kerry Smith: Non-DAC Donors and Humanitarian Aid: Shifting Structures, Changing Trends. [ http://www.devinit.org ]
 
 But the additional funding does not go as far as it used to: price rises in food and fuel have “put pressure on the system and reduced buying power”, said GHA programme leader Jan Kellett. Fats and cereal costs more than doubled between 2007 and 2008, and continued to rise throughout 2010, while the cost of delivering them also continued to rise, according to Development Initiatives and the UN. 
 
 The UN estimates international food prices reached an all-time high in February 2011.
 
 This and other factors meant the unmet needs in UN emergency appeals “worryingly” grew from 30 to 37 percent, according to Kellett. UN appeals for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), Chad, Central African Republic and Uganda all experienced a widening in their funding gaps in 2010, according to the report.
 
 Another area of unmet need was disaster preparedness and risk reduction, which received just 75 US cents out of every $100 spent on aid, according to Development Initiatives, reaching just $835 million in 2009. 
 
 “We return to lots of these same situations every 3-5 years - everyone knows a disaster will occur in East Africa, and yet we are still not ready for it,” said Kellett. 
 
 “Not what it says on the box”
 
 A striking finding from the report is that humanitarian recipients are relatively predictable: the top five aid recipients - Sudan, oPt, Iraq, Afghanistan and Ethiopia - have remained among the top 10 aid recipients over the past decade. 
 
 Rather than aid being a short-term life-saving measure, the statistics indicate it is being used to deliver basic services year on year, according to Kellett, and in this sense, the divide between humanitarian and development aid may be far weaker than many think. “It’s not what it says on the box,” he surmised.
 
 This is not necessarily an indictment of humanitarian aid, he added, but it begs the question: is humanitarian aid always the right solution? “I would question whether it makes sense to spend the same amount every year in Darfur… Should we try to be achieving conflict resolution, peace building, other issues? These are difficult discussions but they are worth posing,” he said.
 
 This points to the oft-repeated false division between humanitarian and development aid, said UK Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Humanitarian Policy Group researcher Sarah Bailey. “The reality is that our efforts to make a clear division between `humanitarian’ and `development’ are not well suited to the complexity of these contexts… We know that humanitarian assistance is not the best tool to address long-term vulnerability and the absence of basic services, so why isn’t development assistance doing more to tackle these problems?”
 
 A common misconception about humanitarian aid is that it is mainly short-term and life-saving, she stressed. “Humanitarian assistance is rarely short-term because crises are not short-term. If ones lists major crises in the last decade, from Darfur to Afghanistan to DR Congo, these are not temporary situations where lives get back to normal quickly.”
 
 Pooled funds
 
 Other findings indicate funding for collective or `pooled’ humanitarian funds such as the Emergency Response Fund (ERF) and the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) rose in 2010, with the UK government the biggest supporter. Support for pooled funds is “generally a good thing”, said Kellett, though little analysis yet exists comparing the respective impact of pooled and bilateral funds, he said. 
 
 In 2010 the top 10 recipients of the CERF, which purports to respond to neglected emergencies, were Pakistan, Haiti, Niger, DR Congo, Sudan, Chad, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka and Yemen.
 
 Pooled funds have also enabled “non-traditional”, or non-DAC, donors to more easily contribute to emergencies: They often do not have an aid infrastructure in place to do so in other ways, according to Development Initiatives. 
 
 The top two donors giving to the Haiti emergency response fund were non-DAC: Saudi Arabia ($50 million) and Brazil ($8 million); while India was the largest donor to the Pakistan ERF, giving $20 million. Non-DAC donors are far less predictable than DAC donors - Saudi Arabia is the 11th largest donor, according to the GHA, but gave large amounts in 2001 and 2008 but far less in other years.
 
While a record number of non-DAC donors reported to the official UN humanitarian aid Financial Tracking System [ http://www.reliefweb.int/fts ]
 , more transparency is needed from all donors to decipher exactly where aid is going, said Kellett. Information about where military aid that is spent on humanitarian response goes - a channel used most by the US government - is rarely reported, for example. And NGO aid reporting needs to be standardized as currently each NGO categorizes its aid differently - using different regions, and different definitions, said Kellett. 
 
 “It’s hard to know how much money NGOs are bringing to bear - and these are large sums, said Kellett. “We need more calls to improve this area. It would be great if they could consider reporting to the International Aid Transparency Initiative [ http://www.aidtransparency.net/ ] to improve reporting in this area.”
 
 aj/cb
 

The rest in figures:

Humanitarian aid has more or less doubled in the first decade of the 21st century. 

The three largest institutional humanitarian aid donors in 2009 -the most recent figures available - were the USA ($4.4 billion), the European Union ($1.6 billion) and the UK (US$1 billion). 

In 2009 more than 65% of all humanitarian assistance went to conflict-affected and post-conflict states; and nearly 70% was spent in the 26 `long-term affected’ countries. Africa received 46% of official humanitarian response and Asia 24% over the past decade.

Humanitarian aid to oPt has increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to US$1.3 billion in 2009, making it the second largest recipient. 
 
UN appeals called for a record high of US$11.2 billion in 2010 and received $7.1 billion, resulting in a higher-than-usual proportion of unmet needs.
 
Spain doubled its humanitarian aid since 2000 rising from 15th largest donor to the fifth largest in 2009. 

China’s foreign assistance is reported to have reached $2 billion in 2009. Aid from the BRICs [Brazil, Russia, India and China] grew from US$1.5 billion in 2005 to $3.7 billion in 2009.

The floods in Pakistan and the Haiti earthquake were the biggest targets of non-DAC donor aid, bringing in $356 million and $170 million respectively. 

NGOs receive 17.3% of institutional humanitarian aid; but private funding is estimated to be at US$4 billion in 2010. MSF took in $1.1billion in private donations in 2010 (or more than the UK government’s 2010 aid budget).

Private funding was higher than institutional donors in Haiti 2010 and the Indian Ocean earthquake/tsunami in 2005.

National aid responses are often more significant than international - India committed $6.2 billion to disaster response over five years - much higher than the $315 million it received from international donors.
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93279</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
