<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - OPT</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 30 Apr 2013 07:31:00 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

jj/cb


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>A who’s who of fighters in Gaza</title><pubDate>Mon, 15 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - A ceasefire brokered in November to end eight days of conflict between Israel and Hamas-controlled Gaza has been violated several times in recent weeks with renewed rocket fire from Gaza, Israeli air strikes and Israeli tank incursions onto Gazan territory. What are the chances of a lasting peace? IRIN takes a look at the main military actors on the ground.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - This month, tensions have escalated in Gaza following the first Israeli air strikes since a ceasefire was signed in November 2012.

Despite the November ceasefire - which ended eight days of sustained conflict - the past month has seen both rocket fire aimed at Israel by Gazan armed groups and incursions by Israeli tanks into Gazan territory [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2013_04_12_english.pdf ].

Gaza, which has been under a naval and land blockade since 2007, saw these restrictions loosened after the ceasefire. But in recent weeks, in what was called a response to the rocket fire, Israel has four times closed Kerem Shalom crossing - the only crossing for commercial and humanitarian goods from Israel into Gaza - for days at a time. So far in April, the crossing has been closed for seven days and open for six. Israel also halved the distance fisherman are allowed to go out to sea.

Last week, humanitarian coordinator James Rawley said the closures had depleted stocks of essential supplies, including basic foodstuffs and cooking gas, and undermined the livelihoods and rights of many vulnerable Gazan families.

“If these restrictions continue, the effect upon the Gaza population will be serious,” he said.

In addition, over 2,400 people remain displaced by the November 2012 conflict, and more than 10,000 remain displaced from previous rounds of fighting.

So what are the chances for lasting peace? Much will depend on those holding the guns, rockets and bombs.

Israel - as well as rights groups - holds Hamas responsible for any rockets fired from its territory. While Hamas has been able to secure consensus with some of the larger, more moderate groups, it has at times struggled to control other armed groups, which have fired rockets three times since the November ceasefire. Many of these groups see Hamas’ willingness to sign ceasefire agreements with Israel as a sign of its weakness and lack of commitment to the cause of resistance. This month, Hamas police reportedly detained members of one armed groups trying to fire rockets at Israel.

IRIN takes a look at those who can make or break the ceasefire.

Israeli Defense Forces

The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) [ http://www.idf.il ] were created soon after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, combining several Jewish pre-state armed groups, such as Haganah, Palmach, Irgun and Lehi.

According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies [ http://csis.org/files/publication/100629_Arab-IsraeliMilBal.pdf ], in 2010, Israel’s army had 176,500 active troops, with another 633,000 in the reserves; 3,501 tanks; 6,852 armored personnel carriers and other armored fighting vehicles; 461 combat aircraft; 81 attack and armed helicopters; and 67 major combat ships.

The largest recent Israeli army military operation in Gaza began in December 2008 and lasted 23 days. Over 1,400 Palestinians were killed and 5,000 injured, most of them civilians, according to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights [ http://www.pchrgaza.org/files/Reports/English/pdf_spec/23-days.pdf ]; nine Israelis were killed, three of them civilians [ http://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20090909 ].

Over the eight days of hostilities last November, the Israeli army said it attacked more than 1,500 targets in Gaza, including militants, rocket cells and launchers, tunnels and government centres.

During those hostilities, the army said its Iron Dome system, meant to protect populated areas, also intercepted 421 incoming rockets out of 1,506 fired toward Israel, while more than 800 struck Israel and 152 landed in Gaza, according the army website [ http://www.idfblog.com/2012/11/22/operation-pillar-of-defense-summary-of-events ].

At the time, the army’s chief of staff, Lt Gen Benny Gantz, said the operation had accomplished its goal by killing the head of Hamas’ military brigades and several high-level officials, and inflicting damage on their “launching capabilities” [ http://www.idf.il/1283-17724-EN/Dover.aspx"-EN/Dover.aspx ].

He said that, despite the ceasefire, the Israeli Army would continue to thwart attempts to smuggle weapons into the Gaza Strip from Iran or Libya.

Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades

Hamas’ military wing, the Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades [ http://www.qassam.ps ], dates back to the early 1980s, but they were only officially organized after the establishment of Hamas as a Palestinian political and military movement in 1987. The brigades’ website states they aim to "contribute in the effort of liberating Palestine and restoring the rights of the Palestinian people.”

Estimates of the strength of the brigades range between 10,000 and 20,000 members. Details of its organization and recruitment are kept a secret, the Al-Qassam’s English website states [ http://www.qassam.ps/aboutus.html ].

During the hostilities last November, the brigades said it carried out 1,573 rocket attacks, including mortars; locally developed M75 rockets; and more advanced Fajr-5 and Grad rockets, which targeted the large population centres of Tel Aviv (for the first time since the Gulf War) and Jerusalem (for the first time ever). Its members also used homemade projectiles, landmines and anti-tank weapons against Israeli army border patrols.

Hamas significantly increased the number of rockets fired towards Israel after the assassination of its military commander in November [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/6FFA3F199915CD2585257AD9006DD704 ].

As soon as the ceasefire was announced, Al-Qassam said: "While this round has ended, the battle with the enemy [Israel] is not finished, because the occupation is still standing and the enemy is still threatening us.” It added that the "Palestinian resistance" will be always ready.

Al-Quds Brigades

Al-Quds Brigades [ http://www.saraya.ps ], the military wing of Islamic Jihad, was founded in the early 1980s, following the establishment of the political wing of the Islamic Jihad Movement in the late 1970s. Islamic Jihad is a more radical offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood; it has on several occasions used violence when Hamas has refrained, and it has broken ceasefires that Hamas has signed onto and respected.

The second most powerful militant group in Gaza, Al-Quds has the stated goal of leading Islamists to restore their "pioneering role in the Palestinian struggle" against the Israeli "occupation of Palestine", according to its website. It has claimed responsibility for several large-scale attacks since the late 1980s, including bombs on Israeli buses and in restaurants and attacks on Israeli tourists.

During the escalation this past November, it said it fired 620 rockets toward Israeli targets, including anti-ship missiles, Grad rockets, the group’s locally made rockets, C8K missiles and mortars.

In a statement after the ceasefire, Islamic Jihad said: "The battle continues until all of Palestine is liberated,” and that the end of the aggression did not mean the end of the battle. It reiterated that resistance was the only way to confront occupation.

In a new trend, high-level military coordination took place between Hamas and Islamic Jihad during the November escalation, despite their political differences. Islamic Jihad agreed to the ceasefire brokered by Israel and Hamas.

Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades

Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades is the military wing of the Fatah movement, the largest faction of the umbrella Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which was officially founded in 1965.

Led by former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Fatah and its military wing, formerly known as al-Asifa, engaged in military operations against Israel until the early 1990s, when the PLO - led by Fatah - started peace negotiations with Israel. This led to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994.

The group returned to armed struggle during the second intifada in 2000, adopting the name al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades. Al-Aqsa includes several groups that sometimes work separately [ https://www.facebook.com/K6A2BAQSAPS?fref=ts and https://www.facebook.com/ElmaktabEla3lamy ].

Though al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades has been less active in Gaza since the split between Hamas and Fatah in 2007, some of its groups said they fired dozens of rockets toward Israeli targets during the November 2012 hostilities.

The Ayman Jouda Brigades, one of the most active al-Aqsa groups, declared that it fired 81 rockets toward Israel, and that it would continue its “struggle” against the Israeli occupation until the “liberation of Palestine” [ http://www.facebook.com/m.aimnjouda ].

Faris al-Lil [ https://www.facebook.com/KtaybShhdaAlaqsyMjmwatFarsAllylGhzh ], another armed group affiliated with the al-Aqsa Brigades, claimed responsibility for the rocket fired on 26 February toward the Israeli city of Ashkelon, which, according to the group, was in retaliation for the death of a Palestinian prisoner in an Israeli prison in February.

Nasser Salaheddine Brigades

The Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) were established as a coalition of armed Palestinian groups from several factions in the early days of the second intifada. The group later became a separate faction with a political leadership and a military arm - the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades [ http://www.qaweim.com/alhaq ].

Like other groups, the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades fired dozens of rockets towards Israeli areas and Israeli military bases in November, and said that they carried out these attacks as a struggle against occupation, according to their website.

After the ceasefire, the group re-iterated that "the resistance is our only option until Palestine is liberated. This is our people's choice”. It added that weapons were a “right” of protection that could not be limited by a ceasefire.

Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades

The Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades [ http://www.kataebabuali.ps ] belong to the second-strongest PLO faction, the leftist socialist Popular Front for Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The PFLP was established after the 1967 war and was active in military operations against Israel during the next two decades, including during the first intifada, which began in 1987.

The group became more active in armed struggle during the second intifada - which gave several armed groups an opportunity to re-organize - especially after Israel’s assassination of PFLP Secretary General Abu Ali Mustafa in 2001. Named after him, the Brigades retaliated that year by assassinating the Israeli right-wing tourism minister Rechavam Ze'evi.

The Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades took part in 2008-2009 conflict, when its members said they fired dozens of rockets and mortar shells toward Israeli targets.

During the November hostilities last year, the group said it fired 245 rockets and mortars toward Israel. In a statement at the time, the Brigades said: "We will stay in the same trench of resistance to continue the struggle in all forms, and to protect our people, until defeating the occupation. The battle is still ongoing with the enemy."

National Resistance Brigades

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), which holds leftist and socialist ideals, was established in 1969, and its armed groups, which had several names, were active for the next three decades. During the second intifada, the groups reorganized as the National Resistance Brigades [ http://pnrb.info ] and took part in firing rockets and mortars against Israeli areas beyond Gaza’s borders and at Israeli settlements that existed inside Gaza before the 2005 withdrawal.

It continued its activities during the 2008-2009 conflict, when it fired dozens of locally made rockets, Grad rockets and mortars toward Israeli areas.

The brigades said in a statement, after the November ceasefire was announced, that it had fired 150 rockets and mortars toward Israel during the eight-day conflict, and coordinated with other armed groups during the escalation. The coordination and cooperation between groups, it said, was an important factor in the recent battle.

Salafist groups

There are also a handful of armed Salafist groups in Gaza - including the Jaish al-Islam (Army of Islam) - which together are thought to have hundreds of members. Members of the Salafist group Tawhid wal Jihad (Monotheism and Jihad), which is linked to al-Qaeda, killed pro-Palestinian Italian activist Vittorio Arrigoni after Hamas failed to release their detained leader in 2011.

Their role in the November conflict was not clear, though assumed to be minimal. They have appeared more strongly in recent months, however. For example, one Salafist group, Maglis Shura al-Mujahideen (Combatants’ Consultative Council), twice claimed responsibility for firing rockets despite Hamas’ ceasefire in November.

Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch (HRW), criticized the violations against civilians during the latest conflict. HRW said that many militant groups in Gaza - including al-Qassam Brigades, al-Quds Brigades and the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades - have targeted civilians or “sought to justify the attacks by calling them reprisals for Israeli attacks that killed civilians in Gaza.” [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/12/24/gaza-palestinian-rockets-unlawfully-targeted-israeli-civilians ] HRW called on Hamas, as the ruling authority in Gaza, to punish groups that violate international humanitarian law.

In another report, it also criticized Israel for its air strikes and operations in November [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/12/israel-gaza-airstrikes-violated-laws-war ].

ad/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97847/A-who-s-who-of-fighters-in-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - A ceasefire brokered in November to end eight days of conflict between Israel and Hamas-controlled Gaza has been violated several times in recent weeks with renewed rocket fire from Gaza, Israeli air strikes and Israeli tank incursions onto Gazan territory. What are the chances of a lasting peace? IRIN takes a look at the main military actors on the ground.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UNRWA reopens food distribution centres in Gaza</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304090947020936t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 09 April 2013 (IRIN) - UN-run relief and distribution centres in Gaza, which provide food to around 25,000 people a day, reopened today after guarantees were given about the security of staff.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 09 April 2013 (IRIN) - UN-run relief and distribution centres in Gaza, which provide food to around 25,000 people a day, reopened today after guarantees were given about the security of staff.

“UNRWA was forced to close its distribution and relief offices last week due to ongoing demonstrations that affected its operations, a regrettable decision that hindered the Agency’s ability to provide much-needed services and relief supplies to Palestine refugees in Gaza,” read a statement sent to IRIN from the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) in Gaza, which runs the centres.

Several hundred Palestinian refugees have been protesting outside the UNRWA office in Gaza since early last week, following cuts to a cash assistance programme.

Protests against the cuts turned violent on 4 April, when demonstrators stormed the office, leading to the closure of all relief and distribution centres in the Gaza Strip, which together provide assistance to more than 800,000 people.

“Based on the assurances UNRWA in Gaza received from different local [leaders], the Agency will reopen its installations across the Gaza Strip,” said the statement.

“While UNRWA understands the frustration of the population, heightened by the tightened blockade on the Gaza Strip, and respects the right to peaceful demonstrations, UNRWA must ensure the safety and security of its staff,” it continued, adding that the centres would again be closed if staff or facilities faced further threats.

The thousands of refugees who depend on food aid had been worried by the closure of the centres.

“Refugees need these centres to be reopened very soon - people will suffer more and more if they stayed closed,” refugee Ziyad Yousef, 27, said before the reopening was announced.

He said he was disappointed that things had turned violent last week, but said he urged UNRWA “to look into all possible solution not to cut more services, because this will harm refugees and add more hardships to their lives”.

Costs rising

At the heart of the dispute is the end of a cash assistance grant worth about US$40 per year that went to around 21,000 families in Gaza, which UNRWA could no longer afford.

The agency sought to mitigate the impact of the grant’s termination with a threefold increase in spending on its job creation programme.

“There was simply no way to continue the cash programme and also to continue to provide high-quality education,” UNRWA's head of operations in Gaza, Robert Turner, told IRIN.

Education costs are rising; 7,000 to 8,000 new school children register each year at the UNRWA-run schools in Gaza. New funding has not been forthcoming. The agency's General Fund has a deficit of $67.2 million [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1698 ].

UNRWA was established in 1949 to provide assistance to Palestinian refugees. Despite a continual increase in the number of registered refugees - there are currently 1.2 million in Gaza, expected to reach 1.6 million by 2020 - UNRWA's funding has stagnated.

“There is a hope that the poor people will see their aid restored,” Mo'een Abu Okal, chief of the refugee public committee in Gaza, told IRIN, referring to the cash assistance programme. He was involved in the discussions with UNRWA over reopening the distribution centres.

He said the centres should never have been closed and told IRIN that the decision had “added to their miseries”. He said the protests would continue, peacefully, until the cuts were reversed.

The Geneva-based NGO Euro-Mid Observer said the agency should work harder to raise more funds: “UNRWA is required to carry out its responsibility, and exert greater efforts with the international community and donor countries in order to maintain the levels of its humanitarian aids.” [ http://www.euromid.org/marsad/index.php?action=main/readcontent&lang=en&cat=1&id=397 ]

Protests continue

Despite the reopening of food centres today, some demonstrators continued to protest, notably at a UNRWA distribution centre in Rafah, where UNRWA staff were blocked from entering their building.

On 8 April, protesters outside the main UNRWA office for Gaza managed to prevent cars from entering the compound. Local police maintained a heavy presence to keep the protest organized and avoid any further incidents.

Salah Yaghi, 49, came from Jabaliya refugee camp in northern Gaza to take part in the protests. “My old small house is falling down, and I have a disabled daughter. We don’t have a source of income, and I can’t send my sons to college because of our situation. Therefore, I came here with my neighbours and hundreds of people who are looking for better life.”

Earlier in the week, UNRWA called on the authorities in Gaza to provide the needed protection to UNRWA staff and workers and to ensure the protests remain peaceful. Hamas, the ruling authority in Gaza, had urged UNRWA to reopen the centres, and spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri said they were providing protection.

“We in Hamas and the government are preventing entry [of protesters] to UNRWA headquarters in Gaza,” he told local media on 6 April. “We are providing appropriate conditions for UNRWA's work.” [ http://alray.ps/en//index.php?act=post&id=282 ]

Youssef, who runs a small grocery story close to the Beach camp distribution centre, said he was eager to see the UNRWA centres reopen.

“People are living in a difficult situation; it’s getting worse with such reduction. For the sake of the poor refugees, all sides need to find a solution to end the suffering and to give us a better look toward the future.”

ad/jj/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97810/UNRWA-reopens-food-distribution-centres-in-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304090947020936t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 09 April 2013 (IRIN) - UN-run relief and distribution centres in Gaza, which provide food to around 25,000 people a day, reopened today after guarantees were given about the security of staff.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Beyond the E-1 Israeli settlement</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709115t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - A controversial Israeli settlement plan, known as E-1, has garnered much attention in the media. But Israel has also been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - Last month, an international fact-finding mission on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council found [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ] that settlements constituted a violation of international human rights and humanitarian law and called on Israel to stop all expansions immediately and withdraw from settlements. 

A controversial Israeli plan, known as E-1, to build thousands of housing units and hotel rooms near the Ma’ale Adummim settlement, has garnered much attention in the media because it would sever Palestinian East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. (See IRIN’s briefing on E-1 here.) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97644/Briefing-Inside-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement ]

But at the same time, Israel has been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. 

As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.

What’s the Giv’at HaMatos plan?

According to Israeli NGO Ir Amim (“City of Nations”), which works to preserve Jerusalem as a home for both Jews and Palestinians, one settlement plan of “critical importance” is Giv’at HaMatos. 

In a sense, Giv’at HaMatos does in the south what E-1 does in the east. The planned large housing and hotel complex at the southern perimeter of Jerusalem would further disrupt the contiguity of land between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank required for a future Palestinian state, seriously impeding a two-state solution, research and rights groups say [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/GivatHamatosEng ]. It would also mark the first new settlement construction in Jerusalem since 1997. 

“All construction is problematic but there are several plans that are, in our view, more dangerous if implemented,” Hagit Ofran, director of the Settlement Watch project at the Israeli NGO Peace Now, told IRIN. “Giv’at HaMatos is the most dangerous plan that is now approved.”

Part of the plan - to build 2,612 units - was approved by the Jerusalem Regional Planning Committee on 19 December. 

Most of Giv’at HaMatos is currently uninhabited, but according to the International Crisis Group (ICG), which recently released a two-part report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/israel-palestine/134-extreme-makeover-i-israels-politics-of-land-and-faith-in-east-jerusalem.aspx ] on the future of East Jerusalem, its build-up would cut off Arab neighbourhoods in southern Jerusalem, like Beit Safafa and Sharafat, rendering them “Palestinian enclaves”. 

Giv’at HaMatos would connect the dots of several other planned or expanding settlements along southern Jerusalem - including Giv’at Yael in the southwest; and Har Homa and East Talpiyot in the southeast - forming “a long Jewish continuum severing Bethlehem’s urban continuum from Palestinian Jerusalem”, ICG said. Last year, the Israeli government also approved more than 2,000 new units in neighbouring Gilo.

This kind of attachment to Jewish expansions could make peace negotiations even harder. 

“From an Israeli public opinion perspective, Giv’at HaMatos is in the municipal border of Jerusalem,” Ofran said. “It’s considered a legitimate part of Israel.” 

Barak Cohen, the Jerusalem Municipality's adviser for foreign affairs and media, told IRIN Giv’at HaMatos is part of Jerusalem’s “natural and much-needed growth”, allowing both Arab and Jewish landowners to develop their properties.

Indeed, part of the Giv’at HaMatos plan, approved on 18 December, allows for the building of 549 units for Palestinians - though Betty Herschman, director of international relations and advocacy at Ir Amim, points out much of it retroactively legalizes building that has already been completed. The figures, she added, amount to just over one-fifth of the Jewish expansion. 

Still, Cohen insisted, the development would benefit Jerusalem as a whole: “Not planning and developing Jerusalem neighbourhoods ultimately harms all residents and landowners - Arabs and Jews alike.”

Last year, Israel also issued tenders for the construction of 606 new housing units north of East Jerusalem, in the Ramot settlement, just north of the Green Line marking the border between Israel and the West Bank, and approved another 1,500 units in the neighbouring settlement of Ramot Shlomo, according to Ir Amim. 

What other settlements are planned?

Beyond Jerusalem, there was movement on a number of other settlements projects [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/hagit-ofran/israel-west-bank-settlements_b_1616793.html ] in disputed areas, according to Settlement Watch.

In June 2012, the Israeli government announced it would build 851 new units in the West Bank, including more than 230 in the controversial settlements of Ariel and Efrat. Like Giv’at HaMatos, these two settlements make a contiguous Palestinian territory impossible, Settlement Watch says [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/hagit-ofran/israel-west-bank-settlements_b_1616793.html ].

Overall, settlements expanded much faster than usual last year.

In 2012 [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/2012-summary ] the Israeli government approved the construction of 6,676 settler housing units in the West Bank, compared with 1,607 in 2011 and several hundred in 2010, according to Peace Now. 

For plans that were already approved, it issued more than 3,000 tenders to construction contractors - more than any other year in the last decade, Peace Now said [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/ConstructionAndTenders_forPublication.xls ]. Construction has actually begun on 1,747 homes [ http://peacenow.org/images/Summary%20of%20the%204%20years%20of%20Netanyahu%20Government.pdf ].

Regardless of the settlements, Palestinians, especially in Area C, are under immense pressure. Recent weeks have seen a considerable upswing in demolitions of Palestinian structures. According to the Displacement Working Group, a grouping of aid agencies helping displaced families, Israeli forces destroyed 139 Palestinian structures, including 59 homes, in January - almost triple 2012’s monthly average. The demolitions occurred in East Jerusalem and the West Bank - with a majority taking place in Area C - and left 251 Palestinians, including over 150 children, displaced. 

The office of the Coordinator of Government Activities in the (Palestinian) Territories (COGAT) told IRIN there was no connection between the removal of unauthorized buildings and the construction of Israeli settlements. “All construction in the West Bank is subject to building codes and planning laws and unauthorized constructions are dealt with accordingly,” the office said in an email. 

What are the knock-on effects?

Settlements are often discussed through the lens of their illegality under international law or as obstacles to a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. But everything associated with the settlements - including Israeli-only infrastructure, the separation barrier, military checkpoints, restrictions on Palestinian freedom of movement, suppression of freedom of expression and political life, and control of Palestinian natural resources - causes a ripple effect through Palestinian society, adversely impacting the people [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settlements_FactSheet_December_2012_english.pdf ].

The UN estimates there are now 520,000 Israeli settlers in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, with 43 percent of the land there allocated to local and regional settlement councils. According to the UN Secretary-General, Israel has transferred roughly 8 percent of its citizens into OPT since the 1970s, altering the demographic composition of the territory and furthering the Palestinian people from their right to self-determination. 

Baker, of the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, said a future Palestinian state should include a Jewish minority. “The assumption behind this… is that Jews have no right to live in the West Bank, an assumption that we reject. In fact we see ourselves as the true indigenous people of this land.”

But Israeli settlements have violated Palestinian rights to equality under the law, to religious freedom and to freedom of movement, according to the UN fact-finding mission. They have also eroded Palestinian access to water and to agricultural assets, and the ability to develop economically, it said. 

For example, Bedouins from the Palestinian village of Khan Al Ahmar, northeast of E-1, cannot sell their dairy products at their traditional Souq Al Ahmar market any more. Because of movement restrictions (they hold West Bank IDs and lack the proper permits to enter East Jerusalem), they cannot get there.

The UN secretary-general has said that Palestinians “have virtually no control” over the water resources in the West Bank, with 86 percent of the Jordan Valley and the Dead Sea under the de facto jurisdiction of the settlement regional councils. 

There is a statistical correlation between Palestinians’ proximity to settlements and their rates of food insecurity, according to a UN and government survey [ http://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/47d4e277b48d9d3685256ddc00612265/75cc20e011b5c5b985257a46004e6518?OpenDocument ], which found that one quarter of Palestinians who live in Area C, home to the largest number of settlements in the West Bank, are food insecure. In Areas A and B, the average rate of food insecurity is 17 percent. 

In addition, “all spheres of Palestinian life are being significantly affected by a minority of settlers who are engaged in violence and intimidation with the aim of forcing Palestinians off their land,” the mission said.

Operation Dove, an international organization working in the Palestinian village of At-Tuwani and the South Hebron Hills, reported that Palestinian children have a very hard time going to school due to settler attacks. 

The UN and rights groups say radical settlers use violence against Palestinians with impunity and their illegal outposts are often recognized and retroactively legalized by the government. 

Since the occupation began, Israel has detained hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, some of them without charge, and some of them children. Most of the minors are arrested “at friction points, such as a village near a settlement or a road used by the army or settlers”, the fact-finding mission said. 

Israel uses what they term “administrative detention” when it considers the detainee a threat to the security of the state.

Ir Amim’s Herschman says Israel is also attempting to create a “greater Jerusalem” through additional means, for example: the Israeli separation barrier, planned national parks, and the construction of highways dividing villages, dispossessing Palestinians of their land and making it harder for them to access services like schools and mosques. 

In recent weeks, residents of the Palestinian village of Beit Safafa have been protesting against the planned extension of the Begin Highway that would divide their village in order to connect major Israeli settlement blocks outside the city to Jerusalem.

The planned root of the separation barrier, in addition to a potential national park around the perimeter of the barrier would also close off nearby Palestinian village al-Wallajeh. 

The planned route of the barrier extends all the way around and far beyond Muale Adummim and in other areas south and north of Jerusalem. “These lines are a unilateral declaration of a much greater Jerusalem, a unilateral expanding of the boundaries, an exponential increase,” she told IRIN. 

Or as the ICG put it, “for many Arab East Jerusalemites, the battle for their city is all but lost.”

mg/ha/cb

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This is the second in a two-part series on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97676/Briefing-Beyond-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709115t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - A controversial Israeli settlement plan, known as E-1, has garnered much attention in the media. But Israel has also been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Inside the E-1 Israeli settlement</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20070612t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - There was much fanfare over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement last year that Israel would move ahead with the controversial E-1 settlement plan. But what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu kicked up a storm in November when he vowed to push ahead with the controversial “E-1” plan to build an Israeli neighbourhood for some 20,000 people over 12sqkm that would separate Palestinian East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank.

Palestine, now upgraded to a non-member observer state at the UN General Assembly, recently threatened [ http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2013/01/201312454114299269.html ] to ask the International Criminal Court to investigate Israel if it moves forward with E-1 (Palestine would first have to sign onto the Rome Statute that created the Court).

There was much fanfare over Netanyahu’s announcement last year but what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?

What’s the process?

The master plan for E-1 - including 3,500-4,000 housing units, 2,100 hotel rooms, an industrial area and a regional police headquarters west of the Israeli settlement of Ma’ale Adummim - was first conceived in 1994, expedited in 1999 and approved in 2002 but has been frozen for years due to US resistance.

On 30 November 2012, one day after the UN General Assembly voted to recognize Palestine as an observer state, Netanyahu announced the plans would move ahead.

On 5 December, the West Bank Higher Planning Council of the Israeli Ministry of Defence’s Civil Administration arm approved two specific plans for a total of 3,426 housing units in E-1. But according to Israeli groups that monitor settlement expansion, the plans have not yet been formally deposited for public review.

Once that happens (usually a sign is publication of the plan in a local newspaper), the public will have 60 days to submit objections. The Planning Council would then hear the objections, and decide whether to approve the plan as is, reject it or send it back for amendments.

Once fully approved, there are two further steps. The municipality of Ma’ale Adummim, to which E-1 belongs, must approve building permits. The final step is for the Ministry of Housing to issue tenders for contractors to begin construction.

“No decision has been taken to allow construction in E-1,” David Baker, senior foreign press coordinator for the Israeli Prime Minister's Office, told IRIN. “We have allowed so far for preliminary planning and zoning work only.”

To what extent is politics relevant?

So when would bulldozers actually start breaking ground? The whole process could take as little as six months, more likely at least one year, if not two. But it depends on political will. The government can freeze the plans at any point in the process up until the tender stage.

Alternatively, “if there is willingness, it can happen fairly quickly,” said Yehezkel Lein, head of research at the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Jerusalem.

The political will depends on who ends up joining Netanyahu’s governing coalition. The union of his right-wing Likud Party with the centrist Hatnuah Party, led by Tzipi Livni, a long-time advocate of peace negotiations, is likely to slow the process. But to form the rest of his government, Netanyahu is still in negotiations with others, including the far-right Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home) Party, led by religious Zionist Naftali Bennett.

Still, to avoid a diplomatic incident, movement is unlikely in the lead-up to or immediately after US President Barack Obama’s visit to the region this month. In addition, “given the instability in the region right now, [moving forward on E-1] would be a very risky, ill-advised decision,” said Betty Herschman, director of international relations and advocacy at Israeli NGO Ir Amim (“City of Nations”), which works to preserve Jerusalem as a home for both Israelis and Palestinians.

The decision to move ahead with E-1, she pointed out, came as a “retaliatory gesture to the UN resolution” and in the lead-up to Israeli elections, when there was “a lot of political cachet to be gained” from such an announcement. Because of the ill-understood, multi-level process of planning and approvals, such an announcement could be made, and yet, “theoretically, [construction] might never happen.”

On the other hand, she and others said, Netanyahu could agree to freeze settlement expansion for one year, continue with the preparatory bureaucratic steps required, and begin construction of E-1 one year later without any delay in the process.

Much of the infrastructure for a settlement in E-1, including a major road, utilities, and levelling of ground as a preparation for the future neighborhood, was built in 2004 and 2005; as such “if construction gets going at the site, it will proceed far more rapidly [ http://peacenow.org/entries/post_69#.UMMI6YM3vJd ] than under normal circumstances,” Peace Now, an Israeli NGO, has said.

Regardless of whether construction starts, Hagit Ofran, director of the Settlement Watch project at Peace Now, told IRIN, the bureaucratic steps would bring any future government that much closer to implementation.

What are the implications of starting construction?

The Israeli government argues that the status of settlements will be determined in future peace talks. But many diplomats and rights groups have termed E-1 a “nail in the coffin of the two-state solution”, because it effectively puts a wedge between Palestinian East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank, destroying the territorial contiguity of a future Palestinian state.

E-1 would also have more immediate consequences.

In the 1990s, when Ma’ale Adummim was first expanding, more than 200 Bedouin families were relocated - some forcibly - further south right next to a landfill near Al Ezariya town. According to OCHA, the move left 85 percent of them unable to practice their traditional herding livelihoods and exposed them to the health hazards posed by the garbage site.

“It was a very painful process,” Lein told IRIN.

Some 2,300 Palestinian Bedouins live in 20 communities [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_map_of_threat_of_displacemnt_jerusalem_periphery_october_2011_english.pdf ] in the hills to the east of Jerusalem, in and around the Ma’ale Adummim settlement, within the contours of the Israeli separation barrier. More than 80 percent of them are refugees from what is now Israel and over two-thirds are children, according to OCHA. Ir Amim says around 1,100 of them live within the area slated to become E-1.

Bedouin communities - not only in the area around Ma’ale Adummim, but even more so in the Jordan Valley and other parts of Israeli-controlled Area C - have had their homes demolished and are regularly displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97158/OPT-A-precarious-existence-in-the-Jordan-Valley ] on the basis that they do not have legal building permits or are living in Israeli military zones.

The Israeli government has long planned to relocate Bedouin living in and around E-1, arguing they are living there without permits. It says their planned transfer (still under legal negotiations) is completely unrelated to the E-1 settlement plan. But observers say their transfer will likely be expedited if E-1 goes ahead. After many objections to the old site near the garbage dump, the Civil Administration has identified a new relocation site next to Jericho.

Forcible transfer of an occupied population is a violation of international humanitarian law. But aid workers fear the communities may “choose” to leave voluntarily, knowing they will soon be kicked out anyway, in order to settle on the best possible land in the new location.

“When you don’t have a meaningful option, even if you agree, it’s not legitimate consent,” Lein said.

An international fact-finding mission on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory recently found that the effects of settlements go much further, affecting nearly every aspect of Palestinian life [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ].

mg/ha/cb


Read more:

Peace Now briefing on E-1
[ http://peacenow.org/entries/post_69#.UMMI6YM3vJd ]

Ir Amim briefing on E-1
[ http://www.irinnews.org/newsite/pdf/Ir_Amim_briefing_on_E-1.pdf ]

B’Tselem briefing on E-1
[ http://www.btselem.org/settlements/20121202_e1_human_rights_ramifications ]

OCHA Fact-sheet on Bedouin relocation
[ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_map_of_threat_of_displacemnt_jerusalem_periphery_october_2011_english.pdf ]

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This is the first in a two-part series on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97644/Briefing-Inside-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20070612t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - There was much fanfare over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement last year that Israel would move ahead with the controversial E-1 settlement plan. But what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Middle East food security tracking tool launched</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Researchers and civil society activists in the Arab world have always complained that a lack of information has contributed to poor policies on development and resource management.

“Arab countries do not have enough data and when they have it they are reluctant to share it among them,” says Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates.

Now, aid workers and policymakers working on food security and looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen, or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria, can turn to a handy web-based tool.

“High quality and freely accessible knowledge is power, especially for evidenced-based research for effective and efficient policy design and implementation throughout the Arab world,” said Perrihan Al-Riffai, a senior research analyst with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), which created the tool.

Launched in February, the so-called Arab Spatial [ http://www.arabspatial.org/ ], developed with the support of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), aims to be a one-stop shop for food security data from the region.

Food security has long been a challenge in the Arab world, as many countries depend on food imports for basics such as wheat flour. But uprisings in much of the region have amplified the problem [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/Egypt-s-poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ] and driven more families into poverty.

“It has been extremely difficult for the millions of people who were already struggling to feed their families before the unfolding events of the Arab Spring [and] more families now face the challenges of collapsing economies and lost jobs as a result of the instability,” said Abeer Etafa, a spokesperson of the World Food Programme.

But the precise impact has been hard to track. According to IFPRI, only half of the countries in the Middle East publish poverty figures publicly and even so, with varying frequency and accuracy.

The Arab Spatial software is designed to measure food security at national, subnational and local levels. Users can generate maps and metadata using more than 150 food security and development-related indicators related to poverty, malnutrition, disease, production and prices, public finances, exports and imports.

“Economic development is a main driver of food security, and simultaneously, food security is an important driver for economic development,” Al-Riffai told IRIN. “That is why addressing food [in]security at both the macro, as well as, the micro levels [the most vulnerable individual] will lead to a more comprehensive approach in determining and addressing a country's development challenges.”

The tool aims to empower decision-makers, civil society representatives, researchers, journalists and others. IFPRI says several government officials have already showed interest in using it and hopes governments, regional organizations and others will help fill information gaps on the portal.

In recent years, increased recognition of the similar problem of lack of data on water in the region has led to several initiatives aimed at better collection and sharing, including the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center’s Land Data Assimilation System [ http://nsidc.org/data/nsidc-0181.html ], the “Ask a Scientist” [ http://www.biosaline.org/askScientist.aspx ] initiative at the International Center for Biosaline Agriculture, data collected by the World Bank, and a new database on natural water resources in the Arab world by the German government’s Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR).

dh/af/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97613/Middle-East-food-security-tracking-tool-launched</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers and  policy makers looking for easy access to malnutrition data in Yemen or how rainfall tends to vary in Syria can now turn to a handy web-based tool. Launched in February, the Arab Spatial aims to fill the information gap on food security in the region, ultimately leading to better development policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

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Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Little change for Palestinians in Israeli detention despite agreement*</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205221102240267t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 March 2013 (IRIN) - The death of a Palestinian prisoner in Israeli detention last week has raised tension in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, leading to renewed rocket fire from Gaza into Israel for the first time since a ceasefire ended eight days of heavy conflict in November 2012, and a series of clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and the Israeli Army.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 March 2013 (IRIN) - The death of a Palestinian prisoner in Israeli detention last week has raised tension in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, leading to renewed rocket fire from Gaza into Israel for the first time since a ceasefire ended eight days of heavy conflict in November 2012, and a series of clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and the Israeli Army. 

Jeffrey Feltman, UN under-secretary-general for political affairs, told the Security Council that the rocket fire on 26 February was “a most troubling development” and called for an “independent and transparent” investigation into the death of Arafat Jaradat on 24 February. According to media reports, Jaradat was arrested one week earlier in relation to a 2012 incident in which an Israeli was injured by Palestinian protestors throwing rocks. He was never formally charged. Palestinian officials allege Jaradat was tortured to death (a Palestinian pathologist was involved in the autopsy) but the Israeli Health Ministry said the fractured ribs and hemorrhages resulted from attempts to resuscitate him. Further tests to definitively determine the cause of death are ongoing.

Four other prisoners are on a hunger strike (the longest has lasted more than 210 days), protesting against the conditions of their detention, including limited visitation rights and so-called “administrative detention” without charge, which the UN deems a violation of international human rights law. 

The UN has called for the full implementation of an agreement signed in May 2012 to ease detention conditions in exchange for security guarantees. 

"Until now, nothing really happened - nothing we could feel on the ground. There is no change,” said Osama Mustafa, whose father, Wasfe Mustafa, a senior Hamas official, was imprisoned in 2006, released in 2009, and put under “administrative detention” several times since then. 

“My father is still in prison without any official charge or trial,” Mustafa told IRIN. “The conditions of visits got even worse for my family. I am still not allowed to visit my father. Only my mother and the younger sisters can. Before the agreement, they could go and talk with my father inside the prison. Today, they are often forced to meet in a facility outside, under the heat of the sun."

Nearly 4,600 “security detainees” – Palestinians arrested in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict – are  currently being held in Israeli prisons, according to Israeli NGO B’Tselem, including 159 administrative detainees.

Read IRIN’s detailed briefing on the detention of Palestinians in Israel here [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95580/Briefing-The-detention-and-imprisonment-of-Palestinians-in-oPt-Israel ].

hb/cb

*This article was amended on 4 March to clarify details surrounding Arafat Jaradat’s death, and the detention of “security detainees”

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97569/Little-change-for-Palestinians-in-Israeli-detention-despite-agreement</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205221102240267t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 March 2013 (IRIN) - The death of a Palestinian prisoner in Israeli detention last week has raised tension in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, leading to renewed rocket fire from Gaza into Israel for the first time since a ceasefire ended eight days of heavy conflict in November 2012, and a series of clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and the Israeli Army.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The use and abuse of humanitarian principle</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160754460265t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Following the 9/11 attacks and the launch of the Global War on Terror, many humanitarian policy wonks spoke of a new era of heightened aid instrumentalization - that is the use of humanitarian action or rhetoric as a tool to pursue political, security, development, economic, or other non-humanitarian goals, which would muddy humanitarian principles and constrain access to those in need.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Following the 9/11 attacks and the launch of the Global War on Terror, many humanitarian policy wonks spoke of a new era of heightened aid instrumentalization - that is the use of humanitarian action or rhetoric as a tool to pursue political, security, development, economic, or other non-humanitarian goals, which would muddy humanitarian principles and constrain access to those in need.

But a new book, The Golden Fleece [ http://www.amazon.com/The-Golden-Fleece-Manipulation-Independence/dp/1565494881/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1360849171&sr=8-1&keywords=the+golden+fleece%2C+donini ], argues that instrumentalization goes back centuries. The only thing that has changed is the “centrality and sheer size” of the humanitarian enterprise, says its editor Antonio Donini, senior researcher at Tufts University’s Feinstein International Center. “There never was a golden age of humanitarianism,” he says.

While aid agencies balked at Colin Powell’s description of them as “force multipliers” in the US “war on terror”, he was not far from wrong, says Lt-Gen (rtd) the Honorable Roméo Dallaire, head of the UN assistance mission in Rwanda during the genocide and author of Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda.

US aid agencies, for instance, were used as “force multipliers” in the Vietnam war and in the Central American civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s, to give but two examples.

“Humanitarians have been used… as fig leaves to veil government action and inaction in the face of war crimes and genocide. Humanitarians have been paid, manipulated, and `embedded’ with singular disregard for humanitarian principles. They have been routinely ignored, even in cases of obvious humanitarian need and enormous public outcry. They have been silent when they should have spoken out, and they have spoken out when they should have remained silent. They have called for military intervention… and on the few occasions when they got their wish, they mostly lived to regret it,” says co-author Ian Smillie, a long-time aid critic and founder of Canadian NGO Inter Pares.

The Golden Fleece explores different forms of aid manipulation starting in the 19th century, and progressing to the 20th and 21st centuries, presenting a series of case studies in Sudan, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Pakistan, Somalia and Haiti, among others.

Instrumentalization can also be more subtle - for instance when humanitarian emergencies are largely ignored by aid agencies and governments alike - or, in the case of food aid, when it is used to dispose of surplus stocks, to create new markets and to win over governments, as opposed to more blatant manipulation involving say, the diversion of stocks by warring parties.

“Dunanist” versus not

An increase in the number and severity of crises, the vast growth of the humanitarian sector, the increased ability of governments to dictate the shape of agency programming, the more intense real-time scrutiny, and the impact this has had on funding, have made agencies more aware of aid instrumentalization.

Some agencies stick to the humanitarian principles of independence, impartiality and neutrality more strictly - notably the “Dunanist” agencies International Committee of the Red Cross and NGOs such as Médecins sans Frontières (Henri Dunant inspired the creation of the Red Cross movement at the battle of Solferino).

However, even the ICRC has struggled to uphold its principles at times: for instance, by failing to step up its protection response to victims of concentration camps in 1930s Germany; or in keeping silent about British-run concentration camps during the 1890s Boer war.

For multi-mandate agencies - both NGOs and UN - neutrality, independence and impartiality “are more guidelines than principles. For them, manipulation… has been the default position, some using and some eager to be used,” says the book.

The danger for them is that in a place like Afghanistan, “some multi-mandate agencies may find themselves in a bind,” says Donini. “They want to do humanitarian aid at one point, but having been implementing partners for the government, for military-political provincial reconstruction teams, they are realizing these chickens will come home to roost.”

Instrumenalization of aid is more obvious in some crises than others. In Somalia all local groups - from local NGOs to businessmen to warlords - have sought to manipulate assistance to project their authority or enrich themselves, say the authors.

Lessons for aid agencies

The authors refrain from being prescriptive, but some lessons do emerge. A clear one is that calling for military intervention is almost always regretted later on. “Agencies call for the cavalry at their peril,” says Smillie, “This is a cautionary tale.”

Another is that aid agencies too often compartmentalize or simplify their view of a complex emergency, perpetuating a self-referential reality in which their solutions (food, tents), define the problem. This can often lead them to ignore the real problems at hand (human rights abuses, say, in Sri Lanka, or feeding genocidal killers, say, in Rwanda).

Such a vision leads Darfur to be depicted as a relatively straightforward tale of “bad” Arabs and “good” Africans rather than a more complex power struggle over land and water.

It also blinds them to their own impact: several researchers have asserted that humanitarian aid prolonged the war in Nigeria’s Biafra in the 1960s - a conflict in which an estimated one million people died, the majority as a result of malnutrition. Of course hindsight is a wonderful thing, but Smillie, who was there at the time, says several NGOs were aware of this dynamic at the time.

Perhaps one of the most useful lessons is that, in the authors’ analysis, manipulation of assistance generally does not get the manipulators what they want. “The fact that aid can be a force multiplier may be wrong,” said Smillie. Studies have shown for instance, that humanitarian aid in Iraq and Afghanistan did little to win over hearts and minds. Perhaps its very ineffectiveness should be an incentive to loosen the hold.

As Western power wanes and crisis-affected countries begin to assert their right to control crisis response, new dynamics will arise. Donini gave Sri Lanka as an example of where its leader Mahinda Rajapakse used the Global War on Terror and respect for sovereignty rhetoric to justify overwhelming force against the Tamil uprising when he came to power in 2005, out-manoeuvering and repressing humanitarians.

Long on problems and short on solutions, the book can make for depressing reading. But Donini stressed a final point: “This book focuses on the negative - we wanted to unscramble instrumentalization. But we shouldn’t deny all the positive…. there is much about the humanitarian enterprise that is really quite good.”

aj/cb


Q&A with authors of The Golden Fleece

IRIN discussed some of the book’s themes with its authors Donini (AD) and Smillie (IS).

You say aid instrumentalization is nothing new, but has it become more pronounced?

AD: There was never a golden age and there always has been instrumentalization of one kind or another. It is part of human nature to try to take advantage of assistance - be it by aid agencies, donors, warring parties or affected communities.”

IS: We [the authors] had been talking off and on over 10 years about how there was more and more instrumentalization - the sky was falling - and I wondered if it was cyclical. I thought there might have been a surge at the end of the Cold War, when there were more Western boots on the ground. But when I started to look at it I realized that was not the case - I was surprised by how similar many situations were. Instrumentalization was blatant among American NGOs in Vietnam in the 1960s and among the Atrocitarians in Bulgaria in the 1860s. The same could be said of Afghanistan and Iraq. The day before 9/11 there were hardly any Western NGOs in Afghanistan, despite great needs. The sudden outpouring of aid clearly had a lot to do with Western political and security interests. The point to show was that it was just part of an ongoing struggle between principles and the exigencies of politics and war.

Is a clearer separation needed between Dunanist and multi-mandate agencies?

AD: For me it makes sense to have a clearer separation between agencies that maintain a narrow humanitarian profile and are the only agencies that can cross lines and access fraught environments, and the rest of the aid community, which do important things but also take on human rights, peace building, state-support etc… We need a clearer definition of who is working according to these recognized principles and who is not.

IS: Should you take military protection to get a food convoy through? Some would say no. Others would say: people are hungry and if we don’t, they’ll die. There is a place for both [approaches].

How is the push for better accountability shifting the game?

AD: We are clearly improving accountability [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-depth/95731/97/Are-they-listening-Aid-and-humanitarian-accountability ] in how aid is provided, with standards (Sphere, People in Aid); access through proxies; real-time feedback; using mobile phones and video conferencing which allow agencies to check on stocks and verify if a sample of the population are receiving assistance. We have access to the Internet, to budgets, to standards, and can compare responses between different crises. When I was in Helmand Province in Afghanistan in June last year, I talked to the Afghan director of an NGO - he knows everyone there. A Taliban member summoned him to his house to discuss a water project that he had a problem with. When asked how he knew about the project, he said they were checking different NGO budgets to see where the money was coming from - whether from belligerents or independent forces…. It will become more difficult for agencies to pretend they are humanitarian when they are not. The days of arrogance characterizing the aid community - when you could fudge these issues - are gone, and that is a positive thing.

Where a lot of work is still required is working on the basis of evidence rather than hunches. Very often we come in and dump assistance without doing the proper assessments. Sometimes less is more.

Why are humanitarians not more aware of being used/using others?

AD: We’re very good at using the tools of the last crisis for the new one but are not good at adapting to new situations. That is why in places like Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/Country/SY/Syria ] we are stuck. Should humanitarians be playing a more important role or are they just carrying the can for the failure of UN member states to find a solution?

IS: The problem among humanitarians is that they think the world began the day they arrived. They don’t know enough about the history and culture of the place, or of their business. We need to think about how lessons from the past apply in the current situation. I don’t know if there is a Biafra lesson that could be applied to Mali right now. There may be none, but it doesn’t hurt to be more literate in history of humanitarian action. Basically, this is just a lot of common sense, which is usually sorely lacking in an emergency setting.

How will dynamics shift in the future?

AD: Humanitarianism is in some ways a victim of its own success… Humanitarianism has grown in parallel with Western dominance… Now the West is in retreat, then maybe we are reaching the limits of Western modern humanitarianism?

What is emerging in parts of the world - Sri Lanka or Darfur for instance - is a more robust manifestation of sovereign nationalism… It is good that middle-income countries are more involved in defining how they will address humanitarian needs, but it is less positive that we risk a dilution or a manipulation of humanitarian agencies as a result.

India, China and other middle-income countries will start using their own soft power to advance humanitarian activities. Future crises - taking place in mega-cities, dealing with the impact of climate change - are those where the state is likely to be at the centre of the response, for better or worse. Aid agencies have traditionally been state-avoidant - this will have to change.

aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97502/The-use-and-abuse-of-humanitarian-principle</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160754460265t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Following the 9/11 attacks and the launch of the Global War on Terror, many humanitarian policy wonks spoke of a new era of heightened aid instrumentalization - that is the use of humanitarian action or rhetoric as a tool to pursue political, security, development, economic, or other non-humanitarian goals, which would muddy humanitarian principles and constrain access to those in need.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Becoming refugees once more: Palestinians from Syria return to Gaza</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231304300509t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Some 150 Palestinian families have fled the violence in Syria and returned to Gaza, but their homecoming has been far from easy.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Ahmed Dweik’s family knows a thing or two about the refugee experience.

Theirs started in 1948, when his father fled his Palestinian home town as Israeli forces captured the village of West Batani near Ashdod in present-day Israel.

From there, he settled in a refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, further south, until the 1967 Arab-Israeli war pushed him to search for an easier life abroad. He went first to Egypt to study, then to Yemen to find work.

That is where Dweik was born. But like his father, he too sought better opportunities, migrating to Syria to look for a better paying job and settling close to Yarmouk, the largest camp for Palestinian refugees in Syria.

“But what happened to my father after the 1967 war happened to me in 2012,” Dweik told IRIN.

In mid-2011, Dweik was in Yarmouk when the authorities opened fire on demonstrations and he was forced to take shelter for a few hours until it was safe to be on the street.

“I knew it was time for me to leave, but where to?”

Yemen, where he grew up, was facing its own unrest, and other Arab countries have made it harder [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] for Palestinians to enter.

That left Gaza, the tiny strip of land under siege by Israel and Egypt, where living conditions are difficult and expected to worsen, according to a recent UN report [ http://www.unrwa.org/userfiles/file/publications/gaza/Gaza%20in%202020.pdf ].

More than 60 percent of the population does not have secure access to food, 39 percent live under the poverty line, and 29 percent are unemployed.

Dweik, his wife and child are among some 150 families who have returned to Gaza from Syria, according to the Action Group for Palestinians of Syria (begun by a number of Palestinian figures and NGOs in response to the flight of refugees from Syria). Of those, 154 people have registered with the UN relief agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA).

Syria is home to more than half a million Palestinian refugees who were driven from their homes in the 1948 and 1967 wars. The UN and Palestinian officials are increasingly concerned over their fate [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96103/SYRIA-Palestinians-being-drawn-into-the-fight ] in the bloody Syrian conflict.

The Action Group had documented the deaths of 990 Palestinian refugees since the beginning of the conflict in Syria, while many others are missing.

Tens of thousands have sought refuge from the violence with host families in Syria and in government or UNRWA facilities in Syria [ http://unrwa.org/userfiles/2012122163648.pdf ]. Another 20,000 and 5,500 have fled to Lebanon and Jordan respectively, though Tariq Hamoud, who coordinates the Action Group and recently published a study [ http://www.prc.org.uk/images/stories/pdfs/Ssyria_Study_on_palestinian_refugees.pdf ] on the impact of the Syrian crisis on Palestinian refugees, says the number of Palestinians who have fled Syria, including to Turkey, Egypt and Libya, may be as high as 50,000.

A difficult return

But the return to Gaza is particularly challenging, according to UNRWA’s head of operations in Gaza Robert Turner.

"We don't expect a significant number of returning refugees because of the difficulties reaching the Strip,” he told IRIN.

In December, following a heavy round of shelling in Yarmouk, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas urged [ http://english.wafa.ps/index.php?action=detail&id=21355 ] the international community to help Palestinian refugees in Syria to return to the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT).

But “nothing changed”, Adnan Abu Hasna, of UNRWA’s communication division in Gaza, told IRIN.

Gazans who wish to cross through the Egyptian border require proper travel documents, and Egyptian officials are reportedly [ http://www.prc.org.uk/images/stories/pdfs/Ssyria_Study_on_palestinian_refugees.pdf ] subjecting Gazans returning from Syria through Egypt to “profound security examinations”.

When Faragallah Abu Jarad, who lived in a Palestinian camp in Dera’a for more than three decades, was forced to leave Syria with his family of 11, he and his two sons ended up in an Egyptian prison for one month where he was subjected to questioning before he was allowed to return to Gaza, he told IRIN.

Egyptian authorities at the Rafah border crossing also denied Dweik entrance to Gaza because he did not have a proper visa or permission. The only way in was through a network of illegal underground tunnels connecting Gaza and Egypt.

“It was risky,” Dweik said. “But here I am.”

But these Palestinians are returning to a place that can offer little in the form of security or opportunity.

After Dweik’s tortuous journey and an attempt to rebuild a life in Gaza, war hit again - and right next door.

The eight-day Israeli offensive on Gaza last November brought memories of violence flooding back. Dweik lives near a government building that was pounded in an Israeli attack.

"Everything was shaking: windows, doors, even the building, but thank God that my family wasn't hurt,” he said.

He was afraid once more, "but what can I do about it? I suffered a lot to come back here, and I'm afraid that the Egyptians will arrest me if I leave to Egypt, because I entered Gaza via a tunnel.”

Abu Jarad said he is glad his family is safe; but finds it hard to cope with Gaza’s high unemployment and poverty levels.

“It’s not only safety we want,” he told IRIN, “but we also want to rebuild our lives, which have been stolen by war… We left almost everything.”

He is now fixing an old house that his parents inhabited for decades. The walls are cracked and some windows broken because of the Israeli bombardment in November.

Many, though not all, of those fleeing Syria have extended families in Gaza that offer some support.

The returnees also have access to the same UNRWA-provided services as all other Palestinian refugees in Gaza: food, education, health care. They can also apply to UNRWA’s job creation project for six months or one year of employment to get them started, UNRWA’s Abu Hasna said.

“More than that we cannot offer them.”

A Gaza government official, speaking to IRIN on condition of anonymity, said returnees can seek social assistance from the government, as can any other resident of Gaza. But he said it would be very difficult, not only politically, but also logistically and financially, for Gaza to take in a large number of Palestinian refugees from Syria who were not originally residents of Gaza.

Dweik called for more attention, including financial and housing assistance, to those who fled their countries of refuge, "because they left with nothing in hand but themselves, looking for a safer place where they can live, not to be refugees all over again.”

ad/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97474/Becoming-refugees-once-more-Palestinians-from-Syria-return-to-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231304300509t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 14 February 2013 (IRIN) - Some 150 Palestinian families have fled the violence in Syria and returned to Gaza, but their homecoming has been far from easy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Palestinians face growing food crisis</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Fluctuating prices, poverty and border restrictions mean growing numbers of Palestinians are facing food insecurity this year - one of the key priorities in the humanitarian community’s annual appeal for the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Fluctuating prices, poverty and border restrictions mean growing numbers of Palestinians are facing food insecurity this year - one of the key priorities in the humanitarian community’s annual appeal for the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT).

This year’s Consolidated Appeal Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2013_full_document_english.pdf ] is for US$401.6 million, a slight decrease on last year’s $416.7 million, only 68 percent of which was financed.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which helped coordinate the CAP, estimates that 1.3 million Palestinians do not have enough food.

The latest figures show the number of households without sufficient access to food has risen by 7 percent since 2011, a trend which - if continued - would have left an estimated 41 percent of Palestinians without the necessary resources to get sufficient, safe and nutritious food at the end of 2012.

“Palestinian wages have not kept pace with inflation… Many poor Palestinians have exhausted their coping mechanisms (taking on loans, cutting back consumption) and are now much more vulnerable to small price increases than they were,” said a recent World Food Programme bulletin [ http://documents.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp251297.pdf ].

According to the CAP, the situation is further worsened by restrictions on the movement of people and goods, which have resulted in higher prices of basic food commodities and reduced the purchasing power of many vulnerable families.

Restricted access

Humanitarian agencies hope to carry out 157 projects in 2013 - 58 implemented by UN agencies, 82 by international NGOs and 17 by local NGOs.

But doing this type of work is becoming increasingly difficult, according to aid workers who say getting access to vulnerable communities became tougher in 2012 because of lengthy Israeli planning procedures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97228/Aid-agencies-tread-gingerly-in-the-West-Bank-s-Area-C ] and restrictions on mobility and authorization.

In 2011, UN reconstruction projects had to wait an average of eight months for approval from Israel’s Coordination of Government Activities in Territories (COGAT - a unit in the Israeli Ministry of Defense that engages in coordinating civilian issues between the government of Israel, the Israel Defense Forces, international organizations, diplomats, and the Palestinian Authority). By the end of 2012, the average waiting time more than doubled to 20 months, according to the CAP report.

In addition, aid workers lost some 1,959 working hours due to 535 access incidents while attempting to pass Israeli checkpoints in 2012, Maria José Torres, OCHA deputy head of office in OPT, told IRIN.

This trend is expected to worsen once the Israeli Crossing Points Administration (CPA), a civilian department linked to the Defence Ministry, begins to operate all checkpoints.

The CPA requires regular searches of UN vehicles, unless the driver is an international staff member, and national UN staff are subject to body searches and required to walk through the crossings the CPA operates. It remains unclear, however, when exactly CPA will take over.

Impact of recent political events

The recent escalation in violence in Gaza at the end of 2012 only increased humanitarian needs and added an extra $26 million to the CAP as communities try to rebuild [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97315/Rebuilding-in-Gaza-between-war-and-peace ] : this year’s appeal has a tighter focus on strictly humanitarian projects that would immediately tackle suffering, said Torres.

The indebted Palestinian government in the West Bank is also struggling to provide basic services due to a shortfall in revenue provoked by declining donor support, and also the holding back of tax revenues by Israel, which objected to the State of Palestine being given the status of a non-member observer state at the UN.

A man-made crisis?

These incidents highlight the close correlation between politics and humanitarian needs in OPT.

At the CAP presentation in Ramallah, several speakers on the podium criticized Israel for provoking what they said was a man-made humanitarian crisis in OPT.

“The UN has repeatedly called upon the State of Israel to meet its obligations as an occupying power, including halting demolitions and addressing humanitarian needs. Unfortunately, these have not been met,” said the resident humanitarian coordinator in OPT, James W. Rawley.

“The international community tries to fill the gap, and this humanitarian action is essential. But it is no substitute to political action.”

Many of the Palestinian officials and humanitarian staff present told IRIN they had become frustrated by the man-made and largely unchanged humanitarian crisis in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

“After 20 years of a useless peace process with Israel, the situation on the ground continues to deteriorate. The status quo is not working,” said Estephan Salameh, an adviser to the Palestinian Ministry of Planning in the West Bank.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97368/Palestinians-face-growing-food-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Fluctuating prices, poverty and border restrictions mean growing numbers of Palestinians are facing food insecurity this year - one of the key priorities in the humanitarian community’s annual appeal for the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Swine flu kills 25 in OPT in past few weeks</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/2009030318t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Health officials in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) are calling on residents to get vaccinated against the H1N1 virus (“swine flu”) after 25 deaths in recent weeks.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Swine flu kills 25 in OPT in past few weeksHealth officials in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) are calling on residents to get vaccinated against the H1N1 virus (“swine flu”) after 25 deaths in recent weeks.

Over 700 infections of H1N1 have been reported in the West Bank and 20 in the Gaza Strip, and officials say the number of recent H1N1-related deaths is almost certainly underreported.

“The virus has claimed 25 lives to date, three of them in Gaza, and we are in the midst of vaccinating,” Asad Ramlawi, general director of primary health care at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, told IRIN.

He said 25,000 people had been vaccinated as part of a regular programme over the last few months, and an additional 25,000 have been vaccinated since the outbreak.

“Right now we are targeting patients at risk of heart disease, diabetes, blood diseases and of course, pregnant women. We are seeing a good response to our efforts to raise awareness [of the importance of] getting vaccinated,” he said, saying they had good stocks of the vaccine in reserve.

Young children, babies and infants under five, old people and pregnant women are considered to be at the highest risk of contracting H1N1, an infection caused by an influenza virus believed originally to have infected the lungs of pigs.

The latest surge of cases was detected in the West Bank in early December 2012 but the first cases in Gaza came to light in mid-January, with reported deaths in the Jenin, Qalqilya and Hebron regions, according to Palestinian health officials.

In the 2009 pandemic, dozens of Palestinians died from H1N1.

And elsewhere in the region?

In Israel, a twenty-eight-year old woman died on Monday night of H1N1 at a hospital in Beer Sheba.

Previously, the only reported H1N1 death was of a three-year-old boy in the city of Petach Tikva in mid-January, the first reported in the country since the winter of 2009- 2010 when 96 Israelis died.

Since then, a large-scale vaccination campaign has been carried out. Four unvaccinated women have been hospitalized with H1N1 in the past few weeks.

Israeli Ministry of Health spokeswoman Einav Shimron- Greenbaum told IRIN H1N1 in Israel is “at a medium level as of now; we are aware of the reported deaths in the PA [Palestinian Authority] and are monitoring the situation, as we are with worldwide reports of the situation.”

Nine confirmed deaths were reported in Yemen in the last two months [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/h1n1-virus-concerns-locals-hospitals-reassure-public ]; three deaths in Iraq [ http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=102156 ]; two in Jordan [ http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/VieSociale/8099901.html ]; and 20 non-fatal infections in Tunisia [ http://www.tuniscope.com/index.php/article/20634/sante/conseils/grippe-porcine-051910 ].

In 2009 the World Health Organization declared that the H1N1 strain of the flu virus had become pandemic. It went on to cause the deaths of at least 18,500 people before the pandemic was declared over in August 2010 [ http://www.cidrap.umn.edu/cidrap/content/influenza/swineflu/news/aug1010who.html ].

According to statistics, about 500 people die from the common flu every year in Israel.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97349/Swine-flu-kills-25-in-OPT-in-past-few-weeks</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/2009030318t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Health officials in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) are calling on residents to get vaccinated against the H1N1 virus (“swine flu”) after 25 deaths in recent weeks.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rebuilding in Gaza between war and peace</title><pubDate>Wed, 23 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301231209380607t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 23 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ashraf Azzam, 33, stands in the ruins of his house in Zeitoun Area, Eastern Gaza City, destroyed in an Israeli bombing attack two months ago.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 23 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ashraf Azzam, 33, stands in the ruins of his house in Zeitoun Area, Eastern Gaza City, destroyed in an Israeli bombing attack two months ago.

“Everything went so fast. In the beginning, a warning rocket fell on our house and adjacent houses as well; we rushed out of the house, running for safety - we didn’t have the time to think,” he told IRIN.

“The Israeli attack targeted a nearby house in front of ours - it was like an earthquake, everything was shaking; dust and smoke were all over the place with devastating consequences,” he said.

In the morning light, they discovered their house had been destroyed. No one from the family was injured though some of their neighbours had been killed.

For now, Ashraf’s extended family (15 members including his mother, married brothers and their children) are dispersed, living in rented apartments.

Destroyed homes

During November’s eight-day escalation in the conflict, Israeli’s bombardment of targets in the Gaza Strip in response to rocket attacks from militants in Gaza destroyed an estimated 200 residential units, severely damaged 300, and partially damaged 8,000 [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/gaza_initial_rapid_assessment_report_nov_2012_eng.pdf ], according to the housing and public works minister in Gaza, Yousif Al Ghraiz.

Rebuilding work is already under way but, with repeated cycles of violence, post-conflict reconstruction is not always permanent.

Ashraf’s uncle, Mohammed, 61, lives nearby and saw his house damaged in the same rocket attack. This was not the first time he had seen such a thing. His family’s home in Gaza City had been completely destroyed in the 23-day 2008-09 conflict and rebuilding only finished a few months ago.

“[We] didn’t expect this to happen again. This time it destroyed not only my house, but also another building, which was my main source of income, where I rented apartments.”

“We are going to stay here, and we will rebuild our house again. Of course, we have concerns about the house and the area being targeted again, but should that stop us from restoring our lives? The answer is absolutely not, because we have the will to do this,” he said.

Al Ghraiz said the Gaza administration has rebuilt 2,800 of the 3,500 residential units destroyed in the 2008-9 conflict, with reconstruction on the remaining 700 under way.

Assessments and rebuilding

Teams from the public works ministry, local municipalities and the UN are carrying out damage assessment visits throughout the Gaza Strip after November’s attack.

Many of the streets are still filled with rubble, but some are being cleared and Palestinians are doing what they can to recycle the debris by selling it on to local quarries and stone-crushing companies who can extract gravel and construction aggregate.

This can act as a substitute for regular construction materials which are in short supply or banned as a result of the 2007 economic sanctions imposed by Israel.

In a recent publication [ http://www.undp.ps/en/newsroom/publications/pdf/other/Gazafactshheet2012.pdf ], the UN Development Programme (UNDP) said Gaza has been deprived of development as a result of the blockade: “As a result, development and reconstruction needs in the Strip are enormous: from governance and livelihoods to environment and infrastructure.”

Four weeks ago, in the aftermath of the ceasefire discussions, Israel gave permission for gravel to enter Gaza for private sector use for the first time in six years. But the amounts imported are still very small and much of the material goes to international construction projects, according to the Legal Centre for Freedom of Movement (Gisha) [ http://www.gisha.org/item.asp?lang_id=en&p_id=1779 ].

Before the Israeli blockade was imposed in 2007 there were roughly 150 trucks of gravel entering Gaza daily for the private sector, according to Ra’ed Fattouh, chairman of the coordination committee for the entry of goods into the Gaza Strip.

For the last three weeks, crossings have averaged 100 trucks (800 tons) a week, while iron and cement are still banned from entry, Fattouh said.

Osama Kuhail, the head of the Palestinian Contractors’ Union, says these quantities are insufficient, and that Gaza’s construction sector needs about 200 trucks of gravel daily.

"There are many projects that can be implemented if materials are available. We can start real estate investment projects and large housing projects for low-income people. The ban on materials for the private sector has a severe influence on housing projects,” he added.

Gravel crossing via Kerem Shalom costs about US$23 per ton, he said, compared to $29 per ton for gravel smuggled in through tunnels from Egypt, or $12 via the official crossing with Egypt at Rafah (when permitted).

Reconstruction schemes

The Islamic Development Bank (IDB) is currently studying Ministry of Housing assessments of damage and the consequences of the recent Israeli attacks, including damaged and destroyed homes.

Refa’t Diyab, coordinator of the IDB and Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) programme for reconstruction in Gaza, told IRIN: "After the last war, the Arabian Gulf States’ aid focused on housing because of its significance in the lives of Palestinians, especially with the huge number of houses demolished or damaged during the war."

With funding from the Gulf States, IDB has invested $76 million in housing projects since the 2008-09 conflict and has a $43 million housing project starting soon, Diyab said.

Qatar is funding 3,000 new housing units for low-income and poor people, as part of a grant of more than $400 million to fund infrastructure and public services’ projects, according to Al Graiz.

The UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) for its part recently completed the first phase of a Saudi-funded housing project, which is dedicated to the refugee families who lost their houses in the early 2000s in Israeli incursions and attacks, especially in the southern Gaza Strip.

UNRWA is also working on housing projects with funding from the United Arab Emirates and Japan, and after the 2008-09 conflict supported around 55,000 families who had lost their homes. Around 1,000 families are still without permanent homes.

A recent UN report [ http://www.unrwa.org/userfiles/file/publications/gaza/Gaza%20in%202020.pdf ] said there is a shortage of 70,000 homes in Gaza.

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Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97315/Rebuilding-in-Gaza-between-war-and-peace</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301231209380607t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 23 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ashraf Azzam, 33, stands in the ruins of his house in Zeitoun Area, Eastern Gaza City, destroyed in an Israeli bombing attack two months ago.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid agencies tread gingerly in the West Bank&apos;s Area C</title><pubDate>Fri, 11 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007281330380386t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - Palestinian communities in Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, are among the poorest and most vulnerable in the occupied Palestinian territory, but development organizations that try to improve living conditions there say they are hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - As night descends in the Jordan Valley in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), a family in the village of Ras Al-Ahmar lights a small paraffin lamp in the tent they call home.

There is no electricity here and the nearby Palestinian villages are enveloped in darkness. The only visible cluster of light is from a nearby Israeli settlement.

Humanitarian agencies are well aware of the needs in this part of the West Bank but they face a challenge: play by the rules established by Israel or face the risk of having projects demolished [ http://www.ewash.org/files/library/5Factsheet5-AccesstoWASHinAreaC.pdf ].

Despite being outside the state of Israel, 90 percent of the Jordan Valley is under full Israeli civil and military control as part of Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank.

Palestinian communities here, among the poorest and most vulnerable in oPt, desperately need access to water, electricity, sanitation and other basic infrastructure [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/9100B847ECAD72C4852578DF006748BE ].

But despite the needs, development organizations that try to improve living conditions in Area C say they find their ability to make any lasting impact hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.

Like Palestinians, organizations that want to build basic service infrastructure such as houses, schools or water systems are required to submit an application for a permit to the Israeli authorities.

Often, these permits are not granted. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), between January 2000 and September 2007, over 94 percent of applications submitted by Palestinians to the Israeli authorities for building permits in Area C were denied [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/Demolitions_in_Area_C_May_2008_English.pdf ].

“The permit regime is very confusing. There is no clarity about the status of an application, whether paperwork has been received, if it is complete,” Willow Heske, media lead for Oxfam in oPt, told IRIN. “Agencies have sometimes waited for two years only to get a rejection that comes without any explanation.”

“A few years ago we put in plans to build a water reservoir in Al-Jiftlik, to provide half of Al-Jiftlik with running water,” said Heske.

“The reservoir was considered a `building’ and we didn’t get the permit. So we moved to a plan B which still involved setting up a reservoir and piping system but above rather than below ground. This too was not accepted. So as a last resort we had to go back to distributing water tanks. And of course people were frustrated and disappointed.”

Challenging the occupation

Some NGOs, among them Palestinian organizations like Ma’an Development Centre (MDC), believe that adhering to the permit regime helps legitimize the occupation, and choose to ignore the rules altogether.

“If you’re playing within the rules of the occupation then you are legitimizing it. We don’t seek permits from the Israelis. If we put in a permit request we would likely get denied,” MDC project manager Chris Keeler told IRIN. “And also because of a moral stance. We don’t think that a Palestinian NGO should be seeking permission from Israel to be building on Palestinian lands.”

For international organizations, it’s not only the possibility of having a permit denied that affects their work, but also the multiple ways in which the Israeli state bureaucracy hinders their work by issuing “stop work” orders to existing projects, refusing to issue work visas, or refusing to renew existing work permits for foreign staff.

Even MDC finds that it must sometimes work within existing framework restrictions.

“There are houses all over the Jordan Valley that need renovations,” said Keeler. “If we do a project in some of the communities in the north, it would likely get destroyed. So we work a lot in Al-Jiftlik and Al-Fasayil. We need permits in those places too, but because they are more established communities, there is less risk that they will get destroyed. A lot of donors want reassurance that structures we build will not be torn down.”

IRIN was unable to get a response from the Israeli government despite repeated attempts, but in the past the Israeli government spokesperson has said Israeli policy is shaped by security concerns.

EU move

In May 2012, the European Union (EU) Council of Foreign Affairs called on Israel to meet its obligations to communities in Area C, “including by accelerated approval of Palestinian master plans, halting forced transfer of population and demolition of Palestinian housing and infrastructure… and addressing humanitarian needs.” [ http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/130248.pdf ]

The Council stated that the “social and economic developments in Area C are of critical importance for the viability of a future Palestinian state.”

The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized the recommendations [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/About+the+Ministry/MFA+Spokesman/2012/Response-to-EU-FAC-conclusions-14-May-2012.htm ], saying they were “based on a partial, biased and one-sided depiction of realities on the ground” and that they “do not contribute to advancing the peace process”.

The Ministry said 119 projects were authorized in Area C in 2011 and that they ensured that “planned projects” were “coordinated and in conformity… with the law”.

Oxfam’s Heske believes the recent EU recommendations are bold and courageous, even though it is still not clear how they will play out on the ground. “These conclusions mean that there is now a full political commitment to work on development in Area C,” she said. “How it will play out, we don’t know, if it happens with or without permits. But we don’t want to see just one token water network here and there.”

Since 2011, the Palestinian Authority’s ministry for local government and local Palestinian councils have submitted 32 master plans for development in Area C to the Israeli Civil Administration (ICA). Each master plan includes infrastructure development, health care, primary education, water provision, electricity and the development of agricultural land, and requires approval by the ICA through a lengthy process of negotiation.

However, according to Azzam Hjouj, acting general director for urban and regional planning in the Palestinian ministry of local government, even if master plans are approved by the ICA, it is expected that the Israeli authorities may issue demolition and “stop work” orders for some plans, particularly in areas like Al-Jiftlik in the Jordan Valley, and that political pressure will be required to ensure implementation.

Bedouin villages

As for the more isolated Bedouin villages in the valley, the new master plans will not cover their areas.

“It’s difficult to make a master plan for these herding communities, because they are dispersed over large areas. They move around a lot and we don’t want to urbanize these areas, it’s their way of life,” Hjouj said. “And even if we made master plans, it would just give the ICA an excuse to congregate the herding communities into one area and take the remaining land.”

The Israeli Coordination of Government Activity in the Territories (COGAT - a unit in the Israeli Ministry of Defense that engages in coordinating civilian issues between the government of Israel, the Israel Defense Forces, international organizations, diplomats, and the Palestinian Authority) said that many of the construction projects in Area C are “illegal and poorly planned”.

A report compiled by COGAT relating to projects in Area C states that “illegal construction projects that ignore master plans undermine the possibility for future expansions and create problems for electrical, sewage and water systems.”

More advocacy?

As with the wider crisis, there are no easy solutions for humanitarian agencies seeking to provide aid in Area C, and finding the line between purely humanitarian work, and political engagement is tough [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96920/Analysis-Politics-and-humanitarianism-in-Israel-oPt ].

For economist Shir Hever, author of The Political Economy of Israel’s Occupation, Western governments and NGOs need to be more active in opposing the occupation of West Bank areas.

“Instead, donors put 99 percent of their work in doing what is allowed and 1 percent in protesting conditions,” he said.

zm/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97228/Aid-agencies-tread-gingerly-in-the-West-Bank-apos-s-Area-C</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007281330380386t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - Palestinian communities in Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, are among the poorest and most vulnerable in the occupied Palestinian territory, but development organizations that try to improve living conditions there say they are hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Urban water woes</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290735590125t.jpg" />]]>NEW YORK 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - In Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare (population 3,000,000), a man relieves himself in the dirt next to his tin shack, holding his nose to ward off the stench of a nearby overflowing latrine. In Ramallah (population 300,000) in the occupied Palestinian territory a 14-year-old girl wakes with menstrual cramps - and skips class because her school lacks a washroom where she can clean herself in private. In Bangladesh’s mega-capital (population 12 million), a monsoon-season flash flood leaves thousands with cholera.</description><body><![CDATA[NEW YORK 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - In Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare (population 3,000,000), a man relieves himself in the dirt next to his tin shack, holding his nose to ward off the stench of a nearby overflowing latrine. In Ramallah (population 300,000) in the occupied Palestinian territory a 14-year-old girl wakes with menstrual cramps - and skips class because her school lacks a washroom where she can clean herself in private. In Bangladesh’s mega-capital (population 12 million), a monsoon-season flash flood leaves thousands with cholera.

Different continents, same problem: City populations continue to grow above ground while water resources shrink underfoot, leaving emptying aquifers to sate growing needs, and compounding existing problems with wastewater collection.

With water use growing at more than twice the rate of overall population increase (according to the Food and Agriculture Organization), how can authorities ensure that every urban dweller gets 20-50 litres of clean water daily for drinking, cooking and cleaning? How can governments create sanitation systems that do not sicken city dwellers?

Background

Some 3.3 billion people (more than half of the world’s population) live in urban areas, a figure which is expected to rise to five billion by 2030. Ninety-five percent of this growth is taking place in countries least able to afford the cost of expansion.

In East Asia alone - in one of the most disaster-stricken areas worldwide [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97021/DISASTERS-Asia-s-2012-figures-and-trends ] - the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR) estimates the number of people living in urban flood plains may reach 67 million by 2060.

A Megacity Task Force of the Germany-based International Geographic Union has called the world’s 40 or so megacities (concentrations of at least 10 million people) “major global risk areas” prone to natural disaster and supply crises.

"The dimensions of these urban disaster problems are huge,” said Robert Piper, UN resident coordinator in Nepal, whose capital, Kathmandu, is consistently ranked as one of the world’s most earthquake-prone [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96639/NEPAL-Radio-stations-ill-prepared-for-earthquakes ] cities. “And doing something about it on the scale necessary is expensive.”

Cities of less than one million residents, such as Ramallah, are now growing at a faster rate than larger urban areas, noted Graham Alabaster, manager of the UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT), in Geneva. Like megacities, he said, smaller cities share the same pressing problems:  infrastructure too weak to handle ever-more densely packed populations, and understaffing so severe it can put water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH, in aid industry lingo) under the management of less than half as many administrators as is necessary.

Weather extremes

Climate change has not made things any easier. World temperatures will rise by 4 degrees Celsius by the end of the century, predict a joint team of researchers from Germany’s Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact and the NGO, also in Germany, Climate Analytics [ http://www.climateanalytics.org/news/new-report-examines-risks-4-degree-hotter-world-end-century ].

“In developing countries, the already-stressed, existing systems were built without climatic change in mind,” said Robert Bos, the WASH coordinator for the World Health Organization (WHO) in Geneva.

Water may be delivered in decades-old leaking iron pipes instead of flexible PVC ones that expand and contract in response to temperature fluctuations. Sewage systems may be too small to remove waste, which can ferment and release toxic methane gas created when temperatures reach record highs.

To brace against increasingly volatile weather, cities in arid regions (such as Johannesburg and Dakar) must stockpile water for annual droughts, while those in flood-prone areas (such as Shanghai and Calcutta) must stockpile medicines and recruit additional health staff to prevent and treat water-borne diseases.

The countries at the highest risk of weather-related disasters worldwide, identified in a November 2012 report [ http://germanwatch.org/en/5696 ], are Thailand followed by Cambodia, Pakistan, El Salvador and the Philippines.

As of March 2012, three years ahead of schedule, the world achieved one of its Millennium Development Goals: providing safe drinking water to half of the 2.6 million people who struggled without it in 2000.
Even so, 2.5 billion people in the developing world lack adequate sanitation and 780 million of them lack clean water [ http://www.unicef.org/wash ].

In addition to large-scale efforts organized by national governments, here are five experiments WASH experts are testing to manage water sources in an urbanizing - and increasingly warmer - world.

1) DE-SLUDGING TECHNOLOGY

Latrine pits into which sewage systems drain are the most common way to collect waste in slums in the developing world. But cleaning these pits, which are often uncovered, can pose persistent challenges. Shacks may be so densely packed that vacuum tankers cannot be deployed.

Individual workers may have to clamber into pits and manually clean them, putting themselves - and their families - at risk of disease. Absentee landlords may have little interest in dealing with sewage pits, leaving them neglected to the point where they overflow.

With a US$100,000 grant from the US-based Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, researchers in Belo Horizonte (the third-largest city in Brazil) are creating biodegradable building blocks that replace conventional cement or brick and allow latrine pits to decompose naturally once they are filled. Another Gates grant of $4.8 million to the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine is funding the design of latrine pits that have an active “bio-filter” of tiger worms and other organisms to break down waste. This technology creates environmentally-friendly sewage that poses few human health risks.

2) UPGRADING SCHOOL SANITATION

Where school toilets and latrines do exist (they are available in only an estimated 37 percent of countries where the UN Children’s Fund, UNICEF, is active), long queues snake around school buildings during breaks and after class. “We need to upgrade sanitary facilities for all children, but especially for menstruating girls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97080/AID-POLICY-Integrating-menstrual-hygiene-management-into-aid-programming ] so they can continue to attend school and meet their needs for privacy, dignity and cleanliness,” said Ania Grobicki, executive secretary of the Stockholm-based Global Water Partnership.

In China, UNICEF and its partners built school hand-washing stations. In Malawi and Kenya, they introduced a new design of urinals for girls. And in Bangladesh and India, they have launched “menstrual hygiene projects” so girls can continue their studies without interruption.

3) PRE-IDENTIFIED WASTE DISPOSAL SITES

When natural disasters strike, they can generate millions of tons of solid and liquid waste that threaten public health and hinder reconstruction. The earthquake that hit Haiti’s capital of Port-au-Prince in January 2010 - killing more than 220,000 people, leaving more than 350,000 displaced almost three years later and causing the capital’s already-shaky municipal waste collection system to collapse - highlighted the need to select waste-disposal sites pre-disaster.

Garbage towered along remaining roadsides; construction materials were piled up in ravines, drains and other open spaces. Before aid agencies and the government focused on hazardous waste disposal, surgeons tossed body parts into fetid, decaying piles. After the disaster, the Haitian government assigned one municipal landfill to dispose of medical waste. In 2011, the UN released disaster-waste guidelines [ http://www.unocha.org/about-us/publications/disaster-waste-management-guidelines ] that outlined dangers of different waste types.

4) TURNING WASTE INTO WATER

In some urban areas in the developing world, more water is lost through leakage and other infrastructure problems than is delivered. “But wastewater collection, recycling, and retreatment can multiply supplies,” said Grobicki from Global Water Partnership.

Cities that are already making wastewater potable include Singapore (where 3 percent of drinking water is recycled) and Perth, Australia (where officials hope 10 percent will soon be so). This microfiltration and chemical treatment technology has also been used in Windhoek, Namibia, (population 300,000) which has been recycling wastewater since 1968, and is holding a meeting in 2013 to evaluate its experience [ http://www.iwahq.org/1tk/events/iwa-events/2013/water-reuse-2013.html ].

5) LOW-COST, HIGH-IMPACT SOLUTIONS

WASH systems do not have to be pricey to be effective, as proven by the shallow, gravity-driven sewers that have long served the `favela’ slums of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil’s second largest city of some six million people.

“Increasingly, municipal authorities are establishing `low-income customer service units’ or LICSUs,” said Timeyin Uwejamomere with the London-based NGO WaterAid. “One such programme recently brought sanitation to 150,000 people and clean water to 400,000 in Lilongwe, Malawi.”

At King’s College London, researchers are examining how to deliver water with segmented flexible rubber hoses. In India, Bangladesh, Kenya, and Uganda, WaterCredit, a programme of the US-based Water.Org, helps households buy drinking water and toilets through micro-financing.

mmg/pt/cb

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Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97161/Urban-water-woes</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290735590125t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NEW YORK 02 January 2013 (IRIN) - In Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare (population 3,000,000), a man relieves himself in the dirt next to his tin shack, holding his nose to ward off the stench of a nearby overflowing latrine. In Ramallah (population 300,000) in the occupied Palestinian territory a 14-year-old girl wakes with menstrual cramps - and skips class because her school lacks a washroom where she can clean herself in private. In Bangladesh’s mega-capital (population 12 million), a monsoon-season flash flood leaves thousands with cholera.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: 2012 - a year of continuing turmoil</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - The Middle East continued to boil in Year 2 of what was once an Arab “Spring” with the ever-worsening conflict in Syria, toxic spillover into Lebanon, deadly clashes in Egypt, proliferation of weapons in Libya, assassinations and bomb blasts in Yemen, emboldened insurgents in Iraq and continued protests in Jordan. 

While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the region, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface - and sometimes in plain - but neglected - view. 

Here are 10 of the main issues IRIN highlighted this year: 

Syria’s refugee crisis: The number of Syrians registered as refugees in neighbourhing countries skyrocketed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96136/Briefing-The-mounting-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] from 10,000 at the beginning of the year, to half a million today, despite some borders being less than open [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees ]. The UN has launched appeal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] after appeal to help the refugees living in basic conditions in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, even Iraq, and increasingly Egypt, but funding has consistently been insufficient to meet the rising needs - largely due to politics and donor fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ]. In the meantime, refugees have been vulnerable to harsh winters, labour exploitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ]; child work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97062/JORDAN-Syrian-child-refugees-who-work-culture-or-coping-mechanism ]; early marriage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ] and political tensions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96232/LEBANON-SYRIA-The-refugee-minefield ].

The humanitarian toll in Syria: Syria has made the headlines daily in the past year, but most news reports have focused on rebel advances or diplomatic efforts to end the nearly two-year conflict. Meanwhile, the quality of daily life inside the country has spiralled downwards - and fast. In early 2012, alarm bells [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94914/Analysis-Worrying-signs-for-food-security-in-Syria ] rang over food security; by year end, even in the capital Damascus people were having a hard time finding bread [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ]. Farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94888/SYRIA-Insecurity-makes-drought-hit-farmers-even-more-vulnerable ] have been especially hard-hit. At least two million people are now internally displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97126/SYRIA-Nowhere-to-run ], and the problem was exacerbated in July when fighting hit Damascus [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95914/SYRIA-Fighting-in-capital-adds-to-growing-displacement-challenge ]. Winter [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] has brought a whole new series of challenges for the displaced. Healthcare is hard to access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. Many people forget that Syria was home to more than 1.5 million refugees - mostly Palestinians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] and Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] - who have become more vulnerable because of the crisis. With millions of people affected, the aid operation has struggled to keep up with the quick increase in needs because of insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96952/SYRIA-UN-shrinks-staff-and-movement-amid-insecurity ], a lack of funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ], drawn-out initial negotiations with the government over access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95606/Analysis-Principles-or-pragmatism-Negotiating-access-in-Syria ], and questions around the capacity and impartiality of the major player in the response, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]. The result is a new kind of humanitarianism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] - through local activists and illegal cross-border aid, which has raised some eyebrows in the aid community.

Regional spillover: The Syrian crisis took on regional implications this year, as Lebanese sects with Syrian alliances shot at each other [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95724/Analysis-Bound-by-conflict-the-Syrian-Lebanon-crisis ]; Kurds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96007/IRAQ-SYRIA-As-Kurds-enter-the-fray-risk-of-conflict-grows ] in Turkey, Iraq and Syria sought a piece of the pie; and Syrian shells hit southern Turkey. The US military even sent troops to Jordan to prepare for a possible widening of the conflict. The Iraqi government says the conflict in Syria has emboldened insurgents at home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ]; increased the flow of weapons across the border; and heightened sectarian tensions. Some analysts have predicted a Sunni-Shia war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94633/Analysis-2012-The-Year-of-Crisis-in-the-Middle-East ] that would draw in Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, armed groups in the occupied Palestinian territory and engulf the entire region. 

A forgotten crisis in Yemen: Meanwhile, the poorest country in the Arab world slid further into crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95429/YEMEN-Alarm-bells-over-worsening-humanitarian-crisis ] this year. A crumbling economy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95499/YEMEN-Struggling-to-get-by ] has driven more and more people to the point of desperation [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen ]. If they were not already, the numbers are now staggering: The UN estimates that more than 13 million people - over half the population of 24 million - need humanitarian assistance. More than 10 million people do not have secure access to food; 13 million do not have access to safe water [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96093/YEMEN-Time-running-out-for-solution-to-water-crisis ] and sanitation; and nearly one million children are acutely malnourished. After Arab Spring protests in 2011, a new government was born in 2012, ending the 22-year-rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, but many complain of little change in Yemen. The new government has faced innumerable challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94956/YEMEN-Challenges-aplenty-for-new-president ] in its first year, including the demands of minority groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95324/YEMEN-Akhdam-community-angered-by-government-neglect ], lingering corruption [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ], and political divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ], as remnants of the old regime try to cling to power [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ].

These more recent challenges add to Yemen’s long-standing threats: Houthi rebels in the north, al-Qaeda-linked militants in the south [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95176/YEMEN-Behind-militia-lines-in-Jaar ] and a southern secessionist movement. Despite these deterrents, 2012 saw record numbers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ] of refugees and migrants head to Yemen, where - rather than refuge - they often found more trouble [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ].

Sectarian clashes in the north [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94763/YEMEN-Fighting-in-north-leads-to-fresh-displacements ] and military operations in the south brought the number of internally displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] to nearly half a million. The government declared in June that it had rooted out militants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ] who had taken control of parts of the south, but people have struggled to return to their homes due to landmines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ], limited basic services, including health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ], and continued insecurity. Access for aid workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security ] to former conflict areas has increased, but funding is not yet fully secured [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ]. Yemen is in desperate need of immediate assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/2013_Yemen_Humanitarian_Response_Plan.pdf ] to avoid becoming the next Somalia.

Continued violence in Iraq: Iraq slipped out of the headlines as the US pulled out its troops at the end of 2011, ending a nearly nine-year occupation. But 2012 was no less violent [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/database/ ] for civilians. A surge of violence in January, in the weeks after the withdrawal, had many Iraqis reconsidering their options [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ]. Insurgent dynamics have changed post-withdrawal; Shia groups have become less active, while Sunni groups appear to have resurged, with several high-profile coordinated bombings across the country throughout the year. But the main driver of violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] continues to be dysfunctional and polarized politics. The situation is likely to get worse in the lead-up to elections in 2013 and 2014, and as the situation in neighbouring Syria deteriorates further. Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96240/IRAQ-Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ] by the war, and tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees returning from Syria could further destabilize [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95964/IRAQ-Returnees-from-Syria-a-humanitarian-crisis-in-the-making ] the country. 

The stalling of Libya’s transition: Libya held its first democratic elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections ] since the ousting of former leader Muammar Gaddafi, but a power struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94981/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying ] between Libya’s budding new government and a web of revolution-era militias continued to plague Libya’s transition to stability after the toppling of Gaddafi in late 2011. Tens of thousands of Libyans remained displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home ] months after the fighting ended, afraid to return home because of lingering ethnic tensions. Clashes in southern tribal areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes ] rocked the country in the early months of the year; and many minorities were unsure if the revolution would finally bring them more rights [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads ]. Libya’s policy towards migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo ], who were violently targeted in the months following the revolution, remained harsh. Many of them, along with Libyan refugees and failed asylum seekers, are still stranded on the Egyptian border [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees ].

The price of Egypt’s revolution: It has been another gripping year in Egyptian politics, as debate and controversy surrounded the withdrawal from power of the ruling military council; the election of a new president [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95729/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-undone ], the disbanding of parliament, and the drafting of a new constitution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96045/Briefing-What-is-at-stake-in-Egypt-s-upcoming-constitution ]. Increased polarization within Egyptian society led once more to a series of fatal clashes on the streets throughout the year. The political turmoil has prevented the much-hoped-for economic revival, with foreign currency reserves dropping by more than half, unemployment rising, poverty increasing, and the budget deficit at US$27.5 billion and growing. The poor have been the hardest hit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/EGYPT-Poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ]. In the short term, the revolution has yet to bring tangible gains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94836/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-one-year-on ]; on the contrary, it has led to fears of rising malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ]; fuel shortages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95222/EGYPT-Fuel-shortage-threatens-bread-supplies ]; child abductions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95271/EGYPT-Rising-tide-of-child-abductions ]; and a rise in religious extremism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97033/EGYPT-Fresh-worries-for-religious-minorities ]. The new constitution was passed in a referendum at the end of the year, but opposition remains high. Next year is likely to be as unpredictable as the past two. 

Never-ending challenges for Palestinians: Changes in Egyptian politics raised hopes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza ] in the Gaza Strip that a five-year blockade by Egypt and Israel would be eased. (New Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood movement is close to the Islamist rulers of Gaza, Hamas). But significant changes have yet to take effect, with Gazans continuing to depend on underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96734/OPT-Tunnel-closures-exacerbate-Gaza-housing-crisis ] to smuggle in supplies. This has left Palestinians continuing to face food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94740/OPT-Boosting-protection-and-tackling-food-insecurity ], an aid-dependent economy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94606/Analysis-Visions-for-a-healthier-West-Bank-economy ], and Israeli settlement expansions in the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95445/Analysis-Israeli-government-challenges-the-law-to-embrace-illegal-settler-outposts ]. This year, Gaza had the added misery of a severe fuel shortage and related energy crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ], with the UN predicting in August that Gaza could be uninhabitable by 2016 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96209/OPT-Gaza-s-water-could-be-undrinkable-by-2016 ]. It was in this context that in November, Israel launched (with the stated aim of halting rocket-fire from Gaza into Israel) large-scale air attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96814/OPT-In-the-line-of-fire ] which killed dozens of civilians, displaced thousands [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains ] of others, and left communities on both sides of the border reeling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst ]. The legacy of the eight-day military operation is still not clear [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea ]; at the end of December, Israeli officials said they would start allowing construction materials to enter Gaza daily via the Kerem Shalom crossing. Despite the high needs, aid agencies have traditionally struggled to provide aid amid tight Israeli restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94750/AID-POLICY-Islamic-agencies-battle-the-odds-in-Gaza ]; but this year, aid agencies in oPt began resisting the status quo [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95954/OPT-EU-pressure-for-aid-change-in-Area-C ].

Migrants in Israel: Throughout 2012, Israel hardened its stance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard ] towards migrants. In January, it introduced a new law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ] designed to stop what it calls “infiltrators” and by spring, public opinion had significantly shifted against migrants, leading to attacks involving Molotov cocktails [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ], mob beatings [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go ] and police crackdowns [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ]. In April, Israel began deporting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ] South Sudanese asylum seekers who previously had protected status in Israel. 

The coordination of humanitarian aid: When Valerie Amos became UN under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs in 2010, one of her priorities was to increase partnerships between the UN and other players in the field. After years of mistrust between the mainstream humanitarian system and aid agencies in the Arab and Muslim worlds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ], the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in 2012 signed memorandums of understanding with Qatar and Kuwait. OCHA’s liaison office in the Gulf has set up a new web portal [ http://www.arabhum.net/ ] as a link between Gulf donors and the UN, and Gulf countries are moving towards increased coordination [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96352/Analysis-Towards-more-coordination-of-aid-in-the-Gulf ] in aid and emergency preparedness among themselves. Aid agencies in the Muslim world are also trying to make better use [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] of the billions of dollars [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] given in alms and charity every year. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97155/MIDDLE-EAST-2012-a-year-of-continuing-turmoil</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: A precarious existence in the Jordan Valley</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212311132030711t.jpg" />]]>AL-JIFTLIK/WEST BANK 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - Palestinians living in firing zones are among the most vulnerable populations in the West Bank with little access to basic services.</description><body><![CDATA[AL-JIFTLIK/WEST BANK 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - For those who recently watched images of the Israeli bombardment in Gaza, the wide open hills of the Jordan Valley in the West Bank appear as a stark contrast. 

Flocks of sheep accompanied by their herders cross the hillsides, home to some of the most fertile land in all of the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) and unrivalled even in Israel. 

And yet despite the abundant land and resources, Palestinians living in the Valley are some of the poorest in oPt, lacking even the most basic infrastructure.

The Jordan Valley is marked by a patchwork of zones in which Palestinians are allowed to live, which leave little room for manoeuvre.

“These restrictions have removed their ability to be self-sustaining. They are in an artificial humanitarian crisis; they have the capacity, the training, the education, but because of man-made restrictions, they are made vulnerable,” Ramesh Rajasingham, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in oPt, told IRIN.

For a start, much of the Valley is officially out of bounds to Palestinians - 44 percent is marked as closed military zones (including so-called firing zones) and nature reserves. An additional 50 percent is controlled by Israeli settlements, regarded as illegal by many in the international community. That leaves only 6 percent for Palestinians, according to figures from Save the Children.

A second layer of restrictions reinforces this exclusion: Under the Oslo peace accords, 90 percent of the Valley was labelled “Area C” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91971/OPT-Demolitions-drought-and-displacement-in-West-Bank-Area-C ]. In this area of the West Bank, Israel retains full civil and military control, enabling it to restrict Palestinian movement, construction and development projects. 

“A few years ago, communities in Area C were self-sustaining; they could trade, sell produce, graze their animals, and move around freely,” said OCHA’s Rajasingham.

Many of the Bedouin farming communities in these zones predate the Oslo accords and the firing zones (set up in the 1960s), but they now find themselves increasingly excluded or living a precarious existence.

Most Palestinians there live without sufficient access to clean water, while Israeli settlements nearby have plentiful water supplies subsidized by the Israeli government. 

Within the firing zones, more than 90 percent of the Palestinian communities are water scarce with access to less than 60 litres per person per day.

Food security in Area C is 24-34 percent for the shepherds, many of whom live in the firing zones [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/ocha_opt_firing_zone_factsheet_august_2012_english.pdf ].

Military operations

Overlooking the Valley are multiple Israeli military bases.

Army vehicles speed down the roads during the day, artillery fire echoes from nearby, while at night military helicopters circle overhead. 

Seven weeks ago during the eight-day bombardment in Gaza, tanks, army jeeps and military camps were in the Valley as part of a training exercise carried out by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), which their spokesperson’s unit told IRIN was necessary to “prepare for various security scenarios”.

They added that it was important for “intruders” to “be kept clear from the military areas… for the security of both soldiers and Palestinian civilians.”

“The army came and said ‘if you don’t leave this area for the training exercise, we will demolish your houses. You must go to Tayasir, which is far away from here,” Eid Ahmad Musa al-Fakir (68), a herder from the village of Hamamat Al-Maleh, told IRIN.

“It was hard for us to go there with our sheep and our belongings and it’s now winter, we don’t have so much money and the animals are breeding. So we moved just a short distance away to the roadside.” 

In preparation for the military exercise, the Israeli army issued more than 40 eviction orders to Palestinian families in the northern Jordan Valley living in or near Firing Zone areas [ http://www.ewash.org/en/?view=79YOcy0nNs3Du69tjVnyyumIu1jfxPKNuunzXkRpKQN7Iet8TQTG ].

A number of Palestinians returned to their homes, but Al-Fakir and his family are unsure of when they will go back: “The army told us that even if the training exercise is over, we should not come back. Here by the roadside it’s hard for our animals to graze, but we are afraid to return and find that we have to move again,” he said. 

Firing zones

This displacement and others like it this year [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/5495A1FDCFC99E3C85257A4800539786 ] have left Palestinian families in the area reporting a “general environment of fear and uncertainty, particularly among children”.

Israel’s Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) did not respond to interview requests for specifics about the recent military exercise. 

Some 5,000 Palestinians, mostly Bedouin and herding communities, live in designated firing zones across the West Bank, according to OCHA [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_firing_zone_factsheet_august_2012_english.pdf ].

Palestinians living in firing zones are among the most vulnerable populations in the West Bank with little access to services such as health care and education, and no basic utilities like electricity and sanitation.

Access to firing zones is prohibited to Palestinians without permission from the Israeli authorities and cover about 18 percent of the land in the West Bank.

Residents in these areas are frequently issued with eviction and demolition orders even though “many residents report that there is little or no military training in areas where they reside.” [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_khirbet_tana_fact_sheet_20110210_english.pdf ]

Where Palestinians have tried to construct, they face opposition from the Israeli government. 

Permit regime

The Israeli permit regime, which some analysts say contravenes international law [ http://rhr.org.il/heb/wp-content/uploads/62394311-Expert-Opinion-FINAL-1-February-2011.pdf ], makes daily living in Area C even more difficult for Palestinians as they are required to apply for permits to construct structures like water cisterns, latrines and houses.

Permits are rarely granted, forcing Palestinians to forego them and risk demolition. 

All these restrictions and layers of regulation make daily life in the Jordan Valley precarious.

According to the Ma’an Development Centre, an independent Palestinian development and training institution, “Israel has carried out more demolitions in the Jordan Valley than anywhere else.”

OCHA’s factsheet on Jordan Valley settlements says that in 2011 alone there were 200 demolitions of Palestinian structures, including homes, resulting in the displacement of 430 people.

In some instances, a building is demolished by the Israelis, rebuilt by Palestinians and then demolished again.

Israeli settlers on the other hand are given financial assistance by the Israeli government to encourage settlement expansion.

The settlement of Tomer, south of the Palestinian village of Fasayil, specializes in the production of dates.

According to the Ma’an Development Centre, the settlement has become “a flourishing community with a modern infrastructure, prosperous industries, and reliable social services” as a result of “tax breaks, grants and other benefits”.

By contrast, “[Palestinian ] homes in Fasayil are made of tin, plastic and mud” and the community has faced four waves of demolitions since January 2011. 

There are 10 Israeli settler communities partially or completely in the firing zones of the West Bank, though they almost never face threats of demolition.

A strategy of control?

Many in the Jordan Valley see military exercises in firing zones as well as repeated house demolitions as an Israeli strategy to empty the land of Palestinians and confiscate it for further settlement expansion and agricultural production. 

“This is a mountainous area, with [Israeli] people scattered across the place. Their purpose is to make us all leave so that they can take it for themselves,” Fatima Abid Aouda Soraiya Fakir, one of the women displaced from the village of Al-Maitah, told IRIN. “They are afraid that we will become established here if we stay, like the village of al-Aqaba which now has schools and clinics.” 

Al-Fakir, the Palestinian from Hamamat Al-Maleh, agrees. “The army wants everyone in this area to move,” he said. “It’s happening slowly and over time, but they definitely do not want us here.” 

But the spokesperson’s unit for the IDF said all structures erected in closed military zones were illegal.

Chris Whitman from the Ma’an Development Centre agrees that the recent exercise is a method for Israel to consolidate its power in the valley.

“To have people who are outside the system, herding and moving around is [taken as] a form of defiance,” he told IRIN.

“So Israel makes sure these people know the boundaries; makes sure they are not connected to water or electricity; ruins the area with artillery so that the animals cannot graze; and gives them the idea that their existence is temporary.”

The IDF declined to respond to these allegations.

Whitman added that Palestinians in the Jordan Valley have become increasingly impoverished over the past 20 years.

Those that have family elsewhere, or can afford to, may eventually choose to leave for larger towns or cities. But many rely on their animals for survival and cannot move elsewhere. 

The Palestinians in Al-Maitah say that despite their recent experience, they are staying put.

“We are here now and we just want the Israelis to leave us alone,” Ahmad Eid Soraiya Fakir from Al-Maitah told IRIN. “We are willing to live in any condition if we have to, but we will not leave.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97158/OPT-A-precarious-existence-in-the-Jordan-Valley</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212311132030711t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AL-JIFTLIK/WEST BANK 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - Palestinians living in firing zones are among the most vulnerable populations in the West Bank with little access to basic services.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Call for freer access to Gaza land and sea</title><pubDate>Tue, 11 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212041100270988t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 11 December 2012 (IRIN) - When Jaber Abu Rjaila heard about the recent ceasefire agreement in Gaza, he rushed back to his farmland - for the first time in more than 10 years.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 11 December 2012 (IRIN) - When Jaber Abu Rjaila heard about the recent ceasefire agreement in Gaza, he rushed back to his farmland - for the first time in more than 10 years.

"We have been farmers for generations. It's our life and I'm very glad that we are back here now freely working," he told IRIN. "I've been longing for this moment."

His farmland lies in the "access-denied" and buffer zone areas close to the Israeli-built barrier, but the recent ceasefire agreement holds out the promise of an easing of naval and land controls at the border.

Oxfam says the five-year blockade by Israel has "devastated Gaza's farming and fishing industries" leading to the closure of nearly 60 percent of Gaza's businesses, according to a new briefing paper [ http://www.oxfam.org/en/policy/beyond-ceasefire ] published this month. Israel imposed the blockade, it says, for security reasons.

Abu Rjaila has ambitions to plant tomatoes, parsley and zucchini for sale, and to help feed his 14-member family. But he knows he is not in the clear yet.

Israeli soldiers often use their loudspeakers to tell him to keep tens of metres from the border - and he says he still worries about "random shooting, sudden Israeli incursions, and unexploded shells".

Abu Rjaila's house and land are about 450m from the border in eastern Khan Younis, where he owns a seven-hectare farm on some of the most fertile land in Gaza.

After the ceasefire was introduced on 21 November, bringing an end to the Israeli bombardment and the firing of rockets into Israel, hundreds of Palestinians who own houses and land in these areas returned.

Officials in Gaza say the Israelis agreed to ease travel and economic restrictions, although the returning farmers faced immediate warnings from Israeli forces saying "Go away" and "Go back", often accompanied by warning shots.

Palestinian medical sources said one Palestinian was killed and over 20 injured by Israeli gunfire in the area just two days after the ceasefire, when a group including farmers visited land close to the fence.

The deputy minister of agriculture in Gaza, Ibrahim Al Qedra, told IRIN that the easing of restrictions on the 5,000 hectares in the buffer zone would reduce humanitarian needs in Gaza.

"We need to reach our border areas and lift the buffer zone restrictions to let people return to their lands, live in their houses, and farm their lands freely - we need to restore our food security."

Historically the area was a major food source for Gaza with citrus and olive orchards, and seasonal production of tomatoes, cucumbers, onions and potatoes for local markets.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) confirmed the development shortly after the ceasefire was announced: "For the past few days, farmers have been allowed to access, with their equipment and vehicles, agricultural land located as close as 100m from Gaza's perimeter fence in some areas."

The ceasefire agreement regarding the easing of restrictions near the border remains vague though.

"We don't have a clear signal from Egypt about the full access; people returned to their lands voluntarily while we are still discussing the mechanisms in the current indirect negotiations to reach an understanding regarding these areas," said Al Qedra.

"We ask the public to be careful when heading there," he said.

Fishermen

The situation is similar for Gaza's fishermen.

Since 2006 the Israeli navy has only allowed fishermen like Mohammed Abu Riala, 32, to operate up to three miles from shore. With the ceasefire they were told they could head out six nautical miles.

"It's good news in principle. As soon as we heard about the expansion to six miles range we sailed to that spot. But we faced the same Israeli soldiers' threats through loudspeakers: 'Return, Go back or...', and several warning shots in the water, over our heads, and close to our boat."

A number of his fellow fishermen have already been arrested and taken to the Israeli port of Ashdod.

"[The six-mile range] is not enough, because the muddy nature of the seabed in this range is still almost the same as the three miles range in nature, with a minor difference in fish size and amounts," Riala told IRIN.

The Israeli Defense Force (IDF) says they are simply doing their job of protecting Israel's naval border: "Vessels that stray from the designated area are handled by the navy according to standard procedures," the IDF spokesperson unit told IRIN when asked about the arrests.

Oxfam says the Israeli government should immediately stop using the military to enforce the land and sea buffer-zones and find other ways to protect the border.

"The current negotiations between Hamas and the government of Israel represent an unprecedented opportunity - people in Gaza need more than a ceasefire, they need an end to the blockade for good," said Oxfam's country director for Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory, Nishant Pandey.

Uncertainty

For both farmers and fishermen in Gaza, there is still much uncertainty following the ceasefire.

"What we ask for is [to] sail and fish freely, with no threats on our lives in the middle of the sea - attacked, arrested, or even killed," said Nizar Ayyash, head of the General Association of Fishermen in Gaza.

"There are about 50,000 people in Gaza who depend on fishing as their principal source of income. How is 6 miles with 38 miles of coastline enough to secure better amounts and income for more than 1.6 million people, and proper income for thousands of fishermen and their families?" said Ayyash.

Before 2000, fishermen travelled out nearly 20 nautical miles, producing a catch of 4,000 tons a year. Catches are now down to 1,200 tons.

So far the ceasefire appears to be holding following November's eight-day conflict that led to the deaths of 158 Palestinians and six Israelis, and destroyed or severely damaged 378 houses, 80 of them in Israel.

Despite the years of false dawns, Abu Rjalia is hopeful he can replant his deserted fields: "We need our life restored," he said.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212041100270988t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 11 December 2012 (IRIN) - When Jaber Abu Rjaila heard about the recent ceasefire agreement in Gaza, he rushed back to his farmland - for the first time in more than 10 years.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Gaza operation over, but emergency remains</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007120615t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.

“There is a misconception that because there is a period of calm, we can start thinking about a development process, which is very difficult to do when they are under occupation,” Pablo Recalde said at a press conference in Dubai on 9 December.

“This latest operation has brought back to [people’s consciousness] that we need to be ready and we need to maintain assistance,” he told IRIN separately. “These kinds of flare-ups of violence… are now systemic. Up until there is a permanent solution to the problem of the Palestinian people, you will have these ups and downs.”

While around 1,000 families lost their homes during eight days of air strikes on Gaza in November, Recalde said there had been no major decrease in food security in Gaza. Even in normal times, 40 percent of Gazans do not have regular access to food and are dependent on aid to survive, he said. Entrance to and exit from Gaza - for its 1.6 million inhabitants, as well as for trade and aid - are controlled by neighbours Egypt and Israel.

WFP requires US$2 million a month for its food programmes in Gaza; but its funding has dropped by around one-third since last year.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007120615t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: In the Arab world, building fridges to live in an oven</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

The disasters of the last three decades have cost at least US$12 billion, according to the report. “This number does not really account for other enormous losses which unfold over a period of time,” said Junaid Kamal Ahmad, the World Bank’s sustainable development head.

And even this could be a gross underestimate. “The costs of damages are reported for only 17 percent of disasters and rarely capture the suffering that follows the loss of lives and livelihoods,” Ahmad said. 

Drought and flood victims account for 98 percent of all people affected by climate-related disasters in the region, according to the report. 

Dire predictions

The long-term climate-change trends are foreboding, according to the report. Temperatures are projected to rise by three to four degrees Celsius in the Arab world - which includes countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa - by the end of the century. Such an increase would be 1.5 times faster than the global average, meaning people in the region would be regularly living with temperatures around of 54 to 55 degrees Celsius.

2010 was already the warmest year since records began in the late 1800s, with 19 countries setting new highs. Five of these were Arab countries, including Kuwait, which set a new record at 52.6 degrees Celsius that year; it was topped by 2011’s high of 53.5 degrees Celsius. 

The region is home to the world's biggest per capita emitters of greenhouse gas: Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

“Someone mentioned we will have to build fridges to live in the oven,” quipped Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice president for sustainable development, during the Doha press conference announcing the report’s release. 

Authors of the report - a scientific study with input from academics in the region - hope it informs the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment of climate change science, which is expected to be released in 2013-14. 

Kyte said they hope the report also informs discussions on losses and damages caused by climate change. Such discussions have stalled at the current UN climate change talks taking place in Doha; the issue being left for political leaders, who arrived on 4 December, to resolve [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96867/CLIMATE-CHANGE-When-the-damage-is-done ].

Agriculture and water

Rising temperatures are bad news for agriculture, and the nearly 40 percent of employed people with agriculture-related jobs. 

The region is already extremely water stressed, but with higher temperatures, the amount of water available for irrigation will to drop dramatically. By 2050, water runoff from rains, which feed rivers, is expected to decrease by 10 percent. The gains in agricultural productivity made over the past two decades may slow, or even decline, after about 2050. 

Regional agricultural production comes largely from the 10 percent of the land with a Mediterranean climate. Irrigation is the only option for growing crops in some countries; this irrigated land covers only 2 percent of the region’s land but provides 17 percent of the production. 

Urbanization

Currently, 56 percent of Arab people live in urban centres. But by 2050, this proportion is expected to increase to 75 percent, due in part to droughts, which have been shown to increase rural-to-urban migration in the region.

A recent multi-year drought in Syria is estimated to have led to the migration of about one million people to informal settlements around the major cities.

Flash floods

Not only will the region’s people have to contend with high temperatures, they will also have to brace themselves against the increasing threat of flash floods. Contributing to this risk are more intense rainfall events; ubiquitous concrete surfaces, which that do not absorb water; inadequate and blocked drainage systems; and increased construction in low-lying areas and wadis.

The impact of flash floods is already increasing. In the decade starting from 2000, the number of people in the region affected by flash floods rose to half a million, compared to only 100,000 in the previous decade.

If no measures to build resilience are taken in the next 30 to 40 years, climate change could lead to a cumulative reduction in household incomes of about 7 percent in Syria and Tunisia, the report indicates. Yemen - because of the expected the declines in agriculture - could suffer an income reduction of 24 percent. 

“While not addressed directly in this report, the impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria would likely add greater welfare losses and make the adaptation process even more difficult,” said the report.

Building resilience

World Bank’s Ahmad told IRIN that governments in the region have begun to ask the right questions about identifying vulnerable populations and regions and have begun talking about resilience. He also said that improving people’s adaptive capacity does not always involve money; governments need to educate people about the problems ahead. They also needed to invest in more social protection measures.

The necessity of such measures was already on display. At an earlier press briefing by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Mohammed Mukhier, head of community preparedness and disaster response, said the group would be unable to raise adequate funding to keep up with the number of frequent and intense natural disasters unfolding.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96974/CLIMATE-CHANGE-In-the-Arab-world-building-fridges-to-live-in-an-oven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Politics and humanitarianism in Israel-oPt</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102140938340218t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - “We do aid not politics”, has been the traditional mantra of the mainstream humanitarian community.

But that division is not always easy to maintain, perhaps nowhere more so than for those working in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), something that was brought into sharp relief by the recent seven-day bombardment of the Gaza Strip.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - “We do aid not politics”, has been the traditional mantra of the mainstream humanitarian community.

But that division is not always easy to maintain, perhaps nowhere more so than for those working in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), something that was brought into sharp relief by the recent seven-day bombardment of the Gaza Strip.

NGOs such as Oxfam [ http://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/reactions/oxfam-calls-immediate-restraint-gaza-israel-violence-rapidly-escalates ] quickly condemned the escalation, saying that "real security for people in Gaza and southern Israel comes when all parties to the conflict put people before politics."

But if politics is recognized as the problem, then can humanitarians ignore it in their search for solutions? For some, the line between humanitarian aid and political advocacy is increasingly blurred.

The bombardment destroyed scores of buildings rebuilt with humanitarian aid since the 2008-9 crisis, and the wider context of the Israeli land, sea and air blockade of the Gaza strip has also hampered humanitarian work, “with UN and other projects stalled due to the lengthy and bureaucratic Israeli procedures to bring in crucial materials like steel, aggregate and cement,” said Ana Povrzenic, area manager of the Gaza “Shelter Sector” collective.

The impact of the man-made crisis in oPt in recent years has given rise to an increasing focus on political advocacy among humanitarian NGOs.

“We address political issues because humanitarian aid must come hand-in-hand with a strong advocacy platform,” said Aimee Shalan, director of advocacy and communications at the NGO Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP), one of 22 signatory NGOs - many of them with a humanitarian mandate - of a recent report [ http://www.christianaid.org.uk/Images/Trading%20Away%20Peace%20October%202012_tcm15-63607.pdf ] calling on the European Union to ban imports of Israeli settlements’ products.

Signatory NGOs said the continuous expansion of settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank has become an example of the humanitarian impact of political decisions on the ground: affecting Palestinians’ mobility, agriculture, and access to health care, and making any future territorial settlement of the conflict harder.

“From our point of view, obviously this is a political issue for us,” said Shalan, adding that foreign aid without political engagement risked “cementing the occupation” and hence being harmful to Palestinian dignity, independence and sustainability.

The Israeli government said the report had set aside purely humanitarian concerns for a political agenda [ http://www.jpost.com/International/Article.aspx?id=289766 ].

Shahlan’s views are controversial within the aid community, which has long debated the role of so-called dual-mandate NGOs, which provide humanitarian assistance while also advocating politically for one side in a conflict.

Accusations of partisanship

Political impartiality is widely viewed as an important prerequisite for the safe delivery of humanitarian aid, while political advocacy is often regarded as conflicting with, or at the very least existing uncomfortably alongside, the principles of humanitarian work.

“We are a humanitarian actor. When we do advocacy, we do it based upon the rights of our beneficiaries, [internally displaced persons] and refugees,” said Elisabeth Rasmussen, secretary-general of the Norwegian Refugee Council.

“It’s difficult in oPt because the whole situation is so politicized. Some actors are doing a lot of advocacy, sympathizing with one party or another at the same time as they are providing assistance - that is blurring the lines. We insist on being impartial.”

While dual-mandate NGOs see humanitarian aid as hollow without political engagement - not tackling the root causes of the humanitarian problems - others say political engagement actually puts humanitarian work at risk.

“Political work can certainly endanger humanitarian action if it influences where assistance goes,” said Ramesh Rajasingham, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in oPt. “That is why OCHA and humanitarian organizations go to great length to avoid these risks.”

The blurring of the lines by some NGOs has already opened the door to accusations that humanitarian charities are partisan, political and anti-Israel, particularly by the Israeli government, which draws a clear line between what it considers political and humanitarian.

“`Humanitarian’ means they want to help in a humanitarian way, either in the field of health, or food, or welfare, if it is done without political judgement,” said Ilana Stein, vice-spokesperson of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “But when they take sides and start giving out political opinions, that’s already non-humanitarian.”

The right-wing Israel group NGO Monitor - whose stated objective is “to end the practice used by certain self-declared `humanitarian NGOs’ of exploiting the label `universal human rights values' to promote politically and ideologically motivated agendas” - is busy blacklisting NGOs it sees as guilty.

“Distribution of water is a classic example of an orchestra of NGOs all repeating the same unfounded claims,” said Gerald Steinberg, head the group, which analyses NGOs’ activities and reports.

As the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) pointed out in a 2011 report [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/review/2011/irrc-884-mcgoldrick.pdf ] on the future of humanitarian action, the politicization of aid has a long history and has led to “harsh criticism of humanitarian action over decades”.

ICRC has a special status as an impartial provider of aid under the Geneva Conventions on the laws of war, but certain NGOs, and particularly government humanitarian work, have been less immune from accusations of politicking.

And even ICRC has sometimes come under attack: ICRC’s deputy director of operations, Dominik Stillhart, said in an interview [ http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/interview/confidentiality-interview-010608.htm ] that “there is always a risk that our observations could be exploited for political gain or instrumentalized by one side or another.”

Root causes of vulnerability

In the end, much of the discussions boil down to arguments about the definition of “humanitarian”. Some aid agencies complain Israel has intentionally narrowed its definition of humanitarian, so as to exclude so-called protection activities, like tracking violence by Israeli settlers.

This leaves aid agencies walking a fine line, caught between the risk of having restrictions placed on their work and the moral and practical need to speak out.

But for Daniel Bar Tal, professor of political psychology at the School of Education at Tel Aviv University, the line is very clear.

“Israel actually enjoys a wide scope of humanitarian assistance in the West Bank, because it replaces Israel’s own responsibility to take care [of Palestinians]… as long as humanitarian is not related with the blackening of Israel,” he told IRIN.

OCHA says that in carrying out humanitarian assessments, there is no political bias: “We exclude any political factor in assessments and responses [to humanitarian needs],” OCHA’s Rajasingham said.

“However, the root of the humanitarian vulnerability in oPt is often found in policies and politically related issues. Our advocacy work does include identifying the connection between these political root causes and humanitarian vulnerability,” he said, referring to movement restrictions imposed on civilians, and the blockade of the Gaza Strip.

Humanitarian activism

In May 2010, boats of activists calling themselves the “Gaza Freedom Flotilla” tried to travel to Gaza by sea to break the blockade of the Gaza Strip in a symbolic international protest.

They also carried with them construction materials, food, medicines and other aid.

Nine Turkish citizens lost their lives when Israeli commandos landed on the lead vessel, the Mavi Marmara in international waters, to prevent its passage.

“In Israel-Palestine, you can't separate the political from the humanitarian,” said Re’ut Mor, an Israeli activist who took part in a more recent Gaza-bound flotilla called Estelle.

“Take water in the West Bank: it's a basic humanitarian need, but the way Israel controls it is deeply political. To be humanitarian, but not political, simply means to play by Israel’s rules."

When volunteers and activists on the ground report demolitions of buildings, settler attacks or Israeli military incursions into Palestinian towns to humanitarian agencies, part of their work qualifies as humanitarian reporting.

But the political reputation of many of the people involved in these activities can raise doubts about the impartiality and accuracy of the information collected and put the perceived impartiality of NGOs at risk.

Such volunteers insist they fill important gaps created by Israel’s ignorance of its responsibility as the occupying power (according to international law), and see no contradiction between political and humanitarian work.

The German activist Andi* has supported the olive harvest in the Palestinian West Bank village of Kafr Qaddum for several weeks this year, rising from a mattress in an empty town hall every morning to accompany Palestinian families to their olive groves, regularly the victims of Israeli settler attacks.

Work includes clearing rubble from Israeli roadblocks while also recording attacks on Palestinians by Israeli settlers.

As a volunteer for the International Women’s Peace Service (IWPS), she says she is committed to non-violent political action. But at the same time, she also believes the work she and other activists do is essentially humanitarian.

But for Stein from Israel’s foreign ministry, protecting the olive orchards is their responsibility, so wonders if the volunteers aren’t really taking a political stand.

“The Israeli police and army forces, especially during olive season, were there to maintain order, to make sure settler attacks don’t happen. Were they really there to help, or just to take a political stand?”

*not her real name

ah/ha/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96920/Analysis-Politics-and-humanitarianism-in-Israel-oPt</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102140938340218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - “We do aid not politics”, has been the traditional mantra of the mainstream humanitarian community.

But that division is not always easy to maintain, perhaps nowhere more so than for those working in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), something that was brought into sharp relief by the recent seven-day bombardment of the Gaza Strip.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT-OPT: Contingency planning, despite ceasefire</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231242380593t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 23 November 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies in Egypt are updating contingency plans in case an uncertain ceasefire, agreed on 21 November between Israel and Hamas, the ruling party in the Gaza Strip, does not hold.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 23 November 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies in Egypt are updating contingency plans in case an uncertain ceasefire, agreed on 21 November between Israel and Hamas, the ruling party in the Gaza Strip, does not hold.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are preparing for the possible need to increase the flow of humanitarian assistance from Egypt into Gaza and to support potential Palestinian refugees entering Egypt, in case the ceasefire fails and the situation in the Gaza Strip escalates.

“We stand ready, but we hope it does not happen,” Mohamed Dayri, head of UNHCR in Egypt, told IRIN.

More than 150 Palestinians and six Israelis were killed in seven days of air strikes launched by Israel on Gaza, and rocket fire into Israel by Hamas.

“Discussions are under way with Egyptian counterparts, including the Egyptian Red Crescent to prepare to help Gaza from this end,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA’s regional office in Cairo, told IRIN. “The contingency planning has two sides: increasing the level of assistance that needs to be channelled from Egypt into Gaza, and preparing for a possible influx of refugees from Gaza.”

The International Organization for Migration (IOM), which had four doctors stationed in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, bordering Gaza, before the recent conflict, has already provided health facilities, equipment and medicines in northern Sinai’s main town, al-Arish, in line with a request from the Ministry of Health.

IOM has also provided aid to more than 80 irregular migrants who crossed from Gaza and were detained by the Egyptian authorities.

So far, 41 patients from Gaza have been admitted to hospitals in Egypt, according to a senior Egyptian health official in North Sinai.

The World Health Organization (WHO), which had been helping to improve health facilities in Egypt’s border area, is now assessing the capacity of those hospitals to take in more patients from Gaza. It is also encouraging anyone who is sending medical teams, field hospitals, or drugs to coordinate with the Ministry of Health and WHO to avoid sending unneeded or incompatible aid.

UNRWA donation

Following the ceasefire, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) announced it was donating US$400,000 worth of drugs and medical supplies to WHO to help stock health centres in Gaza.

“The vast majority of UNRWA’s primary health-care centres have remained open throughout the fighting, but even before this recent escalation, there were significant shortages of medicines and supplies for Gaza’s hospitals,” said the director of UNRWA Operations in Gaza, Robert Turner.

NGOs are in discussions with the UN about the best way to send aid into Gaza through the Rafah border crossing.

OCHA is working with UN agencies to update past contingency plans and look at lessons learned from the humanitarian response during Israel’s last major military offensive, the 23-day Operation Cast Lead in 2008-9.

“The planning is [what to do] if the situation gets worse, needs in Gaza increase, stockpiles run out, and access from [the Israeli border] is restricted,” Samir Elhawary of OCHA, who is helping draft the new contingency plan, told IRIN.

WHO is already procuring materials, he said, and other UN agencies can procure materials within 48 hours if needed.

“People are putting together a plan, so that if more assistance needs to go in, everyone is ready and everyone knows their role.”

UNHCR is coordinating a Contingency Plan on the potential influx of Palestinians from Gaza into Egypt.

Part of the preparations involves lobbying the Egyptian government to keep the Rafah border crossing open - both for people and supplies.


Assessments under way

Inside Gaza, the ability to provide aid during the bombardment had been hampered by insecurity. NGOs from CARE to Oxfam to Save the Children and World Vision put their operations on hold, evacuated international staff and asked national staff to stay at home.

But Save the Children has partnered with other NGOs to try to assess humanitarian needs through text messaging and calling sources around Gaza, according to regional director Annie Foster. Providing the ceasefire holds, an aid distribution is planned for today.

OCHA is also carrying out a quick assessment of needs, which will feed into an appeal for international funding to help Gaza, while World Vision has carried out assessments of food and shelter needs in both north and south Gaza.

Egypt, which brokered the ceasefire, has been heavily involved in diplomatic efforts between Israel and Hamas, trying, observers say, to avoid an escalation in violence.

“If there is an all-out ground offensive, people will want to flee,” said one observer who preferred anonymity. “There will be a challenge to the Egyptian government. Government does not want to deal with that. They are concentrating on conflict prevention.”

Many Egyptians are wary of welcoming too many Gazans on their territory, fearing Palestinians could be driven out of Gaza, and Sinai would become their new homeland.

References in local press to the possible erection of tents in northern Sinai prompted angry reactions, with former army General Sameh Seif Al Yazal advising the Egyptian president not to admit Palestinians and saying on TV: "We are supposed to help the Palestinians of Gaza, but this should not be at the expense of our national security."

ha/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96877/EGYPT-OPT-Contingency-planning-despite-ceasefire</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211231242380593t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 23 November 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies in Egypt are updating contingency plans in case an uncertain ceasefire, agreed on 21 November between Israel and Hamas, the ruling party in the Gaza Strip, does not hold.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Gaza hospitals need more drugs</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211191322070743t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 19 November 2012 (IRIN) - The nurses at Shifa hospital in the Gaza Strip have seen bombing casualties before, but never on this scale.

“I was here when the [23-day] 2008-09 war took place, and I think this one is more difficult in [terms of] injuries and the type of demanding work we do”, said Tal’at Al Ejla, a 30-year-old nurse.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 19 November 2012 (IRIN) - The nurses at Shifa hospital in the Gaza Strip have seen bombing casualties before, but never on this scale.

"I was here when the [23-day] 2008-09 war took place, and I think this one is more difficult in [terms of] injuries and the type of demanding work we do”, said Tal’at Al Ejla, a 30-year-old nurse.

Nurses work 12-hour shifts, but it is the night-time shifts that have been the hardest these last few days.

“It’s very hard now, with many injured people coming every hour. Women and children outnumbered men, especially with the new wave [of attacks] targeting houses and civilian buildings,” said Ibrahim Jirjawi, a nurse on the orthopaedic ward, who has worked here for seven years.

“It’s more dangerous now than before, and we expect that things will be worse if ground operations start,” he said.

So far more than 90 Palestinians have been killed in the Israeli bombardment designed to end the ongoing rocket attacks on Israel.

“The health ministry [in Gaza] was facing severe shortages of medicines before this recent crisis,” said Mahmud Daher, the current head of the World Health Organization’s (WHO) office in Gaza.

He said the number of injured people arriving at Gaza hospitals had “dramatically increased in the last 24 hours”, with more than 700 visiting hospital, 252 of them children.

Many of the drugs that have run out are life-saving, says WHO [ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/statements/2012/emergency_situation_gaza/en/index.html ].

Meanwhile, the Israeli military spokesperson said on Twitter on 19 November: “We continue to transfer goods & gas to #Gaza”, adding that on 18 November 16 trucks carrying medical supplies entered Gaza, while 26 patients in Gaza were evacuated to Israel.

But the head of Shifa hospital, Medhat Abbas, said they were still lacking about 40 percent of the drugs they needed.

“The shortage, of course, affects the quality of our work. However, our staff are working to the maximum to fulfil needs in this catastrophic situation,” he said.

Egyptian medical help

Outside the hospital, ambulances line up to ferry patients over the Rafah border crossing to Egypt.

The crossing has been open throughout the bombardment, and government officials in Gaza say the Egyptian authorities have said the border will remain open.

The Egyptian Health Ministry has deployed 10 ambulances at the crossing to receive Palestinian victims of the Israeli air raids. When casualties arrive, they are taken by ambulance to a hospital in Arish, the largest town in northern Sinai, close to the Israeli border.

“Palestinian victims have been arriving here since Friday,” said Tarek Khatir, a senior Egyptian Health Ministry official in northern Sinai.

“When they come to us, we take them to Al Arish Hospital for first aid, then we decide whether they need more treatment at other hospitals, either in Cairo or in other governorates.”

He said two doctors specializing in such emergencies had been sent to hospitals in the Egyptian border region.

Medical aid and food has also been sent into Gaza from the Egyptian side. The Egyptian Red Crescent sent in medical materials and medicines on 17 November.

The Arab Medical Union also sent in medical supplies. Several Union members had visited the Gaza Strip in recent days to get first-hand experience of the needs there.

“The teams include orthopaedic surgeons and neurologists,” said Ahmed Abdel Razik, medical coordinator with the Arab Medical Union.

ad/ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96823/OPT-Gaza-hospitals-need-more-drugs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211191322070743t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 19 November 2012 (IRIN) - The nurses at Shifa hospital in the Gaza Strip have seen bombing casualties before, but never on this scale.

“I was here when the [23-day] 2008-09 war took place, and I think this one is more difficult in [terms of] injuries and the type of demanding work we do”, said Tal’at Al Ejla, a 30-year-old nurse.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>