<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Nigeria</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 08:04:30 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Where is the money to help poisoned children?</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151427230557t.jpg" />]]>ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.</description><body><![CDATA[ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.
 
Last week Nigerian and international specialists, aid workers, scientists, ministers from Zamfara State in northwestern Nigeria and local cultural leaders gathered at an international conference in the capital, Abuja, to map out a collective plan to remediate poisoned sites, test and treat affected residents - mostly children - and put in place safer mining practices.
 
Over 400 children have died and an estimated 10 times that number have been contaminated by acute lead poisoning in the state of Zamfara since 2010, when international health NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) learned of what its Nigeria head, Ivan Gayton, referred to as “one of the worst, if not the worst, lead-poisoning crises ever.” [http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94912/NIGERIA-Calls-for-more-action-on-child-lead-poisoning ]
 
In November 2011 the federal government committed US$5.4 million to help the poisoned children, but none of this money has been released, and the delay has not been explained, said MSF.
 
“Without delay, the $850 million naira from the ecological fund must be released in order to begin the environmental remediation and the safer mining programme in Zamfara State,” Gayton said at the close of the conference.
 
Thousands of children in Zamfara go untreated while their villages await remediation, excluding them from chelation [removing lead from the body] while they are continuously re-poisoned.
 
Lead poisoning is caused by artisanal mining practices in the gold-rich but otherwise largely impoverished Zamfara region, when independent miners use crude hand tools containing lead to extract gold from crushed ore in their villages.
 
The toxic dust contaminates soil, water, food and homes. Children under five years of age are especially vulnerable to poisoning, as their bodies weigh much less and absorb far greater amounts of lead from the environment than adults. Lead-contaminated dust is also more likely to be ingested by children as they crawl on the ground and put dusty hands in their mouths, while their vital organs and cognitive abilities are still forming.
 
Zamfara’s lead crisis came to a head in 2010, when skyrocketing international gold prices (1 ounce of gold is valued at approximately $1,600) prompted scores of residents to turn to artisanal mining.
 
“The state government is doing all it can with its limited resources,” said Mouktar Lugga, Environment Commissioner for Zamfara State. The state has been working with US-based environmental engineering firm Terragraphics to clean seven of the affected villages, while Geneva-based MSF has treated over 2,500 children under five.
 
Yet no federal minister of mining, the environment, or health attended the conference, and no concrete action by the federal government was announced.
 
“By not participating in the conference, the federal government sent a message that the political commitment to resolve this really isn’t there,” said Jane Cohen, an environmental health researcher with Human Rights Watch. “It’s not just about a symbolic message, it’s about whether or not the resources are there to now take action and, unfortunately, they’re just not.”
 
Professor Abdulsalami Nasidi, Project Director of the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, spoke on behalf of the government during the conference’s closing remarks, and stressed that Nigeria’s high-level officials are engaged with the needs of Zamfara. “The federal government is regarding this problem not only as an emergency, but a chemical warfare declared on Nigerian children,” he said.
 
On behalf of the ministers, he pledged to follow up on the issue, which Cohen says is a legal responsibility. “The government is obligated under international law to protect the rights of these people, and they’re really failing in this duty,” she said.
 
Fending for themselves
 
The village of Bagega is widely considered to be the largest and most contaminated region in Zamfara, with some 1,500 poisoned children requiring treatment. Minimal remediation has begun, but the scale of the village’s toxicity demands more resources than are currently available.
 
After a visit there, Cohen said that messaging about safety practices from NGOs and the state government are beginning to have an impact on local residents. She encountered one family who had cleansed their own home of lead by replacing contaminated soil and mud with clean materials, without external resources or expertise. “They’ve given up on their government,” Cohen told IRIN.
 
However, if the remediation [cleansing] is not thorough, families remain at risk. “A lot of the bricks in people’s homes in Bagega were made of contaminated mud,” she said. “Even though that family took out six inches of soil and replaced it with clean soil, their walls are still dangerous."
 
Despite the standstill in releasing federal funds, delegates to the multidisciplinary conference announced an action plan for Zamfara, including creating a state-level rapid response team, a plan to include local communities in policy development, and a push for safer artisanal mining technologies.
 
But this must not excuse the government from fulfilling its responsibility, Gayton said. "This 850 million naira would be an amazing first step to addressing the problems in Zamfara state."
 
bg/aj/he
 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95451</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151427230557t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: A quick reaction force moulded by Africa&apos;s circumstances</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention. 

Originally intended to become operational in 2010, the deadline for the ASF has been reset for 2015; but despite the delay, the ASF is becoming increasingly woven into the operating procedures of current AU security operations. 

The ASF “is very much a work in progress”, African Union Commissioner of Peace and Security Ramtane Lamamra told IRIN, but “at the political level there is a strong support for it under the guiding principle of bringing about African solutions to African problems.” 

Once up and running, the ASF will be based on five regional blocs each supplying about 5,000 troops: the Southern African Development Community (SADC) force (SADCBRIG), the Eastern Africa Standby force (EASBRIG), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) force (ECOBRIG), the North African Regional Capability (NARC), and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) force (ECCASBRIG), also known as the Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC). 

The regional forces are not a standing army like national forces. As the AU Peace and Security Council protocol of the ASF stipulates, they “shall be composed of standby multidisciplinary contingents with civilian and military components in their countries of origin and ready for rapid deployment at appropriate notice.” 

The ASF is the legacy and logic of the Constitutive Act of the AU adopted in 2000, the successor to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In a complete break from the OAU, which had advocated non-interference in member states, the Act gave the AU both the right to intervene in a crisis, and an obligation to do so “in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. 

Lamamra said the ASF “Implies the immediate availability of the instruments [of intervention and prevention] to be translated into concrete deeds... when they relate to some kind of enforcing decisions of the legitimate organs of African Union, such as cases of unconstitutional changes of government… or armed rebellion, such as the terrorist situation in northern Mali.” 

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was held up as an example of what the ASF could be. “I believe the learning curve for the standby force is AMISOM. We have to deliver on the lessons learned in the AMISOM process - five years of effective presence on the ground under quite challenging circumstances,” Lamamra said. 

“The lesson of AMISOM is that Africans should be ready to make sacrifices, and Uganda has wonderfully shown that they are ready to make sacrifices for the common good of Africa.” Uganda has supplied most of the AU troops supporting the Somali government against jihadist rebels. 

The AU has deployed 14 staff officers to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, “in the first ever deployment of ASF elements,” El Gassim Wane, AU Commission director of peace and security, told IRIN. 

A field exercise - Amani II, following the Amani I mapping exercise in 2010 - is being planned for 2014 and three of the five brigades are expected to take participate. 

Article 4 (h) 

Lamamra was confident that by 2015 all of the ASF’s regional brigades - with the probable exception of NARC, owing to the disruptions of the Arab Spring - would be operational and able to fulfil all the criteria of AU’s Article 4 (h), which influenced the international development of the UN Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. 

There are six scenarios in Article 4 (h). The lowest rung is the attachment of a regional military advisor to a political mission; then an AU regional observer deployed within a UN mission; followed by a stand-alone AU regional observer mission; and deployment of a regional peacekeeping force under the auspices of a Chapter VI mandate, all within a timeframe of 30 days or less. Scenario five is a multidimensional AU peacekeeping force deployed within 90 days, and scenario six relates to “grave circumstances”, such as genocide, and deployment within 14 days. 

Lamamra said the timeline of 14 days for level-six intervention should be reassessed to about seven days. “For instance, resolution 1973 of the UN Security Council was adopted on 17 March and the actual military operation started on 19th March - 14 days would have been too much in terms of protecting civilians.” 

In a 2010 paper, The Role and Place of the African Standby Force within the African Peace and Security Architecture, [ http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/209.pdf ] Solomon Dersso, a senior researcher at the Addis Ababa office of the Institute for Security Studies, a Pretoria-based think-tank, notes that “Article 4 (h) not only creates the legal basis for intervention but also imposes an obligation on the AU to intervene to prevent or stop the perpetration of such heinous international crimes anywhere on the continent.” 

However, implementation of R2P rests with the Security Council, while the imposition of Article 4 (h) resides with the AU and does not require the Security Council’s blessing. 

Scenario six of Article 4 (h) has yet to be used by the AU and Dersso told IRIN he “sincerely doubted” the article would be invoked in the short term against member states, as “it would deprive the AU of any leverage it has over a target government,” and the AU has already “shied away” from implementing the article in Darfur. 

He expected the ASF to be close to being able to comply with Article 4 (h) level-five scenarios by 2015, but the development of regional forces was proceeding at different paces. 

The two-speed progress of the regional brigades - in which ECOWAS and SADC are recognised as the furthest along the path - is not just a consequence of the two regional blocs housing the continent’s economic power houses of Nigeria and South Africa, AU Commission director of peace and security El Gassim Wane told IRIN. 

“ECOWAS and SADC have made tremendous progress, EAS Brigade too, while NARC in the north was lagging behind, but then started speeding up, but the Libyan crisis meant progress had to stop,” he said. “Money may play a role, but money alone cannot explain that. ECOWAS and SADC focused early on conflict and security issues, so had a competitive advantage in the very beginning. Experience, length of involvement in peace and security issues, have certainly played a key role.” 

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation, told IRIN the availability of a standby force could cloud judgment. 

“Intrinsically, in most of these situations what is needed is a political response, and there is a temptation that if you have a standby force to use it because you have a military capacity… And my concern over something like Mali would be that the military option runs the danger of getting the AU into a Somalia-type situation, where the use of military force five or six years ago by the US and Ethiopia very seriously rebounded. But having said that - yes, in a situation where there is a need for some sort of peacekeeping deployment in the context of a political initiative, it makes sense.” 

Alternatives to the ASF? 

Analysts have questioned whether 30,000 troops would be sufficient to deal with the continent’s crises, and 2012 has illustrated that such concerns are valid. A range of crises this year erupted within the space of a few weeks, from the uneasy relationship between South Sudan and Sudan deteriorating into skirmishing, to coup d’etats in Mali and Guinea-Bissau. 

Wane said the establishment of the ASF did not necessarily mean it would be the only security option at the AU’s disposal, and the four-country operation against Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army, (LRA) a rebel movement that started in northern Uganda, could be considered as a useful model for the future. 

“It’s not an ASF operation per se, as ASF has its own processes, and it was not really conceived as an ASF operation - it was conceived as an ad hoc, very flexible arrangement to enhance effectiveness to deal with the LRA once and for all. It’s a very flexible and creative way of dealing with a specific security issue… Who knows? We may replicate it elsewhere, where there is a security problem,” he said. 

The force ranged against the LRA - comprising soldiers from the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Uganda - has fought against the LRA in past, but is set apart, as it operates under the aegis of the AU. 

Abou Moussa, the Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), based in Libreville, Gabon, told IRIN: “The specific nature of this deployment [against the LRA] is termed ‘authorised’ as compared to ‘mandated’.” 

“Under authorised deployment, each country provides for the needs and requirements of their respective troops without the AU's contribution. This is extremely important, as this can be considered as their own contribution towards the determination to put an end to Kony's actions. It is very costly. However, the AU covers the needs of staff officers - some 30 of them posted to the various coordinating centres.” 

The AU task force has three operational centres, located in Dungu, DRC, at Obo in CAR, and Nzara in South Sudan, with its headquarters in Yambio, South Sudan. 

“The Regional Coordination Initiative means more subtle changes in the way the operation is run, with representatives of all four countries involved in the command structure in Yambio,” which sidesteps the politically sensitive issue of the DRC’s refusal to host Ugandan forces on its soil, Ned Dalby, a central Africa analyst for the International Crisis Group, a conflict resolution NGO, told IRIN. 

In July 2005, the International Criminal Court indicted Kony and four of his commanders, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen, Raska Lukwiya and Vincent Otti, for a variety of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Lukwiya and Otti have subsequently been killed, but the arrest warrants for the remaining three remain outstanding. The LRA has not been active in Uganda since 2006. 

go/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95426</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Bone marrow register an “important milestone”</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201846340843t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the millions of people worldwide with blood and autoimmune disorders survive - especially those in poorer countries - partly due to the lack of bone marrow stem cell transplants. A recently established Nigerian bone marrow registry hopes to boost matches between donors and patients, and survival chances.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the millions of people worldwide with blood and autoimmune disorders survive - especially those in poorer countries - partly due to the lack of bone marrow stem cell transplants. A recently established Nigerian bone marrow registry hopes to boost matches between donors and patients, and survival chances. 

Some 200,000 babies are born annually in sub-Saharan Africa with sickle cell disease [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91483/HEALTH-Sickle-cell-disease-still-feared-and-deadly ], a blood disorder in which mutated red blood cells can clump and block blood vessels, causing pain, infection and organ damage. Nigeria has up to two million sickle cell patients, many of whom can benefit from stem cell transplants. 

Stem cells are the building blocks of blood and immune cells. [ http://stemcells.nih.gov/info/scireport/chapter5.asp ] “Establishing the mechanics of stem cell transplantation in Nigeria is a very important milestone,” said Terry Schlaphoff, deputy director of South Africa’s bone marrow registry. [ http://www.sabmr.co.za/ ] 

Bone marrow registries hold key information about stem cell donors to help match them with patients. There are currently two such registries in Africa, one in South Africa and now Nigeria. 

In countries with low per capita incomes, stem cell transplants remain relatively rare due to lack of knowledge, trained health workers and, most importantly, availability of stem cells. “African patients who need a matching donor have virtually no chance of survival, unless they are wealthy enough to travel abroad for treatment,” said Seun Adebiyi, founder of Nigeria’s bone marrow registry. 

Matching bone marrow or blood cells collected from donors to the patients who need it [ http://www.nhs.uk/Conditions/Bone-marrow-transplant/Pages/Introduction.aspx ] can offer lifesaving treatments for more than 70 diseases, including leukaemia, lymphoma (cancer) and sickle-cell anaemia. 

Limited availability 

Worldwide, there are fewer than 15 million registered donors, and patients far outstrip the number of donors, according to the Netherlands-based information centre, Bone Marrow Donors Worldwide (BMDW). [ http://www.bmdw.org/index.php?id=mission ] 

Reflecting only a fraction of overall need, 14,206 transplants from non-relatives and 4,255 transplants from umbilical cord blood were provided to patients worldwide in 2011, said Machteld Oudshoorn, chair of BMDW’s editorial board. 

For most patients in developing countries, awaiting a transplant “remains associated with significant morbidity and mortality, and represents one example of high-cost, highly specialized medicine”, according to a recent medical report. [ http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/303/16/1617.long ] 

Adebiyi, himself diagnosed with stem cell leukaemia and lymphoblastic lymphoma, is also calling for the establishment of Nigeria’s first umbilical cord bank, as the cord can provide stem cells without having to collect them from donors, thereby increasing matches and reducing waiting times. 

The more donors there are, the better the chances are of finding a match, said Schlaphoff. “It is said that the likelihood of finding a match is one in 100,000, but for some patients it may be one in a miracle. Because of …the need for very close matching [of cells], no country is self-reliant.” 

Globally, it is already difficult to get a stem cell transplant from a non-relative, with only one-third of patients able to do so, said Oudshoorn. Nearly half of all stem cell transplants [ http://www.nature.com/bmt/journal/v45/n5/full/bmt201010a.html ] occur with cells originating outside the patient’s country of residence. 

None of the some 50,000 transplants performed in 2006 were in countries with incomes below US$700 per capita, according to the most recent data compiled by BMDW. [ http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/303/16/1617.long ] and only 2 percent of bone marrow transplants [ http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/303/16/1617/F1.large.gif ] took place in the Eastern Mediterranean and African regions combined. Most transplants took place in Europe (48 percent) and the Americas ( 36 percent). 

Three countries in Africa are able to harvest and transplant bone marrow - Egypt, South Africa and Nigeria. 

“I think it is very important to establish a national registry, but there should also be transplant centres experienced in performing transplantations with allogeneic [genetically different human] donors,” said Oudshoorn. 

oja/pt/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95359</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201846340843t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Only a fraction of the millions of people worldwide with blood and autoimmune disorders survive - especially those in poorer countries - partly due to the lack of bone marrow stem cell transplants. A recently established Nigerian bone marrow registry hopes to boost matches between donors and patients, and survival chances.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: School attendance down after Boko Haram attacks</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204201423330914t.jpg" />]]>BORNO STATE 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - So far this year 14 schools have been burnt down in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State, northern Nigeria, forcing over 7,000 children out of formal education and pushing down enrolment rates in an already ill-educated region.</description><body><![CDATA[BORNO STATE 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - So far this year 14 schools have been burnt down in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State, northern Nigeria, forcing over 7,000 children out of formal education and pushing down enrolment rates in an already ill-educated region.

In a video posted on YouTube in February, Boko Haram, the Islamic jihadist group based in Nigeria, called on their followers to destroy schools providing Western education. [ http://www.youtube.com/verify_age?next_url=/watch%3Fv%3DlUd0Vcs8Tm4 ]

School enrolment is already lower in Borno - 28 percent - than in any other state in Nigeria, according to the Nigeria Education Data Survey 2010. The recent attacks are making it even harder for teachers and aid groups to persuade parents to let their children stay on at school.

“We are appealing to parents to keep their children in school and not to be intimidated,” Musa Inuwa, the Commissioner for Education in Borno State, told IRIN. State officials are assuring parents that it is still safe to send their children to school, and Inuwa has begun visiting schools more frequently to give motivational talks to pupils and staff.

Eric Guttschuss, Researcher on Nigeria for the watchdog organization, Human Rights Watch, told IRIN: “It’s not just the students at the targeted schools that end up being affected. Targeting of schools can lead children in neighbouring schools to stay home or drop out completely for fear of further attacks.” [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/07/nigeria-boko-haram-targeting-schools ]

School patrols

The authorities have responded to the crisis by pledging to rebuild all state schools that have been burned or bombed. Five private schools were also destroyed and a teacher at the Success Stars Secondary School, who did not want to be named for fear of reprisals by Boko Haram, said his school deserved state funds for rebuilding. “Many of our students enrolled with us because the state schools are full - but where is the state now?”

Staff attendance has also dwindled, said Suleiman Aliyu, headmaster of the Future Prowess Islamic Foundation, a private school offering both Islamic and Western education, which opened to cater for the growing number of orphans in the state. “It happens almost every week that a teacher calls in to say they are staying at home because there is shooting in their area,” he told IRIN. So far, the school has not been targeted by Boko Haram, but the headmaster fears that “it’s only a matter of time”.

The Joint Military Task Force deployed to Borno State to enforce Operation Restore Order in 2011 has stepped up patrols around state schools. 

Out to beg

Most of the schools targeted by suspected Boko Haram members provide Western as well as Islamic education, sending a message to parents that they must choose only Islamic education for their children.

Although Islamic schools have a long tradition in the region, they are not regulated by the authorities and graduates have no formal qualifications. The system is known locally as Almajari, and boys as young as six are sent to live with a religious teacher, or Mallam, who teaches them how to interpret and recite the Koran for a period of up to 10 years. The system also permits Mallams to send the children in their care out to beg on the streets. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88828/SENEGAL-Koranic-students-kept-in-slave-like-conditions-HRW ]

“Young people should be employable. Having only Islamic education will not make you employable, which is why we need to encourage parents to choose Western education for their children,” says Inuwa. 

Some Maiduguri residents say Boko Haram has been infiltrated by criminals, and it is they who are behind the school attacks. 

Aisha Alkali Wakil, a lawyer who defends Boko Haram suspects, openly admits that Mohammed Yusuf, the founder of Boko Haram, was “a personal friend” before he died in police custody in July 2009. “He wasn’t against Western education, and nor are his followers. What he was against is the influence of Westerners on our culture…The leaders all have Western education, and their children too are all in Western education,” she told IRIN.

However, most people feel that it is Boko Haram who must bear responsibility for the attacks on schools. “We know there are people who feel aggrieved,” said Inuwa, “but everybody knows burning schools will not solve anything.” 

rc/aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95327</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204201423330914t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BORNO STATE 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - So far this year 14 schools have been burnt down in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State, northern Nigeria, forcing over 7,000 children out of formal education and pushing down enrolment rates in an already ill-educated region.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A Rogues&apos; Gallery</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a &quot;crisis of confidence&quot; in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a "crisis of confidence" in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.

2009 Mali [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83403550 ] 

Alleged culprits: Malian Ministry of Health, National Control Programme against TB, National Council for the Fight Against AIDS, and the National Programme for the Fight Against Malaria. 

Allegations: In December 2010 the Global Fund announced that it had suspended two malaria grants with immediate effect, and had terminated a third TB grant after it found evidence of misappropriation and unjustified expenditure. 

The Fund found that at least US$5.2 million in disbursements related to HIV, TB and malaria had been misappropriated and little money was dedicated to purchasing medicines. Organizations pilfered funds using fraudulent invoices, per diem payments and training events. The Fund’s investigation revealed that organizations often colluded with the Ministry of Health and national TB and malaria control programmes to falsify invoices, signatures, bank statements and official stamps, which were discovered buried in someone's garden. 

By December 2010, the Malian authorities had arrested 15 people in connection with the allegations and the Ministry of Health had repaid $304,000. Due to possible threats against Global Fund staff, the US government provided them with protection. 

The investigation into the mismanagement of HIV funds was still ongoing in July 2011. 

2009 Mauritania [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83397462 ] 

Culprits: The national AIDS committee, the national TB programme, two NGO networks, ROMATUB and RNLPV, the National Institute for Public Health. 

Allegations: In July 2009 the Global Fund suspended funding to the executive secretariat of the national AIDS committee after finding evidence of fraudulent and unjustified expenditures. The Fund demanded the reimbursement of $1.7 million within three months, and immediate removal of the people identified as being responsible. 

Fake receipts, invoices and companies had been used to defraud the Fund since 2004. According to audits by the Fund's Office of the Inspector General (OIG), various local oversight bodies had failed to bring this to the Global Fund's attention. 

Officials of the national AIDS committee also instituted a kickback scheme that required payments of up to 50 percent of a grant from the NGO sub-recipient as a pre-condition for participation in Global Fund programmes. Sub-recipients were also forced to issue invoices for bogus training or expenses and then return this money to the national AIDS committee. Witnesses said this was a long-running practice at the national body and pre-dated Global Fund support. 

The NGO network, ROMATUB, was an implementing partner in Global Fund tuberculosis programmes. The Fund found that the network charged for work never completed. It submitted photographs of the same people in the same locations as proof of nationwide community outreach work supposedly carried out in different villages. 

The Mauritanian government cooperated in the investigations, refunding $1.7 million and arresting four national AIDS committee officials. The executive director of the national AIDS committee and all employees working on Global Fund grants were removed. 

As of March 2012, the Fund did not know whether those arrested had been brought to trial, as prosecutions had not yet commenced by July 2011. According to the OIG, national law enforcement agents had not communicated with the Fund since 2009. 

The OIG has recommended that any further disbursements to Mauritania be conditional upon the completion of all related criminal inquiries, and those convicted serving sentences. 

Mauritania, Cote d'Ivoire, Djibouti, Mali and Papua New Guinea have been placed on an "Additional Safeguards Policy" list. Countries on this list are subjected to closer scrutiny and restrictions on financial transactions relating to grants. [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/es/mediacenter/pressreleases/Global_Fund_suspends_two_malaria_grants,_terminates_TB_grant_to_Mali/ ] 

2009 Zambia [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/92191/ZAMBIA-Corruption-scandal-rocks-ARV-programme ]

Alleged culprits: Zambian Ministry of Health and Ministry of Finance, Zambian National AIDS Network (ZNAN). 

Allegations: After reports by a whistle-blower of fraud in Zambia's Ministry of Health (MoH) in 2009, the Global Fund - with help from Zambia's Office of the Auditor General - found that the ministry had misspent $6.7 million. The Ministry of Finance and National Planning had similarly misspent about $3 million and one of its accountants had defrauded the Global Fund of about $104,000. 

The Fund also allegedly uncovered fraud and misuse in the Zambian National AIDS Network, then headed by former UN Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa Elizabeth Mataka. The Global Fund audit of ZNAN highlighted financial mismanagement that included the purchase of cars for personal use by ZNAN management, exorbitant salaries that were sometimes more than double the local sector standard, and the disbursement of funds to sub-recipients who could not provide auditors with financial records, as in the case of disbursements to the Maureen Mwanawasa Community Initiative, headed by Zambia's former First Lady. 

The Global Fund subsequently suspended grants to all these organizations and stripped the MoH of its Principal Recipient status, transferring this responsibility to the Zambia country office of the UNDP. The change in Principle Recipient led to major delays in the distribution of funds and stock-outs of antiretroviral (ARV) and TB drugs for treating this common co-infection. 

In August 2011 Zambian HIV activists delivered a petition to the national AIDS council, demanding that government seize some of ZNAN's assets in order to repay the money, and that government move to pay back some of the money on the organization's behalf - as it had done for the Ministry of Health. 

2010 Nigeria [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83398634 ] 

Alleged culprits: Yakubu Gowon Centre for National Unity and International Cooperation, Christian Health Association of Nigeria. 

Allegations: The Global Fund alleges that the Yakubu Gowon Centre misappropriated funds and exchanged $22 million of Global Fund money for Naira, the Nigerian currency, on the black market. At least one party involved in the transactions allegedly had previous links to money laundering, fraud and conflict diamonds. The Christian Health Association of Nigeria also engaged in black market currency trading. 

As a result of the Yakubu Gowon Centre's transactions between 2005 and 2009, about $825,000 in Global Fund money for malaria programming was lost, according to a Global Fund OIG investigation report, which recommended that the Fund immediately terminate the Centre as a Principle Recipient for its grants and bar it from any future participation in Global Fund programmes. 

When asked, the Yakubu Gowon Centre could not account for missing funds. In a written response to the Global Fund's investigation report, the Centre said the allegedly missing funds had gone to operational expenses, management fees, maintenance and salaries. Despite documentation demonstrating the contrary, the centre denied allegations that it had used the black market to exchange currency. 

In June 2011 the Yakubu Gowon Centre was replaced as a Principle Recipient. Accounting firm KMPG, which was supposed to provide in-country financial oversight, was also relieved of its position with the Global Fund. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95294</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a &quot;crisis of confidence&quot; in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Urgent need for police reform</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005211423170614t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Chidi Odinkalu, chair of Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission, was summoned for an interview with police yesterday over remarks he made in March about the judiciary and the police.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Chidi Odinkalu, chair of Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission, was summoned for an interview with police yesterday over remarks he made in March about the judiciary and the police.

In a presentation on 5 March at an event organized by the National Association of Judiciary Correspondents, he said Nigeria was “in the throes of a severe safety and security crisis”. He said politicians, judges, magistrates and lawyers were part of the problem. 

“The response of law enforcement to the incapability of the legal system to ensure convictions is an epidemic of third-degree policing, torture and extrajudicial executions,” he said.

Local and international rights bodies have regularly criticized the police for human rights abuses. 

The Network on Police Reform in Nigeria [ http://www.noprin.org ] (also known as NOPRIN) monitors police behaviour and is among their leading critics. In a 2010 report entitled Criminal Force, NOPRIN recounts several cases of police abuse.

“Personnel routinely carry out summary executions of persons accused or suspected of crime; rely on torture as a principal means of investigation; commit rape of both sexes,” it said.

It gave examples of suspects being bound, suspended from ceilings, kicked and beaten with machetes, gun butts, boots, fists, electrical wires and animal hides. Female detainees have been reportedly raped, and males have had sharp objects inserted into their genitals. Such behaviour, NOPRIN said, was sanctioned or even commissioned by some senior officers. 

Killings 

The number of extralegal police killings is estimated at 2,500 each year, although accurate statistics are difficult to ascertain. 

“Killings happen out of the glare of the public eye,” said Innocent Chukwuma, director of the Centre for Law Enforcement Education (CLEEN). [ http://cleen.org ]

The police spokesman, Deputy Commissioner Olushola Amore, could not be reached for comment on the accusations. 

NOPRIN has identified two departments well-known for their violent methods: Department B, which responds to active threats to law and order or public safety and security; and Department D, which deals with intelligence gathering and criminal investigations.

A unit known as the Police Mobile Force, or MOPOL, falls under the command of Department B. It is a rapid deployment paramilitary outfit of some 30,000 men divided into 47 squadrons of roughly 632 men each. Known by Nigerians as “kill and go”, its personnel are feared.

Within Department D are the State Criminal Investigation Departments which operate in the country’s 37administrative divisions. There is no evidence-based policing here, critics say. Rather, personnel routinely abuse suspects under interrogation to obtain confessions of guilt. 

Special Anti-Robbery Squads, under the state criminal investigation departments, are another feared unit, created initially in response to what NOPRIN said was “a perceived” nationwide escalation of gun-related robberies and killings. Human rights activists say genuine attempts to reform the police have not been implemented.

Given these problems, public perceptions of the police are abysmal. People tend to avoid the police. CLEEN’s Chukwuma said annual research indicated that 80 percent of Nigerians do not report crimes or problems to the police. “Rather, they use traditional means to solve problems,” he said, “especially in the rural areas”.

Chukwuma said a public alienated from the police was an indicator of public alienation from the government which, occasionally, talked about police reforms but never followed through. 

Understanding police behaviour

Many reasons have been cited for improper police behaviour: a repressive colonial police heritage; a poorly funded and ill-equipped police force; a highly centralized police structure plagued by political interference. 

Recruitment has been compromised and police training is poor, leading to the hiring of unsuitable personnel. Salaries are bad, making police prone to corruption and other crimes. 

Suspects are tortured for confessions because police lack the ability and means to conduct thorough criminal investigations. NOPRIN says in many police stations, one staff member oversees torture in a room specially set aside for this practice. 

Human rights organizations acknowledge that police are killed in their hundreds or even thousands every year, which may in part explain their behaviour and their attitude to the public. 

Police complain of poor working conditions, unhealthy environments, long hours and inadequate housing - all demotivating factors.

“Some policemen sleep in broken-down vehicles,” Chukwuma said. 

“The thing that is striking [about police stations] is the scent,” he added. 

Reform efforts

Reforming the police requires considerable government commitment and funding. Enhanced training; curricular reviews at training institutions; the vetting of recruits and serving police; competent forensic technicians and fit-for-purpose laboratories; DNA analysis and modern finger printing capability; and community policing - are just some measures suggested. 

A measure of reform is under way. Recently, the police force converted its academy to a university-level institution. 

“There is only so much the police can do because often when they plan or begin something, newly-elected politicians come and halt the process,” Chukwuma said.

Since assuming office in January, Inspector-General of Police Mohammed Abubakar has said public recklessness, or abuse of human rights by police, would no longer be tolerated, irrespective of rank. As a start, he has opened special phone lines for people to lodge complaints against the police; disbanded checkpoints and roadblocks, which had become nodes of extortion; and set up a team to arrest any police manning illegal checkpoints. 

The removal of checkpoints has reduced extortion and extrajudicial killings, said NOPRIN National Coordinator Emeka Nwanevu. 

“The current Inspector-General needs to be supported by government in investing heavily in training - back to basics policing,” Chukwuma added. “Police work is driven by intelligence, so that funds and equipment need to be made available so that police can gather this and act on it rather than harassing and brutalizing suspects.”

Reformers would like an external oversight body for the police. The rationale is that this would help lessen police impunity. Reformers also want skilled civilians to staff police administration, ballistic and forensic centres. 

“What we need are a non-police people who can help the police to plan and put in structures to improve their service,” he said. 

Nwanevu, who was a member of a presidential police reform committee in 2008, said new recommendations by the current president and police inspector-general were expected to be made known within two months. 

One likely reform, Nwanevu said, could result in improved police training. NOPRIN would also like to see greater involvement by civil society in ensuring that police act as expected. The organization also wants telephone numbers of divisional commanders to be made readily available to the public so that complaints can be made against specific officers. 

Funding reform is another requirement. Currently, he said, money voted for the police never seems to trickle down to the station unit level, leaving them impoverished, dirty, lacking equipment (including basic administrative documents), and police wearing different shades of uniform. Reform, he said, would stop station commanders extorting money from the public to pay for these requirements. 

“We are recommending a structured approach for the dispensing of funds for the police so that everyone in the command chain knows how much is available to them for their work,” he said. 

os/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95314</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005211423170614t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Chidi Odinkalu, chair of Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission, was summoned for an interview with police yesterday over remarks he made in March about the judiciary and the police.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Farmers and forecasts</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203301412410080t.jpg" />]]>BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.</description><body><![CDATA[BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.
 
Marc Kouamé, a farmer in the north who grows okra, peanuts and cassava, told IRIN that farmers “no longer know where to turn” because of the changing seasons. "I lost half of my peanut production because I didn’t plant it at the right time,” he said. Many farmers feel more and more helpless in the face of such uncertainty.
 
Between 1971 and 2000, rainfall in Côte d’Ivoire dropped by 15 percent, according to Augustin Kouakou Nzue, head of agro-climatic studies in the National Weather Service (Direction Météorologie Nationale), although it has increased slightly since 2000.
 
In southern Côte d’Ivoire, farmers took clearly defined seasons for granted until the 1980s: rains from April to mid-July; a short dry season from mid-July to September; a short rainy season until November; and finally a long dry season from December to March. Now, the rains come later and finish earlier, with longer dry seasons and patchy distribution, says Nzue.
 
Most growers rely on rain-fed production, so the long-term impact of this shift could devastate Ivoirian farmers, who make up 60 percent of the workforce. Cocoa, the country’s main export crop, could also be affected - a September 2011 study by the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture, based in Cali, Colombia, predicts that rising temperatures may make it too hot to grow cocoa by 2050. [ http://www.ciat.cgiar.org/Newsroom/Lists/News/DispForm.aspx?ID=80 ]
 
Sidiki Cissé, head of the National Agency to Support Rural Development (ANADER) in the commercial capital, Abidjan, is clearly worried. "The desperation of farmers is clear to see," he told IRIN.
 
Poor and erratic rainfall in 2011 and the subsequent poor harvests across the southern Saharan band have thrown 13 million people into a food security crisis in the Sahelian zones of Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Mali and Senegal. [ http://reliefweb.int/disaster/ot-2011-000205-net ]
 
Donors and investors are channelling climate adaptation funds into improved weather forecasting and more sophisticated climate science, but few groups are focusing on how climate information can better be used by farmers and communities in disaster-prone areas.
 
“People don’t see this kind of stuff as a critical research priority,” said Amane Tall, who is affiliated to the US-based Johns Hopkins University and the International Committee of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre in The Netherlands. “They invest in improving the science of climate change – which is great – but how do we make links between the science and the decision-making at all levels?”
 
The various communities working on climate change – scientists, environmentalists, humanitarian NGOs, disaster risk reduction experts – have tended to work separately, in their silos, but now dialogue is needed, said Emma Visman, Futures Group Manager at the Humanitarian Futures Programme (HFP), which tries to prepare the humanitarian community for future disaster scenarios. “Dialogue seems to be the key word,” she said, “but we don’t yet have the resources or space to do it.” [ http://www.humanitarianfutures.org ]
 
A few groups are attempting to bridge the information gap, including various national meteorological agencies, the World Meteorological Organization, the HFP, and some humanitarian and development NGOs such as Christian Aid.
 
Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Gambia, Mali, Guinea and Togo, among others, are part of the West Africa Metragri programme, co-funded by the World Meteorological Organization and the State Agency for Meteorology (AEMET) in Spain. The plan is to train 200 farmers in Côte d’Ivoire to become more aware of rainfall patterns in their areas, and how to use rain gauges to monitor precipitation. [ http://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/wcp/agm/roving_seminars/west_africa_fr.html ]
 
Nzue told farmers at a training session in Bingerville, Côte d'Ivoire the best time to sow certain crops is one or two days after the first 20mm of rain has fallen. In 2011 this would have been on 21 March in Bouaké in central Côte d’Ivoire, and on 11 April in San Pedro in the southwest.
 
Farmers are asked to send the rainfall data they collect to the National Weather Service [Direccion Météorologie Nationale), so that agronomy research centres can draw up new crop calendars to help them adapt planting schedules to their particular micro-climate, said Amin Gbo, chief executive officer of ANADER.
 
Sidiki Cissé, head of ANADER, says corn, rice, sorghum and millet are most affected by changing rainfall patterns. In Burkina Faso local corn varieties suffer most because unlike imported varieties, they have not been designed to grow more quickly with less water, said Judith Bienvenue Fanfo, head of the Burkina Faso National Meteorological Office, which also collaborated on a project that has trained 450 farmers since 2007 to use climate and weather information.
 
HFP has worked on pilot studies in the Mbeere district of eastern Kenya and flood-prone Kaffrine in central Senegal to bring together communities, humanitarian partners (Christian Aid Kenya and the Senegalese Red Cross) and National Met offices to determine how to improve the exchange and use of weather information.
 
In Senegal, weather forecasts are broadcast on national radio, in newspapers, on television and via the internet, but these avenues are not readily accessible by local communities, said Visman.
 
The Kenya Meteorological Department (KMD) makes available daily, weekly, monthly and seasonal forecasts, but most people are unable to access the channels it uses to distribute this information and find the format difficult to understand, so they resort to using inaccurate information in uncertified channels instead.
 
Catering to the information preferences of individual groups can be resource-intensive. In one Senegalese village, asked to set up a climate road show women traders wanted a face-to-face information exchange; men wanted to use the mosque, while youths thought it best to share information under “talking trees” where they gather in the late afternoons.
 
After just a few months, the information exchange in Senegal started paying off, said Tall. Families said they kept their children home from school when forecasts predicted strong winds and rain. “There is also a psychological element – people are relieved to have the information and it can be very empowering,” she said. In Kenya the project has run less than 12 months and it is too soon to measure the results.
 
The Met Offices in both countries have signed memorandums of understanding with the humanitarian partner involved to ensure better collaboration.
 
Funding
 
Richard Ewbank, Climate Change Coordinator at Christian Aid, says such projects are likely to remain limited, due to a lack of funding for mitigation and resilience-building. Despite a complex web of climate change adaptation funds – including those of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), money from foundations and multilaterals, and promises by developed countries to mobilize US$100 billion to boost adaptation efforts by 2020 – it took HFP two years to find funding for its 12-month pilot project, before it eventually tapped into the UK Department for International Development’s Climate and Development Knowledge Network. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88070/AID-POLICY-Climate-change-and-adaptation-funding-equally-unpredictable ]
 
Christian Aid has its own church-based funding source. “It’s hard to persuade donors to pre-fund season forecast information – they prefer to fund humanitarian situations when they hit,” Ewbank told IRIN.
 
However, as donors start to see the pay-off from more detailed weather information in the right hands, it may generate more interest. “If climate services get more accurate,” he said, “then clearly our scope to use these tools will also improve.”
 
om/aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95214</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203301412410080t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Giant anti-polio drive threatened by insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311207110246t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Health volunteers, aid agency and health authority staff are trying to immunize 111.1 million children under five across 20 countries in West and Central Africa against polio. The four-day campaign started today, but instability in some of the target countries could hamper the effort.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Health volunteers, aid agency and health authority staff are trying to immunize 111.1 million children under five across 20 countries in West and Central Africa against polio. The four-day campaign started today, but instability in some of the target countries could hamper the effort.
 
Parts of Nigeria are highly unstable due to ongoing attacks by Boko Haram; [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94691/NIGERIA-Timeline-of-Boko-Haram-attacks-and-related-violence ] a rebellion is currently under way in northern Mali, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95127/MALI-Rebellion-claims-a-president ] while security in the capital Bamako is also precarious with a military junta having ousted the president. 
 
Over half of the children targeted - some 57.7 million, are in Nigeria, which is West Africa’s only polio-endemic country.
 
Meanwhile parts of Niger (for instance Tillabéri in the northwest) are difficult to access, as are parts of eastern Chad, with some aid agencies working only with armed escorts.
 
“Access to children [in some of these places] can be a serious problem,” said UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) regional health specialist Halima Dao. 
 
“Vaccinators’ safety can be compromised, or insecurity means the whole population of a village may flee at a moment’s notice, or there may be far more people than we expected in an area, due to displacement,” she told IRIN. 
 
The conflict in northern Mali has, for instance, led to about 195,000 people being displaced either within the country or when they fled to Algeria, Mauritania, Niger, Burkina Faso and Senegal, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), but these numbers are constantly changing as people return or move from camps to host villages, meaning reaching them could be complicated.
 
Dao admits some children in the Tombouctou  and Kidal regions of northern Mali may not be reached, though they are discussing with NGOs working there, including Médecins Sans Frontières and the Malian Red Cross, to see how to reach as many as they can. “We have to work with authorities and NGOs who are used to accessing these insecure areas,” she said. 
 
For a polio immunization campaign to be effective, 100 percent of the children must be reached, says the World Health Organization (WHO), while the long-term fight against polio will only work if routine immunizations are consistently kept up, for at least 90 percent of children under five, for several years running.
 
Last year, election-related in violence in Côte d’Ivoire hampered efforts to quash a polio outbreak affecting 36 children, according to aid agencies. 
 
Thus far, only Ghana, Cape Verde, Burkina Faso, Gambia and Togo have achieved the required 90 percent coverage, according to UNICEF.
 
Children in the hardest-to-reach areas are often the most vulnerable, said Dao, as they do not have access to regular health services. Agencies will try to give Vitamin A and de-worming medicine to these children where possible. 
 
Weak health systems
 
Human error and weak health systems also play an important role in sub-optimal immunization reach: In Chad, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94769/CHAD-Why-polio-is-so-hard-to-eliminate ] for instance, where the health system is broken, just 60 percent of children have been covered, according to UNICEF. 
 
The campaign involves hundreds of thousands of health workers, though it will not lead to eradication in one fell swoop, said Dao. “We hope the exercise will bring us closer to reaching our goal of interrupting wild polio virus transmission in our region in 2012,” said Luis Sambo, West Africa director of WHO in a 22 March communiqué. [ http://www.unicef.org/media/media_62054.html ]
 
Despite a resurgence of the virus in West Africa, the global fight against polio has made progress: since 1988, when the Global Polio Eradication Initiative [ http://www.polioeradication.org/ ] was launched, polio has reduced by over 99 percent. At the time some, 350,000 children were paralysed by polio each year but in 2011 the reported caseload was 650, according to UNICEF.
 
An intense effort to stamp out polio in India led to no new cases being reported in 2011. India alongside Pakistan, Afghanistan and Nigeria is one of the world’s four polio-endemic countries. “If India can do it, then so can these African countries,” said Dao. “We’ve reached 99 percent of the world - we need to reach that final 1 percent; the whole programme is at risk,” she said.
 
aj/cb

Polio in West Africa
- 62 cases of polio were reported in Nigeria in 2011; thus far 10 have been reported in 2012
- 132 cases of polio were reported in Chad in 2011; while 2 have been reported so far in 2012
- No cases have as yet been reported in other West African countries
Source WHO: [ http://www.polioeradication.org/Dataandmonitoring/Poliothisweek/Wildpolioviruslist.aspx ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95145</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311207110246t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - Health volunteers, aid agency and health authority staff are trying to immunize 111.1 million children under five across 20 countries in West and Central Africa against polio. The four-day campaign started today, but instability in some of the target countries could hamper the effort.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Gas flares still a burning issue in the Niger Delta</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203081109120315t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR/PORT HARCOURT 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Despite longstanding laws against gas flaring - the burning of natural gas during oil extraction - in Nigeria, and shifting deadlines to end the practice, the activity continues, with serious health consequences for people living nearby.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR/PORT HARCOURT 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Despite longstanding laws against gas flaring - the burning of natural gas during oil extraction - in Nigeria, and shifting deadlines to end the practice, the activity continues, with serious health consequences for people living nearby. 

In the Niger Delta, where most of the flaring [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/75824/NIGERIA-Gas-flaring-wrecking-Delta-communities ] takes places, residents living near gas flares complain of respiratory problems, skin rashes and eye irritations, as well as damage to agriculture due to acid rain.

They are also forced to live with constant noise, heat and light that can lead to sleep deprivation which can degenerate into systemic insomnia. Since flaring involves carbon dioxide and sulphur outputs, in the longer term the heart and lungs can be affected leading to bronchitis, silicosis, sulphur poisoning of the blood, and cardiac complications, said a Port Harcourt doctor, Nabbs Imegwu.

“Extreme long-term exposure can predispose one to, or cause, skin cancer,” he added. 

Imegwu’s views are supported by a 2011 report [ http://eraction.org/publications/Mired%20in%20Fossil%20Trap.pdf ] by Environmental Rights Action (ERA), the Nigerian chapter of Friends of the Earth International, which said gas flaring releases “nitrogen oxides and other substances such as benzene, toluene [and] xylene … which are known to cause cancers.” The report says these pollutants can affect communities within 30km of the flares.

While gas flaring has technically been illegal in Nigeria since 1984, the government sometimes grants exemptions to oil companies, and fines for flaring are criticized as being too light to act as a deterrent. An oil worker in Nigeria, who spoke to IRIN on condition of anonymity, described the fines as “so low that it doesn’t justify much investment” to stop flaring. 

Publicly, oil firms say they are working to reduce flaring. However, Ben Amunwa, a researcher with international human rights NGO Platform, pointed to Shell’s most recent Sustainability Report [ http://sustainabilityreport.shell.com/2010/servicepages/downloads/files/all_shell_sr10.pdf ] which says the oil firm’s flaring increased 32 percent from 2009 to 2010. 

While Shell’s report also says overall from 2002 to 2010 “flaring from SPDC facilities has fallen by over 50 percent,” it says this was partially due to a decrease in oil extraction owing to militant activities. In the same manner, it recognized that the 2010 increase in flaring from 2009 was because oil extraction rose following a drop in violence in the region. 

Militant activity in the Delta - mainly attacks on oil infrastructure and oil workers by youths protesting against environmental degradation caused by oil extraction - peaked in 2008, but declined following a 2009 government amnesty programme. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94306/Analysis-Niger-Delta-still-unstable-despite-amnesty ]

“As oil extraction resumes to its pre-conflict levels, we can expect to see a rise in gas flaring levels across the board,” Amunwa said.

Excuses?

“Some [oil companies] have claimed up to 30 percent reduction [in recent years], but the reality on the ground has not backed up such claims,” the ERA report said.

The vice-president of health, safety and environment and corporate affairs for Shell sub-Saharan Africa, Tony Attah, said in November 2011 that gas flaring “will take a few more years to end”. He also blamed militancy in the Niger Delta for holding up previous Shell programmes to stop flaring. 

However, Nnimmo Bassey, ERA’s executive director, dismissed this as a “worn-out excuse”. He questioned how the violence in the region could have repeatedly stopped these programmes while oil extraction actually increased. 

NGOs have previously said the failure to enforce environmentally sound practices has been due to weak government institutions and over-reliance on oil revenues, allowing oil firms to call the shots. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94340/NIGERIA-Slippery-justice-for-Niger-Delta-s-polluted-communities ] For example, Shell is yet to comply with a 2005 high court order to end gas flaring in the Iwherekan community, Delta State.

Friends of the Earth Netherlands reported in 2011 that there were about 100 continuously burning gas flares in the Niger Delta and just offshore, some of which have been burning since the early 1960s. [ http://milieudefensie.nl/publicaties/rapporten/shell-background-report ]

Nigeria has the second highest level of flaring in the world, after Russia; in most countries the excess gas is collected and used to generate power. A 2004 World Bank report said the value of gas flared annually in Nigeria was between US$500 million and $2.5 billion.

wb/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95034</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203081109120315t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR/PORT HARCOURT 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Despite longstanding laws against gas flaring - the burning of natural gas during oil extraction - in Nigeria, and shifting deadlines to end the practice, the activity continues, with serious health consequences for people living nearby.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA-CHAD: Migrants fleeing Boko Haram violence await aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203060939430937t.jpg" />]]>BOL (CHAD) 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Some 1,000 Chadian migrants - most of them children separated from their families - are waiting for aid in the village of N’Gbouboua in the Lac region of western Chad having fled Boko Haram-related violence in Nigeria, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</description><body><![CDATA[BOL (CHAD) 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Some 1,000 Chadian migrants - most of them children separated from their families - are waiting for aid in the village of N’Gbouboua in the Lac region of western Chad having fled Boko Haram-related violence in Nigeria, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94691/NIGERIA-Timeline-of-Boko-Haram-attacks-and-related-violence ] according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 

With more arriving each day - some 100 have arrived in the last 48 hours according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) - the food situation is getting desperate, say aid workers.

Migrants told UNICEF they fled the villages of Douri and Madaye in eastern Nigeria when members of the Boko Haram militant group attacked them, burning down houses. Police and military forces then arrived and started firing at those who remained, claiming they were Boko Haram supporters, according to witness accounts.

Some 10,000 people have reportedly fled northern Nigeria for Chad and Niger in recent weeks, fleeing violent crackdowns and Boko Haram violence.

The head of the canton and sub-head of the district have put together a local emergency team to register migrants and try to build them a makeshift shelter on the outskirts of N’Gbouboua. Most of the migrants are currently sheltering in the village’s two mosques and one church.

Some 557 of the migrants are children, 80 percent of them Koranic students or `talibés’, who live with and support their Koranic teachers (`marabouts’), said a senior district official. According to IOM, most of these children come from the Lac Chad region, including the villages of N’djelea, Bagasoula and N’gloua.

Attacks by Boko Haram and ensuing violent crackdowns by Nigerian police and military forces have killed up to 1,000 people in Nigeria since 2009.

Residents of the surrounding eastern Nigerian villages of Dougouri, Folkine, Koyorom and Malfahtri also fled.

To reach N’Gbouboua, each migrant had to take up to six boats to cross Lake Chad as the crossing is often interrupted by river banks and boats have to avoid very low water levels. Migrants told UNICEF Water and Sanitation Officer Jules Laouhingamaye that many had stayed behind in the Chadian village of Faroro nearer the Nigerian border, some 30km from N’Gouboua.

Begging to survive

The needs are enormous and migrants urgently “need everything”, said Laouhingamaye, with food and water the most urgent priorities. UNICEF has counted a significant number of breastfeeding women among the migrants, many of whom have had little or nothing to eat in over a week. Village residents are sharing what little food they have but there is simply not enough to go around, he said. 

Many of the talibés, accustomed to begging for alms, are going door-to-door begging for food, but the villagers “have had enough - they’re starting to get angry,” he said.

UNICEF’s Laouhingamaye, along with staff from their partner NGO Secours Islamique France (SIF), have distributed soap and some water containers to migrants, and are putting together a water and sanitation response following a rapid evaluation on 3 and 4 March.

“We’re doing what we can to help get them sanitation materials, but food is needed now,” he told IRIN in Bol, (capital of Lac Region in Chad, some 125km away), having just returned from the site.

The deputy head of the region has asked the regional authorities and aid agencies for aid but thus far no food has been delivered. “Food is the immediate priority,” Laouhingamaye told IRIN in Bol.

The UN country team, including representatives from the World Food Programme, is meeting on 6 March to plan the UN response.

Reaching N’Gbouboua involves travelling on appalling roads with maximum speeds of 45km per hour, and a river crossing on a rudimentary raft that will take nothing larger than a 4WD vehicle.

Among the migrants are some 100 Christians - most of them farmers from the Mayo Kebi and Tandjile regions of southern Chad. “We will have to help provide these groups with transport so they can return to their homes,” said IOM’s Qasim Sufi.

If the resources are available, IOM will start an operation to help migrants return to their homes as soon as possible said Sufi. The organization recently helped some 100,000 Chadian returnees home after they fled violence in Libya. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93769/CHAD-NIGER-Lean-season-awaits-migrants-escaping-Libya ]

“We will follow the same approach here... This is a migration crisis. It is risky to leave these people there [so close to the border]. These people have nothing to do with Boko Haram,” Sufi told IRIN from the capital, N’djamena. IOM has already distributed some medicines but many more are needed.

Some of the migrants who hail from Chad’s Kanem region further north have already started to make their way home, according to IOM; while among those in N’Gbouboua, most told UNICEF they want to return to their homes in Chad, while some hope to return to Nigeria if things become less insecure.

Tracing families

Reunifying the hundreds of `talibés’ will be an arduous task, say child protection agencies. 

Gamalao Dara, a child protection consultant with UNICEF who returned from the site yesterday after evaluating protection needs, told IRIN the situation is “complicated” but many of the children they interviewed do know the names of their home villages and thus their families may be traceable.

Sufi told IRIN the task may be hard but it is not impossible: “As agencies we have experience in family reunification... We will have to see what can and cannot be done.”

aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95014</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203060939430937t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BOL (CHAD) 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Some 1,000 Chadian migrants - most of them children separated from their families - are waiting for aid in the village of N’Gbouboua in the Lac region of western Chad having fled Boko Haram-related violence in Nigeria, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Calls for more action on child lead poisoning</title><pubDate>Mon, 20 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010011559250843t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Nigerian government has stood back and watched while hundreds of children in the northwestern state of Zamfara have died of lead poisoning, and hundreds more been affected by it over the past two years, say rights groups and the local authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Nigerian government has stood back and watched while hundreds of children in the northwestern state of Zamfara have died of lead poisoning, and hundreds more been affected by it over the past two years, say rights groups and the local authorities.
 
At least 400 children who had worked in artisanal gold mines were reported to have died in Zamfara State in 2010, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90653 ] in what Human Rights Watch (HRW) describes as "the worst lead poisoning epidemic in modern history". [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/02/07/nigeria-child-lead-poisoning-crisis ] Yet since then the government has taken little action to curb the mining or make communities more aware of its dangers.
 
"[So far] the federal government has played virtually no role. They just sent some high ranking people to the site, and gave a tiny bit of money," said HRW researcher Jane Cohen. "Under international law they have an obligation to look after their citizens."
 
The lead poisoning is caused by artisanal gold mining - the ore in Zamfara State also tends to be rich in lead, so when it is crushed to extract gold, lead dust is released. Children are exposed when relatives return home covered in the dust, when ore-bearing rocks are crushed in people's homes, or through working in the mines themselves.
 
Children are highly susceptible to lead poisoning: short-term effects include convulsions, loss of consciousness, and blindness; serious long-term effects are anaemia, renal failure, brain damage, and impotence, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).
 
Working with the Zamfara State government and the US Centers for Disease Control, MSF has been giving chelation therapy - a treatment to remove metals from the body - to 2,500 children since the crisis was identified in 2010. Of these, 2,000 are still receiving treatment. 
 
An estimated 2,000 children urgently need treatment in Bagega village, as well as children in a further seven contaminated villages, according to Cohen.
 
"Lost generation" 
 
However, treatment is pointless if children are going to be re-exposed to lead, so decontamination needs to take place in all these villages before it begins, said Cohen. Effectively dealing with the lead problem also requires making mining practices safer so areas are not re-contaminated. 
 
While MSF will care for any critically ill child whom they come across, Ivan Gayton, head of MSF in Nigeria, is "sure" there is unreported mortality.  "Every month that goes by more children are being damaged." Even when lives are saved, "the neurological damage is huge. There is potential for a lost generation of children of northern Nigerians whose health and IQs will suffer," he told IRIN, adding: "For the most part, we're holding a finger in the dike."
 
A coalition of groups - including US-based environmental engineering firm TerraGraphics, the World Health Organization (WHO), and the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) - assisted the state government to begin decontamination in 2010. In November 2011 WHO reported seven villages had been cleaned up, but that cases of lead poisoning had been confirmed in 43 other villages and the full scale of the epidemic was not fully known. [ http://www.who.int/csr/don/2011_11_11/en/index.html ]
 
In late 2011 the Zamfara State government put together a clean-up team that has begun decontaminating sites in Bagega - thus far 10 houses are considered to be safe. But the state authorities are "not capable" of cleaning up all the contaminated sites without help from the federal government and international groups, said Mouktar Lugga, Zamfara state commissioner for the environment.
 
Cleaning up all the contaminated sites and implementing safer mining practices will require US$4 million, estimates HRW, noting the need for federal support.
 
Teaching safe mining practices to communities is also urgently needed, says HRW. These include wet milling or grinding the ore in tanks to minimize dust, as well as simple habits such as encouraging miners to wash before returning home so they do not bring lead dust into their houses.
 
Money to be allocated "soon"
 
The federal authorities have told MSF that they have identified a funding pool of $4 million to address some of these issues, and will allocate it soon.
 
Zamfara State's Lugga was optimistic the federal government would release the funds, saying they had "showed concern" for the situation.
 
Nigeria's minister of environment, Hadiza Mailafia, did not respond to IRIN's requests for an interview.
 
However, some are concerned that pronouncements by the federal government in the past that the artisanal mining in the area is illegal will not help matters, say NGOs.
 
According to HRW's Cohen, current laws do not actually make the mining illegal, and the federal government is only using this as an excuse to place blame on the miners. She added that banning the practice is in any case unrealistic.
 
MSF's Gayton agrees that invoking the law is unhelpful. "Criminalizing [artisanal gold-mining] would drive it underground. and people would be afraid to bring their children for treatment," Gayton said. This was a major problem in the past, which upped the number of sick children who went on to die, according to MSF.
 
"Given the price of gold, mining is going to happen," he added, pointing out that the "gold rush" in northern Nigeria could be positive since it has the potential to lift people out of poverty [one gram of gold could be sold for $23 in 2010]. "Safer mining is absolutely achievable - there's no reason for the children to be dying."
 
wb/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94912</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010011559250843t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Nigerian government has stood back and watched while hundreds of children in the northwestern state of Zamfara have died of lead poisoning, and hundreds more been affected by it over the past two years, say rights groups and the local authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Bayelsa State to speed up aid for oil-spill victims</title><pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202101058070042t.jpg" />]]>WARRI 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - Nigeria’s Bayelsa State government said yesterday it would speed up the release of money over the next two weeks to help hundreds of thousands of villagers affected by a Chevron off-shore oil spill in January.</description><body><![CDATA[WARRI 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - Nigeria’s Bayelsa State government said yesterday it would speed up the release of money over the next two weeks to help hundreds of thousands of villagers affected by a Chevron [ http://www.chevron.com/ksendeavor/ ] off-shore oil spill in January.

The affected areas are Kolo Ama I and II, Akasa, Sanagana, Fish Town, Fropa, Ekeni, Ezetu and Lobia - all in Bayelsa State, and with a combined population of some 500,000. 

“We and the Bayelsa Ministry of Health are asking for seven million naira [US$44,000] to enable us to make an initial dispatch of urgently needed relief items like water to the affected people and also carry out a damage impact assessment,” said Igwe Napoleon, the Bayelsa State branch secretary of the Nigeria Red Cross, on 3 February. 

The state government said there had been a delay in the release of the money requested by the Red Cross due to political bickering and a sudden change in the state’s executive council. 

Bukola Saraki, chairman of the Senate committee on environment and ecology, said on 20 January that his committee - in consultation with the Senator Emmanuel Paulker-led committee on petroleum (upstream) - had convened several meetings with senior Chevron Nigeria officials, the Nigerian National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency and the Nigerian Department of Petroleum Resources to plan an initial impact assessment of the contamination and begin clean-up operations.

“We will also ensure that Chevron takes appropriate steps to contain the spill, remediate the impacted area and if there has been any loss as a result, ensure that adequate compensation is paid to the immediate community,” Saraki said.

On its website, Chevron said [ http://www.chevron.com/ksendeavor/ ] it had hired local community residents to monitor the shoreline along the beach but by 2 February there had not been any reports of crude oil on the beaches. In addition, it has moved food and other supplies to the affected communities. 

Gas inhalation

However, communities in Bayelsa State say they are feeling the effects of the spillage - inhaling gases from the burning rig, and having to put up with polluted drinking water and fish.

“There is evidence that fish have died and that is the mainstay of the people,” said Saraki.

Preye Brown, branch chairman of the National Youth Council of Nigeria, who lives in the area, said the entire swamp forest was now covered by polluted water, affecting fish breeding grounds. 

“Therefore, I am calling for the government to carry out temporary relocation of the indigenes until everything subsides. The only source of drinking water in Kolo Ama and neighbouring communities is now polluted; the indigenes have to depend on sachet water which is expensive,” he said.

“A fire started aboard the shallow-water jack-up drilling rig KS Endeavor. The rig was drilling a natural gas exploration well approximately 10 kilometres off the coast of Nigeria and in roughly 12 metres of water,” Chevron said on 2 February, adding that the cause of the incident was being investigated.

Even though no one has been reported hospitalized as a result of the fire so far, said Igwe Napoleon, “there are cases of coughing and eye irritation all over the area, which is a result of the gases released into the air by the inferno.”

hu/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94833</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202101058070042t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WARRI 10 February 2012 (IRIN) - Nigeria’s Bayelsa State government said yesterday it would speed up the release of money over the next two weeks to help hundreds of thousands of villagers affected by a Chevron off-shore oil spill in January.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SAHEL: Donors learning funding lessons - slowly</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202061151210348t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, say aid groups.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - DAKAR, 3 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=81&reportid=89910 ] However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94082 ] say aid groups. 

As of now, over US$150 million has been pledged to respond to food insecurity, drought and nutrition needs in the Sahel, whereas at the same point in 2010 donors were doing “almost nothing”, said Amadou Sow in the Africa coordination division of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

As early as December 2011 aid agencies and national governments campaigned for aid, while OCHA released its emergency appeal - whereas in the 2010 crisis this was not released until April, far later in the lean season.

The European Commission (EC) has directed $138 million to the region, according to Cyprien Fabre, head of ECHO (EU aid body) in West Africa, who says there is “great commitment at the EU level”, with the development and humanitarian commissioners working closely together on the Sahel crisis. The EU is also expected to release longer-term funding soon.

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) meanwhile, has channeled $67 million to the crisis, $25.5 million of it to the World Food Programme in Niger and Chad; France and the UK Department for International Development have each directed $10 million towards five Sahelian countries without yet specifying what is going where; the UN Central Emergency Response Fund has released $16 million of start-up funding; while Sweden, Germany, Austria and other donors have allotted smaller sums. 

Most of these figures are not yet reflected in the OCHA financial tracking system [ http://reliefweb.int/sahel-food-insecurity2012 ] which currently states that the Chad and Niger appeals are respectively 7 and 15 percent funded. 

While such pledges are welcomed, the EC Humanitarian Commissioner, Kristalina Georgieva, recently said a conservative estimate of the needs over the next six months would be 500 million euros [US$654 million], “so there is clearly a considerable gap to fill,” noted Stephen Cockburn, West Africa campaigns and policy manager at Oxfam. 

Avoid repeat mistakes

Donors may fear repeating the mistakes of the Horn of Africa, where everyone responded too late, and may also want to show that they have learned the lessons from past Sahel crises, say aid workers. 

“Donors are more interested in the Sahel now,” said Fabre. “They probably want to make sure they don’t miss the opportunity to have a correct, coherent, quality response this time.”

However, some fear donors are waiting too long to specifically allocate their aid by country, positing they are waiting for more detailed figures on needs to be published. An OCHA Sahel strategy paper with specific needs in each country will be launched imminently.

Donors must not fund Chad and Niger to the neglect of other affected countries, including Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Mali, Nigeria, and Senegal, warns OCHA’s Sow.

Longer-term still under-funded

While pledging has been swifter, the long-term aid that Sahel experts have been pushing for for years is still not prioritized, say Sahel experts.  

“The argument [for longer-term resilience-oriented aid] has “not been won yet”, said Fabre. 

A number of aid agencies are involved in longer-term resilience work, such as Oxfam’s project to give people cash transfers or cash-for-work to help vulnerable families cope with high food prices. “Some donors [the European Union and DFID] are beginning to fund this work, but as an approach it remains under-prioritized,” said Oxfam’s Cockburn.

The prevention and treatment of moderate acute malnutrition is one chronically under-funded sector in the Sahel: While over one million children are expected to face severe and life-threatening malnutrition this year, in a “normal” year the figure hovers around 800,000. 

West Africa UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) nutrition specialist Robert Johnston told IRIN: “It is still difficult to ensure funding from government agencies for long-term preventative activities when there are critical life-saving interventions that they can respond to immediately. It’s much easier [for them] to justify life-saving than long-term.” 

Likewise, it can be hard to get national governments on board: “In areas with low levels of education and poor healthcare systems, it is hard to plant the seed of prevention as an idea.”

However, donor attitudes here are slowly changing, he said. UNICEF programmes now come from the point of view that emergency treatment and longer-term prevention of malnutrition are two sides of the same coin. “Everyone is starting to get the message,” he said. 

Aid agencies and donors should see their response to the Sahel drought as an opportunity to change their approach, said Kazimiro Rudolph-Jacondo, head of OCHA’s West Africa office in Dakar. “This is a window of opportunity to build on lessons learned from the past and to resolve these problems over the long term,” he told IRIN. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94799</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202061151210348t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, say aid groups.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Never so divided, never so united</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg" />]]>LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</description><body><![CDATA[LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.

The removal of the subsidy on 1 January raised petrol prices from 65 naira to 141 naira (40 to 90 US cents) per litre, and led to sharp increases in food and transport costs.

The public response was swift and widespread. Led by labour unions, professional groups and civil society, different communities across this nation of 167 million people marched through the streets, paralysing businesses and even threatening to shut down the oil industry. A stunned government backed down, settling for a 50 percent rather than a more than 100 percent hike in the fuel price.

"Nigeria has never been this divided since the civil war, and yet the country has never been this united in protest in its history," said Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst and director of ActionAid Nigeria. [ http://www.actionaid.org/nigeria ]

Many people see cheap fuel as one of the few benefits they get from an otherwise inefficient and corrupt government. The protesters were putting down a marker, say analysts. “Nigerians think that by paying more for fuel, they are only subsidizing corruption,” said Abdu. 

The government’s position is that removal of the subsidy would save US$8 billion a year which could then be spent on roads and social projects, and improve citizens’ lives. It says the subsidy only benefits middlemen, not the public, and supporters say the fuel subsidy favours the rich and encourages fuel smuggling to neighbouring countries.

The government believes [ http://www.fmf.gov.ng/component/content/article/3-trendingnews/64-nigeria-shall-succeed-as-a-nation.html ] Nigerians will gain from deregulation of the downstream petroleum sector, and points to the planned or ongoing construction, completion and rehabilitation of railway lines, refineries, highways, hydro-electric stations, information technology and water supply systems. 

SURE

These projects, which will benefit the public, are to be executed under a Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE), which also funds short-term social welfare programmes to cushion the impact of the subsidy removal. 

The degree to which the public will be convinced is debatable. Analysts say that apart from corruption, people showed unity in the protests out of bitterness at government policies which have left them poor: The minimum monthly wage increased in 2011 from the equivalent of US$46 to $112, but most Nigerians are paid less than this new wage level.

The Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA) [ http://www.cseaafrica.org/ ] says inflation caused by the fuel price rise could lead to poor people spending an even higher proportion of their income on food because they would be paying more for transport. (CSEA says food has the highest weight of 51 percent in Nigerian’s inflation basket; transport has the third highest weight of 7 percent.) 

CSEA also says a neutral stance by the Monetary Policy Committee, which sets monetary and credit policy, would help government’s efforts to boost the economy through its SURE programme and its emphasis on job creation. “In the medium term… prices may moderate as efforts are channelled towards addressing the infrastructure deficit in the economy through the SURE programme,” it adds.

The government may have to demonstrate, rather quickly, that it is different from previous ones; that it is accountable; and is attuned to current public sentiment. Otherwise, the show of united public anger against the central government may spill onto the streets again.

Safety consultant Jeff ‘vwede Obahor said the subsidy removal had brought Nigerians to a tipping point, and all they wanted now was good governance. "It's like a champagne effect; too many things have been going down and this is the last straw."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94787</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Timeline of Boko Haram attacks and related violence</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.

As the government struggles to cope, experts are urging leaders to seek a political solution to try to quell BH violence, backed up by sharper intelligence-gathering and professional military support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ] Below is a chronology of proven or suspected BH attacks - both recent and over the past few years.

18 Jan 2012: A key suspect in the 2011 Christmas Day bombing in Abuja, which killed more than 40 people, escapes police custody.

17 Jan 2012: Two soldiers and four BH gunmen are killed in an attack on a military checkpoint in Maiduguri, Borno State. Soldiers arrest six high-profile BH members in a raid on a sect hideout in the city.

13 Jan 2012: BH kills four and injures two others, including a policeman, in two separate attacks on pubs in Yola (Adawama State) and Gombe city in neighbouring Gombe State.

11 Jan 2012: Four Christians killed by BH gunmen in Potiskum, Yobe State, when gunmen open fire on their car as they stop for fuel. The victims had been fleeing Maiduguri to their home town in eastern Nigeria.

10 Jan 2012: A BH attack on a beer garden kills eight, including five policemen and a teenage girl, in Damaturu, capital of Yobe State.

9 Jan 2012: BH gunmen shoot dead a secret police operative along with his civilian friend as they leave a mosque in Biu, Borno State, 200km south of the state capital, Maiduguri. The president says BH has infiltrated the executive, parliamentary and judicial wings of government.

7 Jan 2012: Three Christian poker players are killed and seven others wounded by BH gunmen in the town of Biu.

6 Jan 2012: Eight worshippers are killed in a shooting attack on a church in Yola. BH gunmen shoot dead 17 Christian mourners in the town of Mubi in the northeastern state of Adamawa. The victims are friends and relations of one of five people killed in a BH attack on a hotel the previous day.

5 Jan 2012: Six worshippers are killed and 10 others wounded when BH gunmen attack a church in Gombe city.

3 Jan 2012: BH gunmen attack a police station in the town of Birniwa in Jigawa State killing a teenage girl and wounding a police officer.

1 Jan 2012: President Goodluck Jonathan imposes a state of emergency on 15 local government areas hardest-hit by BH attacks, in Borno, Yobe and Plateau states. He orders the closure of Nigerian borders in the north.

30 Dec 2011: Four Muslim worshippers are killed in a BH bomb and shooting attack targeting a military checkpoint in Maiduguri as worshippers leave a mosque after attending Friday prayers.

28 Dec 2011: A bombing and shooting attack by BH on a beer parlour in the town of Mubi, Adamawa State, wounds 15.

25 Dec 2011: A Christmas Day BH bomb attack on Saint Theresa Catholic Church in Madalla town near Abuja kills 42 worshippers. Three secret police (SSS) operatives and a BH bomber are killed in a suicide attack when the bomber rams his bomb-laden car into a military convoy at the gates of SSS headquarters in Damaturu. A policeman is killed in a botched BH bomb attack on a church in the Ray Field area of Jos, capital of Plateau State.

22 Dec 2011: BH bombs in parts of Maiduguri kill 20. Four policemen and a civilian are killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police building in Potiskum, Yobe State. Around 100 are killed following multiple bomb and shooting attacks by BH gunmen and ensuing gun battles with troops in the Pompomari outskirts of Damaturu.

19 Dec 2011: One suspected BH member dies and two others wounded in an accidental explosion while assembling a home-made bomb in a hideout in Damaturu.

17 Dec 2011: A shootout between sect members and policemen following a raid on the hideout of a BH sect leader in the Darmanawa area of Kano State kills seven, including three police officers. Police arrest 14 BH suspects and seize large amount of arms and bombs. Three BH members die in an accidental explosion while assembling home-made bombs in a hideout on the outskirts of Maiduguri.

13 Dec 2011: A bomb attack on a military checkpoint by BH and resulting shooting by soldiers in Maiduguri leaves 10 dead and 30 injured.

7 Dec 2011: An explosion linked to BH kills eight in the Oriyapata district of Kaduna city.

4 Dec 2011: A soldier, a policeman and a civilian are killed in bomb and gun attacks on police buildings and two banks in Azare, Bauchi State. BH open fire at a wedding in Maiduguri, killing the groom and a guest.

27 Nov 2011: A Borno State protocol officer in the office of the governor is shot dead by motorcycle-riding sect members while driving home.

26 Nov 2011: Three policemen and a civilian are wounded in BH bomb and shooting attacks in Geidam, Yobe State. Six churches, a police station, a beer parlour, a shopping complex, a high court, a local council building and 11 cars are burnt in the attacks.

9 Nov 2011: BH members bomb a police station and the office of Nigeria’s road safety agency in Maina village, Borno State. No one is hurt.

4 Nov 2011: The motorcade of Borno State governor Kashim Shettima comes under BH bomb attack in Maiduguri on its way from the airport to the governor’s residence as he returns from a trip to Abuja. Around 150 are killed in coordinated BH bombing and shooting attacks on police facilities in Damaturu and Potiskum in Yobe State. Two BH suicide-bombers blow themselves up outside the military Joint Task Force headquarters in Maiduguri in a botched suicide attack.

2 Nov 2011: A soldier on duty is shot dead by sect members outside Maiduguri’s main market.

November 2011: BH says it will not dialogue with the government until all of its members who have been arrested are released.

29 Oct 2011: BH gunmen shoot dead Muslim cleric Sheikh Ali Jana’a outside his home in the Bulabulin Ngarnam neighbourhood of Maiduguri. Jana’a is known to have provided information to security forces regarding the sect.

25 Oct 2011: A policeman is shot dead in his house in a targeted attack by BH gunmen in Damaturu.

23 Oct 2011: Sect members open fire on a market in the town of Katari in Kaduna State, killing two.

23 Oct 2011: BH members kill a policeman and a bank security guard in bombing and shooting attacks on a police station and two banks in Saminaka, Kaduna State.

3 October 2011: Three killed in BH attacks on Baga market in Maiduguri, Borno State. The victims included a tea-seller, a drug store owner and a passer-by.

1 October 2011: A butcher and his assistant are killed by BH gunmen at Baga market in Maiduguri in a targeted killing. In a separate incident, three people are killed in a shoot-out following BH bomb and shooting attacks on a military patrol vehicle delivering food to soldiers at a checkpoint in Maiduguri. All three victims are civilians.

17 September 2011: Babakura Fugu, brother-in-law to slain BH leader Mohammed Yusuf, is shot dead outside his house in Maiduguri two days after attending a peace meeting with Nigeria’s ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo in the city. BH denies any involvement in the incident.

13 September 2011: Four soldiers shot and wounded in an ambush by BH members in Maiduguri shortly after the arrest of 15 sect members in military raids on BH hideouts in the city.

12 September 2011: Seven men, including four policemen, are killed by BH gunmen in bomb and shooting attacks on a police station and a bank in Misau, Bauchi State. The attackers rob the bank.

4 September 2011: Muslim cleric Malam Dala shot dead by two BH members outside his home in the Zinnari area of Maiduguri.

1 September 2011: A shootout between BH gunmen and soldiers in Song, Adamawa State, kills one sect members while another is injured and captured.

26 August 2011: BH claims responsibility for a suicide bomb blast on the UN compound in Abuja, killing 23 people.

25 August 2011: Gun and bomb attacks by BH on two police stations and two banks in Gombi, Adamawa State, kill at least 16 people, including seven policemen.

3 August 2011: The government rejects negotiations with BH.

July 2011: Government says it will open a negotiation panel to initiate negotiations with BH.

27 June 2011: BH’s gun and bomb attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri leaves at least 25 dead and dozens injured.

20 June 2011: Seven people including five policemen killed in gun and bomb attacks on a police station and a bank in Kankara, Katsina State.

16 June 2011: BH targets national police headquarters in Abuja, killing two.

7 June 2011: Attacks on a church and two police posts in Maiduguri, blamed on the sect, leave at least 14 dead.

6 June 2011: Muslim cleric Ibrahim Birkuti, critical of BH, shot dead by two motorcycle-riding BH gunmen outside his house in Biu, 200km from Maiduguri.

29 May 2011: Three bombs rip through a beer garden in a military barracks in the northern city of Bauchi, killing 13 and wounding 33. BH claims responsibility.

27 May 2011: A group of around 70 suspected BH gunmen kill eight people including four policemen in simultaneous gun and bomb attacks on a police station, a police barracks and a bank in Damboa, Borno State, near the border with Chad.

29 December 2010: Suspected BH gunmen shoot dead eight people in Maiduguri, including the governorship candidate of the ruling All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Borno State.

24 and 27 December 2010: A series of attacks claimed by BH in the central city of Jos and Maiduguri kill at least 86.

7 September 2010: A group of BH gunmen free over 700 inmates including around 100 sect members from a prison in Bauchi. Four people including a soldier, one policeman and two residents were killed in the raid.

26 July 2009: BH launches a short-lived uprising in parts of the north, which is quelled by a military crackdown that leaves more than 800 dead - mostly sect members, including BH leader Mohammed Yusuf. A mosque in the capital of Borno State (Maiduguri) that served as a sect headquarters is burnt down.

11-12 June 2009: BH leader Mohammed Yusuf threatens reprisals in a video recording to the president following the killing of 17 BH members in a joint military and police operation in Borno State. This was after a disagreement over BH members’ alleged refusal to use crash helmets while in a funeral procession to bury members who had died in a car accident.

2005-2008: BH concentrated on recruiting new members and shoring up its resources. As evidence of their growing popularity, Borno State governor Ali Modu Sheriff appoints an influential BH member, Buju Foi, as his commissioner of religious affairs in 2007.

10 October 2004: Gunmen from a BH splinter group attack a convoy of 60 policemen in an ambush near the town of Kala-Balge on the border with Chad. The militants took 12 policemen hostage and police authorities presumed they were killed by the gunmen because all attempts to trace them failed.

23 September 2004: A BH splinter group launches a militia attack on police stations in the towns of Gwoza and Bama in Borno State, killing four policemen and two civilians. They took to the Mandara mountains along the Nigeria-Cameroon border. Soldiers and two gunships were deployed in the mountains and after two days of battle 27 sect members were killed while the rest slipped away. Five BH members who crossed into Cameroon were arrested by Cameroonian gendarmes who had been alerted by Nigerian authorities. The five were deported and handed over to Nigerian authorities.

7 January 2004: Seven members of BH killed and three others arrested by a team of local vigilantes outside the town of Damboa, Borno State, near border with Chad. Bags containing AK-47 rifles were recovered from sect members.

June 2004: Four members of BH were killed by prison guards in a foiled jail break in Yobe State capital Damaturu.

23-31 December 2003: A group of about 200 members of a BH splinter group launched attacks on police stations in the towns of Kanamma and Geidam in Yobe State from their enclave outside Kanamma on the Nigerian border with Niger. The militants killed several policemen and requisitioned police weapons and vehicles. Following the deployment of military troops to contain the insurrection, 18 militants were killed, and a number arrested.

2002: Mohammed Yusuf founded Boko Haram in 2002, establishing a mosque called Markaz as the headquarters of his movement, following his expulsion from two mosques in Maiduguri by Muslim clerics for propagating his radical views.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94691</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110952410865t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Boko Haram - also known as Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - have increased sharply in recent months, leaving many worried that wide-scale sectarian violence could break out. Some 80 people have been killed in Boko Haram (BH) attacks in recent weeks, while 500 are reported to have been killed over the past year. Tens of thousands of Nigerians have been forced to flee their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Boko Haram displaced fear returning home</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201181012580344t.jpg" />]]>KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.

Local government authorities are wary of setting up camps for the displaced, says the Nigerian Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), as these could turn into further Boko Haram targets.

The number of displaced is unclear, say aid agency representatives in Nigeria, as Boko Haram attacks are continuing.

The largest estimated displacement was 90,000 people who were reported to have fled Damaturu city in Yobe State following deadly attacks in late December, said Ibrahim Farinloye, northeastern Nigeria coordinator for NEMA.

According to the Nigerian Red Cross, members of the Christian Igbo ethnic group - a minority in the mainly Muslim north - are fleeing the northeast in significant numbers.

Some 10,000 people are reported to have been displaced in the southern state of Benin on 9 January following what are believed to be retaliation attacks on mostly-Muslim Hausa residents, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre of the Norwegian Refugee Council.

Many displaced families told IRIN they were wary of returning home both because of further Boko Haram attacks, and because of what they say is heavy-handed military tactics used by soldiers patrolling their neighbourhoods.

Babagana Ari fled the Pompomari neighbourhood of Damaturu city in Yobe State in late December following attacks and ensuing violence which reportedly killed over 60 people. He, his wife and six children are staying with his brother in a two-room house in another part of the city (Bakin Kasuwa).

"Some residents who went back to pick some belongings in their homes never came back, and the assumption is that they were shot dead by soldiers who took them for Boko Haram members," he said.

Another displaced person, Yahaya Masu’ud, voiced similar fears: "I don't know when I can return to my home, especially with the state of emergency that has been imposed on the city by the president... This has conferred enormous power on soldiers."

Hundreds of soldiers have been deployed to patrol the streets of Damaturu, Maiduguri, the capital Abuja, and other cities.

“The enemy is faceless”

A military officer who preferred anonymity told IRIN of the difficulty in identifying potential Boko Haram attackers. "We are dealing with a guerilla insurgency where the enemy is faceless and can blend with ordinary civilians. Boko Haram elements are hardly recognizable by appearance, they can only be known when they carry arms and strike, and they then dissolve into the population which makes our operation very difficult.”

Several security specialists have urged the government to take a more considered approach to quelling the power of Boko Haram - through stronger intelligence-gathering and in some cases, more proactively engaging with the group - as they say a strong-armed military approach will merely lead to more violence. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94642 ]

A state of emergency has been declared in Yobe, Borno and Plateau states, while curfews have been imposed in Adamawa State, according to the government. The state of emergency has also complicated returns as it entails imposing dusk-to-dawn curfews and a ban on motorcycle taxis, which is the principal means of transport between cities, said NEMA’s Ibrahim Farinloye.

With the displaced remaining largely uncounted, and so spread out, aid groups find it difficult to reach them, said local NGO Actionaid head Abdu Hussaini.

“People are not stationed in one place. Most are staying with extended families… We need a different way of responding to that,” he said, adding that keeping track of where people are headed is also difficult, and recommended closer monitoring of the situation.

NEMA set up a relief committee in late December to coordinate distributions, and has asked international NGOs to help with basic materials, a call to which the International Committee of the Red Cross has responded. NEMA has reserved emergency supplies in warehouses across several states, said Farinloye, in case more aid is needed.

The government announced it would leverage US$570 million on counter-terrorism efforts, which would include relief for those affected by the violence. But this needs to be carefully spent and accounted for, warned Hussaini. “They need to define the criteria of how much they’re giving and who it’s going to, to make sure no one is excluded from the aid and that it isn’t hijacked.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94665</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201181012580344t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Many of the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled their homes following a string of deadly attacks by “terrorist group” Boko Haram in northern Nigeria over recent weeks have not yet been able to return home - or been offered any shelter by the authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: The downside of foreign land acquisitions</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191450140079t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition. [ http://www.landcoalition.org/ ]
 
“The best land is often being targeted for acquisition. It is often irrigable, with proximity to infrastructure, making conflict with existing land users more likely,” says a 14 December 2011 report. [ http://www.landcoalition.org/cpl/CPL-synthesis-report ]
 
Africa accounts for 134 million hectares of reported land deals. Worldwide, between 2000 and 2010, deals under consideration or negotiation amounted to 203 million hectares, the Coalition says. 
 
The rush for farmland was triggered primarily by the 2007-08 world food price crisis. While agricultural production was the main aim, the Coalition says, mineral extraction, industry, tourism and forest conversion were “significant contributors” to the rush. The Sojourner Project [ http://thesojournerproject.wordpress.com/ ] suggests newly-independent Southern Sudan is the latest addition to the land acquisition list. 
 
In West Africa such acquisitions, which critics describe as land grabbing, are having a telling impact on the River Niger, the subregion’s largest river and the continent’s third largest after the Nile and the Congo.
 
From the Fouta Djallon Massif in Guinea (West Africa’s water tower), the 4,200km river snakes its way through Mali, Niger, Benin and empties into the Nigerian sector of the Guinea Current Large Marine Ecosystem [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Guinea_Current_large_marine_ecosystem ] in the Atlantic Ocean. Millions of people along its route and tributaries depend on the river for their farms, cattle, fishing and other needs. Yet the River Niger is already overfished, is becoming polluted and is affected by dam construction and oil production.
 
Mali worst affected
 
Of all the countries through which the River Niger flows the segment in Mali is the most negatively affected by land acquisition irrigation deals, which must be authorized by the Office du Niger. [ http://www.office-du-niger.org.ml/internet/ ] Mali accounts for the river’s entire inland delta, an area set for agro-industrial farming. The aim is for the area to become West Africa’s bread basket. 
 
Realizing this potential, Mali and Libya created Malibya, a joint-venture company which has been allotted 100,000 hectares of land for industrial agriculture. The lease is for 30 years. Ibrahim Coulibaly, president of the National Coordination of Peasant Organizations of Mali (CNOP), [ http://www.cnop-mali.org/ ] is a critic of such deals. He said the Office du Niger intended to produce hybrid rice on this land, in collaboration with the China National Hybrid Rice Company, and that the introduction of hybrids would, effectively, “kill” local varieties. Already, he said, the company implementing the project, the China Geo-Engineering Corporation (CGC), [ http://www.chinageo.com.cn/en/about/index.asp ] had built a 40km irrigation canal, and a 40km paved road had been built around Bougouwere at a cost of US$55 million. 
 
Additionally, CGC has already developed 17,000 of the envisaged 25,000 hectares earmarked. The government of Mali feels this outcome justifies its decision to launch this project.
 
"The development will be a great contribution to the Office du Niger in search of integrated development,” Abou Sow, the minister in charge of the Office du Niger, said. “This is a public utility project because the Libyan side has taken all necessary steps to compensate the people who have been affected by the arrangements." 
 
However, international NGO Grain, [ http://www.grain.org/article/entries/187-rice-land-grabs-undermine-food-sovereignty-in-africa ] has questioned the government’s wisdom in handing over such large tracts of land when its stated aims are to help local farmers develop. 
 
The Oakland Institute, in its December 2011 report entitled Land Deal Brief: Land Grabs Leave Africa Thirsty, [ http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/land-deal-brief-land-grabs-leave-africa-thirsty ] is also critical of such deals. Already, it says, farmers in the area have lost their livelihoods. This is because the construction of the canal has closed small irrigation outlets they use. 
 
The siphoning off of water for huge areas of farmland would worsen the already low water levels of the River Niger. The Niger River Basin Authority says a 30cm drop in water level (measured in Mopti, Mali) corresponds to a 50 percent diminution of the delta flood plain’s land area. 
 
Moreover, the river is already experiencing siltation, a condition which scientists say could worsen if there are changes in the flow of water and if pollution increases. Planned dam construction on the upper reaches of the River Niger would alter the flow. This would further reduce already diminishing fish stocks, water availability, and make navigation more difficult to places like Timbuktu.
 
“Fish is becoming increasingly scarce and more difficult to access because of the silting of the banks,” said Saleck Ould Dah, the water and sanitation programme officer at WaterAID [ http://www.wateraid.org/uk/what_we_do/where_we_work/mali/ ] in Mali. “Although irrigation has managed to double rice production, these waters have become increasingly polluted due to soap manufacturing; solvents used for dyeing cloths; and chemicals used by farmers.” 
 
Given that social conflict over resources between farmers and pastoralists has always been a feature of the Niger Basin, the Coalition suggests that large-scale irrigation could heighten tension between local and downstream water users.
 
Food security
 
Critics feel that land acquisitions could imperil the food security of millions of people who depend on the Niger for farming and fishing. Thousands of small farmers would be forced off their land and become farm labourers; pastoralists would have to search for new grazing land or ditch their lifestyle. However, the Office du Niger says this is a misinterpretation of what would happen.
 
“After contributing to the policy of irrigation schemes, this project will certainly be one of the agriculture sector’s economic and social developments," said Amadou Coulibaly, president and chief executive officer of Office Du Niger.
 
Overall, most of the land deals, critics say, would be put under biofuel production and agricultural food exports. With many local small-scale farmers off the land there could be national food shortages. Weak economies cannot afford food imports, and might in fact be forced to receive food aid from countries whose multinationals, ironically, produced that very same food in Africa in the first place. 
 
Although governments might make the case for such land deals, critics of such contracts in Africa say local elites are most likely the only national beneficiaries. 
 
Writing in the International Food Policy Research Institute [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/wcaotn01.pdf ] under the title Foreign Direct Investments in Land- and Agriculture-based Poverty Reduction Strategies in Africa, Ousman Badiane, the Institute’s Africa director, says: “Foreign investors interact with, and act through, national intermediaries or interlocutors who may operate independently or as government agents. One should, therefore, expect the emergence of secondary markets and derived demand in the form of influential national actors who will seek to gain access to land at the expense of local communities. Anticipation of future demand by foreign investors; this is where real damage can be done.”
 
If local communities are to be protected in these land deals, he says, foreign investors should improve the capacities for local governance; contract negotiating skills; and foster business partnerships between local communities.
 
“Urgent action is needed to bring harmful land transfers to a halt, and to redirect capital into more fruitful forms of investment where possible,” the Coalition says. 
 
sd/hu/oss/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94680</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191450140079t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Population growth and rising consumption by a minority of people around the world are fuelling global land acquisitions and Africa is a “prime target”, says the International Land Coalition.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: What can be done about Nigeria’s Boko Haram militants?</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93250 ] - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94296 ]

The Salafist group grabbed attention in 2009 with coordinated attacks on government buildings and police stations in four northern states which left more than 800 people dead. The attacks were revenge for an earlier clash with the police, who had opened fire on Boko Haram followers in a funeral procession in the northeastern city of Maiduguri, which was widely seen as a deliberate attempt by the state authorities to crush the group.

The violence metastasized in 2011: there were bombings of the headquarters of the police and the UN in the capital, Abuja; more than 100 died in bomb and gun attacks in a single day in two towns in northeastern Yobe State, and Boko Haram promised strikes in the largely non-Muslim Christian south. In what seemed a deliberate attempt to stir sectarian unrest, a series of bombings on churches on Christmas Day in Abuja killed close to 40 people.

As Nigerians nervously consider what the violence could portend for the unity of the country, IRIN asked three analysts their views on the conflict, and the steps needed to resolve it. The following responses are from Innocent Chukwuma, executive director of the Cleen Foundation; [ http://cleen.org/ ] Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst; and security specialist Hussaini Monguno.

What does Boko Haram represent?

Innocent Chukwuma: Boko Haram represents different things to different people depending on where you stand in the deep divide of Nigerian society. To the political elite in the south, it may have started as a small, fringe religious sect with a radical worldview about how Nigerian society, especially the northern part, should be governed according to the dictates of Islam. But today [they feel] it is has been hijacked by the northern political elite who have not hidden their distaste about the emergence of President Goodluck Jonathan [a Christian southerner], and are now using the group to make the state ungovernable in order to ensure the return of political power to the north.

However, a more reflective viewpoint sees the group as representing the voices of the northern poor and downtrodden, even though misguided, who have been marginalized in the scheme of things and now seek a violent outlet to [highlight] their issues, like their counterparts in other parts of the country, such as the militants of the Niger Delta [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94306 ] and the Odua People's Congress in the southwest. [ http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/yoruba.htm ]

Hussaini Abdu: Boko Haram (BH) represents the backward slide of Nigeria. Although presented in Islamic religious garb, its activities are deeply criminal and political. While the history of BH can be traced to a young Muslim group in the northeast of Nigeria, they have since [morphed] to include criminal groups. Today nobody is clear what the group stands for [and] people are not sure who exactly is responsible for the spate of violence in the country. There is therefore no one acceptable narrative on the issue. The perception of north/Muslim is different from that of south/Christian. Whereas must people in the south or Christians accuse what they call "a disenchanted north" for the problem, the north seems to believe the violence is being perpetrated by people in government and their foreign backers to divide the country.

Hussaini Monguno: Boko Haram is a name given in 2009 by the press to the religious group led by Mohammed Yusuf, when fighting broke out between the group and the Nigerian police in Maiduguri, Borno State. This group is an outgrowth of the [conservative] Izala Movement [one of the largest Islamic societies in the country]… [but] Yusuf fell out with senior preachers over ego, differences in perception of religious texts and their attitude/relationship towards the Borno State government… Yusuf built up a robust camp that was self-reliant, well organized and a popular destination of jobless and frustrated youths who found hope and engagement. As his followership grew, his confidence grew - to the deep consternation of the state governor and his courtiers... At the moment the group has resorted to taking revenge for killings, persecution and torture of its members in various prison cells nationwide, with targeted killings of informants and bombings to rattle the government. Lately they have also started to seek recognition and relevance by appealing to aggrieved northern Muslim sentiment [over Jonathan's election victory].

How should the government respond?

Innocent Chukwuma: The attacks by Boko Haram and the security challenges they pose represent a potent threat to the corporate existence of Nigeria and need to be responded to with all seriousness using a multipronged strategy. Government, in my view, has not given the group all the attention and seriousness it deserves and appear to be playing politics with it in order not to be seen to be hurting certain vested interests. A more holistic strategy should combine an intelligence-led security approach to fish out the masterminds of the attacks, and initiatives that would aid the isolation of the group from the communities in which they operate.

Hussaini Abdu: The government needs to be decisive and deepen intelligence gathering. Where the military is involved, the rules of engagement should be defined to avoid molestation of unarmed civilians and abuses that could further mobilize local communities against the state. The government will also need to make a long-term strategic investment in the northeast of the country to contain the level of poverty and exclusion in the area.

Hussaini Monguno: The federal government should:
- Appoint independent local, national or international leaders to appeal, appease and engage the aggrieved sect members and leaders;
- Unban the group, granting them the right to freedom of belief and practice as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution;
- Renounce the use of violence, by all parties;
- Unconditionally release the thousands of Yusufiyya members in cells, detained without charge;
- Dispassionately review the events of 2009 and show remorse where necessary;
- Work to win the confidence and trust of the affected communities through careful conflict resolution measures;
- Compensate and rehabilitate all those families who have suffered loses both human and material;
- Allocate federal government resources for rapid rehabilitation of infrastructure, boost agriculture and cross-border trading to promote rapid employment for the teeming uneducated, excluded youths.

What are the constraints the government faces?

Innocent Chukwuma: The major constraints faced by the government in dealing with Boko Haram is the politicization of everything in this country, which has crippled law enforcement and security agencies from carrying out their functions in a professional manner, without fear or favour.

There is also a certain level of insincerity and deceit on the part of government in confronting the issue squarely. A typical example is the half-hearted declaration of a state of emergency made by President Jonathan in 14 local governments areas [in Yobe], which is neither here nor there in practical terms. Everybody knows that unless you declare a state-wide state of emergency, which would mean removing elected governors and replacing them with people with clear mandates to work with security agencies to restore law and order in affected states within a given period of time, not much can be achieved.

Hussaini Abdu: Lack of capacity, especially intelligence gathering capacity, poor political will to face the challenge of dealing with criminality, the religious colouration of the situation, and the extreme politicization of the situation by the government. 

Hussaini Monguno: The following:
- Weak and heavily compromised political leadership;
- The inability of the federal government to detach itself from the exploitation of sectional, sectarian, ethnic [interests];
- Inability of the federal government to reverse itself having already tagged the problem a national security threat that should be wiped out;
- Difficulty in breaking free from the beneficiaries of this standoff, i.e. the leaders of the security arms of government, security equipment suppliers, agents and contractors;
- The reluctance of the federal authorities to bring the former Borno State governor, Ali Modu Sheriff, to account for his misrule.

oa/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94642</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110951010120t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - As bombings and shootings by the militant Islamic group Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad - better known as Boko Haram - escalate, the Nigerian government appears to be struggling to cope with the violence, or map a political solution to the crisis.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
 oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A deadly funding crisis</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding. 
 
 That money for HIV/AIDS efforts is not as plentiful as in previous years hardly comes as a surprise. UNAIDS notes that the global economic crisis appears to have put an end to a decade of funding increases by donors - after flattening out in 2009 for the first time, international AIDS assistance fell by 10 percent in 2010. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] 
 
 Nandini Oomman, director of the HIV/AIDS Monitor, which tracks AIDS spending at the Washington-based Centre for Global Development, admits that “we are in a bad situation” and faced with “less money and more [health] priorities”. Moreover, non-communicable diseases have overtaken HIV/AIDS as the leading cause of death worldwide. Global and national leaders are now confronted with a “set of tough choices”, she noted. 
 
 Zimbabwe’s Minister of Health, Dr Henry Madzorera, believes it is still too early to gauge the full impact of the global funding decline. “We do anticipate that [this] will have a negative impact on our universal access goal… that the consequences of this global economic meltdown will be catastrophic to our programmes… [and] will take us back many years,” he told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 The big squeeze 
 
 As the world’s largest donor to HIV/AIDS efforts, the United States contributes 54 percent of international AIDS financing, but the Centre for Global Development warns that in America’s current political and fiscal climate, this level of support for AIDS funding may have reached a “tipping point” and “will be increasingly difficult to maintain in coming years”. 
 
 Oomman pointed out that the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) was protected by legislation until 2013, so cuts in the funding mechanism may not be as deep as feared. “The real questions [about the future of PEPFAR] will open up in two years, when the US is faced with reauthorizing PEPFAR,” she noted. 
 
 In the meantime, the US global AIDS budget has been cut for the second year running - funding for PEPFAR in 2012 will be US$90 million less than the current allocation - and support for the Global Fund has flat-lined. 
 
 The cost implications are huge, particularly for countries such as Uganda that rely heavily on PEPFAR. According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), less than half of the people needing treatment in Uganda get it, and PEPFAR currently supports 75 percent of all patients receiving ARVs in the country. International donors are increasingly requesting that Uganda look for domestic funds to support its response. 
 
 Although South Africa is better resourced and funds more than 80 percent of its treatment costs, it still receives substantial amounts from foreign donors. PEPFAR’s shift from direct service provision to technical assistance has caused hospices and institutions that were providing ARVs to close down, and patients have been referred to a public health system that is overstretched and poorly equipped to deal with the growing numbers, Nokhwezi Hoboyi, district coordinator for the Treatment Action Campaign, told journalists at a press briefing. 
 
 The UK’s Department for International Development (DfID) is also cutting bilateral aid for HIV/AIDS projects in developing countries by 32 percent, from £59.9 million ($92 million) to £41 million ($64million), between now and 2015. 
 
 Bailing out of the Fund? 
 
 With many donor countries preoccupied with the economic crises on their doorsteps and slowly starting to reduce their HIV/AIDS funding, the Global Fund remains a crucial player despite its latest setback. The amount of money that the multilateral body has made available since it was created in 2001 was “absolutely unprecedented” said Dr Eric Goemaere, head of MSF South Africa’s medical unit. 
 
 On 28 November, MSF warned that many low-income countries with a high HIV/AIDS burden were relying heavily on money from the Global Fund to continue providing treatment as well as to scale up their programmes. Some countries have been unable to implement the most recent World Health Organization guidelines, which call for earlier initiation of treatment and better first-line drugs. 
 
 The Global Fund has also been hit by a crisis in confidence in recent months, after reports of grant mismanagement found by the Fund’s Office of the Inspector General and the findings of a high-level independent review panel that recommended major changes to its accountability structures. 
 
 Oomman told IRIN/PlusNews that rather than “buckling down” to fix the Global Fund model, however, donors were “bailing out” by failing to live up to their commitments. “This doesn’t absolve the Fund of the responsibility to fix itself and reform… but it was created by the donors and should be fixed by the donors,” she commented. 
 
 High-burden nations need to do more 
 
 With its future at stake, the Global Fund has been encouraging emerging markets to pick up the baton, but the reality is that financial backing from traditional donors such as America and the European countries is still vitally important. “If I were an emerging market government, would I put my money in [an organization] which Western donors are pulling out of?” Oomman asked. 
 
 Activists agree that although some countries with high HIV prevalence rates still can’t afford to put a lot of money into their AIDS response, they cannot be completely absolved. 
 
 “Sustainability depends on domestic funding. Even in this hard economic environment, countries can at least lay down the enabling instruments that will grow over time and take over from donor funds when these funds dry up,” Zimbabwe’s Madzorera acknowledged. 
 
 “African governments are not doing enough at this stage,” he said, “and it cannot be allowed to be ‘business as usual’ in the face of this global economic crisis.” 

Read more on the impact of the HIV/AIDS funding crunch: http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?Indepthid=93&amp;reportid=94341
 
 kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Slippery justice for Niger Delta&apos;s polluted communities</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111300824340907t.jpg" />]]>PORT HARCOURT 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Residents of Ogoniland, in Rivers State, have been struggling since 2008 to hold oil companies and the Nigerian government to account for catastrophic pollution. Recent reports and NGOs say the longer communities wait for action to be taken, the worse the impact on people&apos;s health and livelihoods will get.</description><body><![CDATA[PORT HARCOURT 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Residents of Ogoniland, in Rivers State, have been struggling since 2008 to hold oil companies and the Nigerian government to account for catastrophic pollution. Recent reports and NGOs say the longer communities wait for action to be taken, the worse the impact on people's health and livelihoods will get. [ http://www.unep.org/nigeria/ ]

A report by Amnesty International, a human rights NGO, and the Centre for Environment, Human Rights and Development (CEHRD), a Nigerian NGO, examines delays in addressing oil pollution caused by two spills from Shell's oil pipelines in Bodo, a Delta community of 69,000 people, in 2008. [ http://www.amnesty.org/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/PUBLIC/Niger%20Delta%20True%20Tragedy%20EMBARGOED10Nov.pdf ]

The spills, which began in August and December 2008, each lasted for weeks before they were stopped. Royal Dutch Shell has accepted responsibility but local communities are still fighting for compensation and a clean-up of the oil that polluted water sources and destroyed livelihoods from fishing and farming.

This is not an isolated case, said Aster van Kregten, a researcher at Amnesty International.

A federal government committee looking into a study by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has submitted a report to the presidency, but the contents have not yet been made public. The UNEP study, released in August this year, revealed Ogoniland was so severely contaminated by oil pollution that a clean up could take up to 30 years and cost billions of dollars. [ http://www.unep.org/nigeria/ ] Ogoniland communities have criticized the committee for not visiting the area or consulting residents while compiling the report. [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201111210579.html ]

"If the UNEP report is put on the shelf, [the government] will send a message that all this means nothing, and people will think the only thing that works is violent action," said Ledum Mittee, president of Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), a peaceful activist group.

Militant groups in the Niger Delta, who were responsible for attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping oil workers but were pacified in an amnesty in 2009, appear to be preparing for renewed violence. Ex-militants and local NGOs say the root causes of the violence, including environmental destruction by oil companies, were not addressed by the amnesty. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94306 ]

Bigger risks

The longer people wait for clean-ups, the more the situation will deteriorate and the higher costs will be, warned Chris Newsom of Stakeholder Democracy Network, an advocacy group. He told IRIN that out of 10 communities where drinking water was found to be dangerously contaminated as a result of oil pollution, only two had been provided with safe water.

"If you don't do anything, liabilities go up every day because you're not acting on something you have been warned about," Newsom said. Residents already struggling financially due to damage to fishing and farming industries now have to buy water.

Contaminated water is not the only health concern - petroleum hydrocarbons can be absorbed from air and soil as well. UNEP has indicated there will likely be significant long-term impacts, although no comprehensive health study has been done yet. Anecdotal evidence points to respiratory problems, diarrhoea, rashes, a higher number of miscarriages and other health problems among Ogoniland residents.

In Bodo, damage to local industries has not only taken away people's livelihoods but has also led to other problems, say NGOs. Kregten argues that oil bunkering, where pipelines are tapped to extract and steal oil, only started in Bodo after the 2008 oil spills. Oil bunkering adds to oil pollution and endangers those who engage in it. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=81507 ]

"There was no bunkering when people had a way to earn money," she said. Patrick Naagbanton, the coordinator of CEHRD, agreed that the loss of income from farming and fishing means "people turn to what they can".

Education has also suffered, damaging long-term prospects for the community's children, said Kpoobari Patta, who works in youth affairs in Bodo. He told IRIN that as life becomes harder financially, people can no longer afford to pay school fees. He estimates that around 60 percent of Bodo's young people are not attending school.

Kabari Visigah, who lives in Bodo, said the rising cost of living made it hard for her to continue her university studies in Port Harcourt.

Oil companies set the tone

The difficulties the government faces in holding oil companies to account include weak institutions that are unable to enforce environmental standards, partly because the Nigerian economy relies on oil revenues, so companies are often left to set their own standards. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93685 ]

Tony Attah, vice president of health, safety and environment and corporate affairs for Shell Sub-Saharan Africa, said that as an international company, Shell's standards are uniform across all countries. But practices such as gas flaring - where gas associated with oil extraction is burnt off, adding to air pollution - continue in Nigeria, and Amnesty International points to delays in cleaning up the Bodo spills as just one example among many where the company has not adhered to its own standards.

Attah told IRIN a clean-up was done in Bodo after the 2008 spills, although full remediation is yet to take place, and blamed current visible oil pollution on bunkering. "Today, what you see there is the result of illegal activities," he said.

Martyn Day, of Leigh Day and Co Solicitors, a firm representing Bodo in seeking compensation in a British court, described this claim as "total nonsense". Kregten said all the evidence gathered by Amnesty International and CEHRD, including satellite images and witness testimony, "points to the 2008 spills as the main cause of the ongoing environmental devastation".

She said Shell repeatedly blames bunkering for oil spills, but as there is no independent monitoring it is impossible to verify these claims.

Independent monitoring

To address this, NGOs advocate stronger governance and independent monitoring to ensure responsible environmental practices.

Nigeria formed the National Oil Spill and Detection Agency (NOSDRA), in the Ministry of Environment, in 2006, but Kregten said the agency does not have the power to enforce good practices. "We looked at letters written from NOSDRA to Shell, and they are trying to make Shell clean up Bodo, but nothing happens," she told IRIN.

NOSDRA was a "good step forward", Kregten said, but it needed to be strengthened. Amnesty has recommended that the Nigerian government establish mechanisms for independent monitoring of the oil industry, and that NOSDRA impose effective penalties on oil companies for failing to adhere to regulations.

NOSDRA did not respond to repeated phones calls and emails from IRIN.

Overseas legal action

Communities have now begun to take their grievances to lawyers overseas. Earlier this year the Bodo community took Shell to court in the UK for the 2008 oil spills.

Shell has since accepted responsibility for the spills and the Bodo community is now seeking compensation. Solicitor Day told IRIN that part of the reason overseas action was an attractive option was because Nigerian courts "do not have a mechanism for bringing a case involving thousands of claimants".

In October, Ogale village in Rivers State filed a case against Shell in a US federal court, seeking US$1 billion in compensation for negligence. Ogale was described by UNEP as one of the world's most polluted places.

Some communities resort to Western courts due to a lack of faith in the Nigerian system, where lengthy delays make resolution difficult. Shell has also sometimes refused to comply with orders from Nigerian courts to end gas flaring or pay compensation, according to reports. [ http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hUubCtp1F1C1PrQBJqvdycMQm0Lw?docId=CNG.91dcaf68aa2ea962d1d2f574f976f3bc.11 ]

Amnesty's Kregten said, "Local communities and civil society are frustrated that they can't get justice here. The communities are becoming more vocal and looking for solutions elsewhere."

wb/aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94340</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111300824340907t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PORT HARCOURT 30 November 2011 (IRIN) - Residents of Ogoniland, in Rivers State, have been struggling since 2008 to hold oil companies and the Nigerian government to account for catastrophic pollution. Recent reports and NGOs say the longer communities wait for action to be taken, the worse the impact on people&apos;s health and livelihoods will get.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Jeffrey James: “We would kidnap white people to make the government listen to us”</title><pubDate>Fri, 25 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111250936290473t.jpg" />]]>WARRI 25 November 2011 (IRIN) - Frustrated by a lack of development and environmental degradation caused by oil extraction in the Niger Delta, Jeffrey James joined a militant group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, (MEND) and fought with them for seven years.</description><body><![CDATA[WARRI 25 November 2011 (IRIN) - Frustrated by a lack of development and environmental degradation caused by oil extraction in the Niger Delta, Jeffrey James joined a militant group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, (MEND) [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=8&reportid=58954 ] and fought with them for seven years. 
 
In 2009 he accepted the amnesty offered by the Nigerian government and has since undergone training in non-violence. He is now learning to do welding in a government-funded skills training programme for ex-militants, and receives an extra stipend from the federal government during training on top of the US$410 a month paid to all those in the amnesty programme. 
 
“I joined the militancy in 2002 because I come from an oil producing area, but we have no development, no school, no water, no nothing. They dredged our river [Opuekeba Creek in Delta State] and the sweet water is gone. The water we are drinking is salty, so people are dying and all the trees have died. 
 
“The government used the money meant to develop the area for their families and themselves. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93828 ] “The best thing we could do was to join the militancy so the government would look at us. 
 
“We destroyed oil pipes, and we would hijack and kidnap white people to make the government come and listen to us. When the government would come to talk to us we would release them. 
 
“There was money involved because we were feeding them [hostages], so we must be paid when we gave them back. They paid a lot of money, but I don’t remember [how much.] We would keep them hostage for maybe ten days. No-one was injured, nobody died. Everybody got free.
 
“We took amnesty because the federal government came and talked to us and listened to what we want. We need development, [but] there’s no development - they never did anything. They said they would develop the villages; I don’t know whether they will do it or not.
 
“I don’t really know [if I would fight again]; it’s only God who knows. I know that God will still fight for us.
 
“Everybody [I fought with] accepted amnesty. Many people have finished training. Some are still sitting at home and have no work; some are struggling to get a job. 
 
“I can see a different life now, and I’m thinking about school. I feel bad because we destroyed our home [damaging the oil infrastructure added to pollution]. [But] the federal government treated us like animals, and an angry man does anything to survive.” 
 
wb/aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94305</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111250936290473t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WARRI 25 November 2011 (IRIN) - Frustrated by a lack of development and environmental degradation caused by oil extraction in the Niger Delta, Jeffrey James joined a militant group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, (MEND) and fought with them for seven years.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: What will follow Boko Haram?</title><pubDate>Thu, 24 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111241143350379t.jpg" />]]>MAIDUGURI 24 November 2011 (IRIN) - Across the road from Maiduguri railway station, in the corner of a now abandoned property, a leafy neem tree provides a canopy for the remains of a mosque flattened by the Nigerian army.</description><body><![CDATA[MAIDUGURI 24 November 2011 (IRIN) - Across the road from Maiduguri railway station, in the corner of a now abandoned property, a leafy neem tree provides a canopy for the remains of a mosque flattened by the Nigerian army.

The mosque had belonged to Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad), better known as Boko Haram - loosely translated from Hausa, the lingua franca of northern Nigeria, as "western education is forbidden". 

Its destruction followed coordinated attacks by Boko Haram militants against police stations and government buildings in four northern states in July 2009. After several days of fighting, more than 800 people were dead, including the Salafist group's leader, 39-year-old cleric Mohamed Yusuf, killed while in police custody. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93250 ]

Boko Haram's revenge was dramatic. Seen initially as an insular local sect - one of many in the north - it reached out of Borno State, on the fringes of the Sahel, to bomb the Nigerian capital, Abuja, and make common cause with the global Jihadist movement. Western governments are scrambling to provide counter-insurgency training to confront the group, which views the Nigerian state as illegitimate, and demands Sharia law even in the southern half of the country where the majority is non-Muslim. [ http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/tag/boko-haram/ ]

There is a heavy security presence in Maiduguri, the northeastern city where Boko Haram began, in a region that has been a centre of Islamic learning for centuries. But the militants are seen as faceless and ruthless, easily able to outwit the Joint Task Force (JTF), a federal unit comprising army, police and customs officials, who make up for their lack of operational intelligence with a wholly counter-productive willingness to use lethal force.

"Almost everybody is affected in this town, either directly or indirectly by the violence," said a medical doctor, who, like almost everyone IRIN spoke to, asked not to be named. "The soldiers don't discriminate, don't define who is the enemy, and we don't even know if they are protecting us or intimidating us."

The large Christian community takes a different view. There are three bullet holes in the signboard of the Church of the Brethren, next to a sand-bagged emplacement manned by soldiers. Assistant Pastor Joshua Bulus acknowledges the excesses of the JTF, but reasons: "If the soldiers were removed from the state, this church wouldn't be here." It is one of 11 that have been attacked in Maiduguri since 2009, although it is not clear all the violence has been the work of Boko Haram.

Rooted in education

Yusuf founded Boko Haram in 2002, but the philosophical roots of the movement stretch much further back. British colonial rulers had conspired with Nigeria's northern aristocratic establishment to keep missionary schools out of the north; the schools that did exist were met with antagonism and labelled Boko - literally "deception", seen as a means to convert Muslim youth. Yusuf's followers do not reject education per se, only the parts of the curriculum - such as evolution - that do not correspond with the Koran. 

But there is an enduring distrust of western education [ http://www.gamji.com/tilde/tilde99.htm ]. Today, out of choice, millions of northern children are still schooled under the Almajirai system, attached to a Koranic teacher (with possibly only a shaky understanding of the text) to learn by rote for years [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201110160010.html ]. The children support themselves and their mentor by begging, a mendicant tradition prone to abuse, and which, according to analyst Innocent Chukwuma of the Cleen Foundation, has left the north educationally disadvantaged. [ http://cleen.org/ ]

There has historically been a counter-argument to Boko Haram from within Nigeria's Islamic traditions [ http://www.josuga.org/?q=node/29 ]. The 19th century jihad by the Dan Fodios, who conquered the north, aimed for enlightened Islam and replacing the region's corrupt potentates with the rule of scholars. Two hundred years ago, in an echo of the current debate, Abdullahi Dan Fodio was chastised in verse by a man from Borno for allowing women into education. He replied in the same meter and rhyme that ignorance was the greater evil. [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdullahi_dan_Fodio ]

Politically there has also been a tradition of northern progressive movements that up until the 1980s championed the rights of the "talakawa" (commoners) against a feudal conservative establishment seen as responsible for their poverty [ http://www.nigeriaplus.com/understanding-boko-haram-a-theology-of-chaos-by-chris-ngwodo/ ]. There is no longer a secular alternative voice to Nigeria's money-grubbing, vote-fixing, political system [ http://www.hrw.org/node/101018/section/2 ]. The northeast region is Nigeria's poorest. The literacy rate for women in Borno is just 12 percent, immunization coverage for children aged 12-23 months a minuscule 2 percent. [ http://www.unicef.org/nigeria/ng_publications_North_East_zonal_fact_sheet_(English).pdf ]

"It is this vacuum created by the neutralization of progressive forces that extremist cults are now seeking to fill," writes Nigerian analyst Chris Ngwodo. "It is their advocacy of the cause of the poor and their opposition to social injustice that lends these groups their appeal."

The hereafter can have a fatal attraction if you are poor: "The first suicide bomber [responsible for blowing up the UN building in Abuja on 26 August 2011] was a roadside mechanic - he left five million Naira [US$31,000] to his family," one state-employed worker told IRIN. [ http://blueprintng.com/index/2011/09/face-of-un-house-bomber/ ] And for believers, the promise of an authentic, egalitarian Sharia law (as opposed to the elite-serving "political Sharia" introduced by 12 state governors) is the antithesis of the immorality and dysfunction of the Nigerian state, loathed by so many of its citizens. [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3675160.stm ]

Boko Haram's revivalist message resonates at the grassroots in a country where religious fundamentalism in general is on the march. "Before the violence, people liked the way they worshipped," a university student in Maiduguri told IRIN. She added: "They are not corrupt, they don't tell lies, they're sincere, and they don't fear anybody."

Brooking no criticism

As Boko Haram's populist support grew, so did their intolerance of criticism, even when it came from leading Muslim clerics. The propensity for violence cowed more learned and moderate voices: "Anybody who comes out against them they kill," one lawyer explained. [ http://www.ietonline.org/Documents/PDF/The%20Boko%20Haram%20Tragedy%20-%2026%20FAQs%20by%20DCCN.pdf ]

Boko Haram has played a role in Borno's murky and thuggish party politics, despite the group's rejection of the Nigerian political system. According to political analyst Hussaini Abdu, former state governor Ali Modu Sheriff allied himself with the group for political advantage, appointed an influential member Buju Foi as his commissioner of religious affairs in 2007, only to fall out with them after Foi resigned. Intimidation by the state authorities, which also avoided calling for federal help, led finally to the events of July 2009.

The head of Boko Haram now is Abubakar Shekau, generally regarded as more radical than Yusuf. With identity politics and communal frictions in Nigeria's northern cities and the Middle Belt erupting in regular and terrible violence, his message is that Boko Haram will protect Muslims everywhere. IRIN has seen a video in which Shekau intones over images of burnt and swollen corpses that the Nigerian state is complicit in the repression of Muslims, although the death toll in the tit-for-tat violence is far from one-sided. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89243 ]

"This is something new, they want to be seen as the champions of Muslims. Shekau delivers brilliant poetry on how Muslims are repressed and are the victims of the Nigerian state, but it's to mobilize support and get the radical youth to join them," said Abdu.

President Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian southerner, won a bitter election contest in 2011. Many in the north argued that it was a northerner's turn (his predecessor, Musa Yar'Adua, died in office in 2010 before the end of his first term). The conspiracy theorists mutter that Boko Haram is deliberately cultivated by politicians to pressure the Jonathan administration, and forestall any thought he may have of extending his term in office.

"If you approach security from this perspective [this crisis] is going to consume you," said Abdu. "You are not going to win allies because you behave subtly or openly from this warped theory. You have to deal with this problem in a very strategic and sophisticated manner."

Seeking a settlement

Shehu Sani of Nigeria's Civil Rights Congress was part of a peace initiative by former president Olusegun Obasanjo to reach out to Boko Haram. He believes that despite the group's radicalism, a settlement is possible. According to Sani, the main demands are for the release of all their members in detention, compensation for those killed (including those slain extra-judicially by the police), and the rebuilding of their mosques and houses. [ http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2010/02/2010298114949112.html ]

There is support in Nigeria for negotiations. According to a survey in August by the Alliance for Credible Elections and the Cleen Foundation, 58 percent of Nigerians want dialogue. When disaggregated by region, support in the northeast was overwhelming, with 80 percent favouring talks.

"Obasanjo took the demands of Boko Haram to Jonathan, but it's clear that President Jonathan believes more in the use of force," said Sani. "For now the links are down between the security agencies and the group."

With Boko Haram's Jihadist credentials burnished by the UN bombing in August that killed 23 people, Sani foresees greater links to Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb, as the Boko Haram leadership shura floats between Chad, Niger and northern Cameroon. There is real concern that weapons from the Libyan conflict will inevitably funnel south.

Chukwuma of the Cleen Foundation contrasts the lack of dialogue to the approach the Yar'Adua government - in which Jonathan was vice-president - adopted for the militants in the Niger Delta, who were offered amnesty and cash payments. "Speak to any northern leader and everybody is saying dialogue, respond to their requests like was done in the Delta. But I'm not seeing any interest on the part of the government to protect those [leaders] who will work with them." 

He fears that given the disconnect between the state and its citizens, the lesson for other groups with a grievance is that violence pays. "There is a trend in this country in which people believe that taking up arms is the only way they will be listened to and their issues resolved... There are other groups waiting in the wings."

oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94296</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111241143350379t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAIDUGURI 24 November 2011 (IRIN) - Across the road from Maiduguri railway station, in the corner of a now abandoned property, a leafy neem tree provides a canopy for the remains of a mosque flattened by the Nigerian army.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
