<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Myanmar</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 07:30:51 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Helping displaced children in rebel-held parts of Kachin</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305200656420349t.jpg" />]]>KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children&apos;s laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them.</description><body><![CDATA[KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children's laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them. 

The playground-cum-learning centre is one of six new “child-friendly spaces” that local NGO Wing Pawng Ningthoi (WPN) has built in IDP camps in Kachin State. 

“Most of the children come from conflict zones, but when we ask them about their experiences, many of them don’t know how to answer and just stare in silence,” WPN’s Mary Tawm, who oversees food and shelter assistance for about 10,000 IDPs in six camps controlled by the KIA, told IRIN. 

But these children are also the lucky ones. 

"Thousands of children have been affected by the conflict in Kachin State,” said James Gray, a child protection specialist for the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 

While the agency had been able to provide support and assistance to separated and unaccompanied children and those in need of psychosocial support over the past 18 months in government-controlled areas, he said, “UNICEF is concerned about the situation of children in the non-government controlled areas, where access is difficult, and children are without child protection interventions.” 

“The children’s [psychological] needs are not being met because these are the kind of things that are secondary to food and shelter,” said Oddney Gumaer, international advocacy director of Partners Relief and Development, [ http://www.partnersworld.org/ ] one of the few international NGOs to gain access to KIA-controlled territory. 

“In the Western world when there is a crisis or disaster there are psychologists and crisis teams at the location almost immediately and we get all the needed follow-up right away. But for these people there is no support like that,” she explained. 

Protracted displacement 

The children were displaced, like thousands of others, after a ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIA collapsed in June 2011. Many are traumatized, having witnessed acts of violence. 

According to the UN, over 83,000 residents are displaced in Kachin State, including 47,000 (56 percent) in KIA-controlled areas. This number, however, does not include those living with host families or the many who fled to neighbouring Shan State. 

Many of the IDPs have been displaced for a long time, some for over 20 months, triggering renewed and additional needs for basic services and protection, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said in its most recent humanitarian update. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Ref_Doc_UNOCHA_Myanmar_Humanitarian_Bulletin_March_2013.pdf ] 

To help provide support for children in KIA-controlled areas, WPN is working with local workers from Save the Children in the six centres, and hopes to follow up with more assistance in future.

“Providing a protected environment where children can engage and participate in activities and interact in a more normal situation where they are protected from physical harm is key,” said Kelly Stevenson, Save the Children's Myanmar country manager. 

The pre-school set-up provides more of a group learning environment - similar to a classroom - to help many of the children build up their self-esteem and confidence, Stevenson explained. 

To help bring more awareness of children's basic rights, WPN has also organized several workshops for staff and volunteers, as well as camp residents. But for now, giving children the opportunity of interacting and playing together in a safe environment is proving helpful. 

According to the Laiza-based Relief Action Network for IDPs and Refugees (RANIR), [ http://www.ranirkachin.net/ ] an umbrella group of 11 NGOs and community-based organizations working in KIA-controlled areas, the quality of the humanitarian response in areas outside government control is well below international standards due to a lack of funding and limited access. 

ss/ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98083/Helping-displaced-children-in-rebel-held-parts-of-Kachin</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305200656420349t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KACHIN STATE 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Children&apos;s laughter rings out from bamboo huts along the perimeter of the Lana Zup Ja camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in a part of Myanmar’s Kachin State controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA): A group of pre-schoolers are playing in a plywood hut, seemingly oblivious to the squalid conditions surrounding them.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Evacuation volunteers fan out in Bangladesh</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160959430064t.jpg" />]]>DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far.</description><body><![CDATA[DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far. 

“We’ve been working here for the last couple of days,” Joydev Dutt, a Red Crescent volunteer from Barguna District, told IRIN. He has spent hours riding around on his bicycle in heavy rain with a megaphone hurled over his shoulder. “People are responding to our warning. Almost all people in this cyclone-prone area have been evacuated.” 

According to local government officials, 700,000 to 800,000 people have been evacuated in 13 coastal districts under the country’s Cyclone Preparedness Programme (CPP), operated jointly by the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society and the government. 

The programme operates an extensive telecommunications network, including radio comunication between volunteers and CPP headquarters in Dhaka. 

To receive meteorological storm warnings, each of the 3,291 unit team leaders is provided with a transistor radio. To disseminate warning signals within the community, each team, comprised of 15 volunteers, is given a megaphone, a hand siren, a flag, and a signal light, while team leaders also get a bicycle or motorcycle, depending on the terrain and remoteness of the area. 

Bangladesh Minister of Disaster Management and Relief Abul Hassan Mahmud Ali said the government had finalized all necessary preparations. 

“At least 3,770 shelters [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/76490/BANGLADESH-Cyclone-shelters-save-lives-but-more-needed ] are ready to protect cyclone-affected people. The government also instructed the authorities concerned to prepare all primary schools in coastal areas to shelter affected people,” he said, adding that all public holidays for local government workers had been cancelled. 

The government has also prepared one medical team for every union (smallest administrative unit), two for every sub-district and five for every district, while 100 tons of food will be provided to each of the 13 districts at risk. Twenty-two naval ships are on standby to assist in the rescue operation, he said. 

The category-1 cyclone, with wind gusts of 85-90km per hour over the next 24-36 hours, is expected to hit just north of Chittagong, near the border with Myanmar, according to an update issued on 15 May [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/un-ocha-flash-update-5-cyclone-mahasen-bangladesh-and-myanmar ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 

All port operations, as well as flights into Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar have been cancelled. 

According to the latest estimates, more than four million people are living in high risk areas (districts of Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar). 

Myanmar 

Evacuation efforts are also under way in neighbouring Myanmar’s Rakhine State, where more than 140,000 Muslim Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] were displaced during two bouts of sectarian violence in 2012. 

“We are assisting the relocation in some areas by working with the communities and the state government to move vulnerable people to safer ground quickly, based on the principles of voluntariness and safety,” said Barbara Manzi, OCHA’s head of office in Sittwe. 

According to government figures released on 15 May, more than 35,500 people have been relocated from Sittwe, Minby, Myauk U, Kyauktaw, Rathedaung, Myebon and Pauktaw (townships) since 13 May, in line with stage 1 of the government’s three-stage disaster preparedness plan. 

The internally displace persons (IDPs) are being relocated to higher ground and, where possible, will be temporarily housed in government buildings, schools and mosques. 

“There has been some resistance by local residents and IDPs,” Myanmar's presidential spokesman Ye Htut said. “However, it’s imperative for everyone in the community to work together on this.” 

Burmese authorities are now calling on ethnic Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingyas to set aside their differences and come together, given the potential for a humanitarian crisis. 

Earlier this week, one of several boats carrying IDPs from a flood-prone and exposed camp off the coast of Rakhine struck rocks and capsized. Fifty-eight people are missing, feared drowned, the government says. 

mw/ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98046/Evacuation-volunteers-fan-out-in-Bangladesh</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160959430064t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DHAKA 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Some 50,000 volunteers in coastal communities across southern Bangladesh are out and about warning people to move to higher ground ahead of Cyclone Mahasen. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated so far.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Landmine casualties rising in Kachin, Myanmar</title><pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305150926290145t.jpg" />]]>LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State.</description><body><![CDATA[LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State. 

“The artificial leg that I was given last year doesn't fit properly and it rubs on my stump causing a lot of pain,” he said in a hospital in Laiza, the de facto capital of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which has been fighting for greater autonomy from the Burmese government for the past six decades. 

According to rebel Kachin surgeon Brang Sawng, such stories are common and the number of landmine injuries is on the rise. 

“More than 45 soldiers who have had amputations because of landmines over the last two years urgently need prosthetics and replacements,” said Sawng. “The number one injury is caused by landmines, with both Burmese troops and Kachin soldiers mistakenly stepping on their own mines.” 

While neither side has published any official figures on civilian landmine casualties, media reports and information from NGOs indicate there were at least 381 landmine casualties, including 84 deaths in 2011. However, international experts say the real number could be significantly higher. 

"No armed group - neither the army nor any ethnic armed group [in Myanmar] - provides any public information on casualties, especially civilian ones. This is not unusual,” Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, a researcher with the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) [ http://www.icbl.org/intro.php ], told IRIN. 

Many observers fear a rise in civilian casualties - and prosthetics are not the only thing in short supply. 

“For many of the operations we need blood transfusions, but we have no emergency blood bank or reserve so we are forced to operate without blood replacement,” the doctor Brang Sawng explained outside the recovery room of Laiza’s main military hospital. 

According to a recent report [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2012/03/20/untold-miseries ] by Human Rights Watch (HRW), both government troops and the KIA still use landmines. 

“These are weapons that will continue to maim and kill for years to come and I would be surprised if both sides are capable of mapping and following where they actually placed these mines,” said Phil Robertson, deputy director of HRW’s Asia division. “The answer is for both sides to cease using anti-personal landmines.” 

Off limits 

The collapse of a 17-year-old ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIA in June 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95616/MYANMAR-Kachin-conflict-continues-one-year-on ], has left more than 80,000 displaced. 

For Kachin farmers like Naw Tarong, who fled his home more than a year ago with his wife and three children, leaving behind crops and cattle, the chances of returning home soon look remote. 

“We cannot return home because KIA soldiers have planted landmines around our village to keep the Burmese out, and they have warned us not to go back yet,” Naw Tarong said, adding that some of his cattle had stepped on them and been killed. 

ICBL’s Moser-Puangsuwan said many civilians (mainly subsistence farmers) set off the mines while returning to their fields or foraging in the forest. “Combatants in Myanmar/Burma do not generally mark their mined areas… A deadly hazard exists.” 

Currently, Myanmar has no specific policy to support landmine victims during treatment and rehabilitation, and emergency services in conflict areas are “extremely limited”, according to a 2012 Landmine Monitor report [ http://www.the-monitor.org/custom/index.php/region_profiles/print_theme/2027 ].

As of 1 October 2012, 160 countries (over 80 percent of the world’s governments) have ratified or acceded to the Mine Ban Treaty, and 111 have signed or ratified the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Myanmar [ http://www.the-monitor.org/custom/index.php/region_profiles/print_profile/536 ] has signed up to neither. 

ss/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98040/Landmine-casualties-rising-in-Kachin-Myanmar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305150926290145t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAIZA 15 May 2013 (IRIN) - Former rebel fighter Lahpai Hkam has been in pain every day since a landmine destroyed his lower right leg during a battle with government soldiers 18 months ago in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rohingya evacuation under way in Myanmar</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305020948390988t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN. 

“At this point, we are all working against the clock,” Kirsten Mildren, a spokeswoman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN on 14 May in Bangkok. “Thirteen thousand have already been moved. It’s estimated another 25,000 will be moved today.” 

Mahasen [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98024/Bangladesh-Myanmar-brace-for-Cyclone-Mahasen ] is expected to make landfall on 16 May, striking Bangladesh, Myanmar's western Rakhine State, and parts of India. Millions could be affected. 

“It’s really hard at this stage to second-guess the storm path or what its intensity will be when it hits land. It’s changing all the time,” said Mildren. “Needless to say we need to prepare for any possibility.” 

Under Stage 1 of the government’s three-stage disaster preparedness plan, provisions to move upwards of 38,000 persons at risk (IDPs and non IDPs) began on 13 May in the northern Rakhine townships of Sittwe, Pauktaw, Khauktaw, as well as rural areas where many are living in makeshift shelters. 

From there, the displaced are relocated to higher ground and where possible, temporarily housed in government buildings, schools, and mosques. 

In the event the storm increases in severity, Stage 2 of the government’s plan will be activated - including the relocation of more than 100,000 IDPs, as well as non-IDPs living in high risk areas. 

“All options, including staying with host families, are being considered,” Mildren said, noting that UN staff are on the ground and monitoring the evacuation to ensure people are fully informed of what is happening, are allowed to take some of their belongings with them, and that families stay together. 

Most locations are within 60 minutes’ walk from their current locations. In areas where the distances are further, the government is providing transport. 

“It’s a massive logistics operation,” she said. 

Calls for swift action 

Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has issued an urgent call for the Burmese government to step up its evacuation of the Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ], who were displaced by two waves of sectarian violence in 2012. 

Violence between Buddhists and Muslims in June and October 2012 left 167 dead and hundreds injured. At least 140,000 were displaced, says the government, with more than 10,000 homes and businesses burned or destroyed. 

“If the government fails to evacuate those at risk, any disaster that will result will not be natural, but man-made,” warned Brad Adams, HRW’s Asia director. 

Oxfam has echoed the need for swift action. 

“Oxfam welcomes the steps being taken by the government to ensure all affected communities including those displaced by ethnic conflict are relocated to safe places, but swifter action is needed to ensure people are moved before the storm hits,” said Jane Lonsdale, acting country director for Oxfam in Myanmar. “It is essential that humanitarian principles are adhered to in moving all affected populations safely to suitable locations and that no one is left out.” 

According to OCHA, identifying suitable relocation sites is the biggest challenge for the government. The situation is particularly acute in 13 camps in Sittwe (40,000 people), Pauktaw (20,000 people), and Myebon (3,900) where there are sizeable risks of flooding. Another 5,000 IDPs are not in appropriate shelters to withstand the rains. 

On 13 May a boat said to be evacuating up to 200 Rohingya Muslims capsized off the west coast of Myanmar - though it is not clear whether this was part of the official evacuation operation. 

ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98034/Rohingya-evacuation-under-way-in-Myanmar</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305020948390988t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar has launched a large-scale effort to relocate to higher ground tens of thousands of Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) ahead of Cyclone Mahasen, says the UN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Bangladesh, Myanmar brace for Cyclone Mahasen</title><pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305130811540320t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned. 

“We are fully prepared and coordination systems are in place,” Mohammad Abdul Wazed, additional secretary of the Bangladesh Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, told IRIN on 13 May from Dhaka, noting that local disaster management committees at district and sub-district level had already been activated. 

“Starting yesterday, we have been broadcasting storm warnings every 30 minutes,” said Myanmar's presidential spokesman Ye Htut. “As a precautionary effort, some people in low-lying areas of Rakhine State have already relocated.” 

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), a red storm alert remains in effect for Mahasen, also known as tropical Cyclone O1B, just east-northeast of Sri Lanka, now moving northwards across the Bay of Bengal towards both countries. 

Set to reach land on 16 May, the storm is expected to strike just south of the Bangladesh port city of Chittagong, but could, depending upon its final trajectory, bring life-threatening conditions for millions of people in northeast India, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s Rakhine State, OCHA warned on 12 May [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/bangladesh-myanmar-tropical-cyclone-mahasen-ocha-flash-update-2-12-may-2013 ].

Bangladesh 

Over the past week, parts of northeast India and Bangladesh have received 6-12 inches of rainfall so additional heavy rain will likely produce widespread flooding and possible mudslides. In the coastal Bangladesh city of Chittagong, a city of 2.5 million people, more than 15 inches of rain were recorded in the past eight days. 

Currently, the cyclone alert signal remains at Level 3 (out of 6), whereby fishermen are advised to return from sea. Once Level 4 is reached, a meeting of the cyclone preparedness committee (headed by the secretary of the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief and made up of representatives of government, Red Cross and civil society) takes place, at which point plans for evacuations will be made, Wazed explained. 

“We think Level 4 may be announced today,” he said, adding that he was awaiting word from the Bangladesh Meteorology Department. 

To date, the Department of Disaster Management has initiated preparations covering: vulnerability and risk analysis - with regular monitoring of the cyclone’s trajectory; pre-positioning of emergency relief items; information management; local level preparedness; and resource mobilization. 

Currently, humanitarian agencies in Bangladesh are revising their contingency plans for all 13 districts in the cyclone belt, including the pre-positioning of stocks in areas deemed most vulnerable. 

Myanmar 

The Burmese government is taking similar action. The Met Office is warning of heavy rain in the central region, especially in the townships of Magway, Sagaing and Mandalay, with a risk of landslides and flooding if the cyclone passes through coastal areas of western Rakhine State. 

On 15 May, rain and a thunderstorm have been predicted in the morning, followed by increasing wind and rain, as well as flash flooding later in the day. 

Aid workers are particularly concerned about the 140,000 mostly Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in makeshift camps in Rakhine, many of them in low-lying coastal areas susceptible to tidal surges. 

“The potential impact of the cyclone could vastly increase this risk,” said Jane Lonsdale, acting country director for Oxfam in Myanmar. “It is vital that the government takes swift action to ensure all communities, including those that are currently displaced, are in safe locations in preparation for the potential impact,” she said - a call the government has already begun to heed. 

“The government has been very proactive and assigned responsibility to the Rakhine State Government who immediately activated the emergency response committee at state and township levels, and activated their Disaster Reduction Plan which includes relocation and evacuation plans. They have developed a three-stage action process, depending on the severity of the storm, with the third stage being evacuation of a large number of IDPs using military assets,” said Kirsten Mildren, a spokeswoman for OCHA in Bangkok. 

In March, UN agencies and NGOs in Rakhine developed a Preparedness Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/inter-agency-preparednesscontingency-plan-rakhine-state-myanmar-march-2013 ] for the country’s annual rainy season, which includes contingencies for storms such as this. The plan identifies the immediate shelter needs of 69,000 people living in the most vulnerable low-lying areas as the top priority: They live in flood-prone camps and/or tents and makeshift shelters which will not withstand the rains. 

According to experts, cyclones that have hit Bangladesh and Myanmar in the past have proven particularly deadly. In 2008, Tropical Cyclone Nargis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92616/MYANMAR-Three-years-later-still-no-shelter ] left more than 100,000 dead in southern Myanmar, while in 1991, Cyclone Marian [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96555/BANGLADESH-Cyclone-shelters-for-livestock-too ] killed more than 100,000 in Bangladesh. 

ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98024/Bangladesh-Myanmar-brace-for-Cyclone-Mahasen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305130811540320t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 13 May 2013 (IRIN) - Bangladesh and Myanmar are bracing for Cyclone Mahasen, a storm which could affect millions in the region, the UN has warned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Getting governments to cough up for DRR</title><pubDate>Thu, 09 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301091116460112t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.

And yet a report [ https://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/WEB%20Humanitarianism%20in%20the%20Network%20Age%20vF%20single.pdf ] published last month by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said DRR funding accounts for only 3 percent of humanitarian aid and just 1 percent of all other development assistance.

Last year (seen as a relatively quiet year by natural disaster experts), the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) [ http://cred01.epid.ucl.ac.be/f/CredCrunch31.pdf ] recorded 310 natural disasters, leading to 9,930 deaths affecting 106 million people.

In total in the last three years, disasters have caused more than US$300 billion of recorded damage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ].

So, if the scale of the damage is not in dispute, why is DRR not better resourced? Has the funding argument not yet been won?

Improving funding

“Funding is a challenge,” said Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme (UNDP).

“DRR doesn’t always get sufficient funding. Sometimes the donors don’t put a priority on disaster risk. They don’t always come through. So, I think we need even more attention.”

But natural disaster experts are emphatic that DRR funding is fundamentally a good investment. Estimates vary about how much can be saved, but the most conservative figures say that every $1 spent on DRR is worth $4 later on.

One example of the difference preparation can make is in what is now Bangladesh where in 1970 the Bhola cyclone killed up to 500,000 people. Nearly four decades later when another destructive storm hit (Cyclone Aila, 2009), early warning systems, hundreds of cyclone shelters, and disaster volunteer networks helped keep the country’s death toll below 200.

When natural hazards meet unprepared communities, populations are left extremely vulnerable, as seen when Cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar in 2008, a country without early warning systems or storm shelters.

Perceptions of the importance of disaster preparedness vary from country to country.

“In Japan people understand this is money well spent,” Kimio Takeya, visiting senior adviser for the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), told IRIN, saying the country had been buffeted by earthquakes, typhoons and floods in the last 50 years: “Everything hit Japan.”

This follows a clear pattern. Governments find it difficult to appreciate risk and the need for risk reduction, until disaster strikes.

Changing perceptions

“I suppose that if we had won the argument [about DRR funding], we wouldn’t be making the case for increased donor commitment anymore as much as we do, so I guess the simple answer is no, we haven’t won it yet. But I do also believe that it is changing,” said Jo Scheuer, team leader for DRR and recovery at UNDP.

“The recent events, including in Japan and US, have shown clearly that they disasters affect everybody. It is an increasing risk that we are facing, particularly in terms of climate change, and if you look at the global discussions around also humanitarian aid and the resilience debate, there is a clear movement - I would say a political will - to move away from just responding to humanitarian crises or disasters, to actually building resilience.”

For donors, agencies like UNDP make the argument that DRR spending can be a means of reducing the long-term emergency humanitarian aid needed annually to deal with each new natural disaster.

“Donors are now increasingly putting money into preparedness and resilience, so that there aren’t only these millions of dollars that are for response, but that you can actually prepare countries beforehand for building their resilience, particularly in urban cities, where there’s growing infrastructure and the risk of massive potential economic damage,” Aditi Banerjee, disaster risk management specialist in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region at the World Bank, told IRIN.

But beyond donors, experts say there needs to be a change of attitude in governments, which find it difficult to reallocate funds from areas like health and education to DRR.

“Of course it is very difficult to convince the political leaders or the people to spend money before the disaster. This needs something like far-sightedness,” said Takeya.

He has been looking at the impact of DRR spending on GDP growth. “We are modelling and trying to calculate and analyse for each country. There’s a definite positive pattern - we can show the evidence that… your GDP growth will go down without DRR investment,” he said.

Convincing governments that they are not yet spending what they should on DRR is crucial, said Longworth.

“The sustainability of DRR is when budget-holders, whether they be governments, local governments, or other entities actually start re-orientating their budget allocations to DRR, and that’s why we’re putting so much attention on the economic case. It is absolutely well established now that the scale of economic losses from disasters justifies significantly more investment in reducing risks.”

More data, a growing awareness of the link between the scale of a disaster and preparedness, and international initiatives like the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), agreed in January 2005 just after the Indian Ocean tsunami, have helped change perceptions about DRR.

For Banerjee at the World Bank, even in the MENA region, which has been less affected by natural disasters than others, thinking is clearly changing.

“To me this shift has been the most intense in MENA, because MENA is not typically a region that is like Asia or Latin America that is hit by a disaster every few months. It’s hit by big disasters but over time, which is why sometimes the institutional memory is forgotten. But in the five years that I’ve been here there’s been so much more dialogue on this.”

Using climate funds

One potential source of funding for DRR projects that garnered a lot of interest from delegates at March’s first DRR conference in the Arab world [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters ] is climate change resource streams.

“This is already happening. If you look at some of the projects, programmes, entities that have been funded from the various existing financial instruments related to climate change adaptation, many of those activities are actually classic DRR activities - from early warning systems to agricultural livelihood measures and so on,” said Scheuer.

The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is in charge of three climate funds: the Adaptation Fund, the Least Developed Countries Fund, and the Special Climate Change Fund, set up under the Kyoto Protocol to offset the negative effects of climate change in the developed world.

The first two projects [ http://irinnews.org/Report/90571/CLIMATE-CHANGE-Adaptation-Fund-starts-delivering ] under the Adaptation Fund were to help handle rising sea levels in Senegal, and water management in Honduras.

Another recent US$7.6 million project in northern Pakistan funded by the Adaptation Fund is to help communities better prepare for sudden glacial lake flooding.

“If it’s rising sea levels, or depleted water table, when you address it, you are reducing the risk, you’re also anticipating what’s coming in terms of global warming,” said Longworth.

Several Pacific countries are drawing up joint strategies at a national level to tackle DRR and climate change adaptation together.

“The issue here is not that you get a transfer from the climate pots into the disaster pots of money. The issue is that programmatically and substantively speaking, we make sure that we have the synergies between those two funding streams,” said Scheuer.

“It doesn’t matter where the money comes from; it matters that we address the issue of risk and build resilience,” he said.

But preparedness is not all about big money - much DRR work, experts stress, can be relatively cheap things like training volunteers, teaching basic first aid techniques, and making better use of tools like mobile phones that many people already have.

Sometimes it can even just be a question of remembering former ways of living that were more resilient in terms of natural hazards.

In Japan, flood prone areas in traditional communities normally had an elevated building somewhere in the area that people could escape to, with second floors commonly storing a boat to help residents escape.

Build back better

In reality, it is very difficult for governments to grasp the value of DRR until they have been the victim of a major disaster.

In the case of Algeria, it was only after the Boumerdès earthquake of 2003 and the deaths of around 3,500 people that the government beefed up regulations for the construction of schools and hospitals, according to Hichem Imouche from the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The same thing happened after the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake, which levelled most of Tokyo. Building regulations were strengthened again in Japan after the Great Hanshin earthquake near the city of Kobe in 1995; rubber blocks were placed under bridges and earthquake proof shelters constructed.

“Once disaster happens it is of course a bad situation but it is a chance to revise the way of thinking,” said Takeya.

No doubt the debate will move forward when DRR experts and officials meet on 19-23 May for the Fourth Session of the Global Platform for DRR [ http://www.preventionweb.net/globalplatform/2013/ ] in Geneva, Switzerland.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98003/Analysis-Getting-governments-to-cough-up-for-DRR</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301091116460112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 09 May 2013 (IRIN) - Investing in preparation for potential disasters is a “no brainer”, Elizabeth Longworth, director of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), told a recent disaster risk reduction (DRR) conference in Aqaba, Jordan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Activists call for review of Myanmar’s citizenship law</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810264t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar&apos;s citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar's citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4877d6.html ].

“The 1982 citizenship law should be amended to reflect basic principles of human rights, including equality and non-discrimination,” Debbie Stothard, the coordinator for Altsean Burma [ http://www.altsean.org/ ], a Bangkok-based advocacy organization for minority rights in Myanmar, told IRIN. 

There are no reliable data on the number of stateless people in Myanmar; the last population census [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97609/Challenges-ahead-of-Myanmar-s-first-census-in-30-years ] was conducted more than three decades ago, according to the UN Population Fund [ http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/myanmar/2009/11/11/1545/country_profile/ ]. But rights groups believe that in addition to some 800,000 stateless Rohingya in Myanmar's western Rakhine State, ethnic groups originating from China and India are also disenfranchised by the law, facing persecution without legal redress. 

“The law creates a permanent underclass that is exploited with impunity, creating significant resentments [liable to] explode when security forces take advantage of the legal vulnerability of stateless persons through abuse,” said Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch's (HRW) Asia division. 

While all persons born on Burmese soil were considered citizens under the country's earlier 1948 citizenship law, General Ne Win's seizure of power in 1962 led to policies that excluded communities whose ancestors entered the country after 1823 [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=3ae6b4f71b ]. 

The constitution established by Ne Win in 1974 listed 135 “national races” - including the Karen, Shan and Kachin - while excluding all “non-indigenous” minorities. 

Eight years later, the citizenship law, which recognizes only the children of national races as full citizens, was established, leading to limited rights for non-recognized groups such as the Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ]. 

Parliament blocks amendments 

Despite repeated calls for change, including a recent attempt to amend the law on 6 November 2012 by Member of Parliament (MP) Tin Mya from the Union Solidarity and Development Party, objections from other parliamentarians caused proposals for amendments to be shelved, according to Altsean. 

“While the international community has [also] spoken up to the need to amend the law, there has yet to be a coordinated and concerted effort to ensure this actually happens,” said Stothard. 

The discriminatory law may have helped fuel the sectarian violence that broke out between the Muslim Rohingya and the Buddhist population in Rakhine State in June and October 2012 and in the town of Meiktila in March 2013, said Chris Lewa, the director of the Arakan Project, a Rohingya advocacy group. 

“The Rohingya have been constant victims of arbitrary arrests, extortion, harassment and fines due to their precarious legal status and laws prohibiting basic rights such as freedom of movement,” she said. 

Children “blacklisted” 

Since 2008, Rohingyas in Rakhine State - who must obtain permission to marry or travel outside of their villages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88220/MYANMAR-Tentative-steps-towards-Rohingya-rehabilitation ] - have been limited to having two children per couple. 

But with access to birth control limited around the country, Burmese couples have an average of 4.7 children per marriage [ http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/myanmar/2009/11/11/1545/country_profile/ ]. The majority of Rohingya families continue to have more than two children, but forgo birth registration for those children over the limit for fear of being penalized, says Lewa. 

“These children are blacklisted and without any rights at all,” she explained. “They cannot even apply for permission for marriage, to go to school or to move outside of their village with their parents because, according to the authorities, they do not exist,” she added. 

In November 2012, immigration police and the national army in the Rakhine townships of Pauktaw, Maungdaw and Sittwe attempted to register Rohingya families, issuing them temporary national residency cards (NRCs). But these efforts were met with opposition because the registration forms used the term “Bengali” to describe to the Rohingyas - a label referring to their South Asian heritage, used to emphasize their perceived foreignness. 

“It is very controversial as they deserve full citizenship, not just temporary residence, which gives them no other rights, and they are afraid that if they sign the documents then it will be proof that they are non-citizens,” said Lewa. 

Additionally, to receive the NRC, families must prove they have lived in Myanmar for three generations, but many Rohingyas lost evidence of this in the recent sectarian violence, which destroyed up to 4,800 buildings, according to HRW, and forced over 125,000 to flee their homes [ http://www.refworld.org/country,,,,MMR,,516e51b14,0.html ]. 

Missed opportunity 

Myanmar has undergone significant reforms since March 2011 - including the easing of media censorship, the release of hundreds of political prisoners and the reshuffling of the country’s cabinet [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96818/Analysis-How-real-are-Myanmar-s-reforms ]. The European Union subsequently lifted sanctions on Myanmar on 22 April 2013. 

But rights groups fear international pressure to create an inclusive and fair citizenship law will cease to be effective. 

“We are worried that the rights of Rohingya and other stateless people will continue to be set aside in the international euphoria over Burma's reforms,” said Alstean's Stothard. 

Earlier this week, the Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, a government commission set up to investigate the 2012 violence in Rakhine, failed to recommend [ http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Executive-SummaryEnglish-Version.pdf ] any revisions to the citizenship law. Rather, it called for a process to examine the citizenship status of the people in Rakhine, in order to implement the provisions of the current law. 

“The commission missed a critical point when it failed to include reform of the 1982 Citizenship Act to strip out discriminatory provisions and ensure that the law complies with international human rights standards,” said HRW’s Robertson on 29 April. 

dm/ds/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97966/Activists-call-for-review-of-Myanmar-s-citizenship-law</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Human rights groups are calling for a review of Myanmar&apos;s citizenship law, which has left more than 1.2 million people stateless nationwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Prospects for Rakhine reconciliation dim</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305021027080852t.jpg" />]]>RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say. 

“The ‘kalars’ want to take our land,” said Aung Tun Hla, an ethnic Rakhine, using a pejorative term for the Rohingyas ethnic group. 

“Before, the relations between the two communities were okay,” added the 48 year old, whose house in Sittwe, the state capital, was destroyed in the violence. “But now they want to quarrel with our people - they want to rape our women and burn our homes.” 

Violence between Buddhists and Muslims in June and October 2012 left 167 dead and hundreds injured. At least 140,000 were displaced, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recently reported [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Ref_Doc_UNOCHA_Humanitarian_Bulletin_on_Rakhine_April_2013.pdf ]. More than 10,000 homes and businesses were burned or destroyed. 

According to most estimates, 95 percent of those displaced are Muslims, mostly Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ]. Under Burmese law, the Rohingya are de jure stateless. There are an estimated 800,000 Rohingya in Myanmar, and human rights groups say they have long faced persecution and discrimination. 

The resentment felt by Rakhine Buddhists towards Rohingyas has made official steps towards reconciliation between the two communities - which are still largely separated by security forces - nearly impossible, and the prospects for displaced Rohingyas returning home appear dim. 

Displaced Rohingyas returning to their homes in Sittwe is “unacceptable”, Aung Tun Hla said. 

Soured dialogue 

Following last year’s violence, long-held prejudices against Rohingyas - and against Muslims and people of South Asian descent more generally - came to the fore. 

Ho Than Hlaing, a journalist at Sittwe for Eleven [ http://elevenmyanmar.com/ ], one of Myanmar’s largest-circulation newspapers, spoke to IRIN about his belief that Rohingyas have had a deleterious effect on Burmese society. Muslims have excessive numbers of children, and they are economically aggressive and want to colonize Buddhist land, he said, echoing prejudices voiced by many Buddhists across the country. 

Meanwhile, monks could play a key role in shaping public attitudes towards reconciliation in this majority Buddhist majority nation, but few have taken a stand against the violence. 

“Before, we lived together, ate together and worked together, but we cannot do this anymore,”said Ashin Ariya, the head monk of Shwezedi Monastery in Sittwe. “The Bengalis want to take the whole area and make everyone Muslim,” he said, referring to the Rohingyas as foreign immigrants - a line often used by Burmese government officials. 

Public dialogue on the Rohingya issue has become so polarized that “it is hard to say anything and stay neutral,” said Tom Kramer, who runs the Myanmar office of the Transnational Institute (TI) [ http://www.tni.org/ ], a conflict-resolution NGO. 

Views are reflexively interpreted as "pro-Rohingya or pro-Rakhine, with nothing in between,” he added. 

Meanwhile, rights groups have criticized authorities’ lack of progress in helping Rohingyas return to their homes and livelihoods, and in some cases they have accused the government of complicity [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2013/04/22/all-you-can-do-pray-0 ] in the Rohingyas’ displacement. 

“Instead of addressing the problem, Burma’s leaders seem intent on keeping the Rohingya segregated in camps rather than planning for them to return to their homes,” said Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/26/burma-rohingya-muslims-face-humanitarian-crisis ], which has repeatedly called on the government to put forward a plan to bring the displaced home. 

Sustainable peace 

Any peace-building effort in Rakhine State will also require looking at the long-standing grievances of the Rakhine Buddhist majority itself, TI’s Kramer said. These include economic concerns that are separate from the sectarian tensions, but which create an environment ill-disposed to reconciliation. 

Despite an abundance of natural resources, Rakhine is the second-poorest state in Myanmar, after Chin State [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87352/MYANMAR-Chin-State-a-mountain-of-trouble ], with widespread unemployment and poverty. It receives little development assistance from the government and, according to a the medical charity Médecins sans Frontières [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6624&cat=field-news ], has historically received less investment in health care than other areas of the country. 

“The Rohingyas' problems have been so great that there hasn’t been time to look at the Rakhine Buddhists' grievances,” Kramer said. 

Chief among these is the historic exploitation of Rakhine State’s resources by the central government, he said. Like many of Myanmar’s border regions, Rakhine’s natural resources were pillaged for decades by the country’s ruling military. The waters off Rakhine State are rich in natural gas, much of it destined for China through a pipeline scheduled to be completed this year. 

Sustainable solutions will require a commitment by the central government to share the benefits of resource-extraction projects in the state, Kramer noted. 

Government inquiry 

On 29 April, the Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, a government commission set up to investigate the 2012 violence, recommended doubling the number of security forces in Rakhine State. It also called for the “temporary separation” of the two communities to continue. 

“While keeping the two communities apart is not a long-term solution, it must be enforced at least until the overt emotions subside,” the 183-page report recommended. 

Both communities highlighted the continued need for the deployment of the military in the region for safety and security, a summary of the much-delayed findings [ http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Executive-SummaryEnglish-Version.pdf ] said. 

The report went on to suggest family-planning education to address what it describes as the rapid growth of the Muslim population in the state. 

bb/ds/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97956/Prospects-for-Rakhine-reconciliation-dim</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305021027080852t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAKHINE STATE 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Almost one year after the first wave of inter-communal violence struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, sectarian hostilities have gone unabated, leaving little room for reconciliation, residents and experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rakhine IDPs in Myanmar brace for monsoon rains</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304240939570296t.jpg" />]]>RAKHINE STATE 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 125,000 displaced Rohingya in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State are bracing for this year’s punishing monsoon rains.</description><body><![CDATA[RAKHINE STATE 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 125,000 displaced Rohingya in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State are bracing for this year’s punishing monsoon rains. 

“There’s no real shelter here. People are getting diseases and the rainy season will make it even worse,” Ali Mia, a 45-year-old Rohingya father-of-six, whose home in Sittwe, the capital city of Rakhine State, was burned during inter-communal violence in June, told IRIN. 

Set to begin as early as May, the rains will come in daily downpours, which, in the crowded and unsanitary conditions of Rakhine’s dozens of camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs), could hasten the spread of disease, aid workers warn. 

“We’re very worried with the monsoon season coming up. If these people are not relocated we could see a very big humanitarian problem, [including] disease outbreaks,” said Peter Paule de Groote, the head of Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in Myanmar. "The water level will rise and some of it will be very, very muddy, if not flooded, and there’s nowhere for them to go.” 

Sectarian clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in June [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95631/MYANMAR-Rakhine-violence-sparks-concern ] and October left 167 dead, hundreds injured and more than 125,000 displaced in Rakhine State, according to government estimates. 

More than 10,000 homes were burned or destroyed in the violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ].

Under Burmese law, the Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/95190/96/ ] are de jure stateless. There are an estimated 800,000 Rohingya in Myanmar and human rights groups say they have long faced persecution and discrimination.

On 19 April [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/monsoon-approaches-fears-rise-displaced-myanmars-rakhine-state ], the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) called for urgent action and increased financial support to improve conditions of the displaced to avert a “humanitarian catastrophe”. 

Some have camped in paddy fields or low-lying areas that will flood once the rains start.

Already, international aid groups are reporting high cases of respiratory and skin infections, worms and diarrhoea in the camps they have visited. Such diseases are much more likely to spread in sodden conditions, they warn. 

Moreover, the onset of rains will likely be accompanied by a spike in water-borne diseases, and the camp’s primitive latrines remain vulnerable to overflowing from rainfall. 

“The water and sanitation situation is appalling,” said MSF's de Groote. 

Unregistered lack assistance 

But it is the risk of those displaced not yet registered [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97729/Unregistered-IDPs-in-Myanmar-s-Rakhine-without-aid ] with the authorities that is most worrying.

While partners are providing life-saving assistance to more than 100,000 IDPs registered by the government, there is a sizable population (15,000 individuals) that is displaced but has yet to be allowed access to humanitarian aid. 

Several thousand are living in makeshift sites that have not been sanctioned by the government. IDPs in these locations receive limited to no assistance as opposed to those in official camps. 

Unlike in official camps, where residents are supplied with waterproof tents, residents of Maw Than Mia, home to some 1,000 unregistered displaced, sleep in tiny huts constructed of nothing more than thatched straw. 

They are particularly vulnerable because their camp is spread across a low-lying field which, previously used for rice cultivation, is designed to flood. 

Aid agencies are calling on the government to address the shelter needs as a matter of priority, noting adequate land needs to be identified and allocated and challenges related to water and sanitation addressed, particularly in Myebon and Pauktaw. 

Inter-agency plans 

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, humanitarian partners, in collaboration with the government, have developed an inter-agency preparedness plan for Rakhine running from March to June. 

The plan [ http://www.themimu.info/ ] aims to address preparedness and response actions with specific sector/cluster response plans for two scenarios: 1) a potential natural hazard such as a cyclone which would affect over 250,000 people across the state and 2) a potential deterioration of the humanitarian situation during the rainy season, particularly in the camps. 

bb/ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97915/Rakhine-IDPs-in-Myanmar-brace-for-monsoon-rains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304240939570296t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAKHINE STATE 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 125,000 displaced Rohingya in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State are bracing for this year’s punishing monsoon rains.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Education takes a hit in Myanmar’s Kachin State</title><pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304230910310459t.jpg" />]]>MAI JA YANG 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Traditional Kachin music fills the community hall as a troupe of singers bellows out a song for family and friends at the Teacher Training College in the town of Mai Ja Yang. It is a night of celebration for 65 graduates who have upgraded their teaching skills in Myanmar&apos;s northern Kachin State, not far from the Chinese border.</description><body><![CDATA[MAI JA YANG 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Traditional Kachin music fills the community hall as a troupe of singers bellows out a song for family and friends at the Teacher Training College in the town of Mai Ja Yang. It is a night of celebration for 65 graduates who have upgraded their teaching skills in Myanmar's northern Kachin State, not far from the Chinese border.

Elsewhere in this remote, mountainous region, which has more than 83,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), there is little to celebrate. A 17-year-old ceasefire between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), who have been fighting for greater autonomy for the past six decades, collapsed in June 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95616/MYANMAR-Kachin-conflict-continues-one-year-on ].

“In December [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97273/Myanmar-s-Laiza-town-tense-after-government-attacks ] we had to postpone studies at the school I was working at for a few months because of the fighting around Laiza,” 22-year-old Aung Gam Haundang, who will resume teaching next month at the middle school in the de-facto capital of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO - political arm of the KIA), told IRIN.

“The biggest problem is we need more teachers. However, many who are qualified are afraid to work in the area because of the ongoing conflict and the recent attacks,” Haundang said.

Some 47,000 people are in IDP camps in KIA-controlled areas, with thousands more staying with host families, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported on 18 April [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar-humanitarian-bulletin-issue-march-2013 ].

Thousands of school-age children have been affected by the conflict, with varying access to education facilities.

In KIA-controlled areas, volunteer teachers have been used to maintain education services for the displaced. However, financial support for this effort is lacking. A comprehensive assessment of the education sector is urgently needed to better determine the number of children in need of education support, gaps in school supplies, and the absorption capacity of existing schools, OCHA said.

School closures

Before the ceasefire collapsed, there were 262 state schools in KIA-controlled areas. Today there are 229, many of them overcrowded and under-resourced, local authorities say; many have been forced to close due to nearby fighting.

In Mai Ja Yang's only high school, classes operate in two shifts, starting at 6.30am, and mid-afternoon.

Prior to the conflict, just 600 children were enrolled at the school. However, an additional 700 teenagers from the camps have since joined - 200 of them from Northern Shan State, currently staying at a boarding house on the edge of town.

“We heard fighting and gunfire near our village last year so we fled the area, running in all directions,” 14-year-old Saing Toya from Northern Shan State told IRIN. “My parents wanted me to continue my studies in a safe area and promised that I could return home once the village is more secure.”

The newly graduated teachers are being assigned to several recently constructed primary and secondary schools near Mai Ja Yang and Laiza.

Headmaster La Raw at the Teacher Training College says 15-20 of the graduates will be posted to IDP camps where assistance is needed most.

Recently, the college sent two teachers to Yangon to attend a peace-building training course, joining representatives from other ethnic groups in Myanmar.

As the singers finish their song, La Raw points out that music is a big part of Kachin culture, but also represents the harmony that is now needed to maintain peace.

“We hope to have peace-building training implemented in future school curriculums,” La Raw said, adding, “and we hope that some of the Burmese generals will attend.”

Meanwhile, Yaw Sau of the Central Education Department in Laiza expressed concern over recent policy changes in Myanmar's education system which no longer recognizes official matriculation exams taken at schools in KIA-controlled areas - a move which could have serious repercussions for children once a peace deal is finally reached.

“One hundred and thirty-six students just completed their exams earlier this month, but the Myanmar government no longer recognizes the tests as official national level exams,” Yaw Sau said, noting that prior to June 2011, such exams were recognized.

ss/ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97899/Education-takes-a-hit-in-Myanmar-s-Kachin-State</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304230910310459t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAI JA YANG 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Traditional Kachin music fills the community hall as a troupe of singers bellows out a song for family and friends at the Teacher Training College in the town of Mai Ja Yang. It is a night of celebration for 65 graduates who have upgraded their teaching skills in Myanmar&apos;s northern Kachin State, not far from the Chinese border.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Promoting peace amid Myanmar’s sectarian violence*</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304191120250486t.jpg" />]]>YANGON 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - At bus stops across Yangon, young people approach passengers and bus drivers, handing out stickers and T-shirts proclaiming: “I won’t let racial or religious conflict occur because of me.”</description><body><![CDATA[YANGON 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - At bus stops across Yangon, young people approach passengers and bus drivers, handing out stickers and T-shirts proclaiming: “I won’t let racial or religious conflict occur because of me.”

They are part of a youth-led campaign taking place in Myanmar’s largest cities, including Yangon, Mandalay and Mawlamyine.

“This is to prevent future religious or racial conflict from happening in our country,” explained Thet Swe Win, organizer of a volunteer group known as Pray for Myanmar.

But this may prove an ambitious goal in Myanmar, which is reeling from one of its worst years of sectarian violence.

Anti-Muslim unrest

More than 125,000 stateless, mostly Muslim Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State remain displaced following two rounds of communal conflict in June and October 2012, according to government estimates.

Over 8,000 people remain displaced following Buddhist-Muslim clashes in the town of Meiktila, in central Myanmar [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97722/Ma-Kyi-displaced-by-Myanmar-violence-Everything-was-on-fire ] in March of this year. Thousands of homes and buildings, including mosques, were damaged or destroyed in the violence, and more than 200 people were killed. A state of emergency was declared on 22 March.

Rumours of possible further violence continue to circulate, leaving many communities in this multi-ethnic nation of 55 million on edge.

Although the situation in Meiktila is gradually returning to normal, tensions persist in other parts of the country. Security incidents were reported in March in Gyobingauk, Nattalin, Okpho, Thegon, Yamethin and Zigon, all townships in Myanmar’s central Bago Region, and in some parts of Yangon, according to a 17 April report [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar-humanitarian-bulletin-issue-march-2013 ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). The government announced a curfew in seven townships of Bago Region - Min Hla, Moenyo, Okpho, Nattalin, Gyobingauk, Zigon and Thegon - and in four violence-affected townships in Meiktila District - Meiktila, Thazi, Wandwin and Mahlaing.

Many worry the violence could undermine the democratic reforms being undertaken by President Thein Sein, who, in just two years, has been instrumental in lifting Myanmar [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-depth/95199/96/What-next-for-Myanmar ] out of decades of international isolation.

“Our country is in a transitional period. We can’t let any conflict happen. Otherwise, our country could be derailed,” said Mya Aye, part of the 88 Generation Students, a prominent activist group that takes its name from an 8 August 1988 uprising led by students against the former military government.

Respected by both the public and the government, the group is working to calm tensions between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Meiktila.

“We can’t let the country go back to the previous situation because of this kind of conflict,” Mya Aye said.

But many are wary.

“I am concerned that simmering tensions remain, even if on the surface the situation may have temporarily calmed,” Benedict Rogers, East Asia team leader at the international human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) [ http://www.csw.org.uk/home.htm ], told IRIN. “The root causes are complex, but it is clearly more than just 'sectarian' violence. Deep-rooted prejudices exist.”

Myanmar has a long history of ethnic and religious discrimination,  including attacks on minority groups like ethnic Indians and ethnic Chinese [ http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2013/03/25/myanmars-ethnic-violence-is-the-cauldron-going-to-explode/ ]. Some discrimination has been state-sanctioned [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97852/Sectarian-tension-in-Myanmar-threatens-aid-workers ]: the long-marginalized ethnic Rohingya were stripped of citizenship by a 1982 law, while Christians have long faced discrimination in advancing in  government and the military, say activists.  

Rumours and allegations

“People need to be fully aware so they aren’t manipulated by anyone to create or participate in this kind of bloodshed,” said Win Htain, a lawmaker of Meiktila Township.

He and others say they believe outside instigators may have been at work in the Meiktila conflict.

“People always lived in peace and harmony before. This was a group of people who systematically planned to create such a thing, using false information, hate speech and rumours,” insisted Aung Myo Min, director of Human Rights Education Institute of Burma. “The problem is no one knows who is behind it.”

Some speculate hardliners within the government may be pulling the strings,  pointing to similar incidents allegedly carried out by the former military government. The previous government used sectarian conflicts to divert attention away from calls for democratic reforms, they claimed.

According to some eyewitnesses interviewed by IRIN, many of those involved in the Meiktila violence were not from the area.

“We were attacked by strangers we had never seen. They didn’t even look like the people in our area,” said Daw San San, a Muslim resident who said she and her family only survived because they were protected and sheltered by a Buddhist monk - an experience shared by others.

“Buddhists and Muslims in our area were very friendly. Never had there been any fighting between us,” she added.

A diesel vender outside the town, who asked not to be identified, said he had been instructed by a group of monks to fill the tanks of about 50 motorcycles to carry them and an angry group of Buddhists to Meiktila from another town.

A way forward

There is now broad agreement that the government should do more to promote peace.

“The current government should take a lead role in establishing a society in which people understand each other’s religions, accept multiculturalism and let all kinds of flowers blossom in a garden,” Mya Aye said.

In both Rakhine State and Meiktila, rights groups accused government security forces of standing by while the attacks took place.

“It is vital that firm action is taken to bring the perpetrators of violence and hatred to justice, to stop the spread of anti-Muslim and extremist Buddhist propaganda, and to ensure the rule of law and order,” said CSW’s Rogers.

Religious, political and community leaders of all backgrounds must speak out against hatred, intolerance and violence, he added.

“It will be a challenge to persuade and unite people from both sides to forgive each other and live in peace and harmony like before,” said Tin Oo, a madrassa teacher in Meiktila. “No matter how hard it is, this has to be done. This is the only option: for us to live in peace and harmony.”

It is a message echoed by the president: “Our society has overcome many difficulties and challenges together so we can emerge as a society in which multiple races and religions coexist harmoniously,” Thein Sein said in a televised speech marking the country’s traditional New Year on 14 April. He urged all Burmese to work together to build on the country’s political changes with “patience, tolerance and persistence.”

nl/ds/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97881/Promoting-peace-amid-Myanmar-s-sectarian-violence</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304191120250486t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">YANGON 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - At bus stops across Yangon, young people approach passengers and bus drivers, handing out stickers and T-shirts proclaiming: “I won’t let racial or religious conflict occur because of me.”</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Sectarian tension in Myanmar threatens aid workers</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181222000532t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar&apos;s western Rakhine State have created a threatening environment for aid workers, hindering assistance to more than 127,000 displaced persons.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar's western Rakhine State have created a threatening environment for aid workers, hindering assistance to more than 127,000 displaced persons [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/myanmar-leaders-need-step-publicly-and-defuse-tension-urges-john-ging ]. 

“Access to IDPs [internally displaced persons] is being seriously hampered by ongoing intimidation [of aid workers] by some members of the local community,” noted the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Yangon. 

Humanitarian organizations, including medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=6628 ], report aid staff have faced accusations by the local Rakhine community - who are mostly Buddhist - that their assistance favours the Muslim Rohingya minority. 

The majority of the displaced are Rohingya, but there are also hundreds of Buddhists among them, according to government estimates.

National staff targeted 

“In the current climate of tension, threats and intimidation by some radical elements of the Rakhine population, implementing partners face major difficulties in retaining and recruiting national staff,” said Matthias Eick, the Southeast Asia spokesperson for the European Commission Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection department (ECHO) [ http://ec.europa.eu/echo/index_en.htm ], which has contributed US$1.8 million to assist Rakhine and Rohingya communities in Rakhine State.

Sporadic public statements against international aid organizations puts into question continued service delivery, said Eick.

Verbal harassment is mostly directed at local aid workers - both Buddhist and Muslim.

“National staff may be targeted in inter-ethnic communal violence because of their ethnic identity, and not protected because of their status or role as an aid worker,” Larissa Fast, a researcher at the US-based Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, and co-author of a recent report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Operating%20in%20Insecurity%20Shifting%20patterns%20of%20violence%20against%20humanitarian%20aid%20providers%20and%20their%20staff%201996-2010.pdf ] on dangers faced by humanitarians worldwide, told IRIN.

Another barrier to humanitarian aid delivery is the government's stringent rules on aid workers’ movements and permits to reach vulnerable communities. But while the government has assured international aid organizations and donors they will have unfettered access to IDPs, "threats from Buddhist Rakhine communities against UN agency staff and iINGO [international NGO] workers" have continued, said Phil Robertson, Human Rights Watch’s deputy director for Asia. He added that workers’ families are also vulnerable. 

Hate speech

Sectarian violence between Muslims and Buddhists has plagued Rakhine State since a previous head of state, Ne Win, embarked on a campaign in the 1960s to define the country's national identity as Burman and Buddhist. Described as "Bengali settlers", the Rohingya ethnic group, who are mostly Muslim, were excluded.

Longstanding, and at times state-sanctioned, persecution of Rohingya has led to increasingly segregated communities. The Rohingya were rendered stateless [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88220/MYANMAR-Tentative-steps-towards-Rohingya-rehabilitation ] in 1982 by a law denying them citizenship, and in northern Rakhine State, their freedom of movement is limited to three townships. 

Two waves of sectarian violence between the Rohingya and their Rakhine Buddhist neighbours in June and October 2012 killed almost 200 people, destroying up to 10,000 homes and displacing some 127,000, according to the UN. 

Roughly 25,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar by boat to India, Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Thailand since the June 2012 outbreak of violence, according to the Arakan Project, an NGO that advocates for the Rohingya.

Meanwhile, leaflets, protests and speeches by radical members of the Buddhist Rakhine community have spread anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya rhetoric, according to NGOs and donors.

Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, voiced concerns [ http://unic.un.org/imucms/yangon/80/110/home.aspx ] on 28 March about such hate speech following an outbreak of inter-communal violence [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Sitrep_Meikhtila_inter-communal_violence_No-4_09_Apr_2013.pdf ] in the country’s central Mandalay State. 

While local media have reported that the Myanmar government has deployed more than 6,000 police and border security troops, along with 51 military regiments, to Rakhine State [ http://www.elevenmyanmar.com/national/3103-president-pushes-for-swifter-rehabilitation-in-rakhine-state ] “nothing has been done to rein in the agitators of violence,” said Chris Lewa, director of The Arakan Project.

Aid amid upheaval

Despite the insecurity, there are still 10 international agencies operating in some 90 camps for the displaced in Rakhine State, according to the government.

“The most urgent needs [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Rakhine%20Plan_final.pdf ] are for food, shelter, medicine and school for children - in that order,” said Oddney Gunmaer, founder and advocacy director for Partners Relief & Development, an international NGO that has provided emergency aid in Rakhine State for the past six months.

Tens of thousands of IDPs are estimated to be living in “rudimentary shelters” in unregistered areas, according to Partners. They receive little or none of the government and international assistance delivered to official camps, said the NGO. 

Shelter for unregistered IDPs [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97729/Unregistered-IDPs-in-Myanmar-s-Rakhine-without-aid ], many of them living in thatched straw huts at the margins of official camps, is urgently needed as the monsoon season will start in May.

Authorities also need to allocate safe land for camps at imminent risk of flooding, said ECHO.

Acute malnutrition, both global and severe, is another critical issue, with the former affecting 23.4 percent of children under age five in Sittwe, Rakhine State’s capital, putting 2,000 children at risk of death, according to the UN Children's Agency (UNICEF), based on a July survey [ http://www.unicef.org/media/media_66437.html ].

“A four-and-a-half-year-old boy visited our clinic in December; he hadn't eaten anything other than water for 15 days and weighed only 6kg,” said Gunmaer.

In a recent meeting with the Rakhine State Peace and Stability Implementation Central Committee, a parliamentary delegation set up to establish security in Rakhine State, President U Thein Sein thanked UN agencies for their presence and aid to IDPs in Rakhine, and said the implementation of peace and stability in Rakhine is a “must” [ http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en/briefing-room/speeches-and-remarks/2013/04/10/id-1898 ].

dm/pt/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97852/Sectarian-tension-in-Myanmar-threatens-aid-workers</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181222000532t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing tensions between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Myanmar&apos;s western Rakhine State have created a threatening environment for aid workers, hindering assistance to more than 127,000 displaced persons.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid access still limited for displaced in Myanmar’s Kachin State</title><pubDate>Fri, 05 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304051554290502t.jpg" />]]>LAIZA 05 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 83,000 people have run from their homes, funneling into some 45 camps and settlements to escape fighting in Myanmar&apos;s northeastern Kachin State. But over half the displaced are still unreachable by international aid workers because they are located in rebel-controlled areas.</description><body><![CDATA[LAIZA 05 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 83,000 people [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Myanmar%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin,%20Issue%20February%202013.pdf ] have run from their homes, funneling into some 45 camps and settlements to escape fighting in Myanmar's northeastern Kachin State. But over half the displaced are still unreachable by international aid workers because they are located in rebel-controlled areas. 

“We had to dig trenches around our home because the Burmese army [was] using fighter jets to attack KIA [Kachin Independence Army] soldiers near our village,” recalled 65-year-old Pokin Kon Dok. She fled her home near Laja Yang Village last December, carrying only her one-month-old granddaughter, after government forces launched an offensive against ethnic Kachin troops near the border town of Laiza. 

Now, Polkin and her extended family share a single bamboo hut with six other recent arrivals in Je Yang, a camp in Laiza that currently houses an estimated 6,000 people. The area, near the site of a main rebel camp, is inaccessible by international aid workers. 

Health fallout 

In other parts of the camp, stone workers and labourers break large rocks to re-enforce dirt roads and pathways leading into the area. Others stack bricks into baskets on their backs, preparing to build latrines. 

“The current ratio is one toilet for 60 persons, but that is not enough, so now we are building an additional 300 toilets in the whole of Je Yang camp,” said camp supervisor Brang Shaw. 

Emergency aid standards [ http://www.spherehandbook.org/en/appendix-3/ ] require a minimum of one latrine per 20 adults or 10 children. Local health workers have reported treating a regular stream of internally displaced persons (IDPs) with stomach ailments caused by diarrhoea and parasites. 

In southern Kachin State, a network of eight local aid groups, including Wun Pawng Ninghtoi (WPN), is providing food, clothing, shelter and medicine to nearly 10,000 IDPs in six camps. 

The protracted conflict has taken a toll on diets and nutrition, say aid workers, who have not conducted any formal studies on malnutrition rates among the displaced. 

WPN head Mary Tawm said that while basic foods like potatoes and rice are distributed, vegetables and meats are sparse. 

Lack of access to clean water and sanitation has proved fatal. 

“In January, seven children drank water from a mountain stream that was polluted with pesticides from a nearby sugar cane plantation, and one of the girls died. Several of them had to be transferred to a Chinese hospital for emergency treatment,” said Tawm. 

And while the local hospital in Mai Jai Yang can treat routine health problems, more complicated cases 
must be transferred across the border into China. Soldiers with heavy casualties have reportedly been transferred there as well. 

“We needed to spend US$3,000 for 17 referred patients to the China side in January and another 20 patients in February, basically to save people's lives, but we don't have enough funding so we are asking our community for help,” she said. 

International aid still blocked 

“The international NGOs can get into the government-controlled area very easily, but it is difficult to get to the China border where most of the IDP camps are located and in need of the most [assistance],” explained Hkalam Samson, head of local NGO Kachin Baptist Convention. 

Since the start of the conflict, most of the food and medical supplies in KIA-controlled areas have been donated by local religious groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93708/MYANMAR-Kachin-aid-groups-running-on-empty ], and the Kachin Independence Organization, KIA’s political wing. 

Deemed unsafe by the government, rebel-controlled areas have been largely off-limits to international aid groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95150/MYANMAR-UN-convoy-reaches-Kachin-displaced ] since the collapse of a 17-year peace agreement in June 2011. Only a small number of UN convoys have reached KIA-controlled territory since then, the most recent one being in mid-February this year. 

“Several of the camps are overcrowded because nine camps on the Chinese side were shut down last summer by Chinese authorities, and the refugees were forced back onto the Kachin side of the border,” Samson added. 

On the Burmese side of the border, the population of Lana Zup Ja camp has more than doubled from last year's 1,138 to 2,689 at the end of March, according to WPN. 

Given such crowded camps, UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) is concerned about potential abuses and the lack of international monitors in KIA-controlled areas. “When we build shelters through our [local] partners - who do have access - we cannot monitor their progress. We are also unable to conduct capacity building such as camp management or protection training,” said Anna Little, a UNHCR spokesperson in Myanmar. 

Since fighting resumed in June 2011, 12 peace talks have been held between the government and rebels, including five in China. 

Meanwhile, international groups continue calling for unfettered access 
[ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/kachin-response-plan-mar-2012-feb-2013-june-revision ] to all of Kachin’s IDPs. 

The KIA has been fighting for greater autonomy from Myanmar’s central government for the past six decades. 

ss/pt/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97794/Aid-access-still-limited-for-displaced-in-Myanmar-s-Kachin-State</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304051554290502t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAIZA 05 April 2013 (IRIN) - More than 83,000 people have run from their homes, funneling into some 45 camps and settlements to escape fighting in Myanmar&apos;s northeastern Kachin State. But over half the displaced are still unreachable by international aid workers because they are located in rebel-controlled areas.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Myanmar’s landmines hinder return of displaced</title><pubDate>Wed, 03 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100647380890t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Landmines in Myanmar&apos;s southeastern Kayin and Kayah states and Bago division, and in the northern Shan and Kachin states, threaten the return of more than 450,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs).</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Landmines in Myanmar's southeastern Kayin and Kayah states and Bago division, and in the northern Shan and Kachin states, threaten the return of more than 450,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). 

“There will be no active promotion of return until landmines areas are identified, openly marked and cleared,” said Maja Lazic, senior protection officer at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Myanmar. 

While the exact extent of landmine pollution throughout Myanmar is unknown, the army and at least 17 non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have used antipersonnel mines in conflicts over the past 14 years, according to the Geneva-based International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/cp/display/region_profiles/find_profile/MM/2012 ]. Myanmar’s central government faces a number of longstanding ethnic-based insurgencies by groups demanding greater autonomy. 

“Anti-personnel mines are used as terror weapons by both sides... [Some] are not marked because the combatants want to strike fear into the enemy. This results in both sides terrorizing the [civilian] population with mines,” said Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, ICBL’s research coordinator for Myanmar. 

The decline of active conflict in southeastern Myanmar in the past year has led to a slight decrease in reported incidents of mine accidents, according to the ICBL and Geneva Call, a Swiss NGO that specializes in mine-risk education. But no armed group has yet officially committed to ending mine use, said Moser-Puangsuwan. 

Mine clearance cannot take place until there is durable peace, say the UN and NGOs. Meanwhile, unreliable information about the location of mines continues to kill, restrict villagers’ movement and stall preparation for the return of displaced populations. 

Peace process 

The government has signed ceasefire agreements with five NSAGs [ http://www.mmpeacemonitor.org/#!conflict-overview/c1p4n ] since January 2012, but trust and collaboration between the various NSAGs and government forces - preconditions for mine removal - are still needed, according to the UNHCR Myanmar. 

“The process requires agreement, cooperation and support from conflict parties,” said Lazic and Patricia Treimer, a field officer with UNHCR Myanmar. 

The ceasefires have not significantly reduced the use of landmines, as NSAGs, government forces and even civilians continue to employ landmines to defend and reclaim territories and protect themselves. 

A spokesperson for the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), which authored a May 2012 report on landmines in the east [ http://www.khrg.org/khrg2012/khrg1201.html ], said that in Kayin State “the ongoing presence of [military] troops means that even though there is a ceasefire, communities and armed groups still take defensive measures, including the planting of landmines”. 

Active conflict since June 2011 in Kachin State has displaced upwards of 83,000 people from Kachin and parts of neighbouring Shan. All those displaced are at risk of landmine injuries upon their return, say aid workers. 

“[Landmine] incidents have been reported in many regions of Kachin where there has been active fighting,” said Carine Jaquet, the head of the UNHCR’s Myitkyina field office. 

Fighting has decreased in recent months in Kachin (with ongoing skirmishes in Shan), but “people are in danger once they attempt to return to their villages,” she added. 

“Before the IDPs have a chance to return back, there has to be humanitarian mine action, a security guarantee from both sides and durable peace,” said La Rip, the coordinator of the Laiza-based Relief Action Network for IDPs and Refugees, a network of 12 NGOs providing relief to displaced persons in both government and rebel-controlled areas. 

Fears of casualty spike 

No mine mapping has been conducted in mine-riddled southeastern Myanmar [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93919/MYANMAR-Landmines-take-toll-on-livelihoods-in-east ]. Signs marking mined locations are rare and local knowledge about landmines is unreliable, resulting in the frequent landmine incidents, say experts. But it can be even worse for those who have been away. 

“Refugees have not had to live with mine risk concerns for many years now, so their awareness of the risks is much lower [than those who stayed],” explained Sally Thompson, executive director of The Border Consortium (TBC), an NGO consortium providing aid to Burmese refugees in Thailand. 

Many cross-border routes into southeastern Myanmar are known by locals and NGOs to be contaminated with mines, according to Geneva Call. 

Nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border urgently need more mine-risk education, said TBC. “People will be moving as soon as they feel armed conflict has really ended, and we expect there will be a spike in mine casualties as a result,” Moser-Pangsuwan said. 

Because peace processes and mine clearance may take years, education is the most practical way of decreasing accidents, according to TBC. 

Mine action plans underway 

Humanitarian agencies clearing mines, including the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and Danish Church Aid, have been working with the government since November 2012 on mine issues. 

The first Mine Risk Working Group meeting in Myanmar was held in January in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw, with UNICEF, Danish Church Aid, the Department of Social Welfare, and the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement. 

“All of the agencies are ready to begin demining activities but are waiting for the government and armed groups to reach an agreement,” said Chris Rush, senior programme officer for Geneva Call in Asia. 

In addition, the Myanmar Peace Centre [ http://www.mmpeacemonitor.org/#!myanmar-peace-center/c1lkq ], a government initiative established last October, includes the Myanmar Mine Action Centre, which is currently developing removal standards. 

“There is a real push to clear mines, but it is not sensible without understanding where the problem is,” said Rush. 

The Myanmar government is among the 20 percent of all governments that have not signed the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty [ http://www.un.org/Depts/mine/UNDocs/ban_trty.htm ]. Along with Syria, it is the only country whose official forces continue to plant mines, according to Moser-Puangsuwan. 

“Landmines are one issue, of many issues, affecting return for the displaced. The first measure is an agreement between government and armed groups to stop laying landmines,” said Thompson. 

dm/pt/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97768/Myanmar-s-landmines-hinder-return-of-displaced</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100647380890t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - Landmines in Myanmar&apos;s southeastern Kayin and Kayah states and Bago division, and in the northern Shan and Kachin states, threaten the return of more than 450,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Families still in need as calm returns to Myanmar’s Meiktila</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261038330022t.jpg" />]]>MEIKTILA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - Inside a stadium now sheltering more than 2,000 displaced people in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, residents appear dazed.</description><body><![CDATA[MEIKTILA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - Inside a stadium now sheltering more than 2,000 displaced people in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, residents appear dazed.

“How could this happen?” asked 65-year old Syed Darbi, who has lived her whole life in Meiktila, an otherwise quiet university town. “I can’t believe my own eyes. We lived in the same community. [It was] so friendly.”

“We are like refugees,” said 45-year old Ohnmar, sitting on the concrete floor of the stadium. After violence broke out on 20 March, the Muslim mother of two escaped a Buddhist mob only to see her home go up in flames. “How will I restart my life now?”

At least 40 people were killed and more than 12,000 displaced in the area, officials estimate [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97710/Displacement-tops-1-000-in-Meiktila ], in what is being described as the worst sectarian violence to strike Myanmar since the 2012 unrest in western Rakhine State, where more than 120,000 Muslim Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] remain displaced.

Uneasy calm

On 20 March, a heated argument in a Meiktila gold shop between its Muslim owner and his Buddhists customers escalated, with crowds soon setting fire to businesses, religious buildings and houses. More than 150 homes and buildings were destroyed, including at least five mosques, local media reports say [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97722/Ma-Kyi-displaced-by-Myanmar-violence-Everything-was-on-fire ].

The violence continued for two days, spreading to neighbouring areas and prompting the government of President Thein Sein to declare a state of emergency in four townships - Meiktila, Thazi, Wandwin and Mahlaing - on 22 March. Troops were dispatched to the area.

“Due to the situation of devastating [sic] of peace and tranquility in Myeikhtilar District, Mandalay Division, the president’s office proclaims the State of Emergency (Act 144) for national security,” an announcement on the president’s website read.

Almost one week on, an uneasy calm has returned to the streets, but the local market remains closed and the atmosphere tense.

“We need to be alert so nobody sets our homes on fire,” said Aung Kyaw Soe, whose house was spared last week. “There are rumours that arson attacks can resume at any time.”

“Enough security forces should be in place for some period in order to prevent future clashes,” Win Htain, a parliamentarian for Meiktila Township, said.

Relief efforts continue

According to the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement (MoSWRR), 9,710 of the displaced are now living in six temporary locations - five schools and the local stadium - and 2,800 are staying in local monasteries. Others may have fled the area altogether.

The government has been providing food and water to the displaced through the MoSWRR, while the Myanmar Red Cross Society [ http://myanmarredcrosssociety.org/ ] and the Ministry of Health have been providing health assistance, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported on 25 March [ http://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar-meikhtila-inter-communal-violence-situation-report-no-1-25-march-2013 ].

The government established a relief management committee on 22 March. It is led by the deputy of the MoSWRR and includes local authorities, but aid workers say emergency assistance such as food, water and shelter is still needed.

To prevent outbreaks of communicable diseases, sanitation at each of the camps needs to be improved, said one government health worker, who asked not to be identified.

“So far, there are no serious diarrhoea outbreaks. There are just normal cases, such as injuries, and sickness, such as headache, backache and hypertension,” he said, noting that there were still not enough latrines in any of the camps.

At the stadium, there were only eight toilets for the more than 2,000 people, IRIN observed.

Under Sphere standards [ http://www.sphereproject.org/ ], which outline minimum standards in humanitarian response, the maximum number of people per latrine is 20.

“Many people who can’t wait their turns just defecate in the open space. How can they be shy now?” asked one Muslim man, pointing to dozens of residents queuing up outside the latrines.

nl/ds/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97731/Families-still-in-need-as-calm-returns-to-Myanmar-s-Meiktila</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261038330022t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MEIKTILA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - Inside a stadium now sheltering more than 2,000 displaced people in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, residents appear dazed.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Ma Kyi, displaced by Myanmar violence: “Everything was on fire”</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251050580546t.jpg" />]]>MEIKTILA 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - Ma Kyi, a 30-year old widow, wonders whether she will ever be able to return home. She is among 3,600 newly displaced people staying at Basic Education High School No. 1, in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, following deadly sectarian violence between Buddhists and Muslims residents last week.</description><body><![CDATA[MEIKTILA 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - Ma Kyi, a 30-year old widow, wonders whether she will ever be able to return home. She is among 3,600 newly displaced people staying at Basic Education High School No. 1, in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, following deadly sectarian violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97710/Displacement-tops-1-000-in-Meiktila ] between Buddhists and Muslims residents last week.

On 22 March, Burmese President Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in four townships - Meiktila, Thazi, Wandwin and Mahlaing - and ordered the military to assist in quelling the violence, the worst to shake the country since clashes between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96449/MYANMAR-Displaced-Rohingya-living-worse-than-animals ] in western Rakhine State in 2012.

At least five mosques were set ablaze and scores of homes burned, and at least 20 people are reported to have been killed since the violence began, but exact figures remain unknown. According to local authorities, more than 10,000 people have been displaced and are now living in six camps, including five schools and a local football stadium.

Ma Kyi told IRIN about her ordeal.

“Never in my life could I imagine this. It all happened so fast. Everything was on fire. We barely escaped with our lives. Everything I owned and worked for is gone. I have no idea what happened. Total strangers set my home and shop ablaze, but for what?

“I have no idea how we are ever going to recover from this. My husband had died earlier, and I was already struggling to support my family and two-month-old son. Now all we have are the clothes on our backs.

“What is the worst, I lost my medicine in the fire, which I need for my blood pressure and kidney disease. I had no choice but to leave it behind to get my elderly parents to safety. Now if I fall ill, I don’t know what will happen to my son. I haven’t been able to breastfeed my son since becoming ill earlier and had been feeding him milk powder. Now I have nothing and he looks so weak.

“When the violence broke out, we didn’t know what to do or where to go. We were afraid we would be killed by the Buddhist mobs roaming the streets. In the end, my parents, my brother and I fled to the woods with our neighbours. Altogether there were about 200 of us.

“There, we stayed hidden for three days without food and water. Although it was hot and [we] had nothing, we didn’t dare return, nor could we sleep. We had to be very careful when going around.

“It was impossible to think straight as we heard a lot of rumours - threats that people were watching us and would attack us at night.

“Finally, on the fourth day the police arrived. Thanks to their help, we were able to safely leave the woods and take shelter in this school.

“We had never experienced anything like this before, and I don’t even know how this started. Never before has there ever been such fighting between Muslims and Buddhists before.

“I want to return to my home, but don’t even know if that’s even possible. I’m shocked at what I have witnessed.”

lm/ds/rz

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97722/Ma-Kyi-displaced-by-Myanmar-violence-Everything-was-on-fire</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251050580546t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MEIKTILA 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - Ma Kyi, a 30-year old widow, wonders whether she will ever be able to return home. She is among 3,600 newly displaced people staying at Basic Education High School No. 1, in the central Myanmar town of Meiktila, following deadly sectarian violence between Buddhists and Muslims residents last week.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Unregistered IDPs in Myanmar’s Rakhine without aid</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181222000532t.jpg" />]]>SITTWE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than five months after a second wave of communal violence between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingyas rocked Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, thousands of displaced say they are not receiving official aid because they are not recognized by the government.</description><body><![CDATA[SITTWE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than five months after a second wave of communal violence between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ] rocked Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, thousands of displaced say they are not receiving official aid because they are not recognized by the government.

Deadly sectarian clashes in June and October 2012 left 167 dead, hundreds injured and over 120,000 displaced. More than 10,000 homes were burned or destroyed.

“We’ve tried and still want to move to the official camps, but the government won’t give us space in them,” said Shafi Ul Alam, an imam at the Maw Thanu Ya site, an unofficial camp that has been home to more than 1,000 Rohingya internally displaced persons (IDPs) since October.

In June, at the start of the violence, the site’s IDPs sought refuge in schools and madrasas, but by October, because of extreme overcrowding, they were forced to relocate to their current site, a sun-drenched field adjacent an official camp.

Falling through the cracks

Shafi Ul Alam says residents have received no food or shelter from the government or NGOs.

“Food is a problem. Shelter is a problem. Just getting water is a problem. We barely even have clothes. We fled our homes with one longyi [cloth garment] and a shirt.”
He said the camp relies on intermittent food donations from Muslims in the area who have not been displaced. But, he said, their dependence on ad hoc donations leave them in constant need.

“We receive food donations that will last 10 or 15 days, and then we have to hope for the next donation,” he said.

Government numbers indicate there are over 120,000 IDPs in Rakhine living in almost 90 camps. But how many IDPs are actually unregistered and falling through the cracks remains unclear, aid workers say.

According to a statement by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in February [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=6628 ], tens of thousands of people are still unable to access urgently needed medical care.

The government gave permission for the displaced to seek refuge in buffered safe zones, but it has restricted the number of such sites it will sanction, leaving many Muslim IDPs with unofficial status, aid workers say.

No status, no aid

The designation comes with severe consequences: unregistered IDPs receive little to none of the government or international assistance that is delivered to official camps.

Like all Muslims in Rakhine State under present conditions, Maw Thanu Ya’s IDPs are restricted from travelling to work in nearby towns. They are also without supplies or space for farming.

“We are completely dependent on donations,” said one man in his 50s. “We may soon need to start to beg for food in the other camps.”

Unlike in official camps, where residents are supplied with waterproof tents, residents of Maw Thanu Ya sleep in tiny huts constructed of thatched straw. And the camp’s population is served by only a handful of latrines.

These poor conditions are taking an evident toll. Many infants in Maw Thanu Yaw have distended bellies as well as sores and rashes on their skin.

Health concerns

International aid groups have reported high cases of respiratory and skin infections, worms and diarrhoea, as well as “alarming” rates of malnourished children in camps they have visited. Aid workers say the prevalence of these health problems among the unregistered displaced, whom they are largely prohibited from visiting, is likely considerably higher.

“It is among people living in makeshift camps in rice fields or other crowded strips of land that MSF is seeing the most acute medical needs,” Arjan Hehenkamp, MSF’s general director, said in February. “Ongoing insecurity and repeated threats and intimidation by a small but vocal group within the Rakhine community have severely impacted on our ability to deliver lifesaving medical care.”

Mariam Khatu, 45, a mother of seven whose home was torched in June, said many children in the Maw Thanu Ya unofficial camp were sick with high fevers and severe stomach pain.

Specific diagnoses of their ailments were impossible to determine, she said, as no nurses or doctors had ever visited their camp. Unless someone is near death, the camp’s residents are unable to send them to the nearest clinic, she added.

At another unofficial camp in the area, some 1,700 Muslim IDPs are served by just four latrines.

Residents of the site, which is so makeshift that it has not been named, say no doctors have ever visited.

The husband of Lila Begum was killed during the violence last year. She has five children and is just weeks away from giving birth to another.

“I have nothing, and there are no facilities here so I have no choice but to deliver here,” she said, pointing to her tiny straw shelter.

bb/ds/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97729/Unregistered-IDPs-in-Myanmar-s-Rakhine-without-aid</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181222000532t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SITTWE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than five months after a second wave of communal violence between Buddhists and Muslim Rohingyas rocked Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, thousands of displaced say they are not receiving official aid because they are not recognized by the government.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Displacement tops 1,000 in Meiktila</title><pubDate>Fri, 22 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810267t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than 1,000 people have been displaced following sectarian violence in central Myanmar this week, government officials tell IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than 1,000 people have been displaced following sectarian violence in central Myanmar this week, government officials tell IRIN. 

“The numbers are still unclear, however, between 1,000 and 2,000 have been displaced,” Ye Htut, Myanmar's presidential spokesman, said on 22 March. Many of the displaced are now staying in a local football stadium in the town of Meiktila, where they are receiving relief assistance, while others are staying with family and friends. 

The comments follow two days of violence in Meiktila, in Mandalay Division - the worst communal unrest to shake Myanmar since clashes between ethnic Rakhine Buddists and Rohingya Muslims [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96449/MYANMAR-Displaced-Rohingya-living-worse-than-animals ] in western Rakhine State in 2012. That earlier violence left 167 dead, hundreds injured and over 120,000 people displaced. More than 10,000 homes were burned or destroyed. 

The current conflict erupted after an argument broke out between a Muslim gold shop owner and his Buddhist customers. A Buddhist monk was reportedly among the first killed, leading a Buddhist mob to set fire to Muslim homes and at least five mosques, local media reports say. 

Government reports suggest at least five people have been killed, but unconfirmed reports say the number is much higher. 

Potential to spread 

“This is an extremely worrisome situation,” Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/asia/burma ] in Asia, said. “The government is not doing enough to head this off, and further sectarian violence in Myanmar is a real risk.” 

The government must promote reconciliation and tolerance in the multi-ethnic, multi-religious society, while at the same time holding those responsible for the violence accountable, he explained. 

“What happened in one place could easily happen in another,” Basil Fernando, director of policy and programmes for the Asian Human Rights Commission [ http://www.humanrights.asia/ ], said from Hong Kong. “It’s imperative the government takes action against those responsible.” 

But according to Ye Htut, action is already being taken. 

“We take this very seriously and will hold accountable those responsible," he said, noting 13 people were arrested on the morning of 22 March alone. 

“At the moment, the situation is under control. However, there are still small groups of people trying to incite trouble. It’s important we have the full cooperation of local residents,” he said. 

“This is quite unusual. People are being manipulated,” said one local journalist who used to live in the area. He cited extremist views, such as anti-Muslim sentiment by some groups, as a possible underlying factor in the violence. 

Myanmar’s Muslims account for approximately 4 percent of the country’s roughly 55 million inhabitants, however, the last nationwide census [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95462/MYANMAR-Census-offers-hope-to-ethnic-groups ] was conducted in 1983. The government lists 135 ethnic groups, which are grouped into eight national races: Burman, Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95195/Briefing-Myanmar-s-ethnic-problems ].

Condolences 

On 21 March, Vijay Nambiar, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Myanmar, arrived in Yangon, where he expressed sorrow over the loss of lives and destruction in Meiktila. 

“While firm action by the authorities was needed to prevent further loss of life or spread of violence, the continued fostering of communal harmony and preservation of peace and tranquillity among the people was the most urgent priority, and this was the responsibility of all sections of society. Religious leaders and other community leaders must also publicly call on their followers to abjure violence, respect the law and promote peace,” he said. 

In a brief statement on 21 March, the US embassy [ http://photos.state.gov/libraries/burma/895/pdf/03212013PressReleaseMeikhtila.pdf ] said it was closely monitoring the situation and extended its “deepest condolences to the families of those who lost their lives and property in the violence.” 

The latest violence is seen as yet another test for Myanmar’s reform-minded President Thein Sein, who has been praised for opening up and liberalizing the once-pariah Myanmar [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-depth/95199/96/What-next-for-Myanmar ], also known as Burma, since taking office in March 2011. 

ds/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97710/Displacement-tops-1-000-in-Meiktila</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200810267t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - More than 1,000 people have been displaced following sectarian violence in central Myanmar this week, government officials tell IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Challenges ahead of Myanmar’s first census in 30 years</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300427070215t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - As Myanmar readies to launch a pilot of its first national census in three decades on 30 March, activists and experts cite a number of challenges ahead of the actual count in 2014.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - As Myanmar readies to launch a pilot of its first national census in three decades on 30 March, activists and experts cite a number of challenges ahead of the actual count in 2014. 

At the time of the last official census on 31 March 1983, the population of Myanmar was 35,442,972. Current estimates put today’s figure at well over 60 million, including 135 recognized ethnic groups. 

“The logistical and security challenges to the process are immense,” David Scott Mathieson, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch (HRW) who has focused on Myanmar, told IRIN. “Just accessing some of the isolated and persecuted populations will be a huge undertaking, especially in areas where conflict has raged for decades, particularly in Kachin State and, most problematically, in Arakan State.” 

In addition to requiring access to conflict-affected areas of the country, census organizers must also work at overcoming some residents’ longstanding distrust of the state; and there could also be funding problems, activists say. 

In northern Kachin State, which borders China, the government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which has been fighting for greater autonomy for the past six decades, resumed fighting in June 2011 following the collapse of a 17-year ceasefire. 

According to recent estimates by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance (OCHA), over 80,000 people have been displaced by conflict in Kachin and Shan states. 

A recent report [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A.HRC.22.58_AUV.pdf ] by human rights investigator Tomas Ojea Quintana to the UN Human Rights Council cited continued allegations in Kachin of "attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual and gender-based violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, as well as torture". 

Meanwhile, in western Rakhine State (also known as Arakan), communal violence between Rohingya Muslims and ethnic (mainly Buddhist) Rakhine that erupted almost nine months ago [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95631/MYANMAR-Rakhine-violence-sparks-concern ] and again last October, has left more than 115,000 displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96449/MYANMAR-Displaced-Rohingya-living-worse-than-animals ], according to Burmese government estimates. 

Census, not citizenship 

Some 800,000 Rohingya, an ethnic, linguistic and Muslim minority, live in Rakhine State; they are de jure stateless under Burmese law [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b4f71b.html ]. They have long lacked decent health care, social services and education, and faced state-sanctioned persecution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ], including targeted restrictions (like family size) and requirements such as unpaid forced labour for security forces, according to activists [ http://www.oxfordburmaalliance.org/uploads/9/1/8/4/9184764/arakan_project_report_2012.pdf ].

Burmese authorities consider them undocumented immigrants and do not recognize them as citizens or as an ethnic group. 

The country’s last two official censuses in 1973 and 1983 did not list them as part of the population. 

The government includes the Rohingya in official family registries and gives them temporary registration cards. However, such documents do not mention place of birth and are not considered as evidence of birth in Myanmar. 

Mathieson is hopeful the number-counting exercise could have a positive impact. “In many ways the upcoming census could improve the human rights situation, in that it will recognize the citizenship of many people and grant them rights long denied, including stateless people in the eastern and northern borderlands and, hopefully, Rohingya Muslims long denied citizenship.” 

But Nyi Nyi, deputy director of the Department of Population, the government agency carrying out the census, was clear the census is about numbers alone, sending IRIN a presentation that indicated everyone within the country’s borders on census night - 29 March 2014 - will be counted, whether or not they are a citizen. The only people to be excluded from the count are staff from foreign embassies and consulates. 

“This is major step for our country and will allow us to better determine development programmes for our country,” said Nyi Nyi. 

The census is not intended to determine anyone’s legal status, said Lin Yanming, acting officer-in-charge of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) office in Myanmar, which is working with the government to conduct the census. 

Nevertheless, human rights and good governance are related, said Christophe Lefranc, technical adviser on population and development at UNFPA in Bangkok. “Having accurate and reliable data on the population can help promote good governance and appropriate development decision-making, improving the well-being of the general public.” 

Alan Lopez, professor of global health and head of the School of Population Health at the University of Queensland, said: “It is very difficult to see how a country can adequately plan for basic services such as health care, educational facilities and aged care without detailed knowledge of population size, dynamics and distribution.” 

Yanming added that the census will help monitor the country’s progress on reaching Millennium Development Goals as well as provide baseline indicators for the post-2015 sustainable development goals, which are yet to be set. 

Challenges 

Key challenges include lack of expertise as most of the civil servants who worked on the 1973 and 1983 censuses are now retired; little awareness among the population about the census; and reaching areas with ongoing fighting. 

In Karen State where armed groups have been at war with the government for more than 60 years [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94603/MYANMAR-High-hopes-for-Karen-peace-talks ] and hundreds of thousands remain internally displaced, community workers say residents have almost no knowledge of the census, but also worry about possible abuses. 

“A census is not inherently bad, but, due to our past experiences working with the villagers, local military officers could use the population numbers to carry out abuses - such as arbitrary taxation and forced labour,” said Saw Albert, field director of the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) based in Mae Sot (Thailand) near the Burmese border [ http://khrg.org/about.html ].

“When the government has more information about villagers, it is easy for them to target them,” he added. 

Another concern is that the census can be used as a tool to manipulate the numbers of people who support the ruling party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, in the scheduled 2015 parliamentary election. 

“What we see of the villagers’ situation in our research area [all of Karen State plus parts of Mon State, Bago Division and Tanintharyi Division in southern Myanmar] is that they never have a chance to vote for the government. Usually they are not allow[ed] to vote in their own name, but are automatically assigned a vote without their acknowledgement,” said Saw Albert. 

At the other end of the country, reaching indigenous populations in the country’s northern Shan State bordering China, as well as other border communities, is a “major logistical challenge”, added HRW’s Mathieson, noting that few people in the mountainous, isolated regions even speak Burmese, the language in which the census will be conducted. 

The estimated total cost of the census is US$58.5 million, of which the Burmese Government and UNFPA have committed $20 million. 

The pilot census, ahead of the 2014 nationwide census, is scheduled in 20 of the country’s 330 townships from 30 March to 10 April 2013 and involves face-to-face interviews and some 41 questions. 

Preliminary findings from the nationwide count next year are expected in July 2014, with final results in early 2015. 

fm/pt/ds/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97609/Challenges-ahead-of-Myanmar-s-first-census-in-30-years</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300427070215t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - As Myanmar readies to launch a pilot of its first national census in three decades on 30 March, activists and experts cite a number of challenges ahead of the actual count in 2014.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid workers cautious on Kachin peace talks</title><pubDate>Thu, 07 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210251349290601t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State are cautious following the latest round of peace talks between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State are cautious following the latest round of peace talks between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).

“We’re able to work a bit easier, but we can’t say how long it will last,” La Rip, coordinator of Relief Action Network for IDPs and Refugees (RANIR), told IRIN from the Burmese border town of Laiza, the de-facto KIO capital, citing a recent lull in fighting near the 2,000km Burmese-Chinese border. “There is always the possibility fighting could erupt again.”

The network of 13 local NGOs provides assistance to more than 45,000 displaced persons in KIO-controlled areas, including food, shelter, health, water and sanitation.

There are no international UN agencies or international NGOs in KIO-controlled areas, while the UN and a handful of international NGOs are active in government-controlled areas.

“We welcome anything that will improve the lives of those people suffering on the ground. However, it’s still a very fluid situation,” said Moon Nay Li, coordinator of the Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand (KWAT) [ http://www.kachinwomen.com/ ] in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai. “There is still troop movement in the area.”

Peace talks between the two sides in the Chinese border town of Ruili on 4 February aimed to reduce tension, improve communication and establish a surveillance system with the goal of achieving a ceasefire, according to a joint statement [ http://www.burmapartnership.org/2013/02/joint-statement-kio-and-the-myanmar-peace-team/ ].

Chinese officials, as well as representatives of the Shan and Karen minorities, also attended the talks.

“There is no major fighting in Kachin State,” Ye Htut, Myanmar's presidential spokesman, said from Naypyidaw, the Burmese capital, on 6 February. “There may be some small incidents, but these are isolated events.”

“The border area near Laiza is quiet,” confirmed Khun Okker, a spokesman for the United Nationalities Federal Council, an umbrella group of 11 of Myanmar’s leading ethnic groups - including the Mon, Shan, Karenni, Chin, and Kachin people. “This shows promise. However, we need to wait at least a week to see if this holds,” he said, noting, however, that fighting was continuing in Hpakant Township, as well as parts of northern Shan State, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the military arm of the KIO, is also active.

Since the conflict reignited in June 2011 (ending a 17-year ceasefire between the government and KIA), there have been 12 peace talks between the two sides, including five in China. During this period some 75,000 people have been displaced.

The Burmese military ramped up its offensive in December, and began using Russian-made Mi-35 helicopters and jet fighters, says the Free Burma Rangers [ http://www.freeburmarangers.org/2013/01/12/burma-army-jet-fighters-and-helicopters-support-continued-ground-assaults-in-kachin-state-killing-and-injuring-civilians/ ], a humanitarian group working in the area.

On 18 January, the government announced a unilateral ceasefire, but then proceeded to capture a key outpost and move its forces to within a few kilometres of Laiza [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97273/Myanmar-s-Laiza-town-tense-after-government-attacks ].

“The situation was quite tense. Some aid workers even left the area out of concern for their security,” KWAT’s Moon Nay Li said.

“A small step"

China - the host of this week’s peace talks and a long-standing ally of Myanmar - has called for a ceasefire and remains concerned about the possible influx of refugees. 

[ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96214/MYANMAR-Kachin-refugees-feel-Chinese-heat ] A shell landed on its territory in January, Xinhua, China’s state news agency, reported.
“It’s a small step, but we’re a long way away,” said Khun Okker on the latest round of talks. “Only with further negotiations can serious political dialogue begin.”

On 6 February [ http://www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid=6587 ], UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the Joint Statement issued by Myanmar’s Peacemaking Committee and the KIO, calling on both parties to continue their efforts towards genuine and sustainable peace.

The two sides have agreed to another round of talks at the end of February.

ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97424/Aid-workers-cautious-on-Kachin-peace-talks</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210251349290601t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 07 February 2013 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar’s northern Kachin State are cautious following the latest round of peace talks between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Why civil registration matters in Asia</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911221157120062t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Stronger civil registration systems are needed in Asia, home to 60 percent of the world’s population, to ensure the legal and human rights of all, and facilitate health planning, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Stronger civil registration systems are needed in Asia, home to 60 percent of the world’s population, to ensure the legal and human rights of all, and facilitate health planning, experts say.

“Civil registration is the most basic requirement for individuals to establish legal identity and to formalize family relationships, and is thus a basic responsibility of the state,” Haishan Fu, director of the statistics division at the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in Bangkok, told IRIN. “Without a legal identity, individuals may be deprived of the right of access to key public services such as health, education, social welfare and recourse to justice.”

According to the World Health Organization [ http://www.who.int/gho/publications/world_health_statistics/EN_WHS2012_Full.pdf ], only one quarter of the world’s seven billion inhabitants live in countries with registration systems that record births and death efficiently; 85 countries have only lower quality data ;74 lack any data on causes of death.

In the world’s two most populous countries (China and India - home to more than 2.5 billion people) there is no functional civil registration system, while mortality statistics are provided by using sample registration approaches, 2012 world health statistics [ http://www.who.int/gho/publications/world_health_statistics/EN_WHS2012_Full.pdf ] reveal.

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) [ http://www.unicef.org/eapro/media_20119.html ] notes that 51 million children go unregistered each year globally, while in South Asia two out of three children are not registered at birth and thus have no official record of their names, family and place or date of birth.

About 60 percent of Indonesian children [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/85952/INDONESIA-Unregistered-children-at-risk ] under-five years of age do not have birth certificates, and half are not registered anywhere, UNICEF reports, while in neighbouring Timor-Leste [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96384/TIMOR-LESTE-Making-inroads-on-birth-certificates ] an estimated 70 percent of children under five do not have a birth certificate - one of the lowest birth registration levels of any country in the region.

The absence of such documentation leaves children vulnerable, experts warn.

“Children also need recognition of their existence before the law, which can help protect them against illicit changes to their identity - such as their name and who their parents are,” said Amalee McCoy, regional child protection specialist for UNICEF. “No child deserves to be unregistered, and no nation can afford not to have reliable systems for registering them."

Birth certificates are critical forms of social protection for vulnerable and marginalized groups such as people in poverty, and can be an effective tool for preventing human trafficking and child marriages, ESCAP’s Fu said.

“Civil registration is at the heart of inclusive development because it provides the legal identity that enables voice, choice and protection,” she notes.

According to a 2011 report [ http://www.who.int/healthmetrics/news/chis_report.pdf ] published by the WHO Health Metrics Network (HMN), a Geneva-based network that assesses health information systems worldwide, basic foundations of a good health information system and health information workforce - including vital registration systems - remain inadequate in many countries.

A registration system is essential in a country because it creates the legal tools to establish and protect the civil rights of individuals, and creates a critical data source for the compilation of vital statistics, the report concludes.

However, without civil registration data, people who remain unregistered in a region, especially vulnerable populations such as women and children, are legally invisible to policymakers and thus exposed to exploitation, abuse and human trafficking.

Health planning

Data on fertility and causes of mortality derived from a functional registration system are essential in building national and global policies for health development.

“If children are not registered when they are born, they do not exist in the government plans. They are not eligible for immunization or for going to school. Adults do not receive appropriate health care; they do not have access to services nor legal rights. People are suffering, they are not protected and remain invisible,” said Alan Lopez, professor of global health and head of the School of Population Health at the University of Queensland.

Unregistered children and adults from ethnic minority groups such as Myanmar’s Rohingya, who are de jure stateless under Burmese law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ], by default have limited access to food and health care, leaving them susceptible to preventable diseases and malnutrition. Many are prevented from attending school and used for forced labour [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94672/In-Brief-40-000-Rohingya-children-in-Myanmar-unregistered ].

At the same time, the lack of death registrations - in particular for cause-specific mortality such as maternal, HIV/AIDS or malaria mortality in middle and low income countries - complicates health workers’ ability to estimate the disease burden, which is necessary for effective prevention and treatment.

“All countries have some form of a civil registration system but at different levels of quality and coverage,” ESCAP’s Fu said, adding that the best way to improve civil registration, and the most sustainable, is building on the systems already in place and identifying how civil registration can complement the other activities of governance.

“The value of regional collaboration and regional knowledge-sharing cannot be underestimated with respect to supporting the improvement of civil registration. Countries can learn from each other’s systems, particularly how they have overcome similar challenges,” she said.

The barriers for individuals registering births, deaths, marriages, adoptions, etc., are quite significant and those can include geography, cultural differences, inadequate legal frameworks and the cost of registration to the individual.

For UNICEF’s McCoy, costs attached to birth registrations, bureaucracy, and discriminatory laws against specific populations such as refugees, migrants, ethnic minorities and the stateless, are the main reasons why civil registration systems tend to fail vulnerable people.

“Systems exist in most countries - although they often still fail to reach marginalized children and families. They work best where parents are able to quickly and easily register children relatively soon after birth with little or no cost to parents," she noted.

Governments responsible

Experts agree vital registration systems are a government’s responsibility that requires long-term commitment at the highest levels of government, strong leadership and political will.

“Because civil registration is the responsibility of so many different agencies, long-term commitment is a precondition for improvement,” Fu said. “Another precondition is to involve local government, when relevant, in the improvement process because they are at the frontline of civil registration.”

Building public awareness of the value of civil registration or creating incentives, such as conditional cash transfers tied to birth registration in the family, can be crucial in improving registration rates.

In Nepal’s remote Karnali region, mothers are asked to register their newborn children as a condition to receive a cash grant for the purchase of nutritious food for children [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93878/NEPAL-Cash-grants-for-food-incentivize-birth-registrations ]. Birth registration is not prioritized in Nepal although it is important for children in order to receive governmental support, from health care to education.

Technology

Technology can also play a crucial role in overcoming the barriers to registration faced by people in rural or remote areas.

The Bangladeshi government, assisted by UNICEF, has launched a campaign to register birth data online in an effort to fight high levels of child marriages mainly in rural areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95782/BANGLADESH-Online-birth-data-to-prevent-child-marriage ].

About a third of women in Bangladesh aged 20-24 are married by the age of 15 and birth certificates can be a tool for preventing such marriages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92375/BANGLADESH-Parents-still-not-heeding-child-marriage-warnings ].

The international community has an important role to play in improving registration, by providing technical assistance and funding, and facilitating the exchange of best practices, experts and academics agree.

Lopez of Queensland University noted that the role of the international community is vital in pushing governments to provide reliable statistics - mainly through pressure to reach Millennium Development Goals [ http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/mdgoverview.html ]. But “social and health policies require above all strong government leadership.”

Move to improve statistics

In a watershed moment for Asia and the Pacific in December 2012, leading statisticians and senior government officials from 46 countries gathered in Bangkok and agreed to ambitious steps to improve environment and social statistics, critical in the context of the post-2015 development agenda. Included in that was an endorsement of a strategy to improve civil registration and vital statistics (CRVS) systems in the region, noting that dysfunctional CRVS systems hamper inclusive and sustainable growth.

“There is a strong business case for the improvement of civil registration,” Fu said. “With an understanding of the benefits of improved civil registration, governments will be able to prioritize this issue.”

fm/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97389/Why-civil-registration-matters-in-Asia</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911221157120062t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Stronger civil registration systems are needed in Asia, home to 60 percent of the world’s population, to ensure the legal and human rights of all, and facilitate health planning, experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Forced labour in Thai factory</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209200753450550t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 700 Burmese migrant workers in a pineapple factory in Thailand’s southern Prachuap Khiri Khan Province are victims of forced labour, according to a recently released report by Helsinki-based corporate watchdog Finnwatch.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 700 Burmese migrant workers in a pineapple factory in Thailand’s southern Prachuap Khiri Khan Province are victims of forced labour, according to a recently released report [ http://www.finnwatch.org/uutiset/80-serious-human-rights-violations-behind-european-food-brands ] by Helsinki-based corporate watchdog Finnwatch [ http://www.finnwatch.org/ ].

“It's a completely unlawful and abusive situation where they are afraid to leave because their documents have been confiscated by the factory owners,” said Andy Hall, a researcher for the Mahidol Migration Centre in Bangkok.

The workers, including as many as 50 children under the age of 18 and a pregnant woman, are forced to process pineapples for up to 80 hours weekly, in contravention of Thai law.

“The provincial labour welfare office will inspect the factory,” Phongthem Petchsom, a senior labour officer with the Thai Ministry of Labour Protection and Welfare, told IRIN. "Any factory that violates laws will face charges.” Thailand's migrant worker policy needs to be more comprehensive and less ad hoc, says local NGO Mekong Migration Network.

dm/pt/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97302/In-Brief-Forced-labour-in-Thai-factory</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209200753450550t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Up to 700 Burmese migrant workers in a pineapple factory in Thailand’s southern Prachuap Khiri Khan Province are victims of forced labour, according to a recently released report by Helsinki-based corporate watchdog Finnwatch.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WASH woes for Myanmar’s Rakhine IDPs</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181220510283t.jpg" />]]>YANGON 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) will be a key issue for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State as the weather gets warmer, say aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[YANGON 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) will be a key issue for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State as the weather gets warmer, say aid workers.

“As the hot season approaches, intervention measures are needed to solve the problem of drinking water shortages and reduce the risks of water-borne disease,” said Tun Thaung, project supervisor of Myanmar Health Assistant Association (MHAA), speaking from Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State.

According to the UN, some 115,000 people are still displaced in Rakhine following inter-communal violence in June and October 2012, in which thousands of homes and buildings were burned or destroyed and dozens of people killed. About 85 percent of the IDPs are in and around Sittwe.

The displaced, most of them ethnic (Muslim) Rohingya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96801/Briefing-Myanmar-s-Rohingya-crisis ], live in temporary, overcrowded relief camps, where conditions are harsh. Others are scattered across the state, living under tight security in their destroyed villages.

Government estimates suggest there are 56 IDP camps in nine townships - more than half of them in Sittwe.

About 5 percent of the IDPs are in urban settings, predominately ethnic Rakhine, while 95 percent are Rohingya, in rural areas.

“[WASH] Coverage remains uneven between urban camps populated by Rakhine ethnic IDPs and rural ones, mostly inhabited by Rohingya populations,” said Bertrand Bainvel, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative in Myanmar.

According to an inter-agency needs assessment (carried out between 29 October and 9 November) covering 18 IDP settlements and more than 36,000 people, 60 percent of those assessed lacked access to sufficient drinking water, while 70 percent lacked access to adequate sanitation.

Call for action

In December, UNICEF called for urgent action, warning that vulnerable groups, including children, were at the greatest risk of diarrhoea and other waterborne diseases.

Some areas of Rakhine face drinking water shortages every year during the hot season which lasts from March to May, said San Thein, team leader of local NGO Action Based Community Development. “Drinking water is especially scarce in April and May,” he said.

Most IDPs receive their drinking water from groundwater lifted through hand pumps or stored in rainwater tanks. However, some camps do not have groundwater and those using stored rainwater through the dry season are likely to run out by late January.

Beyond Sittwe, the situation is worse, say aid workers.

The WASH situation in Pauk Taw and Myebon is horrible," said Matthew Edward Gray, head of mission with Solidarites International [ http://www.solidarites.org/defaulteng.shtml ], citing communal tensions impeding any response for Myebon, massive logistical constraints, as well as a lack of other aid workers for Pauk Taw.

“If we don’t act soon to provide WASH systems in Myebon and Pauk Taw particularly, the situation can be desperate in one or two months and can turn into a health crisis.”

Personal hygiene

Agencies also note personal hygiene has yet to be adequately promoted at the camps, while building enough latrines for camp residents remains problematic.

About 35 percent of Rakhine residents practice open defecation, a practice that predates the conflict. Some health workers, however, are optimistic that more people will give up the practice as the promotion of personal hygiene is increased.

“To compare with the previous situation, more and more people are using latrines these days, which is encouraging,” said Naing Soe Aye, Rakhine-based project manager with The Consortium of Dutch NGOs, which has been working in Myanmar since early 2008.

Latrine pits filling up

Agencies also fear sanitation conditions will deteriorate the longer IDPs stay in the camps: Temporary latrines being used by large numbers of people have pits filling up rapidly, roughly every three months, without drainage and proper waste disposal options.

“In some camps, space is a major constraint for building latrines, and will be a bigger problem when the present latrine pits fill,” Bainvel said.

And without a decision relating to the proper relocation of the IDPs, UNICEF is concerned that whatever progress has been made will be reversed, increasing the likelihood of disease outbreaks as the rainy season approaches.

Many of the camps are built in low-lying areas and may also be prone to flooding.

“The IDPs will unlikely return to their previous homes in the short term,” MHAA’s Tun Thaung said. “The longer they stay at the camps, the more health concerns there will be."

nl/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97279/WASH-woes-for-Myanmar-s-Rakhine-IDPs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301181220510283t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">YANGON 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) will be a key issue for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State as the weather gets warmer, say aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Myanmar’s Laiza town “tense” after government attacks</title><pubDate>Thu, 17 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231050320846t.jpg" />]]>CHIANG MAI 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - A recent escalation in attacks by Burmese government forces in northern Kachin State, including air strikes, has left internally displaced persons (IDPs) and residents in and around Laiza town, close to the Chinese border, in fear, aid workers say.</description><body><![CDATA[CHIANG MAI 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - A recent escalation in attacks by Burmese government forces in northern Kachin State, including air strikes, has left internally displaced persons (IDPs) and residents in and around Laiza town, close to the Chinese border, in fear, aid workers say. 

Laiza (population 20,000) is the de facto capital of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which has been fighting for greater autonomy from the Burmese government for the past six decades. 

“People are really scared at the moment. Even today there were bombs and gunfire,” La Rip, a spokesman for the Relief Action Network for IDPs and Refugees (RANIR) [ http://www.ranirkachin.net/index.php/about-us/ranir/69-relief-action-network-for-idp-and-refugees-ranir ], a network of organizations engaged in relief work in the area, told IRIN. 

Some 15,000 people are now living in four camps in and around the town. “The atmosphere is very tense,” said La Rip, noting many of the town’s markets and stores had closed.

“Many of the IDPs are digging bunkers to protect their families, said Shirley Seng, supervisor of the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand (KWAT) [ http://www.kachinwomen.com/ ]. “The children are severely affected not only because of the lack of food, but now the added mental stress and fear of air strikes.”

On 14 January, three civilians were killed and four injured following a mortar attack in Laiza.

“There have been nearly 2,000 recent IDPs from Northern Shan State [which also borders China], as a result of fighting in the area, and many are leaving their homes because they can now hear the planes and artillery,” said Seng. 

According to the UN, there are up to 75,000 IDPs in Kachin State. More than half are in KIA-controlled areas, where access is limited and humanitarian assistance is urgently needed.

The Burmese military ramped up its offensive in December, and began using Russian-made Mi-35 helicopters and jet fighters, said the Free Burma Rangers [ http://www.freeburmarangers.org/2013/01/12/burma-army-jet-fighters-and-helicopters-support-continued-ground-assaults-in-kachin-state-killing-and-injuring-civilians/ ], a humanitarian group working in the area.

Civilians not targeted, says government 

The state-owned Myanmar News Agency said the military used the aircraft to clear rebels from a hilltop not far from the Chinese border - a report confirmed by the government on 16 January.

“The purpose of the operation was to keep supply routes open to our troops in the Lajayan area,” Ye Htut, Myanmar's presidential spokesman, told IRIN. “The Myanmar military never attacked civilian targets.”

However, according to activists, the situation now calls for both sides to exercise maximum restraint. 

“Both the army and the KIA must ensure that civilians caught [up] in the conflict area are protected. The three tragic deaths in Laiza show that there are real concerns that civilian lives might be at risk if indiscriminate fire is used,” said Isabelle Arradon, Amnesty International’s deputy Asia-Pacific director.

Since the escalation began, RANIR has reported five civilian casualties - two outside the town and three inside.

Calls for access

Earlier this month, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over the recent escalation, and called for reconciliation.

“The Secretary-General calls upon the Myanmar authorities to desist from any action that could endanger the lives of civilians living in the area or further intensify the conflict in the region,” he said in a statement [ http://www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid=6535 ].

“The ongoing hostilities have already caused large-scale displacement of civilians who continue to be in need of humanitarian assistance… It is vital that timely access be provided for the delivery of aid to vulnerable communities.”

During her visit to the country in December, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos discussed with President Thein Sein her concern about the lack of humanitarian access in parts of Kachin State, particularly with the onset of winter; a call echoed by Human Rights Watch (HRW) on 17 January.

“There needs to be unfettered consistent access for international humanitarians to all parts of Kachin State,” said Phil Robertson, HRW’s deputy director for Asia. “There needs to be more international pressure and efforts to press the Burmese government and the president's office to permit international humanitarian aid into all areas of Kachin State, with no exceptions.”

Fighting broke out in June 2011 between government forces and KIA troops following the collapse of a 17-year ceasefire.

ss/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97273/Myanmar-s-Laiza-town-tense-after-government-attacks</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231050320846t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CHIANG MAI 17 January 2013 (IRIN) - A recent escalation in attacks by Burmese government forces in northern Kachin State, including air strikes, has left internally displaced persons (IDPs) and residents in and around Laiza town, close to the Chinese border, in fear, aid workers say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The urban challenge for refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040849580451t.jpg" />]]>NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies. </description><body><![CDATA[NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies.

UNHCR has come a long way since 1997 when its refugee response approach implied that responding to refugees in towns and cities was to be avoided. In 2009 it committed to a policy [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ab356ab6.pdf ] that recognized the right of displaced people to move freely, stressing that its mandate to protect refugees is not affected by their location.

There are upsides to urban support. Refugees are more likely to find work (when permitted to do so by the local authorities) and become self-sufficient in urban settings, say agencies. Because of this, though start-up costs may be higher, these should diminish over the long term. It also makes more sense for a lot of refugees who were in any case displaced from urban settings, said Jeff Crisp, head of policy development and evaluation at UNHCR.

Kellie Leeson, urban refugee strategy focal point at the International Rescue Committee (IRC), told IRIN: “Typically refugees who come to urban centres do so to find jobs - that motivation and ambition should be applauded and should spark the question: how can we take advantage of that to help them survive on their own?”

Dominique Hyde, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Jordan, said Syrian refugees benefited from being in urban settings: “It’s a positive. If you look at lessons learned from Iraqis in Jordan. Living conditions are more normal, you’re not in a camp setting, your movements are not restricted. Although it is more difficult to access them, they are aware through informal networks of how to access services. Urban settings are better settings for refugees.”

“If you have a camp setting, it’s easier to count people, to provide a school, to provide a health centre. But for refugees, being in their own apartment, and being able to take their own decisions with cash assistance is preferred,” she said.

Kenya

In Kenya, many of the 45,000-100,000 refugees in the capital Nairobi fled Kakuma and Dadaab camps because of insecurity and lack of employment opportunities.

Experience shows in long-term situations camp conditions progressively decline as donor interest wanes. “Even in a competitive environment like Nairobi, you can eke out a living somehow,” said Crisp.

But in December 2012 the Kenyan government ordered Nairobi-based refugees to return to Kakuma and Dadaab, following a spate of attacks in Kenya’s northeastern Somali region and in the capital, Nairobi.

IRC has found that when it comes to creating opportunities for refugees in urban settings, programmes work best when they target both host populations and refugees. This was clearly the case in Nairobi where they teamed up with NIKE which runs a micro-franchise programme to train women aged 17-19 to set up small businesses.

“We’re trying to build networks so that it isn’t about isolated groups but refugees can engage with the host communities,” said Leeson.

“Obviously refugees will have specific protection issues but in general what they want is employment, health and education - that’s what everyone wants, right?”

The difficulty is where to draw the line between responding to refugee needs and solving the problems of the urban poor, says UNHCR’s Crisp. Refugees tend to settle among other poor and vulnerable communities, including migrants, irregular migrants and rejected asylum seekers, each of which has critical needs.

Tensions are also easily raised if aid is directed at just one group.

Studies of Nairobi-based refugees have shown urban refugees often pay higher rents than Kenyans, and are charged more for public health services and education fees, according to the Overseas Development Institute’s Humanitarian Policy Group.

Inclusive programmes

In San Diego and New York City in the USA, IRC works with local authorities to access land for ex-refugees from Burkina Faso, Myanmar, Cameroon and all over, who have resettled, to grow urban gardens. So as not to aggravate tensions, and to promote inclusion, the programme invites locals to get involved too.

Responding in urban settings involves having to work with new partners, such as the municipal authorities, so that refugees are integrated into existing education and health systems, rather than creating parallel ones. “These [urban authorities] are new partners and we are in the early stages of engaging with them… it involves a big shift,” said Crisp.

Local authorities are not always open to addressing refugee needs, and may prioritize rural camps over urban-based aid, according to UNHCR.

Mauritania

In Mauritania, both the local authorities and UNHCR have pushed refugees to stay in Mbéra camp in the east, if they want to receive aid, refugee groups in the capital, Nouakchott, told IRIN.

Refugees elsewhere - including for instance, Syrian refugees in Turkey - face a similar situation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ].

In Mauritania some 57,000 refugees are registered at Mbéra, while refugee group the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad and the Urban Community of Nouakchott (CUN), which represents the nine municipal authorities of Nouakchott, estimate a further 15,000 Malians fled to the capital, but no urban registration process took place, so the number is not known.

UNHCR has no immediate plans to address Nouakchott-based refugee needs. “The authorities have been very clear - that humanitarian aid is for those who are in the camp. Our strategy here is not for urban refugees in the capital,” said Elise Villechalane, reports officer for UNHCR in Nouakchott at the end of 2012.

“Our priority is to save lives immediately. It may evolve over time, but that is the current priority.”

Malians in Nouakchott come from both the Islamist-held north and from Kati and Bamako in the south following the March 2012 military coup. Many of the refugees are ex-government officials or other individuals with some means and thus may not be eligible in any case, for vulnerability-led aid, noted refugee groups.

Refugees who reach capital cities often create a “self-selection process” as they tend to be more educated and have more means to get to the capital in the first place.

However, agencies have moved away from making the assumption that only “young able-bodied men reach capital cities”, said Crisp. “We know they are a diverse group made up of women, children, men, people with disabilities, and other vulnerabilities.”

Many Malians arrived in Nouakchott with nothing, having used their resources to get there, said Zakiatou Oualette Alatine, an ex-Malian minister in Kati, and now spokesperson for the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad. “Many of us arrived empty-handed. Some of the young have found jobs but many of them are exploited as they don’t have refugee status. Most rely on extended family. A minority begs for money,” Kati told IRIN.

Both she and Safia Mint Moulay, representative of Karama, an association that represents Malian refugees in Nouakchott, said what urban refugees need most is identification papers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97187/MAURITANIA-Ex-refugees-want-land-ID-cards ]. Without refugee cards they are unable to get a job or attend school, said Moulay. “These people have real needs… Getting their papers - that is the key to everything. If they have papers then they have a right to receive food aid, blankets, shelter and protection,” she said.

These refugees do not want to go to Mbéra as they will not be able to work at all, said Alatine. Refugees have criticized life in the camps and the lack of schools.

CUN, alongside the international association of francophone mayors, gave 60,000 euros (US$78,500) for food for urban refugees, said Mohamed Fouad Berrad, CUN’s presidential adviser, but resources would need to come from elsewhere in future.

Shift in mind-set required

Getting urban refugee responses right requires a shift in mind-set, says IRC’s Leeson. “We can’t say let’s just do what we did before and translate it to an urban setting. We need to be more thoughtful about what we are doing.”

Too often refugees flee insecurity in camps only to face new forms of insecurity in cities, say refugee agencies. Urban refugees are often highly mobile and invisible, making them hard to protect. A study of Nairobi-based refugees by the Humanitarian Policy Group, IRC and the Refugee Consortium of Kenya, noted urban refugees were too fearful of deportation to make themselves visible and demand their rights [ http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/5858.pdf ]. Host states must be pressured into recognizing refugee rights to protection and giving them a clearer legal status, the report recommends.

Refugee associations in Nouakchott have been campaigning with the government, but little has shifted, they said.

UNHCR is still learning but the organization has put more time and resources into turning its urban refugee policy into practice than almost any other strategy, said Crisp.

“We are still in a transitional phrase. It isn’t quite prominent yet for everyone. But we need to get everyone orientated to the urban context,” he said.

The agency is collating best practice from urban responses globally, including in Malaysia, Ethiopia, Uganda, Ecuador, India, Tajikistan and Bulgaria, which will be available on a database this year.

To turn such best practice into a systematic reality will inevitably require more resources, Crisp noted. UNHCR launched record-level appeals amounting to US$3.6 billion in 2012, due to several high-profile refugee crises, and the funding is not in place to allocate or train staff dedicated specifically to addressing the challenges of urban response.

aj/eo/mk/cb

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97203/The-urban-challenge-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040849580451t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>