<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Mozambique</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 15:30:50 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>The anatomy of a Mozambique land deal </title><pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305221408030773t.jpg" />]]>NIASSA 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - A multi-million dollar “ethical” plantation development in northwestern Mozambique - the initiative of a clutch of Scandinavian faith-based organizations - has faced alleged acts of sabotage by the very people it was designed to assist, illustrating the divisions between foreign benefactors and local communities.
</description><body><![CDATA[NIASSA 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - A multi-million dollar “ethical” plantation development in northwestern Mozambique - the initiative of a clutch of Scandinavian faith-based organizations - has faced alleged acts of sabotage by the very people it was designed to assist, illustrating the divisions between foreign benefactors and local communities.
 
The company Chikweti Forest conceded in a recent environmental impact assessment that the land dispute was rooted in the initial, failed, consultation process, which did not involve either an entire community or neglected to consult others that were to be affected. 

Local authorities, NGOs and Chikweti Forests are now engaged in a conflict resolution process with those affected by the project.

Chikweti Forests is owned by the Global Solidarity Forest Fund (GSFF) [ http://gsff.se/en/ ], a Swedish-based investment fund founded in 2006 by Sweden’s Diocese of Västerås, the Opplysningsvesenets fond (OVF, a national Norwegian church endowment) and the Norwegian Lutheran Church, with the goal of community development and poverty alleviation. The GSFF has several investors, the largest being the Dutch public-sector pension fund Stichting Pensioenfonds ABP. 

The fund aims to create a 100,000-hectare pine and eucalyptus plantation in the Lichinga Plateau, near Lake Malawi, which is seen as a large-scale, sustainable investment in the country’s largest and least populated province. The initiative intends to provide a return for investors while also improving community livelihoods. 

About 15,000 hectares of the plantation have so far been planted.
 
Sabotage
 
But about a year after Chikweti’s launch, reports of arson and uprooted saplings began to emerge. Chikweti estimates that between 2007 and 2012, the company lost US$1 million to fires - 60 percent of these fires are thought to have been criminal and the remainder accidental. The highest number of fires to date occurred in 2012.
 
A September 2012 report by the human rights group FIAN [ http://www.fian.org/fileadmin/media/publications/PR_-_2012.10.16_-_Tree_plantations_Niassa_Mozambique.pdf ] said, “In April 2011, peasants from Licole and Lipende uprooted and cut down some 60,000 pine trees on an area of 12 hectares with machetes and hoes, and destroyed some [company] equipment.” Several people from the local community were subsequently arrested. 

According to Mozambique’s land tenure system, all land is owned by the state, although local communities have customary rights to it if they can prove usage for the past 10 years. 

The FIAN report, citing research by the World Bank [ http://www.worldbank.org/ ] and the US-based think tank the Oakland Institute [ http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/ ], said between 2004 and 2009, Mozambique transferred 2.7 million hectares of land to investors. Foreign investors were granted one million hectares of these transfers, “73 per cent of which are for the forestry sector, and 13 per cent for agrofuels and sugar.” 

The report noted that, in the absence of a public land registry, “most contracts between investors and government are kept secret”.
 
Origins of dispute
 
The origins of the Chikweti land dispute can be traced to numerous causes, from locals’ high expectations for development projects and employment opportunities to local leaders agreeing to the concessions without understanding how large an area 1,000-2,000 hectares was or that it would take decades before the land would be again available for communities to cultivate. 

According to community members, the plantation took land that had been left fallow or that was being saved for the next generation. 

Chikweti’s negotiations with the top traditional leaders also made lower leadership members feel they had been overlooked in the consultation process, several local leaders complained to IRIN. 

Cucena Namalha, from the local NGO Estamos, which is assisting in the conflict resolution, told IRIN, “When we first came to the communities here, there were many complaints, for example about bridges and schools that Chikweti had promised to build. We ask the communities, ‘Have you signed any papers? Is it written anywhere what they have promised?’ The answer is no. The only thing we can do is make sure that the same thing doesn’t happen again.” 

Efforts are now underway to conduct delimitations to help determine land access. This is usually the responsibility of the local authority’s land surveyors, but because of limited capacity, NGOs are assisting in the process.
 
At a recent meeting hosted by Estamos in Bandeze, one of the affected communities, an NGO representative explained the goal: “We are here to protect you and your children from future investors that want to use your land. If your land is formally delimited, it will be easier for you to defend yourself and to decide what parts could be used for investments and what part you need to keep.”
 
However, such guarantees from Estamos were met with scepticism. Local leader Victorino Rajabo said at the gathering, “You must understand, they [the community] are afraid. When Chikweti came, we lost a lot of land. Now they don’t know how to react. They don’t know what to hold on to.” 

Rajabo told IRIN after the meeting that dialogue with Chikweti had improved, but that the community remains affected. “We still have land, but it is far away from the village,” he said, pointing to the mountains on the horizon.
 
Chikweti has provided employment opportunities to locals, but this, too, has proved problematic. Employment levels at the plantation have fluctuated from a high of 6,000 people to the current 1,300 permanent jobs plus 800 seasonal workers.
 
Chikweti’s CEO, Chris Bekker, said when he assumed his post in 2011 that the company was performing poorly because only about 24 percent of employees routinely arrived on the job. He attributed this to many people never having experiencing the responsibilities of formal work.
 
Meanwhile, many who had not benefited from employment opportunities were angry. “Only the ones who are employed by Chikweti really gained something, but they are eating at other peoples’ expense,” Rajabo told IRIN.
 
Mending fences
 
Bekker attributed the land dispute to a variety of issues, including poor communications and high expectation about role the company would play developing local communities. He has spent his first two years on the job slowing the company’s expansion plans while working to engage with the locals.
 
The company has employed trained conflict resolution experts from Lichinga to provide regular dialogue with affected communities in their mother tongues. It has also established community a fund; the first of the fund’s disbursements were used to build basic mosques, maternity facilities, health posts, schools and bridges. 

The community outreach projects have had a calming effect. In the village of Ussumane, tensions appeared to have dissipated. 

“We have built two schools with the money from Chikweti, and the relationship with the company is good today. We have an understanding,” Jafar Binal, a local leader and fund administrator, told IRIN.
 
As part of the fund’s terms, the community receives $5 for each hectare that is not burned or vandalized. 

“The fires are not always started by people in the communities where we work; it can be done by neighbouring communities in order to harm people they are upset with or because of jealousy,” Bekker said. 

The company has adopted a rotation system for the seasonal employees, with the objective of distributing income among different community members, with one team working one week and another working the following week. More permanent jobs are envisaged once the company begins its expansion plans. 

Since 2011, the local government has not accepted any new applications for using communal land for plantations, and it will not do so until existing conflicts are resolved. 

“We are more careful now, especially concerning the forestry industry,” Silva Joao, director of geography and state land delimitations at the agricultural department in Lichinga, told IRIN. “We will use the best methods we can find to secure a massive participation. We don’t want any more reports about land conflicts because of poorly done consultation processes,” he said. 

al/go/rz 


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98077/The-anatomy-of-a-Mozambique-land-deal</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305221408030773t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIASSA 22 May 2013 (IRIN) - A multi-million dollar “ethical” plantation development in northwestern Mozambique - the initiative of a clutch of Scandinavian faith-based organizations - has faced alleged acts of sabotage by the very people it was designed to assist, illustrating the divisions between foreign benefactors and local communities.
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Unwelcome side effects of mining in Mozambique</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238340824t.jpg" />]]>TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 in the afternoon and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique&apos;s northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique's northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers. 

"When the big mining companies were established here, people started moving in from neighbouring countries: Zimbabwe, Malawi and Zambia. Tete became a window of hope, but when people don’t find the jobs they hoped to find, many of them end up involved in prostitution or criminality," said Oswaldo Inacio Jossiteala, a programme officer at the International Centre for Reproductive Health (ICRH). 

Every mining boom brings the fear of a rising HIV infection rate, particularly in a country like Mozambique, where the estimated prevalence is already 11.3 percent. 

Although the incidence of infection in Tete has been stable at 7 percent, officials are concerned that this could be changing. In an interview with Radio Mozambique, Domingos Viola, the coordinator of the provincial working group for the fight against HIV/AIDS, noted that in 2012, 35,000 cases of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) were registered in the area, 10,000 of them in Moatize, at the centre of the coal boom, which has just 40,000 residents. 

The recently opened Night Clinic is part of a project called the Improved Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Services for Most at Risk Populations (MARP) in Tete, set up with the goal of reducing STIs and HIV in Tete and Moatize. 

Most of the patients are between 16 and 35 years old, and 30 to 35 receive medical attention every evening. According to Jossiteala, "The target group are often stigmatized when they go to ordinary clinics - we believe they find it easier to come here, and that the new clinic will attract more patients." 

The project is a collaboration between Mozambican health authorities, the International Centre for Reproductive Health, USAID, and the Flemish International Cooperation Agency (FICA) [ http://www.icrh.org/projects/improved-sexual-and-reproductive-health-and-rights-services-for-most-at-risk-populations-in ]. Vale has contributed $200,000 for the infrastructure, while the local health authority is paying for staff and medicines. 

The Night Clinic has activists working in local communities, at trucks stops and guesthouses, trying to convince target groups to visit and make use of the services. They also lobby for the rights of sex workers in the province. 

"If a sex worker is beaten by a customer, or if a customer doesn’t pay, the women have the right to take the case to court. But since most of them are here illegally, that is very difficult. The women are afraid that the authorities will turn against them, but now we see small changes in the attitudes." 

The Mozambican media last year reported cases of policemen abusing foreign sex workers in Tete and soliciting bribes from them, but Jossiteala noted that since clinic staff began educating sex workers about their rights, this is slowly changing. 

As mining companies flourish in the province, residents are growing increasingly unhappy with the inadequate contribution of the firms to the wellbeing of surrounding communities. Most of the people working in the mines are men under 40 years old, many of them living alone. Américo Conceicão, acting Permanent Secretary of Tete Province, has urged the mining companies to do more. 

"They have internal HIV-programmes, but how their employees act affects the whole community, not just the mining company. They need to work together with the health authorities concerning these issues," he said. 

Carla Mosse, the provincial director of health in Tete, hopes that with the worrying rise in the incidence of STIs and HIV, mining companies will step up and play a bigger role. 

"We are too disorganized. We need to elaborate a provincial plan for social responsibility where we, together with the companies, have decided what they will contribute each year. Now, if we need something we send a letter asking for help, and the answer is always, ‘No, no, no’." 

awn/kn/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97822/Unwelcome-side-effects-of-mining-in-Mozambique</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107261238340824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - It is 15.45 in the afternoon and two young women are already sitting outside the Night Clinic in Moatize, a small town in Mozambique&apos;s northern Tete Province, near one of the largest coal mines in the southern hemisphere, owned by Brazilian mining giant, Vale. The national 123 road cuts through the town, and the clinic lies just off it, intentionally located to bring its services as close as possible to its target patients: miners, truck drivers and sex workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice [ http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ].

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 [ http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ].

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ].

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

- A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

- Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

- Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

- Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mozambicans want more payback from mining companies</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251211330893t.jpg" />]]>TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow. “When the mining companies came to Tete, most people were happy. We thought that they would build new schools and a university, but that didn’t happen,” said Julio Calengo, of Liga dos Direitos Humanos (Human Rights League), a local NGO. 

“They have done some things - our economy is growing on a macro level - but the people are complaining; they are disappointed. They say, ‘If this is the way it is going to be, they might as well leave again’.” Residents of the provincial capital, Tete, and the town of Moatize, 20km away, worked in foreign-owned coal mines during colonial times, but the outbreak of civil war in 1977 cut off access to the port of Beira and export markets. 

“For 20 years there was huge unemployment, the town was dead. Most people lived the life of the countryside - cultivating their fields, breeding animals, doing small business. Those were difficult years,” recalled Vicente Adriano, a teacher who has lived in Moatize most of his life. When Brazilian mining giant Vale appeared on the scene in 2004 with a plan to exploit the region’s coal reserves on a scale not seen before in Mozambique, there was hope that everything would change, Adriano said. 

Many local people got jobs during the construction phase, but few were offered employment on the mine. “We didn’t understand that Vale is a big and modern company. People here have always worked in the mines... Now they need specialized workers, but neither the government nor Vale has trained anyone here,” said Adriano. Hiring workers from other parts of the country or abroad has created tensions, he told IRIN. “There is no violence yet, but it is latent and can appear.” 

Expectations outpace growth 

For years, estimates of future revenues from Mozambique’s vast deposits of coal and natural gas have filled the local media, fuelling the hope that these will bring prosperity to one of the poorest countries in the world. But many Mozambicans are also keenly aware that resource booms in other parts of the continent have mainly benefited corrupt politicians and the corporations extracting the natural wealth, leaving most of the population as poor as before. 

After it emerged that Vale and other multinationals were enjoying enormous tax breaks, the government agreed to review the taxes they were paying. Paolo David, country manager for multinational engineering company, ABB, which has been working in Mozambique since the 1950s and is now one of Vale’s largest subcontractors is sceptical about the hype surrounding the country’s expanding economy. “Mozambique has been growing by 7 to 8 percent for the last 20 years, but if you look closer you can see that it has grown from a very small base,” he told IRIN. 

Whether or not the coal and natural gas reserves will lead to more rapid development will depend on global demand and the cost of extracting the resources, he said. Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto recently revised the value of its coal mining operation in Tete from US$3.9 billion to less than $1 billion, partly because of infrastructure problems, David noted. 

“They are losing a lot of money, though everybody thought it was a big success. And Vale is facing enormous costs building a new railway to [the port of] Nacala, which will be very difficult to cope with if the government starts taxing them.” 

Lack of employment 

In Tete and Moatize the greatest expectation has been that jobs will be created. Mining companies have been accused of exaggerating the prospects of work as a way of convincing villagers to move from locations required for mines. 

Outside the offices of Indian company Jindal in Changara, 110km from the provincial capital, Jovencio Sande is among a group of men from one of three villages facing resettlement by Jindal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97694/Resettlement-conflicts-follow-Mozambique-s-mining-boom ]. “We come here quite often to wait for work,” he told IRIN. “Jindal has promised us jobs since 2008, but we are still unemployed.” 

Vale’s Coal Operations Director, Altiberto Brandão, said his company struggled to find skilled local labour. There is no technical training facility in Tete, and Moatize has only a small institute for mining geology. “We were taken by surprise by the boom; we were not prepared,” admitted Américo Conceicão, the province’s acting permanent secretary. “Today we are planning to build a polytechnic school to create a local workforce. Of course, we should have done that already ten years ago.” 

But the local population lays most of the blame on the mining companies for not providing more in-house training programmes. “Vale is now training 24 young people from one of the resettled communities,” said Julio Calengo. “Twenty-four people since 2004! I want to see my neighbour going to work in Vale’s mine every morning, then I will be satisfied.”

Brandão said Vale had employed nearly 400 people from Tete, and that some of them have benefited from training. The company has also started recruiting 300 young Tete citizens for training, of which 100 will work on their new mine due to open next year. He maintained that, in general, 10 jobs are created for each person hired to work in the mine as a result of the goods and services they consume. 

Yet many people IRIN talked to doubted that jobs were being created in Tete. The mining companies’ canteens, for example, serve mostly food brought in from elsewhere, citing the lack of quantity and quality of food available in Tete as the reason. The dramatic rise in prices caused by the influx of people coming to work on the mines is compounding the lack of employment in Tete and Moatize. 

“Before Vale came, a kilo of tomatoes cost 10 meticais, now it costs 40 or 50, and it is the same with beans, maize and flour,” said Vicente Adriano. “Teachers have the same low salary, but food and the rent of a house, or buying a plot [of land] has become many times more expensive.”

He believes the government should pressure the extractive industry to do more for communities: “The government doesn’t demand anything from the mining companies.” 

awn/ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97724/Mozambicans-want-more-payback-from-mining-companies</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251211330893t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - When foreign mining companies started arriving in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province, people had high expectations that employment and prosperity would follow.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Resettlement conflicts follow Mozambique&apos;s mining boom</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211038300336t.jpg" />]]>TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate.</description><body><![CDATA[TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate. 

The Brazilian mining giant Vale has been accused of resettling communities in inadequate areas with poorly constructed homes, and is now trying to make amends. The Indian steel company Jindal, meanwhile, is still in the process of moving communities from its mining area. 

Luácio Foia lives in the village of Kassoka, in Changara District, just a few kilometres from Jindal’s new mining area. Coal is already being extracted ahead of the mine’s official inauguration, which is planned for later this month.

In his current location, Foia is able to pan for gold to supplement his farming income. Outside his house, he points at the ground and says, “Even right here you can find gold, but in the creeks there is more. If I don´t have anything, I take my tools and I go to the creeks… No one starves here.”

Foia, his wife and their eight children are among 565 families in three communities facing resettlement to an area where panning for gold will no longer be an option. 

Awaiting the move

Since Jindal moved into the area in 2008, the people of Kassoka have not been able to open up new fields for farming or build new houses. Foia says that some families have already lost fields to the mine. Although they were compensated according to the size of their fields, the amounts did not take into account the presence of gold in the area.

The villagers’ resettlement has been delayed, first by their refusal to move to the area the company had selected, and then by the provincial government, which rejected Jindal’s initial resettlement plan.

Arsénio Mahajane, who has been hired by Jindal to manage the dialog with the families awaiting resettlement, claims he is very satisfied with the process: the communities have chosen the site they want to move to and now they are just waiting for the provincial government to approve the new resettlement plan.

“We are lucky; we had the possibility to learn from what happened with Vale’s resettlement in Cateme,” he told IRIN. “It has been like a school for us, and we are taking that in to account.”

But Foia complains that Jindal has employed a local leader as an assistant as a way to silence the community.

“He doesn´t represent us anymore. He has been bought by the company. He even says it himself, ‘I have a good life now. I will lose my job if I tell them what you think’.”

Foia also has concerns about the site they will be moving to, which was selected by local leaders and which he has not seen for himself. “There is no water where we are going, no river. Imagine the day when our leaders start rationing the water. They also say that we will have electricity, but who will pay for the electricity? You have to have a job to pay for electricity.” 

Protests

Vale was the first company to start exploring for coal in Tete, and remains the largest of seven coal-mining companies now operating in the province. Vale resettled around 5,000 people between 2006 and 2011, but the process was marred by conflict. 

In January 2012, members of Vale’s largest resettled community, which was moved from Moatize to Cateme, one hour’s drive away, blocked the Sena Railway used to transport coal to the port of Beira to protest conditions in their new village. They said Cateme lacked transportation and jobs, that the soil was poor and that their houses were badly constructed without foundations.

Vale workers are now repairing a section of the pot-holed road between Moatize and Cateme and renovating houses that were built without foundations. Vale has also started a model farm to teach the community modern farming techniques and income-generating activities such as poultry breeding.

Luisa Antonio received a loan from Vale to build a chicken run and to buy chicken feed and medicine. The money will be deducted from the profits she earns when the chickens are sold. 

“I gained 9,000 meticais (US$300) after I sold the first round of chickens,” she told IRIN. “That is a good payment; it relieves our poverty. But I don´t know how we will manage on our own. We have no transport and there is still no shop here that sells what we need for our business. Vale only helps us for the first four rounds [of breeding]. We are worried.”

However, Antonio is more hopeful than she was before the protest. The projects that Vale has implemented in the community are having an impact, she says, and “if they continue, life will change”. Her son is among 23 young people from the village who are receiving training from Vale on how to become machine operators. 

“He will study there for a year… After that, they have promised to give him a job in the mine, but sometimes promises are broken, so you never know,” she said.

Stepping in

Following the protest, the provincial government also appears to have realized the need to become more involved in resettlement processes.

“We were not prepared - that was our mistake. We were not there when Vale started the resettlement process. A lot of things went wrong in the beginning,” said Américo Conceicão, acting provincial permanent secretary.

According to Conceicão, Vale used a consulting firm to negotiate with the population of Moatize, leaving local government in the dark about what promises were made and about the poor quality of houses built in Cateme.

“Now we are better prepared for new resettlement processes. We have created a model house, and we have an effective resettlement commission. We want to take the lead in the process,” he said.

However, Vale’s coal operations director, Altiberto Brandão, claims that they worked with local government from the beginning and that the houses are of good quality. “We built them five years ago, and not a single one has fallen apart yet. It is a cultural matter.”

Rui de Vasconcelos Caetano of the local organization AAACJ [Association for Judicial Assistance and Support to Communities], who has worked with the resettled communities from the beginning of the process, said that Brandão’s suggestion that cultural preferences accounted for the dissatisfaction with the houses was disrespectful. 

AAACJ is encouraging community members to refuse Vale’s offer to renovate their houses, arguing that the houses should be completely rebuilt or that families should be given money to build their own houses. Still, many in the community have already accepted Vale’s offer to renovate.

De Vasconcelos Caetano is sceptical of some of the other measures that Vale has taken since the demonstrations. He argues, for instance, that the agricultural methods used on the model farm are unsustainable, since they use fertilizers and other inputs that the communities will not be able to afford on their own. 
He is also not convinced that Jindal has learned anything from the Vale experience. AAACJ is now working with the communities facing relocation by Jindal, teaching them about their rights. 

The people of Kassoka do not know when their move will take place. Jindal has promised that the new village will contain a clinic, a school, banks and shops, but construction cannot start until the provincial government approves the new plan. 

awn/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97694/Resettlement-conflicts-follow-Mozambique-apos-s-mining-boom</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211038300336t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TETE 21 March 2013 (IRIN) - The coal boom in Mozambique’s northwestern Tete Province is pitting disgruntled locals against international mining conglomerates as communities living in the new mining areas are forced to relocate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mozambique’s first HIV vaccine trial heralds new era in local research</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207241016190211t.jpg" />]]>MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity.</description><body><![CDATA[MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity. 

This week, researchers at Mozambique’s Polana Cancio Centre for Research and Public Health completed a trial evaluating the safety of an HIV vaccine candidate. The study was conducted through the UK HIV Vaccine Consortium’s Tanzania and Mozambique HIV Vaccine Programme (TaMoVac) [ http://www1.imperial.ac.uk/medicine/research/researchthemes/infection/infectious_diseases/hiv_trials/vaccines/ukhvc/ ]. Preliminary results from the Phase I trial indicated the vaccine was safe, but researchers say it will be months before they know if the vaccine produced an immune response in participants. 

The country also launched its second HIV vaccine trial, this one of a Phase II HIV vaccine candidate, also through TaMoVac, this week. As part of this multi-site study, which is taking place in both Mozambique and Tanzania, Mozambique will recruit 20 percent of the 200-patient sample. 

According to Ilesh Jani, director general of Mozambique’s National Institute of Health, the studies, while small, mark important first steps towards bolstering clinical trial and research capacity for diseases such as HIV and malaria. These diseases, along with malnutrition, continue to drive death rates in the country [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/90868/MOZAMBIQUE-Technology-revolution-hits-HIV-testing-and-treatment ].

“We should be in the driver's seat, not sitting in the back of the car waiting for someone to find the answer,” Jani told IRIN/PlusNews. “We need to get involved and take leadership to find the solutions.” 

“Maybe we don’t yet have the capacity to develop these products in the lab, but we have the capacity to test them and accelerate discovery,” he added. 

Larger HIV vaccines trials in the pipeline 

The centre - which is located on the outskirts of the capital city, Maputo - aims to help the National Institute of Health understand the health concerns of the country’s increasingly peri-urban population. 

“Maybe half of Mozambique will be living in peri-urban areas in the next 10 years,” Jani said. “It’s a setting where we don’t completely understand the determinants of health.” 

Understanding these determinants will require household mapping and an HIV prevalence study. Researchers at the centre expect that this study will show an HIV prevalence rate of at least three percent in the local community. 

If this is true, Polana Cancio could become a clinical research site for larger, more advanced HIV vaccine trials. Nationally, Mozambique has an HIV prevalence rate of about 11 percent, according to UNAIDS. 

The centre will also be conducting a study into common causes of fever. 

Jani added that, while it might not be possible for the all the products tested by the centre to enter the market patent-free, he hopes that products tested at the centre - and found to be effective - will be affordable for use in countries like Mozambique. 

llg/kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97657/Mozambique-s-first-HIV-vaccine-trial-heralds-new-era-in-local-research</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207241016190211t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAPUTO 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has completed its first HIV vaccine trial and is set to embark on a second, a demonstration of the country’s increased HIV research capacity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Africa, corruption dirties the water</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011339570855t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.

“The impact of corruption on the water sector is manifested by lack of sustainable delivery, inequitable investment and targeting of resources, and limited participation of affected communities in developmental processes,” Bethlehem Mengistu, regional advocacy manager at the NGO Water Aid, told IRIN.

In a 2010 report, the UN World Health Organization (WHO) [ http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/publications/2012/jmp_report/en/index.html ], estimated that around 780 million people around the world, including 343 million in Africa, did not have access to an “improved drinking water supply”, meaning a running water network, public drinking fountains, protected wells or springs, or rainwater tanks.

Globally, an estimated 3 million deaths result from water-borne diseases annually, according to WHO.

According to the World Bank, 20 to 40 percent of public finances worldwide meant for the water sector are lost due to corruption and dishonest practices.

Denied water

In Africa, climate change and burgeoning populations have caused competition over scarce water resources, at times leading to communal conflicts. Experts say corruption exacerbates Africa’s water problems.

“More specific examples of how corruption denies poor people access to water include situations where wealthy or politically connected people use their position to unduly influence the location of a water source at the cost of the poor,” Maria Jacobson, programme officer at the UN Development Programme’s Water Governance Facility (WGF), at the Stockholm International Water Institute, told IRIN.

According to Jacobson, the poor “don’t have the resources to participate in a corrupt system that relies on bribes”, and therefore “lose out in terms of poor water services”.

“Poor people also have few, if any, means to enter alternative markets when corrupt public systems fail to deliver,” she added.

A 2008 report [ http://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub/global_corruption_report_2008_corruption_in_the_water_sector ] by Transparency International (TI), a global corruption watchdog, estimated that corruption denied more than a billion people access to safe drinking water and kept 2.8 billion from accessing sanitation services.

In Tanzania, a 2012 study [ http://www.water-alternatives.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=173 ] published in the peer-reviewed journal Water Alternatives revealed that a large-scale agricultural and livestock farming project - on a 14 hectare plot of land in the Iringa area leased out by the government to a private company, allegedly without following the legal process - led to contamination of nearby water sources serving some 45,000 people.

The study, conducted by the Italian NGO ACRA (Cooperazione Rurale in Africa e America Latina), said fertilizers, pesticides and animal waste from the farm washed downstream to the water points.

“While there are mechanisms within Tanzanian law to limit potentially polluting activities, establish protected zones around water sources, and empower water-user organizations to exercise control over activities that damage the quality of water, in practice, in the Iringa region, these were not effective as many procedures were not followed,” the authors said.

In developing countries, corruption is estimated to, according to the TI report, “raise the price for connecting a household to a water network by as much as 30 per cent,” which leads to an inflation of the “overall costs for achieving the Millennium Development Goals for water and sanitation, cornerstones for remedying the global water crisis, by more than US$48 billion.”

In Kenya, for instance, poor people in the capital, Nairobi, pay 10 times more for water than their wealthier counterparts, according to TI.

Incompetence

The incompetence of national and local authorities, too, is to blame.

“Because the revenue that is collected from the water sector is not ring-fenced, it is not ploughed back in to improve services. It is not uncommon to see leaking and broken pipes and water pumps in many parts of urban and rural regions of Africa countries,” Barrack Luseno, a Kenyan water sector analyst, told IRIN.

In Malawi, according to the TI report, water collection points constructed between 1988 and 2002 were mostly placed in areas where such facilities already existed, largely due to “political patronage.”

“The key drivers [of corruption] are limitations of participation, transparency and accountability. It is usually the case that the details of sector resourcing is confined, there is limited participation of right holders in critical issues of development, and the checks and balances to key decision-making roles are weak,” Water Aid’s Mengistu added.

Water Aid recommended in a 2012 report [ http://www.wateraid.org/what%20we%20do/our%20approach/research%20and%20publications/~/media/Publications/WaterAid_Keeping_Promises_Synthesis_Report.ashx ] that governments invest more but also put measures in place to fight the runaway graft in the water sector.

“Governments and donors must ensure that rigorous checks and balances are in place to tackle corruption and minimize waste,” said the report.

It gave the example of the Ugandan government and donors moving quickly to tackle the misappropriation of funds that occurred in the country’s water sector at the end of 2012.

“There is a continuing need to enhance the accountability of governments in delivering services and fulfilling their obligations as duty bearers. Community service organisations have an important role to play as watchdogs to ensure rights holders receive their entitlements,” it added.

Involving communities in decision making and putting more investment into the sector are some of the ways to ensure access for more people.

“We must ensure integrity by ensuring more openness in dealing with issues of land and water. Remember, for rural communities, access to land is commensurate with access to water. This explains the conflict between pastoralist and farming communities,” Luseno added.

Privatization?

Some have advocated for the privatization of water services. In Africa, Senegal and Cote d'Ivoire are cited as privatization success stories. But critics, fearing increased prices, say that putting life-sustaining resource in the hands of for-profit companies would be dangerous.

Karen Bakers says in her 2010 book Privatizing Water: Governance failure and the world’s urban water crisis, “an increasing consensus has developed that private sector participation in water supply will not be able, as some proponents has hoped, to succeed where governments have failed to provide water for all.”

According to the WGF [ http://www.watergovernance.org/ ], the ideological debates over the privatization of water services “do not benefit those lacking sustainable drinking water supply and sanitation.”

The World Bank estimates by 2007, some 160 million people were being served by private water operators globally [ http://www.ppiaf.org/sites/ppiaf.org/files/FINAL-PPPsforUrbanWaterUtilities-PhMarin.pdf ]. About 50 million of these people are served by public-private partnerships that can be considered successful.

But privatization has produced different results for different countries.

In Mozambique, a World Bank study revealed that access to water in the capital, Maputo, had improved since the delegation of water management to private companies.

In Uganda, water sector reforms included more funding from the government and better management of the National Water and Sewerage Corporation - a privately managed but publicly owned water company responsible for the 15 largest cities in the country. According to Water Aid, in just five years after the reforms, it had transformed from being a highly inefficient, underperforming and loss-making body to a healthy and financially sustainable public corporation. Service coverage grew from 48 to 74 percent between 1998 and 2010. The same period witnessed household connections increase from 53,000 to 246,259.

Still, corruption has been a challenge.

“In a study of corruption in Uganda’s water sector, private contractors estimated the average bribe related to a contract award to be 10 percent [of the total cost]. The same study showed that 46 per cent of all urban water consumers had paid extra money for connections,” said WGF’s Jacobson.

Kenya, on the other hand, abandoned plans to open up Nairobi’s water supply to private companies, fearing it would inflate water prices.

In 2008, Mali experienced anti-privatization protests that left one person dead and five others injured in the capital, Bamako.

In Ghana, water tariffs increased by 80 percent after privatization [ http://www.vitensevidesinternational.com/projects/ghana/case-study-book-ghana-5.pdf ], and a third of the country’s population still has no access to safe and clean water.

“Experience suggests that to make private sector engagement work, effective government regulatory powers are required,” says WGF.

Ending corruption in the sector, experts like WGF’s Jacobson say, would require diagnosing the effectiveness of anticorruption interventions, creating legal and financial reforms, and building public sector capacity.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97642/In-Africa-corruption-dirties-the-water</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011339570855t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Collusion among government officials, unscrupulous water vendors and large farm owners results in diverted water supply lines, misappropriated funds, and failure to implement laws on protecting water sources from encroachment and pollution. These are just some of the ways corruption is denying millions of poor people in Africa access to safe and clean drinking water, experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Malnutrition persists alongside Mozambique&apos;s economic growth</title><pubDate>Mon, 04 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303040842490478t.jpg" />]]>MAPUTO 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has seen economic growth between seven and eight percent during the last two decades, yet over half the population continues to live below the poverty line. Rates of stunting and chronic malnutrition among Mozambican children have shifted little in the past decade, falling from 48 percent in 2003 to 43 percent today.</description><body><![CDATA[MAPUTO 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has seen economic growth between seven and eight percent during the last two decades, yet over half the population continues to live below the poverty line. Rates of stunting and chronic malnutrition among Mozambican children have shifted little in the past decade, falling from 48 percent in 2003 to 43 percent today [ http://measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/PR14/PR14.pdf ]. 

The country’s children die less from acute malnutrition than they did 10 or 20 years ago, but their quality of life remains poor.

Carlos Castel Branco, an economist and researcher at the Institute for Social and Economic Studies (IESE) in the capital, Maputo, said that while long-term, significant and sustainable improvements in nutrition and poverty levels are difficult to achieve without economic growth, they will not necessarily result from economic growth either.

He pointed out that over the past decade, food production per capita in Mozambique has not increased; it has actually declined slightly, and food prices have increased. Food inflation impacts the poor more than other groups since a higher percentage of their income is used to buy food.

Little investment in food

According to Castel Branco, less than 1 percent of all private investment in the last decade was allocated to basic food production for the domestic market, compared to the 85 percent allocated to minerals, forestry, primary commodities for export markets and associated infrastructure. The remainder was distributed between banking, construction and tourism.

“Why is it so? Because that is what foreign capital is interested in, that is where domestic capital sees its future, and that is what is supported by the state, with its close links to domestic and foreign capital,” he said.

Twice in the last three years, Mozambique’s capital has experienced riots in response to the rising prices of food and basic services [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90375/MOZAMBIQUE-Price-increases-irreversible ].

The reaction of the state has been to appreciate the domestic currency to make imports cheaper, explained Castel Branco. But such monetary measures worsen the ability and incentive to invest outside the dominant extractive sectors, and they minimize the government’s ability to mobilize domestic resources to diversify food production for the domestic market.

A more diversified economy and higher taxes - used in the right way - could address the various poverty-related indicators that affect children´s nutritional status.

“Not just about food”

“It is not just about food," said Maaike Arts, a nutrition expert at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Mozambique. "It is about health, hygiene and sanitation. Diarrhoea and worms affect the child´s uptake of nutrients; malaria reduces the levels of iron in the blood. In Mozambique, many women marry and get pregnant... as teenagers. There is a significant correlation between mothers’ age and the nutritional status of the children.”

Eighteen percent of Mozambican women marry before they reach age 15, and 52 percent before they turn 18 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/MICS3_Mozambique_FinalReport_2008.pdf ]. Not only are these adolescents’ bodies still developing during pregnancy, but young mothers are less likely to know how to adequately care for their young children. 

Levels of chronic malnutrition are highest in rural areas, where parents often spend all day working in fields far from home and most families only eat twice a day. Lack of opportunities to earn an income in the countryside also correlates with high malnutrition rates, according to Edna Possolo, head of the nutrition department at the Ministry of Health.

“We need to give children a more varied diet. Many families breed chicken and goats, but they only eat meat on special occasions. Why? Because they need to sell the animals to buy soap, sugar, salt, school materials and other basic goods,” Possolo said.

A child’s first 1,000 days - from conception until they reach age two - are crucial. If the child is malnourished during this period, the damage that can result from stunting is permanent. It can affect not only the child’s size, but also their brain’s development, and can lead to heart disease and diabetes later in life. 

According to a World Bank study, children who are stunted grow to become adults who earn lower salaries than their non-stunted counterparts. In this way, widespread stunting can affect a country’s economic development.

Chronic malnutrition in Mozambique has been estimated to result in productivity losses of between 2 and 3 percent of GDP, translating to between US$300 and $500 million annually, according to figures in the government’s national strategy for reducing malnutrition [ http://apps.who.int/nutrition/landscape_analysis/MozambiqueNationalstrategyreductionstunting.pdf ].

Government plans

Addressing chronic malnutrition has moved up the government’s agenda in recent years, according to Arts. For the first time, the government has a plan that aims to reduce chronic malnutrition in children under five years old to 30 percent by 2015 and 20 percent by 2020.

But there are obstacles to implementation. 

“The government scaled-up their commitment in 2010, but the formal commitment at a senior level is still lacking. There is not much pressure from above for the ministries to keep their targets,” said Arts. She says there is poor understanding of the issue’s complexity, and fears it has been simplified to “we need to tell people how to eat”.

Possola agreed. “We can spend floods of money educating people [on] how to eat without changing anything," she told IRIN. "There is a lack of understanding of the question at a political level, and we need to create this understanding. Very little is done at a macro level to deal with the high levels of chronic malnutrition.

"We know how to treat the immediate effects of malnourishment, and we have formulated a range of good policies to deal with the structural issues, but we don´t really know how to implement them.”

The greatest difficulty, according to Possolo, is implementing the multi-sectoral approach outlined in the government’s plan. Malnutrition is commonly believed to be purely a health problem that should be dealt with by the Ministry of Health, and many donors prefer to fund projects dealing with the symptoms of malnutrition rather than structural approaches that take longer to achieve tangible results.

“I would prefer a single financing mechanism, a common fund. That would make it easier for us to prioritize and to coordinate the efforts in this area,” said Possolo, who added that she sees some steps being taken in the right direction. 

The fact that the president is talking about malnutrition in different forums and participating in the international “Scaling Up Nutrition” initiative [ http://www.unscn.org/en/scaling_up_nutrition_sun/sun-road-map.php ] suggests he is taking it seriously, she said. And more donors are involved in the area today than five years ago. 

Even so, Possolo does not have much hope that the current boom in Mozambique’s coal and gas sectors will diminish poverty or chronic malnutrition levels. According to Castel Branco, doing so will require changes in monetary and exchange rate policies and greater mobilization of domestic resources to diversify consumer services and goods - especially food - and to make them accessible to everybody.

“If the economy continues to grow on a narrow, extractive and speculative path, short-term and narrow improvements in poverty and nutrition can be achieved by short-term measures like humanitarian aid, but without any significant and sustained structural change in the long run,” he said.

awn/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97586/Malnutrition-persists-alongside-Mozambique-apos-s-economic-growth</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303040842490478t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAPUTO 04 March 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has seen economic growth between seven and eight percent during the last two decades, yet over half the population continues to live below the poverty line. Rates of stunting and chronic malnutrition among Mozambican children have shifted little in the past decade, falling from 48 percent in 2003 to 43 percent today.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Flood-proofing Mozambique</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302121305280385t.jpg" />]]>MAPUTO 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has dealt with years of recurrent floods and set up an effective early warning system, yet the intensity of this year’s rains came as a surprise.</description><body><![CDATA[MAPUTO 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has dealt with years of recurrent floods and set up an effective early warning system, yet the intensity of this year’s rains came as a surprise.

At least a 100 people have been killed and 150,000 displaced in the country’s southern Gaza Province, with the Chókwè District among the worst affected by flooding of the Limpopo River [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97350/Mozambique-flooding-creates-displacement-crisis ].

The numbers of people killed and displaced have dropped since 2000, when floods in Mozambique killed 700 people and displaced a quarter of a million others, but they are higher than the tolls from 2008’s floods.

Aid workers and officials in Mozambique are now discussing problems in the early warning system, and they are looking to long-term solutions, including reviving a long-standing debate on dams, to save people from future floodwaters.

Equipment needed

Although 2008 saw floodwaters along the Zambezi River Valley reach levels higher than in past flood years, increased planning, early warning and the rapid response capacity of the National Institute for Disaster Management (INGC) ensured a better-coordinated response and lower casualties, according to the UN in Mozambique [ http://mz.one.un.org/eng/How-we-work/UN-People/Coca-Ye-WFP-Mozambique2 ].

But these measures proved less effective against this year’s torrential rains. 

Américo Ubisse, the general secretary of the Mozambican Red Cross, has already started thinking about lessons learned. “The early warning system worked well this time. People already understand the meaning of blue, orange and red alert [colours signifying levels of risk]. But still the problem is that we were taken by surprise by the magnitude of the rains. The forecast talked about between 75 and 150mm of rain [over two days in the south]. But in the end [we received] 400mm. Suddenly, the water was already in the city and many people were affected at the same time.”

Sergio Buque at the National Meteorological Institute in Maputo says it is difficult to forecast rain quantities over 75mm using the equipment they have.

“Our radars are not functioning,” he said. Weather radar helps locate precipitation and calculate its motion, type and intensity [ http://www.global-greenhouse-warming.com/measuring-precipitation.html ]. “[It] helps to better predict rainfall within the coming 12 hours. But we are doing our best with the equipment available.”

Buque hopes the radar system will be renovated in the coming years; such a renovation is listed in the government’s plans. 

Forecasting water levels in the Limpopo River is also crucial for the early warning system. Last year, a report of the World Meteorological Institute said information on available water resource and flood monitoring systems was inadequate. The report also noted that communication and technical cooperation between Mozambique’s national weather services and national hydrological services are limited, which prevents the sharing of hydro-meteorological data for real-time flood forecasting and warning [ http://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/hwrp/chy/chy14/documents/ms/Limpopo_Report.pdf ].

Avoiding floods

Mozambicans are also discussing whether it is possible to avoid recurrent floods altogether. Dykes could protect the city of Chókwè, for example, but the dykes that existed were partially destroyed by floods in 2000 and have not been restored.

Most of Mozambique’s major rivers flow from neighbouring countries into Mozambique before emptying into the Indian Ocean. Mozambique depends on its neighbours to deal with water levels in the dams on their sides of the border. But when there are heavy rains, they are forced to release water from their dams; the water then flows downstream into Mozambique.

Some believe a dam is the solution for the Chókwè area, but others believe a cheaper and more sensitive option is to move people out of high-risk areas. Resettlement is also being discussed in Maputo, where uncontrolled urbanisation is blamed for the displacement of thousands of people during floods. 

Opponents of dam construction often invoke the Cahora Bassa Dam on the Zambezi River, which was constructed by the Portuguese in the 1970s and is widely viewed as an environmental catastrophe. Cahora Bassa displaced tens of thousands of people and severely degraded downstream floodplains and fisheries. It permanently altered the natural pattern of flooding, on which the local population relied for food cultivation, and has been blamed for decimating crustacean stocks along the coast.

But the administrator of Chókwè, Alberto Libombo, believes a dam in Mapai, in the district of Chicualacuala, could help prevent flooding as it would make water-level regulation possible on the Mozambican side of the Limpopo river. 

”I don´t know if the government plans to build a dam, but I hope it will be included in the next five-year plan. It will, of course, cost a lot of money, and we will need to find partners to help us with the financing, but that´s the only solution.”

Mozambique’s President Armando Guebuza said in a speech on 3 February that resources must be mobilized for new infrastructure to mitigate the effects of floods. He gave as an example the dam in Mapai. Yet a 2010 study by an initiative of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research concluded that a dam in Mapai would not prevent flooding [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/r4d/PDF/Outputs/WaterfoodCP/CP_WP_6_Limpopo_Basin.pdf ].

Experts have cautioned authorities about relying on dams, which could actually pose risks to the population because it is difficult to construct dams able to withstand extreme weather conditions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96393/CLIMATE-CHANGE-New-urgency-to-rethink-dam-projects ]. Daniel Ribeiro, a dam expert with the NGO Environmental Justice, in Maputo, says dams can normally protect populations from small floods but not big ones. And when dams are built, settlement patterns change; people, feeling safer from floods, move closer to dangerous areas, making them more vulnerable when dams fail.

Two homes?

Ubisse of the Red Cross believes in another approach: The village of Chiaquelane in Chókwè, where approximately 70,000 people have gathered in a camp since the recent floods, was created after severe floods in 1977-1978. During that time, the government provided the affected population with plots and fields to entice them to stay in elevated areas.

”We should encourage people in this area to have two houses,” said Ubisse - a permanent house in the high areas where their children can go to school, and a temporary house to live in while working on their fields. “There is enough land in the high areas to do this.”

Ribeiro is uncertain if enough land is available for this plan, and he believes that resettlement would have been easier in the past. Still, he says, a long-term plan is needed. “The government has been occupied with the forming of a mitigation unit, and they have done a good job with that. The problem is that they have used a lot of energy dealing with the effects of floods, but the long-term prevention has been put aside.”

The government has already begun to move ahead with its resettlement plans. Rita Almeida, spokesperson for INGC, told IRIN the government’s goal is to identify and give away 4,830 plots, the majority of them on the higher ground of Chiaquelane. This is both a short- and a long-term solution, she said. 

“There are too many people living under precarious conditions in the camp in Chiaquelane, and the risk is that diseases will start spreading. This is a way to ease the pressure on the camp, but we also want the people to move permanently to their new plots.” 

When IRIN visited Chiaquelane, the majority of interviewees wanted to return to their homes. When asked if people really want to stay in Chiaquelane, Almeida said, “The ones that have received plots until now have accepted them, but we need to work with the population concerning this aspect.”

Ribeiro advocates consulting with the affected communities first. He says that if the government goes through a fair, transparent process first and still identifies the need for a dam, he would accept that rather than have a decision imposed on the people.

awn/jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97464/Flood-proofing-Mozambique</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302121305280385t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAPUTO 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Mozambique has dealt with years of recurrent floods and set up an effective early warning system, yet the intensity of this year’s rains came as a surprise.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Cholera confirmed in northern Mozambique</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709031t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - In the last 10 days, 22 cases of the waterborne disease cholera have been confirmed by laboratory testing in three areas in and around the northern Mozambique town of Pemba, in Cabo Delgado Province.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - In the last 10 days, 22 cases of the waterborne disease cholera have been confirmed by laboratory testing in three areas in and around the northern Mozambique town of Pemba, in Cabo Delgado Province. 

Leonard Heyerdahl, project manager of Africhol [ http://www.africhol.org/ ] - an initiative of Paris-based NGO Agence de Médecine Préventive - told IRIN that from 30 January, “samples started turning positive [for cholera].” Prior to that, there were 366 cases of severe diarrhoea caused by the salmonella bacteria. 

Heavy rains, flooding, displacement and poor access for humanitarian assistance are creating an ideal environment for the proliferation of cholera. Heyerdahl, whose unit is supporting Mozambique’s health authorities, said in such conditions, “one case of cholera is already an epidemic”. 

The areas where Africhol has identified confirmed cholera cases are Pemba, Mecufi and Metuge. Africhol was also testing samples from other provinces, including from southern Mozambique. 

Both northern and southern Mozambique have been affected by heavy rains and floods. The UN Resident Coordinator’s Office in Mozambique said that since “major flooding” began in January, 69 people have been killed [ http://www.unocha.org/rosa/ ].

An 8 February situation report by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said about “213,000 people have been affected by floods in Mozambique since October 2012, the majority having been affected since January 2013. The total number temporarily displaced people in the most-affected province, Gaza, is around 140,000; as some isolated areas become accessible, this number could increase.” 

On 25 January, the town of Chokwe in Gaza Province was evacuated, as were parts of Guijá and Chibuto, according to a report published on 31 January [ http://foodsecuritycluster.net/document/mozambique-floods-2013-response-and-recovery-proposal ].

Further rains are forecast for the coming days, including “upstream countries” of the Limpopo River, “specifically Zimbabwe and South Africa, [and] there are fears that flood conditions could be exacerbated in southern Mozambique over the coming week… Also, moderate-to-heavy rains are forecasted over central and northern Mozambique,” the OCHA situation report said. 

In 2000, flooding and cyclones caused widespread damage, killing about 800 people and affecting millions. In 2007, about 285,000 people were affected and 163,000 displaced during the October to April rainy season. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97437/Cholera-confirmed-in-northern-Mozambique</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 08 February 2013 (IRIN) - In the last 10 days, 22 cases of the waterborne disease cholera have been confirmed by laboratory testing in three areas in and around the northern Mozambique town of Pemba, in Cabo Delgado Province.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Solving statelessness in Southern Africa</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.

Not considered a national by South Africa or by Kenya or Uganda - the two countries where he grew up - Ngubane is stateless, a predicament he shares with an estimated 12 million people worldwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), which is mandated with trying to reduce that figure. 

Nationality confers a host of rights that stateless individuals cannot access, from education and healthcare to the ability to register a marriage or a birth. As a result, statelessness is often passed from one generation to the next. 

As early as 1954, the international community, under the auspices of the UN, adopted the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb25729.html ], which defined who is a stateless person and established a framework for their international protection. A second international convention adopted in 1961 focused on reducing cases of statelessness [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb286d8.html ], primarily by requiring participating states to grant citizenship to children born on their territory who would otherwise be stateless. However, the majority of countries in Africa have not ratified either convention [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Africa_ConvStateless54_61_detail_A3PC_01-10-2012.pdf ], leaving them under no obligation to pass national legislation that would address the issue. 

Regional issue

An individual can end up stateless for a variety of reasons. Orphans whose births were not registered before their parents died and unaccompanied child migrants who arrive in a foreign country without documents are particularly vulnerable. Laws still in place in several African countries, including Malawi and Madagascar, that prevent married women from passing nationality to their children also contribute to the problem.

According to Sergio Calle-Norena, deputy regional representative for UNHCR, laws allowing for only one nationality and the denial of citizenship to certain groups are the main causes of statelessness in the Southern Africa region.

In Zimbabwe, for example, following an amendment to the citizenship act passed in 2001, individuals with dual nationality were given six months to renounce their foreign citizenship or lose their Zimbabwean nationality. The new law affected countless Zimbabweans whose parents had migrated to the country from Zambia, Mozambique or Malawi at a time when white-owned farms and mines offered plentiful employment. Most did not, in fact, hold citizenship in their parents’ countries, making it impossible for them to renounce it, while many were simply unaware of the new law, which was widely viewed as a means for the ruling ZANU-PF party to disenfranchise opposition supporters.

“I think they didn’t want people like me to vote,” said Promise*, who was born and raised in Harare, the capital, to a Malawian father and a mother with Mozambican parentage. “Most people in high-density areas of Harare are in the same situation, and most are anti-Zanu-PF.”

The new law stripped both Promise and her mother of their citizenship. They now live in South Africa, where the asylum-seeker system offers them a temporary and precarious form of documentation. 

“I just kept renewing my asylum-seeker permit every six months, but I decided to take action last year,” said Promise, who is in her early twenties. “I was tired of having no nationality. It was limiting my opportunities. Most universities need a study permit, and I want to study law.”

Waiting

Promise approached Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), a South African NGO that, with funding from UNHCR, has been running a project to provide legal services to stateless individuals since 2011. UNHCR is also funding the international faith-based NGO Caritas to run a similar project in Mozambique, another country with a large burden of statelessness following years of civil war that displaced hundreds of thousands of its citizens.

South Africa has pledged to sign and ratify the two UN conventions on statelessness by the end of 2013, and both LHR and UNHCR are advocating for this pledge to be honoured and for relevant legislation to be established. In the meantime, LHR is assisting stateless clients on a case-by-case basis. 

Of the 736 stateless clients that LHR helped in 2012, over a third were born in Zimbabwe; many of them lost their nationality like Promise.

Another 150 were born in South Africa but are struggling to access nationality in any country. Jessica George, a legal counsellor with LHR, explained that this group of stateless individuals does not qualify for asylum, and they have no way to access legal immigration status other than through an exemption for permanent residence, a process that allows the Home Affairs Minister to grant permanent residency to foreigners with special circumstances. 

However, exemption applicants can wait up to three years for a decision. “In the meantime, they’re given no temporary permit, so they’re subject to detention, which tends to be prolonged because they can’t be deported,” said George. 

Ngubane spent three months at Lindela Repatriation Centre, South Africa’s largest holding facility for undocumented migrants awaiting deportation, after being arrested at a Home Affairs Department office while trying to replace a lost birth certificate. The document was his only proof of South African nationality; he had lost both his parents and all contact with his South African relatives during his time in Kenya and Uganda.

With help from LHR, Ngubane has applied for a permanent residency exemption, but so far he has received no response. In fact, according to George, only one of LHR’s stateless clients has received a decision on permanent residency exemption in the past two years, and it was negative.

Reforms, training needed

“I think some training is required in addition to law reform, because it’s clear there’s a misunderstanding about who is a stateless person,” said George. “Currently there are no guidelines in the law on how to identify a stateless person and what rights they’re entitled to.” 

In cases where a client has a claim to foreign nationality, LHR approaches the country’s embassy for assistance securing citizenship. However, few embassies or consulates provide such services, and for most stateless people, travelling to the country where they have a nationality claim is unaffordable and unfeasible given their lack of travel documents.

“One of the easiest ways to prevent statelessness would be if consulates provided certain services, so people wouldn’t have to leave South Africa in order to access their citizenship,” said George.

Calle-Norena of UNHCR says that, besides ratifying the two conventions on statelessness, addressing the problem requires political will. He noted, for example, that South Africa’s Citizenship Act grants nationality to any child born in the country who would otherwise be stateless, but that non-nationals without documents struggled to register their children’s births. “There should be a mechanism that allows [the law] to be applied, but in practice this is not yet operational,” he told IRIN.

Through a combination of luck and persistence, Promise has succeeded in convincing the Malawian authorities to grant her citizenship. She has never been to Malawi but plans to move there as soon as she receives her passport. 

Ngubane says he has tried applying for Kenyan citizenship, “but the embassy said there’s no way they can help me.” 

Numerous visits to home affairs offices in several provinces have not yielded any results, other than several attempts by corrupt officials to solicit bribes in return for a birth certificate or refugee status.

“If you don’t have money, you suffer,” he said. 

*not her real name

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97372/Solving-statelessness-in-Southern-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mozambique flooding creates displacement crisis</title><pubDate>Mon, 28 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301281215090078t.jpg" />]]>CHIAQUELANE 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The Mozambican government and aid organizations are struggling to respond to the needs of 150,000 people displaced by recent flooding in the country’s southern Gaza Province.</description><body><![CDATA[CHIAQUELANE 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The Mozambican government and aid organizations are struggling to respond to the needs of 150,000 people displaced by recent flooding in the country’s southern Gaza Province.

Residents of Chókwè, one of the worst-affected districts, were forced to flee to higher ground when water levels in the Limpopo River started rising rapidly on 22 January.

Thousands of the displaced fled, mainly on foot, to a camp in Chiaquelane, 30km away, where they waited for several days before the government and aid agencies started distributing emergency food rations and tents. 

For Argentina Guamba, a resident of Liondo, near Chókwè, it was not the first time she had been forced to flee to Chiaquelane. She and her family stayed there for two months following the devastating floods in 2000, which displaced almost one million people. She lost everything then, and now she fears she will lose everything again. 

Sitting under a large mango tree surrounded by a group of women and children, Guamba cooked two small pots of rice and beans over a fire. "We bought this on our own at the local market, and it is not enough for us all,” she said. “We are sleeping here under this tree; we don't even have mosquito nets.”

Aid slow in coming

During the initial days of the crisis, tents provided by the Mozambique Red Cross Society were only able to provide shelter to about 500 people. Trucks carrying rice and emergency kits started arriving on 24 January. According to UN representative Lola Castro, aid was being distributed as fast as possible. By 26 January, however, only a fraction of the estimated 54,000 people staying at the camp had access to a tent or a tarpaulin. 

“Last year, we had two cyclones, and we used all the shelters we had in stock. That equipment has not been replaced," Castro told IRIN. "Already in June we started to alert the main donors that we needed extra funds for that, but it is only now the donors are responding to that request.”

By 26 January, people were still arriving on foot at Chiaquelane and several smaller camps in the area, while others were being rescued by helicopter from rooftops and trees. 

“What we are trying to do here is to organize the chaos,” said Ana Cristina Joao Manuel, national director of prevention and mitigation in Mozambique's National Institute for Disaster Management (INGC). “The first priorities are basic needs such as water and sanitation. We are repairing water pumps and building latrines. The [UN] World Food Program is distributing food.

“It is difficult to help everybody at the same time... but as soon as the floods began, the government started to work. There will always be complaints in a situation like this. It is natural,” added Manuel.

Administrator of Chókwè, Alberto Libombo, who is helping to coordinate the distribution of aid, explained that food is being handed out through neighbourhood secretaries - local administrators - rather than individuals. "There is not much food, but at least enough for one meal a day,” he told IRIN.

Castro noted that the international community is responding to the crisis, but that they were waiting for a request from the government to scale up operations. 

More rains forecast

According to a 28 January statement by Ignacio Leon-Garcia, regional head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), more support is needed, particularly in the areas of shelter, food, water, health, protection and logistics. Shortages of medicines, oral rehydration salts and mosquito nets have also been reported, with cases of malaria and diarrhoea already occurring at the camp in Chiaquelane.

Several days of dry weather saw floodwaters starting to recede in Chókwè and Guija, another severely affected district, but by 28 January, the rain had resumed, making the need for more shelters acute. Meanwhile, a storm system is forecast to bring heavy rains to northern Mozambique between 29 January and 4 February.

"Mozambique, in dealing with the floods in the south, is already stretched to capacity, therefore additional flooding in the north could have serious humanitarian implications," said Leon-Garcia.

Most people IRIN spoke to at Chiaquelane wanted to return to Chókwè as soon as the water levels receded, despite the high risk of being affected by floods again.

“I have my fields there. The soil is good for tomato, rice, cabbage, for everything," said Guamba. "So yes, I think I will move back again.” 

Olga Chissano, a single mother of four small children, was not so sure. She lost her house during the 2000 floods and has now left behind everything she had managed to reconstruct.

“I am not sure if I will go back again. I am not sure at all," she said.

awn/ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97350/Mozambique-flooding-creates-displacement-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301281215090078t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CHIAQUELANE 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The Mozambican government and aid organizations are struggling to respond to the needs of 150,000 people displaced by recent flooding in the country’s southern Gaza Province.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Widespread flooding hits Southern Africa</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301221052470924t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Several Southern African countries are dealing with the effects of flooding following heavy rains over much of the region in the past week.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Several Southern African countries are dealing with the effects of flooding following heavy rains over much of the region in the past week.

In South Africa’s northern Limpopo Province, floodwaters claimed 10 lives and left hundreds stranded after the Limpopo River burst its banks. By 22 January, the rain had subsided, but rescue operations were still underway in Musina, near South Africa’s border with Zimbabwe, said Tseng Diale, spokesperson for the province’s Disaster Management Centre.

Across the border, in Zimbabwe’s Beitbridge District, the rains damaged roads and left some areas impassable, according to state-owned newspaper The Herald, which reported that since the onset of the rainy season, floods and lightning strikes had claimed 124 lives.

In Mozambique, a UN situation report estimated that by 20 January, nearly 20,000 people throughout the country had been affected by the heavy rains. Nearly 6,000 had been displaced, the majority of them in the capital, Maputo, where the drainage system was overwhelmed by 157mm of rain falling in less than 24 hours. Nine temporary shelters have been set up in the city, and authorities have declared an “orange alert”, with the aim of scaling-up monitoring measures and strengthening preparedness in case the situation worsens. 

Northern Botswana also experienced heavy downpours that resulted in severe flooding of the Dukwi Refugee Camp, about 130km outside the city of Francistown. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR),  about 120 refugee homes were inundated by floodwaters, and pumps have stopped working, leading to a shortage of clean water in the camp. Skillshare International, an NGO that provides vocational training programmes in the camp, is sheltering 400 of the displaced in its classrooms, and UNHCR is providing food and trying to establish temporary ablution facilities.

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97305/Widespread-flooding-hits-Southern-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301221052470924t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Several Southern African countries are dealing with the effects of flooding following heavy rains over much of the region in the past week.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Landmine casualty rate dropping</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2012/ ].

The report was launched ahead of the 12th Meeting of State Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty (MBT), which will take place on 3 December in Geneva. 

The report announced that mines and explosive remnants of war had caused 4,286 casualties worldwide in 2011, the year under review. In 2011, three states - Israel, Libya and Myanmar, none of them party to the MBT - used antipersonnel mines. The use of the weapon by armed groups and militias was seen in six countries in 2011 - Afghanistan, Colombia, Myanmar, Pakistan, Thailand and Yemen - an increase over the previous year, in which the landmines use by armed groups was recorded in only four countries. 

Thus far in 2012, the only state known to use antipersonnel mines has been Syria, another non-MBT signatory. 

Fewer are factory-made 

Mark Hiznay, a senior researcher in the arms division at Human Rights Watch, told IRIN, “It is of course a concern that non-state armed groups (NSAG) continue to use the weapon as well as victim-activated improvised explosive devices, which function in the same way. 

“This last point is subtle, but important, wherein we are seeing many, many fewer factory-produced mines in circulation and more and more improvised or craft mines in use,” he said. 

The LCMM said in a statement, “Active production of antipersonnel mines may be ongoing in as few as four countries: India, Myanmar, Pakistan and South Korea,” although there has been no recorded export of these weapons in recent years. 

Eight countries - China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Singapore, the US and Vietnam - reserve the right to produce antipersonnel mines. 

Hiznay said the “continued naming and shaming is the primary vehicle where the stigma can be applied. India, Pakistan and South Korea each have some form of export moratorium on antipersonnel mines, so at least the proliferation aspect of their continued production is contained. It would be good to get Myanmar to start taking steps in this direction.” 

Non-state actors 

Armed groups are excluded from the MBT. But Swiss-based NGO Geneva Call, which engages armed groups to abide by humanitarian law during conflicts, works to get non-state actors to sign a “Deeds of Commitment”, such as abandoning the use of antipersonnel mines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87608/CONFLICT-Campaigners-target-landmine-use-by-non-state-actors ].

Since 2000, Geneva Call has reached agreements with 42 armed groups banning antipersonnel mine use. Katherine Kramer, Geneva Call’s programme director for landmines and other explosive devices, told IRIN that no armed-groups signatories to the Deed of Commitment were known to have reverted back to using the weapons [ http://www.genevacall.org/news/in-the-press/f-in-the-press/2001-2010/irrc-883-bongard-somer.pdf ].

Kramer said that armed groups see antipersonnel mines as cheap and effective weapons, which they believed to compliment the effectiveness of their smaller forces. The argument can be difficult to counter, so instead the NGO uses humanitarian reasons to convince armed groups to sign the Deed of Commitment. This tends to be more effective on armed groups working closer with affected populations during conflicts. 

There is an element of volatility to working with armed groups. Some may splinter while others might become governments, in which case they become eligible to sign the MBT. 

“There are currently 24 [Deed of Commitment armed group signatories] still active – [in] Burma/Myanmar, India, Iran, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Turkey, Western Sahara - although seven of the signatories from Somalia are in the process of integrating into the Federal State of Somalia,” she said [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96454/In-Brief-Somalia-joins-the-mine-ban-club ].

Mine contamination and clearance 

The LCMM said, “Some 59 states and six other areas were confirmed to be affected by landmines. A further 13 states have either suspected or residual mine contamination.” 

It noted that “steady decreases in annual casualty rates continued in some of the most mine-affected countries, such as Afghanistan and Cambodia, but these were offset by increases in countries with new or intensified conflicts, such as Libya, Pakistan, Sudan, South Sudan and Syria.” 

About 190sqkm of mined areas was cleared last year, and more than 325,000 antipersonnel mines and nearly 30,000 anti-vehicle mines were destroyed. “The largest total clearance of mined areas was achieved by programs in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia and Sri Lanka, which together accounted for more than 80 percent of recorded clearance,” the LCMM statement said. 

“An additional 233sqkm of former battle area was reportedly cleared in 2011, destroying in the process more than 830,000 items of unexploded or abandoned ordnance, as well as 55sqkm of cluster munition-contaminated areas, with the destruction of more than 52,000 unexploded submunitions,” the statement said. 

The mine action budget in 2011 was about US$662 million, the largest annual total to date. Hiznay said, “Much of the increase in support is coming from mine-affected states themselves - countries dedicating national resources to deal with their problem - which now accounts for about 30 percent of global funding. Croatia is good example of this.” 

The dirty thirty 

However, there were setbacks for victim assistance, the LCMM said. “Direct international support for victim assistance programmes through international mine action funding declined by $13.6 million, an almost 30 percent decrease from 2010.” 

But the “dirty thirty”, the moniker used for 36 states resisting membership of the mine ban club - including three permanent members of the UN Security Council; China, Russia and US  - is gradually being eroded. The Marshall Islands and Poland have recently signed, but have yet to ratify, the treaty. 

But the power of global consensus has had an influence on those left out in the cold. States “outside the ban treaty have taken intermediate steps that are in line with the norm set by the treaty, be it through policy reviews, like the US, extension of export moratoria, like Israel, destruction of stockpiles, like Vietnam and Russia, and the apparent cessation of use by Myanmar,” Hiznay said. 

“Some long term hold-outs have joined, namely Finland, and hopefully Poland will, too, by the end of this year. It is clear that the stigma against the use [of mines] is as strong as ever,” he said. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96927/SECURITY-Landmine-casualty-rate-dropping</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MOZAMBIQUE: Corruption undermining health service</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211280914270835t.jpg" />]]>MAPUTO 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Eulalia Laichela caressed her six-year-old son, Leosio, who lay on the pavement, coughing from beneath a blanket. They had been waiting in the park outside José Macamo, one of the largest hospitals in Mozambique&apos;s capital Maputo, since early morning.</description><body><![CDATA[MAPUTO 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Eulalia Laichela caressed her six-year-old son, Leosio, who lay on the pavement, coughing from beneath a blanket. They had been waiting in the park outside José Macamo, one of the largest hospitals in Mozambique's capital Maputo, since early morning. 

Laichela hoped her sister-in-law, who works at the hospital, would help find a doctor to attend to Leosio before the end of the day. Waiting in the queue at the hospital's reception area was not an option, she said. 

"If you don't have extra money to pay the doctor, there is no point in doing that. There are many people outside waiting, and they sit there hour after hour without being attended to," she told IRIN. 

Ansina was among the patients waiting in the queue. She feared she had malaria but lacked family connections or money for a bribe. "Something is wrong. I have number 142, and they are calling 188. I have been waiting here since this morning," she complained to the man next to her. He told her that it is patients’ money that determines who goes first, not their medical conditions. 

"That´s why we are still here," he said. Ansina agreed. 

Corruption is rife in Mozambique's public health sector. According to a 2006 study [ http://www.cip.org.mz/article.asp?lang=&sub=publ&docno=42 ] by the Centre for Public Integrity (CIP) in Maputo, corruption is present at all levels in the system: from the reception to the laboratory, during appointments with doctors, and even at the morgue. 

A 2011 regional household survey [ http://www.transparency.org/files/content/pressrelease/20111122_TI-S_Southern_Africa_EN.pdf ] by Transparency International found that nearly 40 percent of Mozambican respondents had paid bribes for medical services in the past year - the highest such figure in the region. In Mozambique, it was second only to the percentage that had paid bribes to the police. 

Poor pay 

The CIP study identified low salaries as one of the main causes of health sector corruption. A doctor identified as Cossa*, who has worked at hospitals in Maputo over the last 18 years, agreed. Doctors earn between US$700 and $1,000 per month, and the lowest paid nurses earn just over $100 - no more than a domestic worker. 

Cossa maintained that most bribes are paid to the nurses and other workers who see patients before they reach a doctor. But he added that doctors earn additional income in other ways. For example, most public-sector doctors also work at private clinics; according to the CIP study, this makes them chronically tired. The study links the deterioration of public sector health care to a 1998 government decision to allow public-sector doctors to also work in the private sector. 

Cossa noted that by 10am, the majority of doctors have already left the city's public hospitals for their private-sector jobs. 

"This is a well-known fact, but the ministry has chosen to look the other way," he told IRIN. "They cannot punish the doctors or demand that they be present at the hospitals full time if they don´t provide them with decent salaries and decent working conditions." 

Cossa recently stopped practising medicine to take a better paid NGO job. He estimated that around 30 percent of doctors in the country now work for NGOs. 

"If the ministry gave us better conditions, I am sure that almost all of us would return," he said. "We chose this profession in the first place because we like to help people who are ill, but our government does not prioritize health care. If you work at the customs, you earn five times more than a doctor." 

The CIP study also highlighted the widespread theft of medication and equipment from public hospitals for use in private clinics. The theft is often well organized, with the clinics contracting public-sector employees as suppliers. Stolen or illegally purchased medicine is also sold in food stores and markets throughout the country. 

Toward a solution 

Ana de Lurdes Cala is the director of the Department of Quality and Humanism, a new unit at the Ministry of Health that opened two years ago to improve patient care at hospitals and health posts. 

"The most common complaints we receive are bad treatment, illicit charges and long waits in the queues," said Cala. 

The department is tasked with establishing committees of civil society, local and religious leaders as well as patients to address these issues. The department also arranges workshops at hospitals where the rights and obligations of employees are discussed. 

"Our first annual follow-up meeting showed that bribes are diminishing, but you must remember that this is not a problem you can change overnight, it is a long process," she told IRIN. "Our goal is to put an end to illicit charges, not only to diminish them." 

One of the difficulties, according to Cala, is that patients are often reluctant to identify those who have requested bribes. Health workers caught taking bribes could face public denouncement and salary deductions while employees caught stealing or selling medicine could lose their jobs. However, they are not reported to the police. 

"It is not our role to report these cases to the police; our role is to work with the attitudes of our staff," said Cala. "Many times the patients don´t help when they pay doctors to get better treatment and then say that the doctors claim bribes. Of course a doctor should never accept a bribe... but that is a common human error." 

*Not his real name 

awn/ks/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96903/MOZAMBIQUE-Corruption-undermining-health-service</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211280914270835t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAPUTO 28 November 2012 (IRIN) - Eulalia Laichela caressed her six-year-old son, Leosio, who lay on the pavement, coughing from beneath a blanket. They had been waiting in the park outside José Macamo, one of the largest hospitals in Mozambique&apos;s capital Maputo, since early morning.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Despite progress, HIV efforts fall short</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209031112180900t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is &quot;entirely feasible&quot;. But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is "entirely feasible". But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some. 

This was the message UNAIDS officials drove home with the release of the agency’s newest figures, in the 2012 World AIDS Day Report The report notes that at the end of 2011, around 34 million people were living with HIV around the world. In 2011, 1.7 million people died from AIDS-related illnesses - a 24 percent decline in AIDS-related mortality compared with 2005 [ http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/campaigns/20121120_globalreport2012/ ].

“The pace of progress is quickening - what used to take a decade is now being achieved in 24 months,” said Michel Sidibé, executive director of UNAIDS. “We are scaling-up faster and smarter than ever before. It is proof that with political will and follow through we can reach our shared goals by 2015.” 

A mixed bag 

UNAIDS says that half the global reductions in new HIV infections in the last two years have been among newborn children. “It is becoming evident that achieving zero new HIV infections in children is possible,” said Sidibé at the launch of the report. “I am excited that far fewer babies are being born with HIV. We are moving from despair to hope.” 

But while the incidence of HIV infections continues to fall globally, the report expressed concerns about HIV trends in the Middle East and North Africa, where the number of people newly infected has increased by more than 35 percent. 

Evidence indicates that the incidence of HIV infection in Eastern Europe and Central Asia began increasing in the late 2000s after having remained relatively stable for several years," it added. 

In sub-Saharan Africa - still the most heavily affected area, new HIV infections have dropped by 25 percent in the past eight years. 

Southern Africa, in particular, has recorded dramatic reductions since 2001; the rate of new HIV infections fell by 73 percent in Malawi, 68 percent in Namibia and 41 percent in South Africa. 

"It’s a combination of two things: the number of people initiated on treatment (we've seen recent scientific evidence that people on treatment are able to lower their viral loads and reduce the risk of transmission) and, secondly, there has been progress in prevention, particularly among young people," Mbulawa Mugabe, deputy director of UNAIDS Regional Support Team for Eastern and Southern Africa, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Room for improvement 

There remains much room for improvement. According to the report, recent data from surveys in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and Uganda indicate declines in condom use. And the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) estimates that only nine donor-provided male condoms were available for every man in sub-Saharan Africa last year, and only one female condom was available for every 10 women. 

Progress on male circumcision has also been slow in east and southern Africa. In six countries - Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe - less than 5 percent of the targeted number of men had been circumcised by the end of 2011. 

"The biggest challenge has been that the demand has not been as quick as we wanted it to be - except in a few localized situations like KwaZulu-Natal and Kenya. Where there has been progress, it's not necessarily been in the groups targeted, such as sexually active men. We need to do a little bit more," said Mugabe. 

In addition, the report found that prevention among men who have sex with men (MSM) remained "inadequate", with fewer than 1 in 3 men being tested in the past 12 months in South and South-East Asia and Western and Central Europe, areas where MSM play a significant role in country epidemics. Stigma against MSM often discourages them from seeking treatment or prevention services. 

By the end of 2011, 8 million people in low- and middle-income countries were receiving antiretroviral treatment - a 20-fold increase since 2005. But 6.8 million people - nearly half of those eligible - still did not have access to the drugs. "Half will die within 24 months if they don’t start antiretroviral therapy," UNAIDS warned. 

“Must move faster” 

Despite considerable increases in domestic funding, countries continue to rely on external development assistance for their HIV response. International funding accounted for more than half of spending in 59 countries and contributed more than 75 percent of spending in 43 of the 102 low- and middle-income countries. 

"Recent progress on HIV treatment and prevention is terrific news, but if we're serious about ending AIDS we must move faster. If ending AIDS were a marathon, we'd already be behind pace at the first mile marker. In 2013, we must aggressively expand HIV prevention to stay on track to bring new infections to zero,” Mitchell Warren, executive director of the AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC) Global Advocacy for HIV Prevention, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

“Priorities must include speeding access to powerful tools like treatment as prevention, voluntary medical male circumcision and pre-exposure prophylaxis, and continuing to invest in new solutions like a vaccine," he said. 

kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96830/HIV-AIDS-Despite-progress-HIV-efforts-fall-short</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209031112180900t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is &quot;entirely feasible&quot;. But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Governments failing to address cervical cancer</title><pubDate>Wed, 31 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge. 

The study, based on regional desktop research and field research in Namibia and Zambia by the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), assessed the state of cervical cancer services in southern Africa, particularly in Namibia and Zambia, finding that many women access medical assistance only when they have advanced cervical cancer, which is more difficult to treat and can be extremely painful [ http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/uploads/CERVICAL%20CANCER%20Report.pdf ].

"The failure to provide access to cervical cancer services results in the violation of fundamental rights and in the loss of countless lives. There is a serious and urgent need to improve services for cervical cancer in the southern Africa region," the report warned. 

Guidance needed 

The HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa may have contributed to the high number of cervical cancer deaths; women infected with HIV are more likely to develop cervical lesions that can become cancerous. 

But there is still a lack of clear and comprehensive national cervical cancer management guidelines and policies in the region. Neither Namibia nor Zambia has comprehensive guidelines on the management of the illness. Where guidance is available, it tends to be inadequate, focusing on screening, with limited guidance about other forms of prevention or treatments. 

"The piecemeal approach to addressing cervical cancer in national policies results in inconsistent commitment," the report added. 

According to Nyasha Chingore, HIV project lawyer with SALC and the author of the report, Botswana is one of the few countries with a broad, accessible cervical cancer policy. As a result, more women in the country have access to Pap smear screenings - in which a sample of cervical cells is collected and checked for abnormalities. The number of screenings has increased from 5,000 per year before 2002 to 32,000 per year in 2009. 

Where there are no policies, or where policies are not easily accessible by health systems, women are not made aware of the services that are available to them. "With HIV, we all know that when you test positive, they must do a viral load test and CD4 count test... Everybody knows the policy. We have material in our support groups. But with this cervix cancer thing, we don’t know what we are entitled to," said a study participant. 

The report found "a significant amount of misinformation" in Namibia, where most of the young women interviewed reported being informed - incorrectly - by healthcare workers that contraceptives cause cervical cancer or are a risk factor for the illness. 

Stigma is also a major challenge. "It's not an easy topic to talk about. You have to talk about sex, and you develop sores in places no one wants to talk about," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Access to screenings in Zambia is determined by geographical location, with few if any screening services available outside of the capital, Lusaka. While cervical cancer services seem to be generally available in Namibia, access is limited by factors such as the lack of prioritization of cervical cancer screening by health workers. 

Treatment and vaccines 

"The treatment of invasive cervical cancer continues to be a major challenge in the region due to the lack of surgical facilities, skilled providers, chemotherapy and radiotherapy services. In Namibia and Zambia, there is a dearth of treatment options, with hysterectomy being the most prevalent form of treatment. There are few treatment options available to women who want to preserve their fertility," the report said. 

Because of structural problems, including inadequate laboratory facilities and personnel shortages, patients and health workers often choose treatment options without having proper diagnoses or adequate information, it added. 

Two vaccines against the human papillomavirus (HPV) - a sexually transmitted virus that can cause cervical cancer - are currently available, but the cost of the vaccines has made it difficult for countries to introduce vaccination campaigns. "Governments need to think about how to make vaccines easily available... Whether it's through parallel importation or compulsory licensing, there are options, they just need to be explored," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

So far, Zambia and Lesotho are the only countries in the region rolling out free HPV vaccination programmes, the report noted. 

In June 2011, Merck announced it would provide the vaccine Gardasil to the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), for US$5 per dose, a reduction of nearly 70 percent. Eligibility for GAVI support, however, is determined by national income; while Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe are eligible, Angola, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland are not. 

SALC urges southern Africa governments to integrate cervical cancer screening into existing sexual and reproductive health services, to allocate adequate resources to the management of cervical cancer, and to establish cancer registries to assess the impact of cervical cancer screening programmes. 

kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96676/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Governments-failing-to-address-cervical-cancer</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Is Africa&apos;s maritime strategy all at sea?</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103250926300595t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable. 

Without a comprehensive strategy to police, patrol and promote the maritime economy and resources along its 42,000km coastline, Africa loses billions of dollars in revenue annually and leaves itself vulnerable to myriad criminal activities. 

“Africa remains the continent that suffers most from illegal and unregulated fishing, maritime terrorism, piracy and armed robbery at sea, poor legal and regulatory maritime regimes, illegal drugs, arms and human trafficking, a lack of effective communication and other technological maritime requirements, and last but not least, unsuitable ships and ports,” Annette Leijenaar, Head of the Conflict Management and Peacebuilding Division at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), a Pretoria-based think tank, said in a recent policy brief titled Africa Should Wake up to the Importance of an Integrated Maritime Strategy [ http://www.issafrica.org/iss_today.php?ID=1552 ]. 

A meeting on the Africa Integrated Maritime (AIM) strategy was held earlier this month in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. Leijenaar told IRIN, “It is the right direction, however, action is required through implementable plans that are well coordinated and have the political commitment of African leaders.” The AU will also address management of riverine systems, dams and wetlands. 

“Like the rest of the world, more than 90 percent of Africa’s imports and exports are carried by sea. If one includes the illegal market in military arms and logged forest products, Africa has a maritime economy estimated at US$1 trillion a year, representing 90 percent of its overall commerce,” the policy brief said. 

Of Africa’s 54 states, 38 are either coastal or island nations. Johan Potgieter, a former captain in the South African navy and senior ISS security sector researcher - referring to neglect of maritime opportunities and risks - told IRIN, “Sea blindness is our [Africa’s] biggest threat.” 

No defence 

Some 70 percent of the continent’s rapidly growing population - which currently stands at over one billion people - depend on fish, both inland and coastal, for protein, highlighting the importance of policing and managing the continent’s territorial waters. 

“I said to a politician, don’t look at what it’s going to costs you to run a navy. You need to say, ‘What is it going to cost me to feed this population when there are no more fish? Where I am going to get the food from?’” Potgieter said. 

An October report by the Environmental Justice Foundation, Pirate Fishing Exposed: The Fight Against Illegal Fishing in West Africa and the EU [European Union] [ http://ejfoundation.org/sites/default/files/public/Pirate%20Fishing%20Exposed.pdf ], observed, “Global losses due to Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) or ‘pirate fishing’ are estimated to be between $10 billion and $23.5 billion per year. West African waters are estimated to have the highest levels of IUU fishing in the world, representing up to 37 percent of the region’s catch.” 

Foreign trawlers have been known to illegally haul up hundreds of tons of fish per day for export to Europe, while local fishermen’s catch is typically limited to what they can bring up with 8m-long pirogues. 

Anti-piracy operations off the Horn of Africa in 2011 cost an estimated $6.9 billion, or about two-thirds the annual GDP of Madagascar, an island country that has no naval capacity to speak of. 

Potgieter said the relative success of anti-piracy operations off East Africa is having a “balloon effect of pushing the pirates further and further away [to], we suspect, the east coast of Madagascar, [which] is fairly unpopulated, and the pirates will find a safe haven there to set up bases.” 

Building and maintaining a navy is both a costly and politically fraught exercise. Navies operate out of the sight of the electorate and are easily used by opposition parties in “guns versus butter” debates. Additionally, the procurement of defence systems in Africa has been mired in corruption issues. The price of a naval vessel can start in the hundreds of millions of dollars, and keeping ships on operational duties often requires a compliment of three. The annual running cost for three 80m British Royal Navy patrol vessels is $32 million. 

Helmut Heitman, a defence analyst and correspondent for Jane's Defence Weekly, told IRIN that Mozambique does not have a naval capacity. The “Comoros has nothing. On the west coast [of Africa], there is very little.” 

Expanding navies 

But increasing piracy in the Gulf of Guinea has prompted several countries to acquire patrol vessels in a piecemeal fashion to bolster maritime capacity. Nigeria’s navy has requested the procurement of 49 ships and 42 helicopters over the next decade. Earlier this year, the country commissioned its first locally built 31m patrol craft, the NNS Andoni. 

Neighbouring Ghana acquired two former German Navy fast attack crafts in July, after commissioning four new Chinese patrol boats earlier in the year. Namibia brought in a 100m refurbished Chinese patrol vessel earlier this year, adding to a naval compliment that includes harbour and inshore patrol boats. 

There is also a growing trend towards aerial reconnaissance over the ocean, especially in West Africa, with Ghana and Nigeria acquiring aircraft for monitoring and addressing piracy. 

Heitman said, “It’s not just about buying ships. It takes three generations of officers to build up a competent navy. So 30 years [the 2050 AIM goal] is a reasonable timeframe. [However,] a ship without an aircraft is pointless. An aircraft without a ship is also pointless.” 

The use of unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, is also finding greater currency as an option for policing territorial waters. Potgieter said, “You don’t need a warship to fight a pirate... If you use a drone, you can have 18 to 24 hours of flight time. But it is not necessarily cheap.” The price tags for drones range from hundreds of thousands to tens of millions of dollars. 

“But you still have to send a boat out to make the arrest, and this is where the problem starts. If we detect something on the other side of Madagascar - collaboration becomes important - and maybe the French are better suited to help… But we have to start talking to one another,” he said. 

Aligning legislation 

Developing coastal security is one step toward protecting continental waters. Creating the required legislation for individual AU members states to cooperate on a continental level presents another set of time-consuming complications. 

“Maritime security and policing management is an inter-departmental/agency function that is extremely difficult to coordinate and achieve. Among other [issues], it requires good governance, an industrial infrastructure, technological competence, effective information-sharing mechanisms and political commitment. Few African countries, if any, meet these requirements,” the ISS policy brief said. 

Leijenaar said developing a domestic maritime strategy involves numerous government departments, from environmental affairs to tourism and defence, and these ministry’s first have to be aligned at a country level, then at a regional level and finally at the continental level. 

Each country has to sift through memoranda of understanding and protocols signed by each department and then change conflicting legislation, “a small task that can take five to ten years,” Potgieter said. “Then [to] get it through [each country’s] parliament - some of these things will take you ten years.” 

And that’s before countries can begin to address the issue of “hot pursuit” through neighbouring territorial waters. “Most countries will still not allow your ships to go through their waters unless you have permission in advance,” Potgieter said. 

“The importance of assuming collective responsibility for Africa's maritime domain (ADM) is essential - within national governments, regions and Africa,” he said. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96608/SECURITY-Is-Africa-apos-s-maritime-strategy-all-at-sea</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201103250926300595t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union’s (AU) deadline for securing the continent’s territorial waters - the world’s last major geographical region without a maritime strategy - has been set at 2050, a target that may prove untenable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: New urgency to rethink dam projects</title><pubDate>Wed, 26 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.

The study, A Risky Climate for Southern African Hydro, was conducted for the NGO International Rivers [ http://www.internationalrivers.org ] by Richard Beilfuss, a hydrologist and environmentalist who teaches at the University of Wisconsin-Madison College of Engineering in the US and the University of Eduardo Mondlane in Mozambique. Beilfuss says the region - and the rest of Africa as well - must reconsider the construction of massive hydropower dams and rethink their use as a flood management tool, especially as floods are expected to worsen with climate change.

"Large dams are being built or proposed, typically without analysis of the risks from hydrological variability that are already a hallmark of African weather patterns, much less the medium- and long-term impacts expected from climate change," Beilfuss noted in the report. "Likewise, ecosystem services are rarely given much weight in the energy-planning process.”

Extreme floods expected

The report uses the Zambezi basin as a case study to inform governments planning to establish new hydropower plants.

Assessing climate change impact studies conducted on the Zambezi River Basin, Beilfuss said the Zambezi is expected to experience "drier and more prolonged drought periods". Over the next century, rainfall is expected to decrease by between 10 and 15 percent over the basin, according to several studies cited by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. There will be a significant reduction in the amount of water flowing through the river system, affecting all eight countries it passes through. The water that feeds the river is expected to decrease by between 26 percent and 40 percent in another four decades, the study observed.

But when the rains do fall, they will be more intense, triggering more extreme floods.

No major dams are currently under construction on the Zambezi, Beilfuss told IRIN, but two large dams have been proposed:  Batoka Dam on the Middle Zambezi and Mphanda Nkuwa Dam on the Lower Zambezi. “Batoka is politically and financially complex because it must be a joint project between Zambia and Zimbabwe,” Beilfus said. “Mphanda is entirely within Mozambique and is in very advanced stages of preparation with a timeline for construction."

There has been considerable opposition to Mphanda Nkuwa [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72996/MOZAMBIQUE-Green-lobby-opposes-dam-construction ], which environmentalists warn could displace several thousand people. Much of the anxiety over its construction is fuelled by the experience of the Cahora Bassa Dam in Mozambique, which has been widely cited as an environmental catastrophe since its construction in the early 1970s by the former Portuguese colonial government.

"None of these projects, current or proposed, has seriously incorporated considerations of climate change into project design or operation," noted Beilfuss.

Guido Van Langenhove, who heads Namibia’s Hydrological Services Department, agreed with the concerns raised by Beilfuss and said, "Our dams cannot handle one-in-a-hundred-year [extreme] flood events. They cannot handle the sheer volume of water that might be involved. We have to even consider how to fortify our existing structures."

Disasters

Recent floods and their impact on the existing dams offer a possible view of future disasters. In 2007, heavy rains over the Zambezi threatened the dam structure, forcing the authorities to open the sluice gates of the Cahora Bassa Dam, affecting up to half a million people [some displaced, but others had crops destroyed etc ].

In a case study on the floods and cyclones that struck Mozambique that year, the Overseas Development Institute warned that the two biggest dams on the Zambezi, Cahora Bassa and Zambia’s Kariba, "do not have the spill-way capacity to cope with the very large floods that occur on the river every five to 10 years. At best, the dam operators can slow down the sudden rise in water levels by phasing the spillage of water over a period of a few days, which gives the people living downstream a little more time to evacuate their homes."

Hydrologists in Southern Africa have been calling for a reconsideration of dam planning for years. In 2001, Bryan Davies, an ecologist and a Zambezi river expert, conducted an assessment of the Cahora Bassa and told IRIN, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/19031/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Floods-should-prompt-dam-rethink ] "one of these days there will be a cyclonic event" that the full dams would be unable to cope with.

Part of the problem is that the Zambezi River Basin in Mozambique is a naturally occurring flood plain. In the past, human habitation patterns took flooding into account. When the waters subsided, people would move in to plant in the rich soils, and shift to higher ground when the floods returned, but since the construction of Cahora Bassa, communities have settled much closer to the river, making them more vulnerable, Davies warned.

Van Langenhove, the Namibian official, said people mistakenly believe that the construction of a dam means they will be safe from flooding, and so tend to settle close to dams. "Should an extreme event take place, there would be a huge disaster," he said.

Finding alternatives

Beilfuss suggested using hydropower dams to produce electricity only and not to store flood water. "Many hydropower projects are justified on the basis of providing flood control in addition to energy generation. However, allowing for flood storage means the reservoir must be drawn down to provide flood capture space at the very time that this water is most needed to supply energy".

The vast natural flood plains of the Zambezi should be allowed to flood while ensuring people do not settle in those areas, he said. "This will allow for regeneration of the floodplains systems for wildlife and fisheries and agriculture, and also will reduce the impact of extreme floods - which already occur in the basin as it is - on people and property.

"By removing people from flood-prone areas - in accordance with Mozambique and Zambia law, by the way - it becomes especially important to restore modest annual high flows in the basin so that people can secure their livelihoods from fisheries and agriculture," he told IRIN by email.

Beilfuss also suggested that countries in the region improve existing hydropower capacity rather than investing in new infrastructure. "Adding new or more efficient turbines is almost always much lower-impact than building new dams." Countries should also consider alternative sources of energy generation.

In 2011, the eight countries through which the Zambezi flows set up the Zambezi Watercourse Commission (ZAMCOM) to manage the river [ http://www.icp-confluence-sadc.org/rbo/66 ]. Though still a new body, "ZAMCOM is a very important step forward for the integrated development and water conservation in the Zambezi River Basin,” Beifluss said. “In particular, the ZAMCOM structure offers the potential to strategically address river development, including hydropower, on a basin-wide level rather than a country-by-country level."

Américo José Ubisse, secretary general of the Mozambique Red Cross, has been involved in flood relief operations in Mozambique for many years. He told IRIN in an email that, in the past, issues related to the "environment, climate change and their future humanitarian consequences were deeply undermined... The added value that is coming with these scientific studies must been taken into consideration. Undermining [scientific studies]... can be a big mistake, not only for the future of economic investment but also for the future of humanitarian sustainability.”

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96393/CLIMATE-CHANGE-New-urgency-to-rethink-dam-projects</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Increasing hostility towards Chinese traders</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.

In Malawi, Chinese-owned shops and restaurants have proliferated since the country established diplomatic ties with China in 2007. But the government was recently prompted by bitter complaints from local business owners to introduce legislation preventing foreign traders from operating outside of major cities.  

The new law has mainly targeted Chinese traders, many of whom are now being forced to shutter their businesses in rural areas and to apply to the Ministry of Industry and Trade for business licenses to operate in Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu or Zomba - the country’s four major cities. 

“They can operate in rural areas when they are in production and big business, not doing petty trading,” Malawi Minister of Industry and Trade John Bande told IRIN, adding that the government would continue passing legislation that encouraged serious foreign investment “to the benefit of Malawians”.

But human rights groups have described the legislation as xenophobic, and consumers like Arnold Mwenefumbo, from Karonga District in northern Malawi, complain that forcing out the Chinese traders will mean paying much higher prices for products sold by Malawians and other African nations.

“[The Chinese] were also employing our son and daughters,” said Mwenefumbo.

Lesotho

In Lesotho, a tiny land-locked country facing high rates of poverty and unemployment, the relatively recent appearance of thousands of foreign, mostly Chinese-owned, businesses has generated similar resentment from local business owners, but little government intervention. 

Before the mid-1990s, Makhabane Theko ran a successful retail business in the capital, Maseru, but now leases his building to the same Chinese traders who he says pushed him out of business. “It’s difficult to compete against the foreign investors, especially the Chinese. You sell 500g of sugar for 8.00 maloti (US$1.4) and they will sell it for a price that is almost half that,” he told IRIN.

Stories like Theko's are common. Although the exact number of Chinese in Lesotho is unknown, estimates range between 10,000 and 20,000, or up to 1 percent of Lesotho’s population of 1.9 million, according to a recent report released by the Brenthurst Foundation. “Business is good here,” said one Chinese trader.

Unlike neighbouring South Africa, which has a long history of Chinese migration and Chinese-run businesses, Lesotho has traditionally been a country of out-migration and has little experience with immigrants. National legislation limits ownership of small businesses to Basotho citizens, but the government has largely turned a blind eye to corrupt practices allowing Chinese migrants to purchase trading licenses or even national identity documents. 

“Chinese are now selling makoenya [fat cakes], loose cigarettes, even beer at retail prices, but their business category forbids them from doing so,” said a street vendor who sells cigarettes in Maseru.

Yoon Jung Park, coordinator of the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China (CA/AC) International Research Working Group, has conducted research on perceptions of Chinese in southern Africa. She noted that small countries with struggling economies like Lesotho are seeing funding from Western donors dwindling; many may view Chinese investment as their next best hope. This is reflected in the lack of government action to regulate the proliferation of small Chinese-run businesses. 

“I think there’s a link between official ties [with China] and the messages that get filtered down to people, especially in these small countries that are desperate for foreign aid, that the Chinese are the great hope and we need to be nice to them,” she told IRIN.

Many complain that the Chinese add little to the local economy because they send all of their money home, but according to Park, few Chinese migrants in Lesotho send remittances home. Instead, they spend their first two or three years in the country repaying loans, and then they tend to reinvest in their businesses. Most also employ at least one local to interact with customers.

They keep their prices as low as possible by buying from other Chinese (often at a slight discount), forming cooperatives to make bulk purchases and focusing on rapid turnover rather than high profit margins. Rumours that the more unscrupulous also engage in under-handed practices like re-packaging expired food and removing a few ounces from bags of flour and sugar before resealing them may also be true in some cases, said Park. 

“Profit margins are so narrow, that they probably do resort to some of those things. And government in Lesotho isn’t doing enough to prevent them,” she commented.

In the run-up to Lesotho’s general elections in June, several political parties indicated their intention to expel foreign traders from the country, but apart from several raids on Chinese supermarkets said to be selling expired meat, no action has been taken to prevent them from operating.

Zambia

Zambia’s open-door investment policy has seen hundreds of Asian migrants setting up businesses in the country in recent years, but locals employed by them complain about low wages.

“Yes, they are giving us jobs, but these are not jobs to help us [improve our lives]. They are jobs to help them make more money. I am paid 350,000 kwacha  [US$70] every month, and what can you do with that amount? It is like my salary just goes for transport to come here and go home,” said Melinda Daka, a shop worker in a Chinese-owned business in Kamwala, Lusaka’s upmarket trading area.

“Zambian employers pay much better, but they are very few, and they only employ very few people… So, there is nothing we can do but work for these same people [foreigners].”

In July, the Zambian government increased the monthly minimum wage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96073/ZAMBIA-Dreaming-of-a-minimum-wage ] for shop workers and other general workers, from $80 to $220, but employers are reluctant to pay the new salaries, saying they could make the cost of business unsustainable. 

Positive relations

But negative attitudes toward Chinese traders are not uniform throughout the region. In countries such as South Africa and Swaziland, where Chinese migrants arrived several generations ago and now run businesses that fill gaps in the market without competing with locals, relations have remained fairly good. 

Park's research in Zimbabwe found that during that country's severe economic crisis, consumers were grateful to Chinese traders for getting goods into the country when no one else could. "They said that if it hadn’t been for them, they wouldn’t have been able to send their kids to school with basic supplies. They helped them survive the crisis," she told IRIN.

However, in countries with struggling economies, the arrival of large numbers of entrepreneurial Chinese migrants combined with a lack of enforcement of laws and regulations have fuelled tense relations with locals.

"Oftentimes, they know it’s not the fault of the Chinese. They respect them for their work ethic, but they’re angry that the government is allowing them to do some of the things they do," said Park.

ks/ms/rc/nm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96266/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Increasing-hostility-towards-Chinese-traders</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Human smugglers profit as tragedies multiply</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141156270234t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdo Giro*, a 55-year-old evangelist minister and political dissident from southern Ethiopia, paid smugglers 55,000 birr (US$3,095) to take him from the Kenyan border town of Moyale to Johannesburg in South Africa, he was completely unprepared for the ordeal that lay ahead.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdo Giro*, a 55-year-old evangelist minister and political dissident from southern Ethiopia, paid smugglers 55,000 birr (US$3,095) to take him from the Kenyan border town of Moyale to Johannesburg in South Africa, he was completely unprepared for the ordeal that lay ahead.

“It was totally different from what they promised me,” he told IRIN, speaking through a translator. 

Instead of the promised “nice car”, he was lucky to end up in a packed mini-bus for the first leg of the journey through Kenya and Tanzania. The other half of his group of 76 fellow Ethiopians were hidden in a load of wood in the back of a pick-up truck. The two vehicles took rough back roads and travelled mainly at night to avoid detection. When they encountered police, a bribe was paid and they were allowed to continue.

Before they reached the border with Malawi, Giro’s smugglers unloaded the migrants in an area of bush and left them there for five days without food or water while they checked the route ahead. 

“We shared the little water we had and ate leaves,” recalled Giro. “Many of us got sick from the heat and malaria; four people died while we were there.”

While Giro was hiding in the bush, another group of Ethiopian migrants using a different smuggler were attempting to cross Lake Malawi. When their overloaded boat capsized, 47 of the migrants drowned. 

A week later, while Giro was struggling to breathe in the back of a packed truck travelling through Mozambique, 42 Ethiopian migrants suffocated to death in another truck travelling through central Tanzania. The driver dumped the dead bodies on the side of the road along with 85 survivors and drove on.

There were no deaths in the vehicle that Giro was travelling in, but 16 of his group who were travelling in the vehicle loaded with wood died during the journey.

“I sometimes don’t sleep thinking about [them],” he said. “There should be more laws to punish such inhumane individuals.”

Hidden trade

The scale of the two tragedies in Malawi and Tanzania has thrown a spotlight on the thriving and largely hidden human smuggling trade between the Horn of Africa and South Africa, but they are unlikely to act as a deterrent for Ethiopians and Somalis wanting to escape conflict, political oppression, drought and endemic poverty, who view South Africa as a land of relative prosperity and freedom. 

“For most Africans, South Africa is like the closest thing to Europe or America and it’s easier to get to,” explained a member of the Ethiopian Diaspora Development Association in Johannesburg who declined to be named. “Many of them already have relatives here.”

Smugglers are capitalizing on the demand for their services and the relative impunity with which they operate by making increasing financial demands on desperate migrants while showing little regard for their safety. 

During the last leg of the journey, Giro’s smugglers demanded an additional US$2,400, citing the costs of bribes and food, despite having fed their charges nothing but stale bread and water. The migrants were instructed to call their friends and relatives in South Africa and tell them to have the money ready. After arriving in Johannesburg Giro was kept at a house in the suburb of Mayfair for another two days while his four cousins, who work as informal traders, scraped together the cash to secure his release.

“It will be very tough to pay them pack,” sighed Giro who owes his relatives another R2,000 ($244) for the bribe they paid a Home Affairs Department official to secure him a one-month asylum seekers permit that is now about to expire.

Border officials get tough

South Africa has taken steps in the past year to reduce the numbers of asylum seekers flocking to the country. Border officials now routinely turn away would-be asylum seekers who have transited through other countries based on the principle that they should have sought asylum in the first safe country they reached. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93403/AFRICA-Horn-migrants-heading-south-pushed-backwards ] 

Christopher Horwood, coordinator of the Nairobi-based Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat, argues that such measures do little to curb the activities of smugglers, but increase the risks for their clients.

“When borders and policies become more restrictive the unpleasant truth is that migration doesn’t stop, it merely adapts. [It] makes smugglers more desperate to evade police and thereby take further risks with the men and women in their boats, in their containers and misnamed `safe-houses’," he said.

Last year, police in northern Mozambique responded to the large numbers of Ethiopian and Somali migrants arriving on smugglers' boats from Mombasa by intercepting the migrants and dumping them on the border with Tanzania [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93759/MOZAMBIQUE-TANZANIA-Horn-migrants-beaten-deported-imprisoned ] where they spent several months in jail before being repatriated.

Smuggler networks appear to have responded by simply changing their routes. Following the drownings in Lake Malawi in mid-June, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) released a statement noting that the numbers of migrants and asylum seekers arriving in Mozambique has decreased since last year while UNHCR's country representative in Malawi, Caroline van Buren, told IRIN that there has been a notable increase in Horn migrants transiting through Malawi in the last three months. Groups of migrants are usually intercepted near the border with Tanzania in Karonga District and detained by police until UNHCR can send a team to determine those eligible for asylum who can be transferred to Dzaleka refugee camp. [ http://newsite.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations ] 

"Our budget has been depleted in the first few months of the year because there are so many of these groups that have to be screened," said van Buren. "If these are genuine asylum seekers they’d be allowed in [at the border], but because there are smugglers involved they take a route across the lake or through the bush."

A “low risk” business

Three Malawians are facing charges of manslaughter in connection with the migrants who drowned in Lake Malawi, but convictions for smuggling are rare, according to Horwood. Countries like Tanzania still lack specific laws criminalizing human smuggling, while local law enforcement authorities are often complicit in accepting bribes from smugglers in return for turning a blind eye or even facilitating their activities.

"The business of smuggling and trafficking is one of high rewards and very low risks," Horwood told IRIN. "The prosecution and conviction rates related to aggravated smuggling and trafficking are dismal in Africa."

More often than not, he added, it is the migrants themselves who face rough treatment and imprisonment when intercepted by authorities. According to the International Organization for Migration, about 1,300 irregular migrants, most of them from Ethiopia and Somalia, were being detained in Tanzania as of March this year while a Kenyan newspaper recently reported that 190 Ethiopian nationals were doing jail time in Isiolo, a town in Kenya's Eastern Province that is a stop off on the smuggling route from Moyale. 

Faced with the debt he owes to his cousins and unsure how he will afford the necessary bribes to renew his asylum seeker permit, let alone secure refugee status, Giro said he now regrets taking so many risks to come to South Africa.

“I’m trying to warn others in Ethiopia not to come, not to believe the smugglers,” he said.

*Not his real name

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95845/MIGRATION-Human-smugglers-profit-as-tragedies-multiply</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111141156270234t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdo Giro*, a 55-year-old evangelist minister and political dissident from southern Ethiopia, paid smugglers 55,000 birr (US$3,095) to take him from the Kenyan border town of Moyale to Johannesburg in South Africa, he was completely unprepared for the ordeal that lay ahead.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Donor fatigue forces WFP to cut refugee rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.

The cuts have already affected 16,000 refugees in Malawi’s Dzaleka camp who have been on half rations since March, while a further 120,000 refugees in Uganda began receiving half rations of cereals in May. 

According to WFP, another 100,000 refugees in Tanzania saw their maize rations cut by 50 percent starting from last week, and rations for some 54,000 refugees living in Rwanda are expected to be cut in August unless donors come forward with more funding.

“Even the full ration wasn’t enough,” said Sanky Kabeya, a 24-year-old resident of Dzaleka who spoke to IRIN at the end of March. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95259/EDUCATION-Online-learning-inspires-refugees ] “I haven’t taken breakfast this morning and many are in the same situation.”

Gustave Lwaba, another resident of the camp, said the usual monthly ration of 13kg of maize had gone down to 7kg, while rations of cooking oil, pigeon peas, sugar and salt had also been cut by half. "There are people in the camp who rely on relatives who've been resettled," he said. "The rest really starve because the rations can't last a month."

Michelle Carter, country director for the Jesuit Refugee Service in Malawi, which runs a number of educational and other programmes in the camp, said the cuts were “clearly leading to a fair amount of hunger… I know children are coming to school hungry,” she told IRIN. 

“The food is only lasting two weeks and if they’re on their own it’s much worse because they can’t combine rations.”

Noting that only a very small percentage of the refugees had any source of income, she said single mothers, unaccompanied minors and the elderly and disabled had been particularly hard hit by the reduced rations.

A protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Malawi, Gavin Lim, said his agency planned to carry out an assessment in the coming months to determine the full impact of the ration cuts but that reports of more women in the camp turning to survival sex were already coming in.

Difficult to become self-reliant

Most countries in southern and eastern Africa have an encampment policy for refugees which restricts their freedom of movement and reduces their chances of becoming self-reliant. Some earn a small income running informal businesses outside the camps but competition with often equally impoverished locals is fierce and has led to outbreaks of violence. 

In May, a number of refugees who were selling goods at a small trading centre outside Dzaleka were assaulted by local traders who accused them of undermining their businesses. According to Carter, the Malawian government plans to withdraw trading licenses for refugees from July.

Many of Dzaleka's residents have lived in the camp for over a decade. Indeed, an increasing proportion of refugees today live in what UNHCR describes as "protracted" exile (in 2011, more than seven million refugees had lived outside their country for more than five years). Donors are increasingly reluctant to shoulder the burden of feeding these long-term refugees.

Commenting on the funding shortfall, WFP spokesperson for east and southern Africa David Orr said: "There is inevitably some donor fatigue regarding longstanding or protracted refugee loads; these funding issues affect more than just food."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>