<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Migration</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 10:30:37 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Key West Bank settlement outpost slated for evacuation</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now. [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/migron-petition ] 
 
“The prime minister is trying to implement the court’s decision peacefully,” by reaching an agreement with the Migron settlers which would include moving them from their homes to new housing on adjacent Israeli “state land”, Mark Regev, spokesperson for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, told IRIN.
 
According to the court’s ruling of 2 August 2011, the outpost is on privately-owned Palestinian land.
 
“If there is illegal construction on private land, it has to come down,” said Regev. Any agreement the prime minister reaches with the settlers will be put before the court, he added.
 
There are 18 cases regarding outposts, including Migron, before the high court, according to Peace Now, an Israeli pressure group which campaigns for a politically negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several have been going on for years.
 
Peace Now began petitioning the high court to pressure the Israeli government to take action against the “illegal” outposts, which occupy about 1,620 hectares of West Bank land. About 16 of the outposts are on nearly 100 percent Palestinian land and an estimated 22 are on at least 50 percent Palestinian land, according to Peace Now.
 
“During 2011, the state informed the court of its intention to officially establish 11 new settlements by legalizing `illegal’ outposts, which are home to some 2,300 settlers in 680 structures,” said Lior Amihai of Peace Now’s settlement watch team in Jerusalem. Since the petition was filed there has, however, been little building of outposts on private Palestinian land, said Amihai.
 
“Settlement” is the term used to denote Israeli civilian communities built in territory conquered by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, now called the West Bank by Palestinians and the international community, and known to Israelis as Judea and Samaria.
 
Outposts are settlements built without official Israeli government blessing, typically after the mid-1990s. There are about100 outposts to date, many of which were supported by the Israeli government. [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Law/Legal+Issues+and+Rulings/Summary+of+Opinion+Concerning+Unauthorized+Outposts+-+Talya+Sason+Adv.htm ]
 
In 2003 the government of Ariel Sharon (in which Netanyahu was a senior minister) adopted the road map peace plan, which required Israel to "immediately dismantle" all outposts established after March 2001, including Migron. 
 
Settlement expansion in the West Bank accelerated in 2011. There were 1,850 new “building starts” for housing units (excluding East Jerusalem), an almost 20 percent increase on 2010, says the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_the_humanitarian_monitor_2012_01_19_english.pdf ]
 
Various initiatives by the Israeli government in 2011 were aimed at “legalizing” unauthorized settlement outposts built on private Palestinian land, reports OCHA.
 
About 300,000 Israeli settlers live in the West Bank - out of the West Bank’s 2.5 million people - according to UN estimates, while a total of 500,000 settlers live in occupied Palestinian land. Of these, about 4,000-5,000 settlers live in outposts, according to Peace Now.
 
Humanitarian concerns
 
The Migron settlers announced this week that talks with Israeli Minister Without Portfolio Benny Begin are under way with the aim of legalizing the outpost. Many community members are motivated by religious beliefs that they are entitled to the land.
 
About 322 Israeli settlers live in Migron, one of the largest outposts, which has 14 permanent structures and 56 caravans on about 36 hectares east of the West Bank city of Ramallah.
 
Spokesperson for the Migron community Aviela Deitch told IRIN that when the community was established in 1999 residents were led by the government to believe that they had legal rights to purchase the land.
 
The community is concerned they will not be relocated in a humane manner, says Deitch, noting the issues - some ongoing - surrounding the 2005 settler withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92358 ]
 
Three homes in Migron were destroyed by the Israeli authorities on 5-6 September 2011.
 
“Troops arrived with no forewarning in the middle of the night, without any paperwork, refusing to look at the homeowners’ paperwork, and destroyed three family’s homes," said spokesperson Deitch. “In one home, where five children aged 2-10 were sleeping, troops wearing face masks and carrying shields burst through the windows, terrifying the children.”
 
Families were given no alternative housing by the government, and many personal belongings from the home were destroyed, said Deitch, estimating the total loss at nearly US$300,000. 
 
Spokesperson for the Israeli Police Micky Rosenfeld told IRIN these decisions are in the court’s hands. “They are living there against Israeli law; no one has to tell them in advance to leave,” he said.
 
However, according to the Israeli government-commissioned Sasson Report, [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/Sasson_Report_EngSummary_0.pdf ] millions of shekels of public funds were invested illegally in the outpost, for example, to connect homes to the water and electricity network.
 
The transfer of settlement blocs in the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority (PA) will be essential to any final-status peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians, and the creation of a future Palestinian state.

Settler violence, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_01_20_english.pdf ] including “price tag” incidents by Israeli settlers continues to affect Palestinians’ lives and livelihoods. 

The “price tag” strategy emerged during 2008, in which groups of settlers would exact a “price” against Palestinians and their property in response to attempts by the Israeli authorities to dismantle “unauthorized” settlement outposts,” reports OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_fact_sheet_2009_11_15_english.pdf ]

“We are seeing a general increase in price-tag attacks, and it is the Israeli army’s responsibility to protect Palestinian civilians,” said Amihai, from Peace Now, warning that attacks will increase if Migron is dismantled.
 
es/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94776</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Refugee children miss out on school</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311400500759t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.

“They told us [the schools] asked them to produce ID documents and permits which they don’t have," she said. "We also found the parents weren't working and couldn't afford to pay school fees, even for public schools."

In early 2011, Manjoro and several other unemployed teachers from Zimbabwe and elsewhere, decided to start a project that would go some way towards meeting the need of local refugee and migrant children for affordable schooling with no bureaucratic strings attached. Word quickly spread and today iTemba Study Centre accommodates about 140 children in five cramped classrooms on the first floor of an office building in Berea. In the mornings the centre is open to pre-primary pupils and in the afternoons, seven volunteer teachers teach grades 1-8 using donated textbooks. 

"It's a good school, but we don't have enough supplies," said Duduzile Zulu, 15, from Zimbabwe, who started coming to the centre about a year ago after her mother's income as a waitress failed to cover the cost of her attending a nearby private school. To progress to Grade 9 she will need to transfer to another school, "but I don't have a birth certificate and my Mum can't get time off work to go to [the Department of] Home Affairs," she told IRIN, adding that she knew of other migrant children who did not attend school at all.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) released a report on refugee education in November 2011 [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ebd3dd39.html ] highlighting the limited access refugee children have to education, particularly at secondary levels and for those living in urban areas. 

Barriers

While the quality of education available in refugee camps varies, the difficulties of accessing education in urban settings are generally greater. In addition to legal and policy barriers and the often prohibitive costs of sending a child to a local school, the UNHCR report noted that: "refugee children often have less support than in a camp-based school in adjusting to a new curriculum, learning a new language, accessing psychosocial support, and addressing discrimination, harassment, and bullying from teachers and peers. They may also encounter a lack of familiarity by local school authorities for the processes of admitting refugee children and recognizing prior learning."

A year-long, yet-to-be published study by the Centre for Education Rights and Transformation at the University of Johannesburg into the rights of refugees, asylum-seekers and migrants to education in South Africa found that schools often demanded documents to enrol a child which are not legally required. 

"Often the students don’t have, according to the schools, the right papers," said Ivor Baatjes, one of the study researchers, adding that school principals and staff at public schools were often ignorant of South Africa's actual policy which grants every child the right to access education. "Even for children of undocumented migrants, children have the right to be in school and nothing should be a barrier," he told IRIN.

Demands that parents pay fees at government schools which have been designated as no-fee schools, create a further barrier, said Baatjes, especially for refugees who are often unaware of the law or of their rights. The study also found that those children who are admitted sometimes have to contend with xenophobic attitudes from both teachers and other pupils.

"They treat people equally here," commented Antonia Tshili, a 16-year-old from Zimbabwe, who left a government school last year after the fees became too much for her mother, and started attending iTemba. "At the other school there is this thing that Zimbabweans should go back to their country; they bullied me."  

UNHCR changes tack

Historically, UNHCR provided scholarships for refugee children to study in government or private schools in urban areas, but with nearly half of refugees now living in urban areas and only 4 percent of UNHCR's total budget in 2010 dedicated to education, this approach is no longer viable and the agency now prioritizes working with governments to advocate the integration of refugees into national school systems. 

In South Africa, UNHCR channels funding through local NGOs which educate refugees about their rights and school principals about their obligation to admit refugee children. Additional funding goes to helping refugee children with school books, uniforms and transport while a new approach, being piloted in Durban, is experimenting with donating lump sum contributions to inner-city government schools on the understanding that they will not turn away any refugee child seeking admission.  

"When you look at most of these schools, they host a number of under-privileged children, not only refugees, and the subsidy from government is not great," said Mmone Moletsane, UNHCR community services officer in South Africa. "While no child should be refused education because there’s no money, schools have to survive."

Despite such efforts by UNHCR and the NGO community, Baatjes said that centres like iTemba and a similar project based at Sacred Heart College in the nearby neighbourhood of Observatory, provided "a much needed space and service" to local migrant and refugee communities.

The donor-funded Three2Six Project at Sacred Heart College, now in its fifth year, uses classrooms vacated by the school's regular pupils during the afternoons, to teach refugee children up to Grade 6 level. The project also employs teachers who are refugees themselves and able to overcome language and cultural barriers.  

"While the parents are busy organizing their lives and trying to get papers from Home Affairs, the children come here," explained project coordinator Esther Oliver Munonoka. "The aim is not to keep the children here, but prepare them for proper school. By the time they leave, they can understand English and integrate into any school."

In reality, however, many of the students stay for as long as they can. Nzanga Kapena, 11, from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), who has been coming to the Three2Six Project since 2008, said her mother could not afford "regular schools" and that she does not know what will happen next year when she finishes grade six and will have to leave. "My sisters and brother, when they left here, they just stayed at home," she said.  

Future uncertain

The future of iTemba and the Three2Six Project are also uncertain. Neither are recognized by the Department of Education or receive any public funding. The Three2Six Project receives enough donations from faith-based organizations in Europe that its 150 students can attend for free and are given uniforms, stationery and books, but is still not fully-funded for 2012 and will likely have to cut its Grade 6 class next year despite what Munonoka describes as an ever increasing need for its services.

iTemba charges those parents who can afford it R200 (US$26) a month to cover rental of the building and to pay teachers a small stipend, but according to Manjoro, "a number are failing to afford it."

"My aunt doesn't pay anything for me to come here," said Sarah Dube*, a 16-year-old from Zimbabwe, whose mother sent her and her sister to South Africa "to get a better education".

"I'd like to go to a proper school, but I don't trust myself that I can make it," she added. "I think I'm behind."

*Not her real name

ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94766</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311400500759t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the inner-city Johannesburg neighbourhood of Berea, where a large proportion of residents are refugees and asylum-seekers, it is not uncommon to see children playing football in the street or killing time at one of the local parks on a weekday. Judith Manjoro, an out-of-work teacher from Zimbabwe, teamed up with some other community workers two years ago to quiz the children about why they were not in school.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Fighting in north leads to fresh displacements</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.

“My husband coughs and coughs until he vomits blood… We have no medicine to give him,” Taqwa told IRIN. “It was the hardest trip in my life… We had neither food nor water nor even a blanket to protect ourselves from the cold.”

The elderly couple are among hundreds of families displaced by last week’s clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94724 ] between Houthi-led Shia fighters and Sunni Salafi members in Kisher.

Helene Kadi, an emergency coordinator with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told IRIN 580 families had been displaced by the fighting. “Over 30 percent of the IDPs [internally displaced persons] have taken shelter in five schools, a worrying trend we have seen with recent displacements in the country… Others have been hosted with families or have no shelter.”

According to Ali Meshaal, a social worker in Kisher, around 230 displaced families - mostly the elderly, women and children - fled to Hajjah Governorate’s Ahim District, while more than 250 families had made it to Khairan al-Muharaq. “The whereabouts of dozens of other displaced families is still unknown,” he told IRIN.

Hajjah Governorate is home to more than 100,000 IDPs displaced by fighting between government troops and Houthi rebels since June 2004, according to a December 2011 report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Kind hosts

People from the al-Khamisein area in Khairan al-Muharaq District warmly received several displaced families. “They are sharing their food and water with hundreds of displaced persons who reached their villages. They also freed up schools in the area so they could be used as shelters for the displaced,” he said.

Meshaal appealed to the government and aid organizations to intervene: “The condition of the IDPs is getting much worse due to lack of food and appropriate shelter,” he said.

Ali al-Dubai with local NGO al-Khair Social Charitable Society (ASCS) said more than 2,000 IDPs had been identified and registered for assistance in Hajjah Governorate.

UNICEF, according to Kadi, has distributed 316 hygiene kits and made efforts to raise awareness about hygiene issues among IDPs and the host community. The construction of 12 latrines has been completed and water trucking to IDPs is taking place in the al-Khamisein area. Seven more 1,000 litre tankers are to be deployed and eight emergency latrines will be constructed, and more hygiene kits distributed. Water, sanitation and hygiene assistance is being delivered by UNICEF's partner ASCS, Kadi told IRIN.

Stranded

However, several families are stranded “either on their way to safer areas or inside their homes after many villages in Kisher District became inaccessible and roads unsafe,” said Sheikh Abdullah Dhahban, a member of a recently established tribal mediation committee which is trying to persuade the warring parties to lay down their arms.

“Several dead bodies are still lying in the mountains… None of their relatives have come to collect them for burial,” Dhahban told IRIN.

Local witnesses who preferred anonymity told IRIN on 28 January that Houthi fighters were attempting to tighten their control of a strategic mountain-top position called Abu Dowar, and fighting was also continuing for control of Mishabah hill, which overlooks Suq Ahim (a local market) in Kisher District.

“If Houthis take over this hill it will be easier for them to control the entire district,” one of the witnesses told IRIN.

Waning central government influence due to political turmoil since early last year, has allowed the Houthis to tighten their control of Sa’dah Governorate and push into eastern parts of neighbouring Hajjah Governorate.

“The whole governorate [Sa’dah] is controlled by Houthis. We only have to deal with one party,” said Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of operations for the Near and Middle East at the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The fresh displacements are taking place as Yemen prepares for presidential elections scheduled for 21 February.

ay/cb]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN-UGANDA: Economic migrants battle xenophobia</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg" />]]>JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan's largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba's booming post-war economy.

There are about one million Ugandans living in South Sudan, according to the Kampala City Traders’ Association (KACITA). But life is not easy for the Ugandan traders who supply South Sudan with many essential goods.

On a side road at the market, a Southern Sudanese policeman wearing orange fatigues strikes a passing Ugandan with his rubber whip a few times, seemingly without any provocation. The Ugandan winces and then continues on his way.

Watching the incident from a small Ugandan-owned restaurant in the market, Ugandan migrants say such incidents - and much worse - are not uncommon. They say they have been beaten, arrested without cause and faced a plethora of other forms of harassment by Southern Sudanese security forces.

Hassan has been living in Juba for three years, selling used clothes. He has lost count of the number of times he has been beaten by security forces. “They come and ask you where your immigration [papers] are, and even if you have [them], they take you to the police without any [reason]. They beat you and tell you, ‘Bring money!’”

Just that day, says Hassan, Southern Sudanese police tried to extort money from him. “They beat me and they asked me, ‘Where is your money? Why are you working here, we don’t want you to work here, go back to Uganda.’”

Suing the government

KACITA spokesman Issa Sekkito said he and the Ugandan Ministry of Trade had compiled a list of more than 100 Ugandans claiming compensation from the government of South Sudan for harassment, confiscation of goods and property, failure of the government to pay for goods and services provided and in some cases, injuries and loss of life.

“We talked about people drowned in the River Nile, killing, raping of women, torture... Some people are lame now because of the problems they got. The brutality in some cases left their lives unrecoverable.” Ugandans are seeking US$48 million in compensation from the government, he said.

“Isolated Incidents”

Elizabeth Majok, Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Commerce in South Sudan, did not deny that such incidents may have occurred. But she said any harassment faced by Ugandan traders was the result of misconduct by individuals, and not institutional or systemic failure.

“You will not rule out one-to-one cases and this can happen even with Southern Sudanese. But if there are thousands of Ugandans and one faces certain incidents, which are isolated, it shouldn’t be [taken] like it is happening to everybody.”

Majok said the Ugandans who came to South Sudan were met with generally favourable business conditions and were not systemically discriminated against. “The whole market is being controlled by foreigners, from retailers to wholesalers to importers - everybody. And there is no discrimination. They are being given licences like locals and being facilitated by the Bank of Southern Sudan,” she said.

Military history

But this is not the first time security forces in South Sudan have faced allegations of human rights abuses against civilians. Boutros Biel, head of the South Sudanese Human Rights Society for Advocacy, said he had recorded incidents of killings, rapes, arbitrary arrest and torture.

“Generally, the security [forces’] behaviour is not only problematic to the foreigners but to the nationals themselves,” he said.

Biel said he believed that abuses by security forces stemmed from South Sudan’s history. Many of the security personnel in the new nation were formerly soldiers in the rebel army that fought for liberation from the North. “In the military background in the South, there was no mercy in dealing with your enemies... A person with a gun was more powerful [than a person without],” said Biel, explaining that many in the security forces take advantage of that fact and violate the rights of civilians.

Prejudice

Though human rights violations by security forces in South Sudan may happen to both foreigners and nationals, there is a strong undercurrent of xenophobia against Ugandans, according to Fred Ssenoga, spokesman for Joint Action for Redemption of Ugandan Traders in Sudan.

Ssenoga said that when intervening on behalf of Ugandan traders in Juba he was often met with prejudice. “I go to the police and they say, ‘If you had not come here, would you have faced problems?’... When [Southern Sudanese] see Ugandans participating in [the economy] they think they are taking over their work.”

However, despite this xenophobia and harassment, Ugandan migrants are likely to keep going to South Sudan for the financial rewards. As Hassan, the clothes vendor, said, “I get more money than those who stay [in Uganda]. I have already built a big house in Uganda with the money I have got here.”

je/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94755</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201301016300558t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA/KAMPALA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Petty traders from Uganda, South Sudan&apos;s largest trading partner, crowd into Konyo Konyo market in Juba selling used clothes, vegetables and household wares. Lacking economic prospects at home, they come in the hope of finding better opportunities in Juba&apos;s booming post-war economy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Basua community battles for survival</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg" />]]>BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV. 

Uganda has two indigenous forest communities - the Batwa people of the southwest, a larger group originally from Rwanda and Burundi, and the Basua in the west who came from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Already marginalized for their short stature and for being traditional forest dwellers, the Basua have continued to receive less assistance than the Batwa because they are more geographically isolated and have a smaller population, numbering just 100. 

Forced resettlement 

Western Uganda's Semliki Forest - the historical home of the Basua - became a National Park in 1993, and as a result, the community has lost its hunter-gatherer existence; they now have to request permission to fish and collect medicinal herbs and firewood, and are forbidden from hunting. 

The Basua have been moved around ever since, most recently to a village outside the small trading town of Bundimasoli in 2007, after a local NGO won a grant from the European Union to build a village for them, but the project collapsed under corruption allegations before it was completed. The community still has no clear rights to the land where it was resettled, and struggles to access basic services such as clean drinking water and healthcare. 

"Imagine someone is used to maybe going to the office, working, making phone calls, going to the ATM, withdrawing money... then you dump them in the forest instead," said Fred Lulinaki, a programme director at the East and Central Africa Association for Indigenous Rights (ECAAIR). “If they survive, it will be just by luck." 

Some Basua men and women find casual jobs such as hauling wood, but most sit around the village with nothing to do. Some have turned to alcohol. Of the 40 children, Lulinaki said only two attend school, either because they are orphaned or their parents cannot afford the cost of pens and school fees. Fifteen of the community's children are orphans. 

HIV 

Ezekiel Mugisa, local coordinator of the Organisation for the Survival of the Basua (OSIBA), said the first documented case of HIV among them was in 1985, but the virus really established a foothold when the Allied Democratic Forces - a Ugandan rebel group - launched a movement to overthrow the Ugandan government for the DRC in the mid-1990s. The Ugandan troops sent to fight the insurgents set up camp near the Basuas’ home; soldiers and suppliers offered money and goods in exchange for sex with Basua women, or raped them. 

Rumours have long circulated in Uganda that sex with Basua women cured back pain and HIV. Stan Frankland, an anthropologist at Scotland's University of St Andrews, has been working with and advocating for the community since he first visited them as a tourist in 1990. He helped establish OSIBA. 

Frankland said the myths stemmed from a belief that as forest dwellers, the Basua "have some spiritual aspect to them. That they're not fully human... they might transmit this power." 

Even with the troops gone and education campaigns debunking supposed AIDS cures, transactional sex remains common. For many women, it is the only viable way of supporting themselves. HIV is a secondary concern to getting enough to eat. 

There are no official statistics on HIV prevalence among the Basua, but those who do know they are HIV-positive have limited access to, or knowledge about, treatment. Since Save the Children pulled out recently, the nearest source of treatment is a health centre 20km away - few of the Basua can afford the transport costs. Even when they did have access to ARVs, there was no formal process to teach people why the drugs were important or how to take and store them. Instead, many would trade the drugs for food, according to Mugisa. 

"The [Basua] are dying," said Basua King Geoffrey Nzito, who had just concluded a burial ceremony. "I want people to join hands so at least they can come to a solution that is good for us." 

Powerless 

The Basuas’ situation mirrors the problems indigenous groups around the world are facing, says Rebecca Adamson, president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide (FPW), a group that makes small, direct grants to indigenous groups to help carry out livelihood projects that they design and develop. 

Adamson said she had seen many indigenous groups kicked off land they had lived on and cultivated for hundreds of years, so that governments and companies could access it for mining, industry or tourism. Once they are displaced, there is little funding to help the groups integrate into life outside the forests. 

The funding that exists is often driven by NGOs without the input of the indigenous people, so they "remain at the whims of what western society wants for them instead of what they want for themselves", she said. 

Adamson is afraid that "we will be seeing large-scale extinction of certain groups" like the Basua. 

ECAAIR is seeking funding to launch livelihood projects for the Basua community that build on the skills they have from life in the forest – fishing, bee-keeping, growing garlic - and turning them into sustainable businesses. As they wait for funding, association members have already started teaching basic bookkeeping classes to the community. 

"This skills training is aimed at reducing vulnerability and dependence, which will also reduce the HIV and AIDS," Lulinaki said. 

Frankland is also encouraging the community to be more active about protecting their health. In December he led a discussion about the dangers of transactional sex. The lesson seems to have stuck. Since the beginning of the year, Nzito said he and other members of the community have been driving away the men who come at night seeking out Basua women. 

It is a small step, but the community also urgently requires access to HIV treatment and education; other health crises – mainly malnutrition and untreated malaria - are also affecting the community. 

Frankland said the Basua acknowledged their fear that the community would soon die out. "There are only 100 of them. If you can't save 100 people, how are you going to make it work on a larger scale?" 

ag/kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94732</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Asylum-seekers in Australia suspend hunger strike</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.  

At least 34 of the participants had been on hunger strike for a week.  

"The ball is now in the government's court," Ian Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition (RAC) [ http://refugeeaction.org.au/ ] told IRIN from Sydney. "I hope this will be followed by action and not just words."  

The suspension follows a meeting between an official from Australia's Department of Immigration and Citizenship [ http://www.immi.gov.au/ ] and 12 elected hunger strikers from the group on 24 January, with an agreement for both sides to meet again a week later. 

More than 3,000 boat people - mostly Sri Lankans, Afghans and Iranians - are now in detention in eight high security immigration detention centres (IDCs) across the country, many for extended periods of time.  

According to the government's own statistics [ http://www.immi.gov.au/managing-australias-borders/detention/_pdf/immigration-detention-statistics-20111130.pdf ], 38 percent of asylum-seekers had been in detention for over a year.  

Policy shift  

On 25 November [ http://www.minister.immi.gov.au/media/cb/2011/cb180599.htm ], the government announced a shift in policy that boat arrivals who did not pose risks would be considered for placement in the community on bridging visas, following initial health, security and identity checks.  

Priority would be given to those who had spent the greatest amount of time in detention.  

Under the plan, asylum-seekers on bridging visas have the right to work and support themselves while their claims for asylum are processed, as well as have access to necessary health services.  

"This will be an ongoing, staged process to ensure an orderly transition to the community and that only suitable people are released," Chris Bowen, Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, said at the time of the announcement, noting he expected at least 100 asylum-seekers to be released per month.  

But two months on and only 107 bridging visas issued, detainees and activists have grown frustrated by the slow pace of the process.  

More than half the Afghan asylum-seekers, many of them ethnic Hazara, at the Pontville centre, joined the recent hunger strike which ultimately resulted in the hospitalization of at least three.  

"There is nothing like 100 visas a month being issued and tensions are growing in all the detention centres," Rintoul said, describing the government announcement as a "cruel hoax".  

Element of hope  

"The process may not be going as fast as we would like, but we acknowledge that it's a difficult process and one that needs to be done properly," Alex Pagliaro, a refugee campaign coordinator for Amnesty International, told IRIN, describing the government's plans to release more asylum-seekers into the community as "genuine".  

"They need to ensure that all necessary services are available to them when they are released," she said, adding: "Once the process speeds up, this will take the pressure off the detention centres, which are already overcrowded."  

"Issuing bridging visas for asylum-seekers who arrive by boat is an important first step towards ending the suffering of thousands of vulnerable people experiencing extended and needless detention," Paul Power, chief executive officer of the Refugee Council of Australia, added.  

"We encourage the Federal Government to continue releasing more people into the community while their claims for asylum are being assessed," he said, citing the importance of having a single system of processing, regardless of whether asylum-seekers arrive by boat or by plane.  

According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, there are more than 5,000 asylum-seekers in Australia today, including 3,464 in the IDC system on the mainland, 945 in immigration detention on Christmas Island off the southern coast of Indonesia, as well as 1,324 living in community detention.  

Under Australian immigration law enacted in 1992 [ http://www.comlaw.gov.au/Details/C2004A04315 ], any asylum-seeker arriving in the country without a visa by boat can be detained indefinitely, while those arriving by plane with a visa can be processed in the community.  

ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94715</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Red tape ensnares asylum-seekers</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.

“We keep coming back here but they won’t help us without those papers,” said Abdul, a Somali national in one of the queues that had been forming in a patch of wasteland across the street from the Marabastad RRO in Pretoria since the early hours of a recent Wednesday morning. “They tell us to just go back to the border and get deported back to our country.”

“I heard it was easy to get asylum here and I was tired of conflict,” said Mohammed, another Somali who had arrived at Marabastad at 2am to join the queue. “I’ve been here three weeks and this is my fourth time here, I’m just trying my luck. They’re asking for the 14 days (section 23) paper, which I don’t have.”

The section 23 permit is normally issued to anyone entering the country who wants to apply for asylum. It gives them 14 days to report to an RRO and formally apply for refugee status, although following an amendment to South Africa’s immigration law, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] the section 23 permit will soon only be valid for five days.

Several observers IRIN spoke to at Marabastad said that since the beginning of December 2011, newly-arrived asylum-seekers had been coming to the office without section 23 permits and were turned away by home affairs officials before they even reached the entrance to the building. 

“They used to take about 100 newcomers a day, but now they turn everyone away, it doesn’t matter what nationality you are,” said Abdi Abdullahi, a Somali national who comes to Marabastad to assist his fellow Somalis with translation every Wednesday - the only day of the week when new applications from East Africans are accepted. “Newcomers have no access so fewer people are coming. Too many people just stay at home without legal permits.”

Refugee office closures

The new and unannounced policy of not issuing section 23 permits appears to have gone into effect just as refugee rights activists were celebrating two high court decisions which questioned the legality of the closure of RROs in Johannesburg and the east coast city of Port Elizabeth by the Department of Home Affairs. 

The Crown Mines RRO in Johannesburg closed in May 2011 following litigation by local businesses who complained about the influx of migrants to the area. Lawyers for Human Rights, on behalf of the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA), an umbrella organization for local refugee and migrant rights groups, challenged the Department’s decision not to open a new RRO in a city which attracts the largest number of refugees and asylum-seekers in the country. 

The court found that the decision had in fact been taken in line with a long-term government policy to eventually move all refugee reception services to the country’s borders, but that the lack of any public consultation on the matter had been unlawful.

Home Affairs’ attempts to close down another RRO in Port Elizabeth in November, also ostensibly due to complaints from local businesses, was again met with court action from local refugee rights groups. A December high court ruling required the department to continue providing services to holders of asylum-seeker and refugee permits pending a full hearing on the matter scheduled for February.

Move to the borders

In December, Amnesty International issued a statement [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/.../007/.../afr530072011en.pdf ] registering its alarm at the decision to move all asylum services to ports of entry, noting that “such a move is likely to have a profoundly detrimental effect on the ability of applicants seeking international protection to pursue their claims effectively.”

Following pressure from civil society groups, the Home Affairs Department held a meeting with several NGOs on 21 December in which Lindile Kgasi, chief director of refugee affairs, elaborated on the Department’s intention to move all refugee reception services to the borders as part of a three-year roadmap for “effective and efficient processing and management of asylum-seekers and refugees”.

The roadmap schedules the first of two refugee reception centres to be established at border posts by 2013, with the remaining centres opening in 2014. According to CoRMSA Acting Director Roshan Dadoo, who was present at the meeting, Kgasi said the centres would carry out some initial screening of asylum-seekers for health and security purposes before admitting them into the country, but was vague on the degree of refugee status determination that would take place at the centres and whether asylum-seekers would be detained at borders.

According to Dadoo, Kgasi emphasized that although there were no current plans to detain refugees and asylum-seekers in camps, as many other countries in the region do, she did not rule out this possibility in the future if the current system continued to allow large numbers of economic migrants posing as asylum-seekers to be issued with permits.

“There’s no clarity from them,” commented Dadoo. “They’ve shown us this plan, but they’re not clear at all about what this means in the interim, and now suddenly it seems they’re not giving section 23s.”

A method of exclusion?

The Department of Home Affairs was invited to comment on the non-issuance of section 23 permits, but up until the time of publishing had not responded. However, Dadoo said CoRMSA had received many reports of asylum-seekers without travel documents not being issued with section 23 permits at borders, and that, with the exception of Cape Town, all RRO offices were turning away people who could not produce the permits.

Tina Ghelli, a spokesperson with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in South Africa, said that according to the 1951 Refugee Convention, an individual is not required to produce identification documents in order to apply for asylum and that UNHCR had raised the issue with Home Affairs.

David Cote of Lawyers for Human Rights pointed out that in terms of South Africa’s Refugees Act, a section 23 permit was also not a requirement for applying for asylum. “It seems to be a method they’re using to exclude people without dealing with the inefficiencies within the Department [of Home Affairs] which are part of the problem,” he told IRIN.

Cote added that the issuing of section 23 permits would in any case become virtually redundant once asylum-seekers were given only five days to report to an RRO, a change likely to be implemented from the beginning of April. As each office assigns only one day of the week to a particular nationality group, most applicants would need to wait up to a week to apply, even once they had managed to get themselves to one of only four remaining RROs in the country.

Corruption

Another significant barrier exists in the form of endemic corruption at the RROs. At Marabastad, many of the asylum-seekers IRIN spoke to claimed it was almost impossible to get an asylum-seeker permit, otherwise known as a section 23, without paying bribes to officials and security guards.

“No one gets a permit without money,” said Halima, who was accompanying a recently arrived Somali woman suffering from malaria. “They give you a newspaper to put money in or they go to the bathroom and look for the money when they come back. Even me, I paid R2,000 (US$252) for a two-year permit.”

Halima’s friend had already been turned away from one hospital because of her lack of a permit, but a home affairs official saw her lying on the ground with little interest, claiming that he could not help her without the section 23 paper. 

“These people are trying to fulfil their obligations according to the law, but the Immigration Act doesn’t provide them with alternatives to seeking asylum,” said Cote.

ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94692</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: People consider fleeing as violence increases</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.
 
The wave of attacks, carried out mainly by Sunni extremists from Al-Qaeda in Iraq against Shia communities, has alarmed many who fear the country could descend into chaos once more, with the government itself acknowledging it is not capable of ensuring security on its own.
 
The attacks also come as political factions are at loggerheads over how to reach a power-sharing deal. The Sunni community is complaining that it is being marginalized by the Shia-led government, which recently issued arrest warrants against Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi and other politicians for allegedly operating death squads. 
 
Many fear the current violence could send the country back to the days of 2006-07 when Shia-Sunni conflict left thousands of people dead and millions of others displaced. A few families have already packed their bags and others are contemplating leaving.
 
Here is how some Iraqis are feeling: 
 
Sultan Abdul-Latif Ibrahim, a 55-year-old father of six from the Shia Shabak minority in the northern province of Ninevah: “I lost 10 of my relatives since [the US-led invasion in] 2003... We used to live in the provincial capital, Mosul, for years with Sunnis and Christians. But in 2007 we were forced out of our houses by Sunni extremists who blew up our homes. Since then, we have been living in a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Mosul. Last Monday [16 January] our camp was attacked by a parked car bomb, killing eight people, including six of my relatives. I wish to die now rather than later. We can’t bear the hardships we are going through every day. We, the Shia, are facing constant threats by Sunni extremists who want to eliminate us and there is no place to go. I can’t afford to move with my family to another place.”
 
Hassan Abdul-Mahdi, a 35-year-old Sunni businessman and father of three from Baghdad: “Iraq today is just like Iraq after the toppling of the previous regime. There is one group that wants to dominate and impose its control on the country. Today, the Shia-led government and politicians who control the security forces have started to hunt down Sunni leaders and political figures to bite them one by one using different means... I’m contemplating leaving Iraq as the situation seems to be getting worse.”
 
Jandak Youssif, a 46-year-old Christian from Baghdad: “The situation is getting worse day by day, and the government doesn’t care about our suffering and needs. Our economy is stagnant; illiteracy and unemployment are prevalent; decent public services are not available; and people are leaving the country due to the security situation and religious discrimination. Christians are being attacked and no-one is campaigning for their rights. We are not seeing any improvement in any aspect of our life… My family is scattered in many parts of the world; my parents and brother are stuck in Syria waiting to be relocated to a third country. I have three sisters in Denmark, one in the Netherlands and two in Ninevah Province. Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world but we are the worst in terms of corruption, unemployment and illiteracy.”
 
Examples of recent violence
 
16 January: Two car bombs targeted a camp for displaced Shabak in the northern province of Ninevah and a commercial area in the central province of Babil, killing 11 and wounding 21. 
 
14 January: A bomb attack against Shia pilgrims in the southern province of Basra killed 53 and injured 130. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attack.
 
10 January: A wave of bombs and assassinations nationwide killed 10 people. The targets were government officials, security forces and Shia pilgrims. 
 
9 January: Three car bombs exploded in Baghdad, killing 17 and wounding dozens.
 
5 January: A wave of bombings targeted Shia Muslims in Baghdad and other provinces heading on foot to the revered city of Karbala to mark the anniversary of the death of Imam Hussein. Seventy-eight people were killed and more than 100 wounded.
 
22 December: A string of coordinated bombs tore through mainly Shia neighbourhoods in Baghdad, killing 69 and injuring nearly 200. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks.
 
18 December: The USA pulled the last of its combat forces out of Iraq, leaving only 200 for training and diplomatic protection.
 
sm/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94677</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: New law designed to stop “infiltrators”</title><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231052030685t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.

The “Law to Prevent Infiltration” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86964 ] allows for the detention for up to three years - without trial - of anyone who crosses the border without a permit, including families and minors. Anyone convicted of helping them once they enter, including aid workers, can be jailed for up to 15 years, according to the new law. 

“Its entire purpose is to deter refugees from entering Israel,” the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) said in a statement, [ http://www.acri.org.il/en/2012/01/10/draconian-infiltration-law-passes-final-reading/ ] which describes the law as “draconian and immoral”. “The law blatantly disregards Israel’s most basic commitments as a member of the community of nations and as a signatory to the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.”

The law is part of a US$167 million plan approved by the Israeli cabinet on 11 December 2011 to crack down on migrants and slow their entry. In addition to extending the length of legal detention, the plan also aims to complete a 227-km fence between Egypt and Israel, enlarge the capacity of detention centres, fine employers who employ illegal migrants and come up with a strategy to repatriate asylum-seekers to Africa.

While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has distinguished between illegal migrants and asylum-seekers in recent statements, rights groups say the government’s policies have lumped them together, targeting genuine refugees as well. They also say of the tens of thousands of people who have claimed asylum in Israel in recent years, almost none have access to a proper Refugee Status Determination (RSD) process. (see side bar) 

According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, at least 40,000 “infiltrators and asylum-seekers” - mostly from Sudan and Eritrea - have entered Israel in the past six years, usually smuggled in through Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula by Bedouin tribesmen. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92921 ] Netanyahu has described illegal workers as a “threat” to the country’s very foundation. As he speaks of “fighting the infiltration”, some Israeli neighbourhoods have formed vigilante guards to drive out migrants. 

In the midst of all this, here is what some asylum-seekers and aid workers have to say: 

S.D, a Sudanese asylum-seeker in Tel Aviv: 

“We [the community] don't know anything. Will they round us up and put us in detention centres? Will they force us to leave for another country? We have no idea what tomorrow will bring. I understand that Israelis see us as a mass of people who are a burden on [their] economy and welfare, but what choice did we have but to come here? If they think we are not refugees, they should examine each of us and not make general decisions. I cannot go back to Sudan and I don't think it is fair to jail me for wanting to have a safe life.''

Nassima, a 23-year-old asylum-seeker working as a maid:

“If we cannot work, what will we do? Steal? Beg? I came here because I would not enlist [in the Eritrean army] for life and I am an honest good worker. Much of the trouble in the community is because of unemployment. When you do not have work, you drink; you loiter in the park; that is what makes the Israelis afraid of us, and now the problem will only get worse. I know that Israel is not our country but I think [the state] should try and work with us and not against us. We are human beings, not cattle to be put in a cage.”

Oscar, an asylum-seeker residing in Israel for over 10 years: 

“I cannot tell the state of Israel what to do; I believe laws are needed to govern properly but I don't think the law [should be] punishment. If there are illegal migrants amongst the asylum-seekers, how can you tell which are which if you do not allow access to some RSD process? How can you tell which of us is a refugee and who's an illegal migrant? The way I see it the [government of Israel] is going to invest a lot of money in a failed solution.'' 

Ibrahim, a Sudanese asylum-seeker who arrived in Israel four months ago:

“I don't understand the thing about refugees and migrants. Do you think I would have put my life in danger to come here, as I have, if I were a migrant? I don't understand how you can say that to me. We have been through hell on the way to find a safe place and now you say we should be in jail or returned to our country? You need to think about what you are doing to innocent people.''

Sudanese asylum-seeker who requested anonymity: 

“I see how the people in Tel Aviv look at us. It is not easy to have many people come to your city with no money, no work. But even though I understand their fears, I think that they should help us instead of trying to drive us out.”

Sigal Rosen, co-founder of Moked, a hotline for migrant workers: 

“This is an outrageous plan. The state intends to hold children and families in long-term detention?… We know that some are economic migrants but in order to decide that, they must all have access to proper RSD process. Worldwide statistics show that over 80 percent of Eritrean asylum-seekers are granted refugee status and over 60 percent of Sudanese asylum-seekers as well. I assume the numbers in Israel would be the same if the cases were reviewed.”

Oded Feller, an attorney with the Association for Civil Rights in Israel: 

“We are not against the state's right to guard its borders but we believe that since Israel is a state that was erected for refugees, it should consider the moral and legal obligation it has not to jail asylum-seekers. The state cannot punish asylum-seekers or detain them for long periods of time. It should differentiate between infiltrators [migrants] and refugees and set different standards for dealing with each population.” 

td/ha/cb

---------------------------------
Side bar

Israel’s policy towards asylum-seekers 

- Israel signed the 1951 Geneva Convention but in the last 50 years only about 650 people have been officially recognized as refugees, including 452 Darfuri asylum-seekers given refugee status and temporary residency in 2007 as a “humanitarian gesture” by former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

- The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) offices in Israel passed the duties of Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to the RSD unit at the Ministry of the Interior in July 2009. The training process for RSD officers was closely monitored by UNHCR.

- Arrivals from Sudan and Eritrea - the bulk of asylum-seekers in Israel - are automatically given collective temporary protection if they can prove their countries of origin. This protects them from deportation, but does not give them any social benefits or permanent status in the country. Human rights activists say this is not an adequate RSD process. 

- Those arriving from these countries undergo a brief interview at a detention centre after they cross the border and are then released carrying an asylum-seeker’s permit, which has to be renewed every three months. 

- Arrivals from other countries are judged on a case by case basis. Some get temporary protection; others are detained - sometimes for years; still others are deported. 

- Under the new law, anyone who enters the country illegally - including Sudanese and Eritreans - can be detained for up to three years, even if there is no intention of deporting them. In some cases, this time period can be extended, even indefinitely.

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94620</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231052030685t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
 oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines: 
 
 1. Swaziland's financial meltdown - As early as January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was warning that drastic measures were needed to stave off a financial crisis in the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91609 ] The IMF's recommendations were largely ignored and the country's economic freefall continued with the main losers being the elderly whose pensions were suspended, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92263 ] orphans and vulnerable children whose school fees went unpaid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] people living with HIV who faced an uncertain supply of antiretroviral drugs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] and subsistence farmers who stopped receiving government support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94113 ] The outlook for 2012 does not look any better with officials already predicting an increase in food security for most Swazis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94481 ] 
 
 2. Malawi's escalating political and economic crisis - Concerns about human rights and economic mismanagement saw Malawi fall out of favour with Western donors who had provided 40 percent of the country's budget. The withdrawal of UK aid to the country in June hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ] President Bingu wa Mutharika's increasingly autocratic rule, together with rising food prices and fuel shortages, contributed to widespread protests in July. The security forces' heavy-handed response, which left at least 18 people dead, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93325 ] did nothing to restore donor confidence in the government. Poverty looks set to worsen in rural areas where many smallholder farmers are no longer benefiting from a reduced Farm Input Subsidy Programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93954 ] and in urban areas where a slew of price increases are already taking their toll on the poor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94498 ] 
 
 3. Deepening poverty in Madagascar - Two years after a coup which deposed President Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar's political crisis remains unresolved and sanctions which froze all but emergency donor aid remain in place. IRIN's coverage tracked how the country's political stalemate has made an already poor country, even poorer [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92236 ] with the demise of free primary school education, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92235 ] a severely under-funded health sector and increasing levels of food insecurity made worse by a shortage of rain followed by flooding. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91970 ] In one impoverished town, IRIN followed a group of girls who had abandoned school to pan for a few flecks of gold. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92938 ] Signs that the country might finally be moving towards the restoration of democracy have not been enough to lift the sanctions, but donors have continued to find ways to deliver desperately needed aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94351 ] 
 
 4. Continuing political instability in Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's unity government remains far from unified and incidents of political violence escalated following President Robert Mugabe's call for elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91506 ] Despite some improvements in the dire state of affairs at public health facilities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93765 ] and more assistance to orphans and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93858 ] mainly due to donor programmes, many Zimbabweans still faced economic hardship in 2011. Dry weather in the country's southern provinces caused crops to fail and put an estimated one million rural Zimbabweans in need of food assistance by the end of the year. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94286 ] In urban areas, a shortage of clean water and sanitation caused an outbreak of typhoid [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94237 ] and created the conditions for a potential resurgence of cholera. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94452 ] 
 
 5. South Africa’s borders - The region's most developed nation is a magnet for migrants, but economic pressures fuelled continuing attacks on foreigners in 2011, particularly those operating shops in townships. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] The government's handling of xenophobia was deemed inadequate by civil society groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] while changes in policy indicated an official hardening of attitudes towards migrants. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94337 ] A two-year moratorium on deportations of undocumented Zimbabweans came to an end in October, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] new legislation created more hurdles for asylum-seekers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] and an unofficial policy of barring migrants from entering the country had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ] 
 
 6. Flooding and livelihoods - Heavy rain at the beginning of the year brought localized flooding to many parts of the region, decimating crops and testing authorities' disaster preparedness. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91754 ] The floods claimed 104 lives in Namibia and a further 91 in South Africa, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93294 ] washed away the possibility of a harvest for subsistence farmers in Lesotho [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91925 ] and threatened the food security of affected populations throughout the region. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91881 ] 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94564</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>TECHNOLOGY: IRIN&apos;s pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting. 
 
 Here is a round-up of IRIN articles on important humanitarian technology in 2011: 
 
 Humanitarians in Libya used the Ushahidi [ http://www.ushahidi.com ] initiative to map the crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92686 ] and plan their interventions. 
 
 An electronic voucher scheme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94024 ] is being used to fight malnutrition by providing nutritious food to HIV-positive Zimbabweans on antiretroviral therapy and their families. 
 
 EpiCollect, [ http://www.epicollect.net ] developed by Imperial College, London, allows the geospatial collation of data [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93675 ] collected by mobile phone; Kenyan vets are using it for disease surveillance, monitoring outbreaks, treatments, vaccinations and animal deaths. 
 
 The Nepalese government and World Health Organization are mapping health facilities using GPS to help the country [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92413 ] plan disaster response in case of a major earthquake. 
 
 Tennis ball-sized mud balls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94224 ] were thrown into flood water in the hope of improving the quality of stagnant water following weeks of flooding in Thailand. 
 
 Using FrontlineSMS [ http://www.frontlinesms.com ] - an open-source software enabling users to send and receive text messages with groups of people - village malaria workers [ http://irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93662 ] in Cambodia can now report, in real time, all malaria cases in their villages to the Malaria Information and Alert System in Phnom Penh with a simple text message, including the patient's name, age, location and type of parasite. 
 
 The "Kenyans for Kenya" [ http://www.kenyans4kenya.co.ke ] initiative used mobile cash transfer services to raise more than US$7 million [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93633 ] during the drought which affected northern and eastern parts of the country. 
 
 Tweetback, an Egyptian fundraising campaign [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93495 ] to help slum-dwellers, raised $218,855 within 10 days of its formation in July. 
 
 In Bangladesh, Airtel, a private mobile operator, has teamed up with the Campaign for Sustainable Rural Livelihoods, the Centre for Global Change and two international NGOs (Oxfam and CARE) to provide early weather warnings [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93914 ] to fishermen at sea using GPS. 
 
 A handheld, battery-powered device [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94483 ] which can take a drop of blood, urine or sputum and tell a community health worker in a remote village whether a feverish child has malaria, dengue or a bacterial infection is in development by Canadian scientists. 
 
 The Burkina Faso Red Cross sends bluntly worded text messages to government officials, employers, traditional leaders, teachers, business owners and housewives several times a year in an effort to reduce the widespread exploitation of domestic workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92708 ] by raising awareness of their rights. 
 
 As part of efforts to reform the mining sector, an initiative in the Democratic Republic of Congo [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94465 ] aims to map artisanal mining sites, transportation routes, and mineral trading points, reflecting the security and human rights situation on the ground, using Geographic Information System (GIS) software. 
 
 The Map Kibera project, [ http://www.mapkibera.org ] which uses hand-held global GPS devices to collect geographic information in Nairobi's largest slum, is providing vital information [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91545 ] on the availability and location of health, security, education and water/sanitation services. 
 
 kr/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94565</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PAPUA NEW GUINEA: Population growth fuels conflict</title><pubDate>Wed, 21 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102021231230078t.jpg" />]]>GOROKA 21 December 2011 (IRIN) - Unchecked population growth is fast proving an additional source of conflict in Papua New Guinea (PNG), a country with a history of clan violence and clashes over land, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[GOROKA 21 December 2011 (IRIN) - Unchecked population growth is fast proving an additional source of conflict in Papua New Guinea (PNG), a country with a history of clan violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91559 ] and clashes over land, experts say. 
 
 “Without doubt, rapid population growth is adding to the risk of conflict,” Max Kep, director of the PNG’s national Office of Urbanization, told IRIN, noting that various types of conflict are fuelled by limited resources, including a shortage of land. 
 
 As PNG’s population nears seven million, comprised of nearly 700 ethnic groups speaking some 800 languages, communities are increasingly fighting over smaller plots of land, while city dwellers in swelling urban areas are clashing with nearby owners of traditional land, Kep said. 
 
 Over the past 30 years, the country’s population has more than tripled, from 2.1 million to 6.7 million, government figures reveal. 
 
 At the same time, the average total fertility rate of 4.4 births per woman remains one of the highest in the Pacific region, says the UN. 
 
 According to a recent government task force report [ http://www.unfpa.org/sowmy/resources/docs/library/R149_DOH_PNGUINEA_2009_Ministerial_Taskforce_report_final_version_3.pdf ] on maternal health, PNG’s population will probably double in the next 25 years. 
 
 Pressure on towns 
 
 Adding to this challenge is PNG’s increasing youth population, with more than half of the country’s population now under the age of 20, according to World Bank figures. [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/EASTASIAPACIFICEXT/PAPUANEWGUINEAEXTN/0,,contentMDK:20174825~pagePK:1497618~piPK:217854~theSitePK:333767,00.html<http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/EASTASIAPACIFICEXT/PAPUANEWGUINEAEXTN/0%2c%2ccontentMDK%3a20174825%7EpagePK%3a1497618%7EpiPK%3a217854%7EtheSitePK%3a333767%2c00.html ] 
 
 “It’s like having wild grass lying around waiting to be struck by lightning for a brushfire,” Helen Ware, a professor at the University of New England in Australia who has studied and practised peace-building in PNG, explained, noting the risk of so many idle, underemployed men. 
 
 Migrants - drawn to towns and cities for jobs and services - are fuelling population growth in urban areas, Kep said, adding that urban areas are now growing at an average of 4.5-5 percent a year. 
 
 Some 97 percent of the country’s land is under customary tenure law, meaning it is reserved for traditional land owners and the state has no jurisdiction over it. Land owners often are unwilling to release land for urban growth, so PNG’s cities have nowhere to expand, according to the UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT). 
 
 The Eastern Highlands city of Goroka, for example, is facing critical land shortages which have caused rapid and informal urbanization, according to a UN-HABITAT report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=2965 ] 
 
 Kep, with the Office of Urbanization, said a government initiative to encourage landowners to lease their land to municipalities is aimed at empowering them, with increased income and access to government services. 
 
 Many of those flocking to urban areas today are the young. But with few job opportunities when they arrive, the country has also witnessed an increase in urban youth gangs, known as `raskol’ gangs, who often turn to crime, according to residents. 
 
 Violent clashes have erupted between local landowners and `raskols’, Albert Sams, a 24-year-old health worker from Ifiufa, a village 20km from Goroka, explained. 
 
 Family, community feuds 
 
 Significantly, land disputes between family members and communities are also now more common under the strain of population growth, residents and international agencies say. 
 
 “Villages which once were separated are now bordering one another, and conflicts are definitely arising through competition for resources,” said Chris Turner, from Marie Stopes International, an NGO providing family planning and reproductive services in PNG. [ http://www.mariestopes.org.au/how-we-help/where-we-work/papua-new-guinea ] 
 
 In fact, in and around Goroka, fighting between families is also turning violent. 
 
 “There are a lot of land disputes between families - some verbal abuse, and sometimes they fight with knives, sticks, stones or guns,” Sams said. 
 
 Jeffery Korowa’s story is typical of large families struggling to live off the land. Hailing from a family of five siblings, the 49-year-old says all his brothers and sisters have had several children, leading to more than 15 offspring arguing over smaller and smaller pieces of property. 
 
 “I’m already fighting with my brothers over land,” said Korowa, a nurse who owns land outside Mount Hagen, the provincial capital of West Highlands Province. “I can take my brothers to court. But I’m pretty sure if it comes to push and shove, it will become violent.” 
 
 mk/es/cb 
 
]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 21 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94512</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102021231230078t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GOROKA 21 December 2011 (IRIN) - Unchecked population growth is fast proving an additional source of conflict in Papua New Guinea (PNG), a country with a history of clan violence and clashes over land, experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Migrants’ health care hit by deportations</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200710227t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - While most nations are dependent to some extent on the world’s 214 million migrants for skills and labour, few ensure these migrants have access to their health systems, something that could have dire public health consequences, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - While most nations are dependent to some extent on the world’s 214 million migrants for skills and labour, few ensure these migrants have access to their health systems, something that could have dire public health consequences, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 
 
 Describing migrants’ lack of access to health services as “one of the biggest challenges facing global health today”, IOM marked International Migrants Day on 18 December by calling for more migrant-inclusive health policies. 
 
 In many countries, health care for undocumented migrants is limited to emergency care. “Such restrictions lead to poor health outcomes for the individual and increase public health risks, particularly if it concerns infectious diseases," noted IOM in a press statement [ http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/media/news-releases/newsArticleEU/cache/offonce/lang/en?entryId=31032 ]. 
 
 Even in countries that do not bar migrants from accessing health services, barriers remain. "Migrants often don’t feel comfortable accessing health services in their new country," said Barbara Rijks from IOM's Migration Health Division in Geneva. Language differences, cost and administrative hurdles can also create problems, as well as negative attitudes towards migrants by healthcare workers. 
 
 For undocumented migrants, the greatest deterrent to seeking health care is often the fear of arrest and deportation. 
 
 South Africa is among the few countries which, according to its constitution, guarantees "everyone" the right to health care. In practice, HIV and human rights activists have battled to get healthcare workers to recognize those rights, particularly in the case of undocumented migrants who are HIV-positive and in need of life-prolonging anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=77493 ] 
 
 According to Jo Vearey, a researcher with the African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS) at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, the situation of undocumented Zimbabweans, who make up by far the largest portion of South Africa's migrant population, improved slightly during a two-year moratorium on their arrest and deportation, but with the lifting of the moratorium in early October 2011, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] Vearey said Zimbabwean migrants were again steering clear of public health facilities. 
 
 "Since the middle of this year when the ending of the moratorium was discussed, we’ve been aware of individuals feeling forced to go underground," she told IRIN. 
 
 Public health warning 
 
 In an issue brief released by ACMS in October, [ http://www.migration.org.za/publication/issue-brief/2011/deportation-and-public-health-concerns-around-ending-zimbabwean-documen ] Vearey and her co-author warned of the public health implications of a poorly managed deportation policy, not only for the affected migrants but for the region. 
 
 They urged the departments of health and home affairs along with the South African Police Service to issue clear protocols addressing issues such as how to screen detainees to identify those on chronic treatment or with other medical needs and how to prevent infectious diseases being transmitted in crowded detention centres. They also recommended government and non-governmental monitoring of detention facilities to ensure they were equipped to provide basic health care, including HIV/AIDS and TB treatment.

 Since October, a reported 6,500 migrants have been deported via South Africa's Beitbridge border with Zimbabwe. However, according to Vearey, the government has not responded to requests for information about what health measures have been put in place, particularly at the Lindela Detention Centre near Johannesburg where most of the arrested migrants are held before being deported. A 2009 study conducted at Lindela by ACMS found that 62 percent of respondents who were on chronic medication, including ARVs, reported they could not access them there. 
 
 Patterson Njogu, senior regional health and HIV officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), visited Lindela recently but was not able to talk to detainees. Officials there informed him that their health unit screened new detainees for serious illnesses and that of the roughly 2,000 being held, five were known to be on HIV treatment. In a region that is known to be the epicentre of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, Njogu said he would have expected more. "The other concern was TB," he told IRIN. "It’s only those who reveal themselves [who are treated] and I don’t think they’re very aggressive about screening everybody." 
 
 Undocumented migrants with TB whose treatment is interrupted as a result of being detained, can develop multi-drug resistant strains of the disease that can be spread to those around them. 
 
 Meanwhile, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and several other organizations have raised concerns about the poor access to medical services for migrants detained in the border town of Musina. Until recently, a building known as the old Soutpansberg Military Grounds (SMG) was being used to hold 30-60 detainees in one large room divided down the middle for men and women. According to MSF, the SMG lacked proper sanitation facilities, beds or access to health care. 
 
 "We’ve come across [HIV-positive] patients who were arrested and detained there without their ARVs," said Christine Mwongera, MSF's project coordinator in Musina. "We also found TB cases that hadn’t been detected so we had to find a way to get them out. Some [detainees] had been sexually assaulted while crossing into South Africa and held there without any medical attention." 
 
 Following flooding at the SMG and increasing pressure from groups like MSF, the migrants were transferred to police cells until a new detention centre can be completed. Mwongera described the police cells as an improvement but said a gap in access to health care remained, and infection control measures were still lacking. 
 
 Rijks of IOM commented that Migrant Health Forums, like one IOM helped to set up in Musina in 2008, can help to facilitate dialogue and address mistrust between NGOs like MSF and local government departments, including immigration authorities. "It's really important that immigration authorities understand the health impacts of their policies," she said. "The fear of deportation is a huge factor in [migrants] not accessing health care." 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94511</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200710227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - While most nations are dependent to some extent on the world’s 214 million migrants for skills and labour, few ensure these migrants have access to their health systems, something that could have dire public health consequences, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Counter-trafficking measures trail commitments</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity. 
 
 Southern Africa has many of the conditions traffickers capitalize on: endemic poverty and unemployment that create a demand for better opportunities, and high rates of regular and irregular migration that mask the movements of traffickers and their victims. 
 
 The region has no shortage of protocols, frameworks and action plans for dealing with human trafficking, but the net result of all these agreements has been no more than a handful of prosecutions. 
 
 "African countries are more than happy to sign documents and attend conferences, but step out of the room and they're happy to have lunch and forget about it," said Ottilia Maunganidze, a researcher on the International Crime in Africa Programme at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria. 
 
 Maunganidze was addressing a roomful of experts and government officials mainly from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) who gathered in Johannesburg, South Africa, recently to look at ways of turning commitments to counter human trafficking into action. 
 
 The key international framework for combating this crime is the 2000 UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, also known as the Palermo Protocol [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/protocoltraffic.htm ]. Its lengthy definition of human trafficking includes “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception…for the purpose of exploitation.” Twelve of the SADC's 15 member states have ratified the protocol, which committed them to enact legislation to make human trafficking a criminal offence. 
 
 More than a decade later, only six have passed comprehensive laws. Several others have partial laws or, in the case of South Africa, bills waiting to be passed [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportId=93104 ], while five countries lack any specific legislation. 
 
 "If trafficking is not a crime in your country, everything else is symptomatic," warned Johan Kruger of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 
 
 Maunganidze pointed out that merely passing legislation is not enough. Mozambique has passed legislation, but has never prosecuted a case. "Criminalisation has to happen in practice," she told the meeting. 
 
 This means developing national action plans that involve social workers, medical professionals, public prosecutors and the police; establishing a central anti-trafficking unit; allocating resources to assisting victims; and signing bilateral and multilateral agreements with the countries victims originate from and pass through. 
 
 SADC countries adopted a 10-year strategic plan of action to combat trafficking in persons in 2009 that incorporates many of these measures. There is also a protocol on gender and development with a deadline of 2015 to put in place measures to eradicate trafficking. Maunganidze says this is "probably very idealistic", and cites the difficulty of identifying and addressing some of the root causes of trafficking, as well as the limited resources and political will so far devoted to responses. 
 
 Most trafficking in southern Africa is for the purpose of sexual exploitation, but trafficking for forced labour is growing and is even more hidden, according to Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, regional representative of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 
 
 Criminal syndicates are usually engaged in these activities, and many people still lack a clear understanding of what trafficking is, adding to the difficulty of detection and prosecution. "Organized crime can't be prosecuted in the same fashion as other crimes," said Kruger. "You have to connect the dots, you need proactive intelligence and international cooperation." 
 
 "In Africa, we're making some progress in creating an environment to assist victims, but where we need more work is prosecutions," Mariano-Joaquim told IRIN. "Prosecution is lagging behind the identification of victims, and even prevention." 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94445</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Misperceptions of migration fuel tensions</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200806044t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - About 214 million people were living and working outside their home country in 2010, and international migration has continued to grow despite the global economic crisis, but in many countries negative attitudes towards migrants are also rising.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - About 214 million people were living and working outside their home country in 2010, and international migration has continued to grow despite the global economic crisis, but in many countries negative attitudes towards migrants are also rising. 
 
 The International Organization for Migration (IOM), focusing on the importance of communicating more effectively about migration in its World Migration Report 2011 [ http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/index.php?main_page=product_info&cPath=37&products_id=752&zenid=f838c3201667ef014e1754354073f6b5 ], released on 6 December, notes that such attitudes stem in part from misinformation and misperceptions about migration that have been fuelled by opportunistic politicians and poor media reporting. 
 
 "Few areas of public policy are subject to greater misrepresentation... yet more influenced by public opinion, than international migration," write the report's authors. "Accurately informing relevant stakeholders and the wider public about migration may be the single most important policy tool in all societies faced with increasing diversity." 
 
 During periods of economic recession, national debates on migration issues are often politicized, and evidence of the economic benefits that migration can bring is ignored in favour of assumptions that migrants are fuelling unemployment and draining public resources. 
 
 People in migrant-receiving countries tend to significantly overestimate the size of their country's migrant population, and often blame them for social ills ranging from crime to unemployment. 
 
 A 2010 public opinion poll, cited in the report, found that 57 percent of Americans felt immigration had a negative effect on the country. Another recent study of eight migrant-receiving countries found that an American perception of 39 percent of the US population being migrants differed significantly from the actual figure of 14 percent. Italians believed 25 percent of their population were migrants, more than three times the actual number. 
 
 With more and more migrants heading to rapidly developing nations in their own regions, such views are not limited to the developed world. A 2006 survey of South African citizens found that 84 percent felt "too many" foreign nationals were being allowed into the country and 37 percent wanted a total ban on immigration. 
 
 Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, IOM's regional representative for southern Africa, commented that not enough had been done in South Africa, the region's largest recipient of migrants, to highlight the positive effects of migration on the country's economic development. 
 
 "In the Mpumalanga region, strong development has been thanks to Mozambican visitors and migrants, who come and purchase good and services and work on the farms," he told IRIN, adding that even in countries with high rates of unemployment like South Africa, certain jobs, particularly of a seasonal nature, are more attractive to migrants than to locals. 
 
 Southern Africa has a long tradition of intra-regional migration, with South Africa's mining sector attracting workers from neighbouring Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Botswana. Since the end of apartheid in 1994, however, the country's booming economy and progressive refugee legislation have attracted much larger numbers of economic migrants and asylum seekers from all over the continent. 
 
 The influx has led to rising tensions, especially in townships where migrants have started businesses and are perceived to be faring better than the locals. In May 2008, hostilities erupted in widespread xenophobic violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=78386 ] that left 60 people dead and displaced about 100,000 others. Commentators have since accused the government of not doing enough to prevent continuing sporadic attacks on foreigners [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ]. 
 
 The IOM report asserts that such episodes could be avoided by "a fundamental shift in the way we communicate about migration" so as to foster more informed debate and "prevent migration from being used as a platform for other political, social and economic issues". 
 
 Mariano-Joaquim notes that in South Africa, as in many migrant-receiving countries, politicians tend to use anti-migrant rhetoric to gain votes and also to make migrants the scapegoats for much wider socio-economic problems. 
 
 With their focus on the sensational and the dramatic, local media portrayals of migrants have not helped. "We need more balance," he said. "There are South African business people who are becoming richer thanks to migrant workers; there are migrant workers who have started from nothing employing South Africans." 
 
 The IOM report makes the point that "distorted communication about migration can trigger a vicious cycle that leads to misinformation being perpetuated through government policy, the mass media, the public at large and... can, in turn, skew discourse at all levels." 
 
 The way forward, according to Mariano-Joaquim, includes de-politicizing debates around migration. "If you looked at migration through the lens of economic development, policies would be completely different," he said, citing the example of Canada and Switzerland, where annual quotas are set for migrant labour depending on the country's needs. 
 
 He also called for discussions about migration to include migrants themselves, and for the perspectives of migrant-sending as well as receiving countries to be considered in formulating migration policies. 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94423</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200806044t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - About 214 million people were living and working outside their home country in 2010, and international migration has continued to grow despite the global economic crisis, but in many countries negative attitudes towards migrants are also rising.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: For the people, by the people</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112081040390875t.jpg" />]]>DURBAN 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - People are the victims and the drivers of climate change, so the success of any response to the impact of climate change depends on the people it is supposed to help, say 20 UN agencies at the UN talks in Durban, South Africa.</description><body><![CDATA[DURBAN 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - People are the victims and the drivers of climate change, so the success of any response to the impact of climate change depends on the people it is supposed to help, say 20 UN agencies at the UN talks in Durban, South Africa. 
 
 Riding on this simple premise, the agencies have been pushing to put a people-centred, bottom-up approach at the heart of policies to mitigate and adapt to climate change. 
 
 A document explaining the approach was released by the UN Task Team on Social Dimensions of Climate Change and discussed on the sidelines of the talks on 7 December. 
 
 “There are organizations even within the UN system that do not have people in their DNA,” said a UN official who did not want to be named. 
 
 The “current climate change discourse - including the way mitigation and adaptation measures are designed and appraised - tends to emphasize environmental, economic or technological inputs and costs. The social dimensions of climate change are not well understood or addressed,” the task team notes. 
 
 Peter Poschen, of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), illustrates the point in a climate change impact scenario and a typical response. For instance, if a certain part of a country that grows rice increasingly experiences flooding, a disaster risk reduction expert might step in and advise the people in the area to switch from growing rice to planting trees to help break the water flow. 
 
 “But often the expert would not have taken into account the other people in the area, who work as farm labourers on the rice field. With one policy move, the expert would have devastated the lives of so many others, and the linkages and impacts between paddy cultivation and the entire community. The problem is policy decisions are made by technocrats, who just see the problem and the solution, but not the people.” 
 
 People are the pivot 
 
 Climate change will potentially affect a wide range of sustainable development issues - health, food security, employment, incomes and livelihoods, gender equality, education, housing, poverty and mobility - either directly or indirectly, the agencies say in their paper. 
 
 To make the transition to a greener world and a more resilient people, basic human development needs will have to be addressed to make them less vulnerable and inform the choices they make, which will affect the path of the country’s economy. 
 
 Where and how people live, their access to basic services - health, water and education, employment opportunities, social protection, good governance - determines their vulnerability to risks from natural hazards such as floods, which are expected to become more intense as the world becomes warmer. 
 
 Choices such as driving a vehicle or using public transport, consuming more meat or adopting a vegetarian diet, choosing to have many children, a few, or none, the construction of large or small homes will shape the path of the country’s economy. 
 
 Next steps 
 
 To integrate social dimensions into climate change policies, the task team suggests six steps. 
 
 1) Conduct social impact assessments at each step of any programme involving communities. 
 
 2) Promote inter/ministerial policy dialogue. Ministries often work in silos and neglect to address the complexities of climate impacts that cut across sectors. 
 
 3) Identify research gaps to understand people’s behaviour, choice, vulnerability and consumption patterns. 
 
 4) Ensure safeguards to protect the vulnerable when fashioning climate solutions. For instance, when countries switch from dependence on energy produced by coal-based plants to renewable energy, they should ensure coal-miners have alternative sources of income. 
 
 5) Invest in human capital: To empower people both as agents of change and to make them resilient policies need to build skills. 
 
 6) Make money available to do this at the country level. There are countries that are already taking steps towards greening development. South Africa, one of the most carbon-intensive economies in the world, announced at this side event a plan for a green economy that could create jobs to address its high unemployment rate, in which at least 4.4 million people are extremely vulnerable. 
 
 Jorge Maia, head of research at South Africa’s Industrial Development Corporation, said up to 98,000 direct jobs could be created in the short term by 2012, and as many as 462,000 by 2025, through efforts to produce renewable energy, improve energy efficiency, reduce emissions and manage natural resources. But South Africa needed to get its educational institutions on board to build the skills required for the green jobs. 
 
 Shajedul Haque, an aid worker at Eminence, a local NGO based in Bangladesh, said each of the ministries in his country had a climate change cell so as to integrate it into all development sectors. “But there is lack of coordination on the climate change aspect between the ministries… often some areas remain under-serviced, while… [there are] many actors working on a sector in... [another] area.” He said countries should have an authority coordinating the development response. 
 
 Robin Mearns, the lead social development specialist at the World Bank, said they had been approached by countries like Mexico and Vietnam to fund development policies with climate change adaptation and mitigation elements. “The most remarkable thing is that the drafting of the policies involves a very strong participatory approach right down to the local government-level - there is a lot of consultation with the people.” 
 
 Money 
 
 It is when the lines between climate change and development policies get blurred that developing countries, who are demanding new and additional funding for climate change mitigation and adaptation under the proposed climate change deal, see red. 
 
 Developing countries have accused the developed countries for double counting development aid as climate change adaptation funds. 
 
 Countries and NGOs, who acknowledge the difficulty of distinguishing an adaptation project from a development project, are grappling with this prickly question. 
 
 jk/he/oa 
 
]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94426</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112081040390875t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DURBAN 08 December 2011 (IRIN) - People are the victims and the drivers of climate change, so the success of any response to the impact of climate change depends on the people it is supposed to help, say 20 UN agencies at the UN talks in Durban, South Africa.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Remittances to developing countries rebound</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20061028t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - A slump in the amount of money migrants sent home during the global financial crisis appears to have ended with officially recorded remittances to the developing world reaching an estimated US$351 billion in 2011, an 8 percent increase from 2010.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - A slump in the amount of money migrants sent home during the global financial crisis appears to have ended with officially recorded remittances to the developing world reaching an estimated US$351 billion in 2011, an 8 percent increase from 2010. 
 
 "Growth of remittances in 2011 exceeded our earlier expectations in four regions, especially in Europe and central Asia... and sub-Saharan Africa," write lead economists at the World Bank's Migration and Remittances Unit in a brief released on 1 December [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTPROSPECTS/Resources/334934-1110315015165/MigrationandDevelopmentBrief17.pdf ]. 
 
 The top recipient countries were India, China, Mexico and the Philippines, but smaller nations such as Tajikistan, Lesotho, Nepal and Lebanon received a greater flow of remittances as a percentage of their gross domestic product (GDP) - Lesotho, for example, relied on remittances for 29 percent of its GDP in 2011. 
 
 Money sent home by migrants now represents three times the amount of official development aid to countries receiving assistance and is crucial to alleviating poverty, according to the World Bank. 
 
 But the news is not all good. The ongoing debt crisis in Europe and high unemployment in many developed countries "is affecting employment prospects of existing migrants and hardening political attitudes toward new immigration", the World Bank economists note. Saudi Arabia recently introduced an indigenization programme that limits the number of foreign workers companies can hire and the United Kingdom has imposed tougher admission criteria for non-EU migrants. 
 
 ks/he


]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94401</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20061028t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - A slump in the amount of money migrants sent home during the global financial crisis appears to have ended with officially recorded remittances to the developing world reaching an estimated US$351 billion in 2011, an 8 percent increase from 2010.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Mohamud Mohamed Ali, “Two years later, I am back to square one”</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061143500723t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience:</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience: 

“I was almost 18 when I decided to leave. My father supported my decision because he saw that a lot of young men from the city were being forced into armed militias. He was afraid for me and I wanted to leave to avoid being caught but I also thought that I could find a better life outside. 

"In June 2009, I left Mogadishu by road to come to Kenya; we had to avoid a lot of militia roadblocks because they were removing young men from the lorries going into Kenya. At one point we were stopped at an Al-Shabab checkpoint and I pretended I was the driver's assistant. 

"In Nairobi I met other young Somalis and we decided to pool our resources and go to South Africa. I first went to Mombasa where a 'Mukhalas' [facilitator/smuggler] told me he could get me into Mozambique and from there walk into South Africa but I had to pay US$700. The money was supposed to cover all expenses of getting to Mozambique, including dealing with security forces in all countries. 

"I went to Tanzania and from there I was put on a boat with 200 other Somalis to Mozambique in September 2009. The man never told me we were going by boat. I was terrified as I had never been on a boat but he told me the crossing would only take few hours - it took us almost four days. We ran out of food and water was almost finished when we reached the coast. On the fourth night, they dumped us on the beach and said we were now in Mozambique. Luckily, we were found by security forces who took us to a refugee camp. 

"Life in the camp was hard. We only ate once a day, the shelter was poor but it was better than being on a boat for four days and nights. After a few weeks, I walked out of the camp and met some Somali businessmen in a town called Bemba. They gave me some money and I started my way toward South Africa. In Mogadishu I had heard so many stories about South Africa and how different and better it was from the rest of Africa. 

"I finally arrived in South Africa in November 2009. I immediately got a job with Somali businessmen in Soweto. I was a shop assistant and at first it was fine but then we were regularly attacked and robbed by local gangs. 

"No one did anything to stop these gangs. On 6 June 2011, a group of armed men attacked our shop. They took everything, money and everything else. I was hit twice by bullets but no one took me to the hospital. I lost a lot of blood and by the time I was brought to hospital I was unconscious. 

"After 15 days in hospital I decided to leave South Africa. I had left my home country because I did not feel safe and here I was in a foreign country where I was not safe. So I began my journey back. I felt defeated and that I was back to square one but I did not regret leaving South Africa. I want to tell young Somalis, ‘please don’t go through what I went through’. 

"Unfortunately, such is the life of a young Somali, they will do anything to escape. We have nothing in Somalia and nothing outside. It is as if we have been abandoned by everyone in the world." 

ah/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94403</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061143500723t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mohamud Mohamed Ali, 21, was a high-school student when he fled the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in June 2009, in fear of being forcibly recruited into Al-Shabab. His dangerous journey ultimately took him to South Africa. He spoke to IRIN about his experience:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Overall violence down - but attacks on minorities continue</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051328080408t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says. 

"There's a feeling that Iraq is slowly moving towards increased stability, but minorities are feeling that they are excluded from public life and that the new Iraq is not for them," said Chris Chapman, head of the conflict prevention programme at Minority Rights Group International, the London-based advocacy and research organization, which wrote the report. "They feel they are getting a message that Iraq is not their country and they are not welcome... It's for Sunnis, Shi'as, Kurds, but not for them." 

The report [ http://www.minorityrights.org/11106/reports/iraqs-minorities-participation-in-public-life.html ] said "in some cases [the displacement is] decimating communities to the point that they risk disappearing altogether from their ancient homeland". 

At the peak of the insurgency against US troops who invaded Iraq in 2003, attacks against minorities were well-documented [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=62981 ]. 

But those attacks continue, even now that overall violence has subsided. The most fatal were the suicide attacks against a Baghdad church in October 2010 that left 56 dead and led more than 1,000 families to flee Baghdad over two months. But there have been many other incidents, amounting to targeted violence, threats, and intimidation that the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF)'s 2011 report [ http://www.uscirf.gov/images/book%20with%20cover%20for%20web.pdf ] describes as "systematic, ongoing and egregious". 

While violence in 2011 is slightly lower than in 2010, Chapman said, there have been several attacks on churches [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/43982676/ns/world_news-mideast_n_africa/t/hurt-car-bomb-explodes-near-iraqi-church-two-other-attacks-christians-foiled/ ]; an attack on a Turkmen political party [ http://archive.hurriyetdailynews.com/n.php?n=blast-hits-turkmen-party-in-kirkuk-iraq-2011-10-17 ]; repeated attacks on members of the Shabak, Yezidi and Mandaean minorities, including kidnappings and murders, according to local NGOs; and continued targeting of shops providing goods or services deemed un-Islamic, including liquor stores owned by Christians and Yezidis, according to USCIRF. 

"Attacks against minorities have had a profound effect by targeting their communities' social infrastructure, leaving victims and others fearful to carry on with their everyday lives," Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in its 2011 report on Iraq [ http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/iraq0211W.pdf ]. Many minorities say they feel the goal of these attacks is to force them out of Iraq altogether. 

Those minorities who subscribe to a religion other than Shi’a or Sunni Islam represent 3-5 percent of the Iraqi population but make up 10 percent of the internally displaced, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), and between 17-22 percent of its refugees, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 

"There is no doubt that minorities in Iraq are living in extremely bad conditions," Hanin Al-Qado, who heads Iraq's Minorities Council NGO, told IRIN. "They are awaiting a dark and uncertain future and they are concerned about that." 

Diverse population 

Unlike many other populations in the region, Iraq is diverse in terms of ethnicity and religion. In addition to the largest Muslim groups of Shi'a and Sunni Arabs and Kurds, Iraq has communities of Armenians, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Assyrians, Circassians, Baha'is, Black Iraqis, Roma, Faili Kurds, Kaka'i, Sabean, Mandaeans, Shabaks, Turkmen, Yazidis, Jews and Palestinians. 

Al-Qado, a prominent leader of the Shabaks, said about 1,200 members of his community had been killed since 2003. The USCIRF report said at least half of the pre-2003 Iraqi Christian community is believed to have left the country, "with Christian leaders warning that the consequence of this flight may be the end of Christianity in Iraq". Mandaeans have reported to USCIRF that almost 90 percent of their community has either fled Iraq or been killed. 

Ali Al-Moussawi, a spokesman for the Iraqi government, denied that minorities were being singled out in Iraq, saying one of his government's priorities was to make sure that they are safe and practise their religions. 

"Terrorist attacks are not only targeting minorities but all Iraqis. Terrorists do not differentiate between minorities and other Iraqis," Al-Moussawi said. "The government gives a priority to protecting the minorities and their rights more than other segments of the Iraqi people," he added. 

"We are proud of the minorities in Iraq and we can't abandon them as we consider them proof of coexistence among Iraqi people, their civilization and the diversity in their society." 

But rights groups say attacks on minorities are rarely investigated or punished, creating a "climate of impunity". 

Marginalization 

Fawzia Al-Attia, professor of sociology at the University of Baghdad, said political and ethnic wrangling since 2003 was behind the discrimination and marginalizing of minorities of Iraq. 

"This problem did not exist in the past but after 2003, the political, religious and ethnic affiliations - as opposed to citizenship - have become main pillars in forming the government," Al-Attia said. 

"And that has led to competition and conflict, not only against minorities or among big sects but even among the same sects," she added. "Politicizing the tribe or the sect has become a culture in our society to get these gains." 

The MRG's Chapman said prejudices and religious extremism had flared as a result of the conflict, partly because minorities have been associated with the multinational forces. 

"But part of it is simply that the conflict allowed tensions to blow up into all-out conflict between religious groupings. That has created divides which were kind of there before but had not been allowed to flare up to that extent." 

Access to public services 

According to the MRG report, minorities in Iraq also face difficulty and discrimination in accessing employment, education and healthcare. 

"There is discrimination, prejudice and marginalization," Christian lawmaker Younadim Kanna said. 

This is especially the case in areas disputed by the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government - where many minorities live - because neither side sees it as in their interest to invest in services there, the MRG said. 

Al-Qado said minorities are "suffering a lot" in these areas and stressed that government should control these areas and protect minorities in them. 

Minorities' access to basic services has also been affected by conflict in the area. A July 2011 attack on a Shabak village by a tribe from the Kurdistan region left around 12,000 people without water and the authorities had not addressed the issue, MRG said. 

Sabean-Mandaean and Faili Kurds complained that they could not access education in their language in parts of the country, the report added. 

Women minority members are vulnerable to physical and verbal harassment and often hide their identity outside their homes. 

The 40-page report, Iraq's Minorities: Participation in Public Life, is based on 331 interviews with members of 11 minority communities in Iraq's northern self-ruled Kurdish region and six provinces in 2010. 

Fewer than half of respondents said they felt safe visiting places of worship; 87 percent said school curricula did not portray minorities in a positive light or at all; and 38 percent had experienced discrimination in accessing government jobs. 

Recommendations

The MRG report recommended that a number of legal and policy changes be made by involving all minority groups in the drafting of an anti-discrimination law. 

It also recommended introducing a new national identity card that did not indicate ethnicity or religion and eliminating the requirement that Arabic be the only language used in all employment, and providing bilingual education for minorities in areas where they form a significant proportion of the population. 

"Many members of minorities in Iraq find themselves effectively in ghettos as they are excluded from whole areas of public life. Greater dialogue, reconciliation and the development of a comprehensive legal framework must be ongoing to have a real impact," the MRG's Chapman said. 

sm/ha/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94389</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051328080408t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Iklas Monu Ahmed, “Since I’ve been here, nobody has come to talk to me or show us where to go”</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051302100173t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - A steady stream of barges from the North arrives at Juba Port but Iklas Monu Ahmed and her four children are still camped out at the dock three months after their ship came in. More than 350,000 South Sudanese have come back of their own accord over the past year, and the International Organization for Migration will have helped 20,000 returnees since January, when the country voted to secede from Sudan.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - A steady stream of barges from the North arrives at Juba Port but Iklas Monu Ahmed and her four children are still camped out at the dock three months after their ship came in. More than 350,000 South Sudanese have come back of their own accord over the past year, and the International Organization for Migration will have helped 20,000 returnees since January, when the country voted to secede from Sudan. Up to a million are thought to be in the North as the 9 April deadline approaches to “get legal or get out”. 
 
 Many returnees need support with food and basic items, plus a plot of land, to build a new life in a new nation lacking opportunities. Ahmed is desperate as three-year-old Mamdu lies prone on a bare bedframe and the family is stuck, facing sickness and hunger. 
 
 “I was taken to Khartoum at the age of 11... Now I’m 31. The life was ok in Khartoum. I was working... and I was able to feed the family. 
 
 “But since I came here there is no one to receive us and nobody to take us home. Life is difficult, there is no food, and I came with children. Now the younger one is sick and the elder ones went to town looking for something to treat him. 
 
 “Of course, Juba is my place where I want to stay but I have nowhere to go and nobody to take care of me. If only I could take a piece of land to put the family and my luggage that is down here, I would be able to get something to do for myself, like making tea, and the family would be sustained. 
 
 “Since I’ve been here, nobody has come, either the government or any of the agencies, to talk to me or at least show us where to go. 
 
 “We were given cards, [ration] cards, but we have not been served any food or non-food items up to now. 
 
 “I left Juba after my mother died when I was 11 and my father was gone. So when I went to Khartoum I stayed with the relatives of my mother there and got married to a Darfuri and we separated. 
 
 “I do work in hotels helping to wash dishes and fetch water. They pay me 10 pounds [US$3.70] a day and I buy food every evening for the children. 
 
 “But for three days I have not gone as my son is sick. I took the child to the hospital and he has been prescribed drugs but they are not the easiest to buy from the clinics as we don’t have the money. 
 
 “He has malaria and he vomits whenever he tastes something. 
 
 “We sleep outside here on this floor. 
 
 “I’m here because the country now is at peace and it is a separate nation and I have come back home like any other national. 
 
 “If only I can get a piece of land, I can sustain the family, just like in Khartoum. 
 
 “There are many changes in Juba, but for me to be able to join in this race of changes, I need a piece of land. 
 
 “In the north, you live like refugees as no one is settled and you live under threat. Here with a piece of land, you can settle.” 
 
 hm/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94393</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051302100173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - A steady stream of barges from the North arrives at Juba Port but Iklas Monu Ahmed and her four children are still camped out at the dock three months after their ship came in. More than 350,000 South Sudanese have come back of their own accord over the past year, and the International Organization for Migration will have helped 20,000 returnees since January, when the country voted to secede from Sudan.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: The risks of rescue at sea</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109221249460092t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Two years ago, Abdiselam Sheik Omar left his home town of Jijiga in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region and embarked on a journey he hoped would take him across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen and eventually to Saudi Arabia. “It’s easy to find work there,” he told IRIN. “The problem is crossing the sea.”</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Two years ago, Abdiselam Sheik Omar left his home town of Jijiga in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region and embarked on a journey he hoped would take him across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen and eventually to Saudi Arabia. “It’s easy to find work there,” he told IRIN. “The problem is crossing the sea.” 
 
 Omar was well aware of the risks and hardships, having made the journey twice before. He knew that during the three- to five-day crossing from Puntland in northern Somalia there would be little to eat or drink, and his smugglers would not hesitate to beat uncooperative passengers or even throw them off the boat. 
 
 When the rickety, overloaded boat he was on started sinking, one of the migrants drowned before the remaining 34 were rescued by the Yemeni Coast Guard. The passengers and their smugglers were arrested and jailed on reaching Yemen, but Omar was glad to be alive. 
 
 After 20 days he was released and made it as far as the border with Saudi Arabia before being arrested again. This time he was deported back to Ethiopia. “I won’t try it again, even though I’m jobless,” he said. 
 
 Every year, thousands of migrants risk hazardous sea crossings in a desperate bid to escape poverty, persecution or conflict. If they run into trouble, as many do, their only hope of being rescued is a long-standing maritime code of conduct backed by numerous international protocols that compel passing ships to render assistance to any vessel in distress. 
 
 In the last year alone, cruise ships have picked up Cuban migrants off the coast of Florida, the Indonesian navy has rescued Afghan nationals trying to reach Australia, and Spanish authorities have assisted African refugees and migrants drifting in the Mediterranean. 
 
 Many other sinking or capsized vessels were either missed or ignored, and countless migrants have lost their lives at sea. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that between February and October this year, 2,000 mostly African migrants fleeing the crisis in Libya drowned while trying to cross the Mediterranean. Since the beginning of 2011, a further 131 Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants have perished in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden trying to reach Yemen. 
 
 Disincentives 
 
 The discovery of a small vessel in apparent distress represents a dilemma for ships’ masters, particularly in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean, where pirates are most active. 
 
 “It’s very difficult to distinguish from a distance whether it’s a boat with migrants or with pirates, so they assume it may be pirates,” said Captain Hartmut Hesse of the International Maritime Organization. 
 
 Current guidance to the shipping industry on the threat of piracy advises ships to keep their distance from small vessels. It does not deal with the possibility that they could be carrying migrants in need of assistance, said John Murray of the International Chamber of Shipping (ICS). "The other big issue is that ships must know that coastal states will meet their obligations in disembarking people rescued at sea." 
 
 For ships’ masters everywhere, the biggest disincentive for picking up migrants in distress is the real possibility that they will waste time and money looking for a country willing to let them come ashore. 
 
 The International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS Convention) and the International Convention on Maritime Sea and Rescue (SAR Convention) both outline the duty of relevant countries to cooperate and coordinate rescue operations at sea, but many are unwilling to accept undocumented migrants. 
 
 “They should be offered a place of safety in the closest country from where they were picked up,” said Christopher Horwood, coordinator of the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS), run by the Danish Refugee Council in Nairobi, which provides information and support for migration responses between the Horn of Africa and Yemen. "There are worrying signs that countries are not living up to their responsibilities... some are not even permitting [ships with rescued migrants] to dock." 
 
 Whether the ship is a commercial vessel contracted to deliver cargo by a certain date or a military vessel patrolling a coastline, the probability of a delay in disembarking migrants "is likely to undermine some of the commitment to picking people up," said Murray. "That’s the real world; that’s the world we live in." 
 
 Most ships these days have small crews and are not equipped to provide food and accommodation to extra passengers for days at a time. 
 
 Lack of cooperation 
 
 The problem is not new. A decade ago, Australian authorities refused to permit a Norwegian freighter, the MV Tampa, carrying 438 Afghan nationals rescued from a fishing boat drifting in international waters near Christmas Island, to enter Australian waters. The episode sparked a political controversy in Australia and a diplomatic spat between Australia and Norway. 
 
 Despite much debate about how future incidents could be avoided and amendments to maritime law, the problems have continued, said Anja Klug, head of the UNHCR asylum/migration unit. “We think the real problem lies in the lack of cooperation among the different states involved in these situations." 
 
 At an experts meeting convened by UNHCR in Djibouti recently, Klug and her colleagues presented some practical tools aimed at improving cooperation and burden-sharing of sea rescue operations between states in regions affected by high levels of migration. 
 
 One such tool is a model framework that provides for government cooperation in establishing regional task forces to oversee rescue operations, identifying the most appropriate countries for disembarkation, and ensuring that adequate arrangements are in place to receive and process rescued migrants with varying claims to international protection. 
 
 "We’re not aiming for this to be adopted on a binding global level," Klug told IRIN. "We want countries to come together and assess their needs. [UNHCR] can facilitate, but ultimately governments need to come to agreements." 
 
 At the meeting, UNHCR also proposed that “mobile protection response teams”, staffed by experts from government, UNHCR and other international organizations, be dispatched to countries lacking the resources or capacity to deal with an influx of migrants and asylum seekers arriving by boat. 
 
 "Normally, reception arrangements are a task of governments but they sometimes don’t have the capacity," said Klug. UNHCR, together with the International Organization for Migration and other NGOs, are already providing such assistance along the coast of Yemen and on the Italian island of Lampedusa, where large numbers of migrants have come ashore in recent months as a result of the crisis in Libya [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92993 ]. 
 
 Need for guidance 
 
 Another UNHCR document suggests some basic standard operating procedures for ships' masters who encounter migrants in trouble at sea, such as what constitutes a "distress situation" and what information should be sought from rescued persons. 
 
 Murray, who attended the Djibouti meeting for the International Chamber of Shipping, said there was a need for such guidance but emphasized that it was not the role of a ship's crew to categorize people. "We feel very strongly there should be no pressure on the ship’s master to engage in any processing or profiling of people who’ve been recovered. As far as the ship is concerned, they’re people in distress at sea," he told IRIN. 
 
 Noting that boats rescued at sea often contain a complex mixture of asylum seekers, economic migrants and people with special needs, such as minors, Horwood of RMMS agreed that "It shouldn’t be the burden of a ship captain to decide if he’s got economic migrants or refugees. Many of the migrants don’t qualify for international protection, even though they might be on the same boat as those that do. This is the phenomenon of mixed migration." 
 
 Horwood welcomed the UNHCR initiative. "These people are victims of situations [that cause them to migrate] and on top of that they find themselves rejected when they’re genuinely in distress at sea." 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94383</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109221249460092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Two years ago, Abdiselam Sheik Omar left his home town of Jijiga in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region and embarked on a journey he hoped would take him across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen and eventually to Saudi Arabia. “It’s easy to find work there,” he told IRIN. “The problem is crossing the sea.”</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
