<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Migration</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 17:30:55 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Quelling xenophobia in South Africa&apos;s townships</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg" />]]>PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</description><body><![CDATA[PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/78386/SOUTH-AFRICA-Xenophobic-attacks-spreading ]. 

Since May 2008, various initiatives have been established to detect early warning signs of future xenophobic attacks and to improve responses. But while no further outbreaks have occurred on the scale of the violence five years ago, attacks on foreign nationals have continued [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96589/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreigners-still-at-risk ]. On average, one person was killed every week in 2011, according to the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA).

The looting and victimization of foreigners has also remained a feature of the frequent service delivery protests that have rocked South African townships in recent years, as has the near impunity of perpetrators [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88052/SOUTH-AFRICA-Foreign-nationals-attacked-with-impunity ].

In a statement released on 13 May, CoRMSA concluded that “much more still needs to be done to promote peaceful communities”.

Tensions high

Philippi Township, 25km southeast of Cape Town, has been a hotspot for xenophobic violence in Western Cape Province post-2008. In an area where nearly 60 percent of residents are unemployed, according to census data, Ward Counsellor Thobile Gqola, estimated that foreign nationals run more than half of businesses.

“Generally, people are happy to live side-by-side; the problem starts when it comes to business,” he told IRIN. 

Most of the violence has been directed at Somali refugees who run many of the small grocery stores known as ‘spaza’ shops in the township [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/4903/Living-under-siege ]. Like many other Somali traders in Philippi, Abdullahi Wehliye, 28, opened a shop there after losing his shop in neighbouring Khayelitsha Township during the 2008 xenophobic violence.

“I lost everything; I had to start over,” he told IRIN as he served customers through a metal grill, a security precaution that has done little to protect him from crime. 

Wehliye said his shop had been robbed seven times since it opened in 2010. During one incident in 2012, his brother was shot and killed. Although he reported all of the robberies, no arrests have been made. Of 60 Somali shopkeepers in the area, who have formed an association that Wehliye chairs, all have had their shops robbed and the vast majority have experienced shootings, Wehliye said.

A 2012 study [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/ElusiveJustice_17October.pdf ] by Vanya Gastrow and Roni Amit, of the African Centre for Migration and Society at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, found that Somali-run shops suffered disproportionately from crime, including attacks orchestrated by competing South African traders. Their vulnerability to such attacks was found to be partly the result of their lack of access to informal justice mechanisms and community structures.

In township settings, noted the researchers, leaders of local street committees, most of which fall under the authority of the South African National Civic Association (SANCO), often play a more important role in responding to crime than the formal justice system. 

“People in townships still respect their ‘chiefs’,” said Charles Mutabazi, director of the Agency for Refugee Education, Skills, Training and Advocacy (ARESTA), a Cape Town-based NGO.

Peace monitoring, community building

ARESTA partnered with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to start a project in Philippi in 2012 that identified 20 community leaders in each of the townships’ five wards and trained them to be “peace monitors”. The three-day training included mediation and conflict-resolution skills as well as information about the rights of migrants and refugees. 

“There’s a lot of conflict here,” said Vra Mdledle, a SANCO member and secretary to a ward counsellor who went through the training last year. “When you’re in SANCO, they don’t give you training, they just nominate you. ARESTA gave us skills we could use in our communities.”

She gave the example of a Somali shopkeeper in her area who had recently experienced an arson attack. Following a similar attack last year, he alleged that local police had pressured him to drop the case. 

“I called all the peace monitors, and we decided to accompany him to the police station,” said Mdledle. “We asked to see the station commissioner and demanded that the previous case be reopened. I saw the police are not really doing their job.”

Although the focus of the project is to promote diversity and quell xenophobic tensions, the peace monitors do not limit themselves to advocating for foreign nationals. Locals also suffer as a result of police negligence, said Mdledle, and there are many situations that demand conflict-resolution skills in this densely populated township. 

Voyiseka Nzuzo, 24, who went through the ARESTA training in February, said peace monitors in her area had recently intervened after the family of a nine-year-old rape victim beat and stabbed a man they believed to be the perpetrator. “We found that the child had pointed out five different people. We went to the police station and tried to convince the case investigator they had the wrong suspect,” she told IRIN.

As the owner of a barber shop with foreign customers and the founder of a local business association that includes South Africans and migrants, Lefefe Mdunyelwa said he already had friends from other countries before he became a peace monitor, but that he still learned a lot from the training. “I learned that each and every person is just living for themselves; nobody’s trying to steal your business,” he told IRIN. 

Noticing that the foreign members of his association were often discriminated against when it came to the issuing of business permits and the charging of rent by municipal officials, he said his association is now advocating for equal treatment.

Although ARESTA has made efforts to include members of Philippi’s Somali community in the peace monitor training and quarterly peace marches, Mutabazi said participation had been disappointing. 

Wehliye, who is one of eight Somalis to have gone through the training, said language remained a barrier, and Gqola, the ward councillor, said foreign nationals often stayed away from meetings aimed at facilitating dialogue between local and foreign business owners because they felt intimidated.

Wehliye said he signed up for the training because “after we’d been robbed so many times, I wanted to know what rights I had. I learned I had the same rights [to justice] as local people. I feel empowered.”

Becoming a peace monitor has also brought him into contact with local leaders whom he works with to resolve conflicts. “I now feel like a member of the community,” he told IRIN.

Mutabazi said the success of the peace monitor project lay in its emphasis on changing the mindset of influential community leaders. Whether it will be rolled out in other townships will depend on funding, but Mutabazi is convinced that the value of the training has been tested. 

“It’s empowering [participants] to be better community leaders. If we’re leaving that kind of legacy behind, it’s very good for promoting social cohesion.”

ks/rz
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98035/Quelling-xenophobia-in-South-Africa-apos-s-townships</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305141515080313t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PHILIPPI 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - This week marks five years since tensions between foreigners and South Africans living in impoverished communities across the country erupted in xenophobic violence, leaving more than 60 people dead and tens of thousands displaced, their homes and businesses robbed and abandoned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ].

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ], compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ], the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation ], gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ], which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ].

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ].

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ], meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ].

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ], some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf ], some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime” [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ]. Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ].

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ]. New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ].

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM) [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ], a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ].

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ], and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ].

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

kk/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/Analysis-The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Southeast Asia’s human trafficking conundrum</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200906030258010070t.jpg" />]]>JAKARTA 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people are vulnerable to being trafficked in Southeast Asia, with governments struggling to understand and respond collectively to the problem, say experts and government officials.</description><body><![CDATA[JAKARTA 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people are vulnerable to being trafficked in Southeast Asia, with governments struggling to understand and respond collectively to the problem, say experts and government officials.

A 2012 UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report on human trafficking [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/glotip/Trafficking_in_Persons_2012_web.pdf ] recorded more than 10,000 cases of trafficking in persons in South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific between 2007-2010, but it is unclear what the situation is today.

"Nobody has been able to convincingly demonstrate the scale of the problem, let alone come up with clear ways of how to address it," Sverre Molland, a lecturer at the Australian National University in Canberra who specializes in human trafficking, told IRIN. 

"After all these years, we are still debating what trafficking actually is," he said, noting efforts to combat it were suffering from donor fatigue because of a lack of tangible results.

The 2000 UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons [ http://www.uncjin.org/Documents/Conventions/dcatoc/final_documents_2/convention_%20traff_eng.pdf ] defines human trafficking as "the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons by means of. coercion, abduction, fraud or deception. for the purpose of exploitation". Child trafficking is defined as the "recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation". 

In 2011, 16-year-old Evi* left her remote village in Indonesia's Banten Province in the hope of making more money to help her family.

"My auntie introduced me to a broker who forged my travel documents so I could work," she said. "The broker then took me to a recruitment agency in Jakarta. I just wanted to earn more money. I thought God would protect me."

The agency [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88967/INDONESIA-Families-struggle-as-more-women-work-overseas ] arranged for Evi's travel to Jordan and placement as a domestic worker in Amman, but she soon found she was being exploited by her employer.

"I was allowed to sleep for about two hours a day, sometimes less," said Evi. "I had to take care of four children and clean the house. The mother and auntie of the children often beat me with sandals or punched me for no reason, and sometimes my nose bled."

In 2012, having endured physical abuse for over a year, her employer began to withhold her pay, and Evi attempted suicide by drinking a glass of kerosene.

"My employer found me unconscious and allowed me to rest, but the next day, they made me work again," she said.

Later, Evi ran away from her employer and roamed the streets of Amman looking for work until a local shopkeeper took her to a police station. Jordanian police then took her to the Indonesian Embassy, which arranged for her repatriation to a shelter for trafficked children in Jakarta, where she is recovering.

Regional cooperation

Cooperation between the 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to tackle human trafficking has resulted in high-level initiatives and memorandums of understanding (MoUs).

"The MoUs should facilitate the exchanging of information and evidence between governments," said Sean Looney, operations, monitoring and evaluation manager at SISHA [ http://www.sisha.org/ ], an anti-trafficking and exploitation NGO in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 

"But in practice this does not happen at all. In a lot of human trafficking cases there's no resolution because there's no cooperation, despite the fact that agreements are in place."

According to Looney, cooperation was also hindered by a lack of trust between Cambodia and Thailand, and Cambodia and Vietnam, due in part to past conflicts.

Martin Reeve, a UNODC regional adviser on trafficking in Bangkok, said law enforcement agencies across the region were still developing.

"Securing a human trafficking conviction is at the best of times a difficult process," he said. "Intelligence-led policing is immature or non-existent, so the offenders arrested are less likely to be those organizing the trafficking, and police-to-police cooperation remains weak."

All ASEAN governments are part of the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime [ http://www.baliprocess.net ], a non-binding, voluntary forum co-chaired by the governments of Indonesia and Australia, which began in 2002.

Febrian Ruddyard, director of international security and disarmament at the Indonesian Foreign Ministry, said the Process had only recently begun to address trafficking in persons because not all countries had strong national legislation in place.

To date, all ASEAN governments have passed anti-trafficking legislation with the exception of Laos and Singapore.

Indonesia and Australia have faced challenges in encouraging members of the Bali Process to take practical action to address human trafficking, Ruddyard said.

"Many member countries are interested in the Process but attracting funding from them [for projects] is difficult, not only because the issue is still a low priority in some countries but also because the Process is non-binding," he said.

Ruddyard cited last year's creation of a regional support office in Bangkok to implement practical arrangements to combat trafficking, and a plan to use the Jakarta Centre for Law Enforcement Cooperation in Indonesia to train law enforcers across the region to better deal with human trafficking cases, as achievements of the Process.

A local problem

Part of the problem lies at the local level.

Ahmed Sofian, national coordinator of ECPAT Indonesia [ http://www.ecpat.net/ei/Ecpat_directory.asp?id=78&groupID=3 ], an NGO based in Jakarta working to end the commercial sexual exploitation of children, said there was little effort made by local law enforcement officials in Indonesia to deal with trafficking.

"There are economic benefits for those living close to the brothels that children are trafficked to," said Sofian. "Locals will gravitate to the area to sell food or provide security, and local police officers - often on low salaries - will ask for protection money from the owners of the brothels."

"This is why it's so difficult to eliminate trafficking," Sofian went on. "There's a local economy that grows up around it, and if the local government attempts to close these brothels, the police will become angry."

Jonhar Johan, an official at the Indonesian Women Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry, agreed, saying local implementation was a problem. 

Of Indonesia's 497 districts, only 88 have anti-trafficking task forces.

"We need the commitment of district governments and police, but generally it is lacking," he said. "The districts need to. develop their own task forces."

Johan also said that even when trafficking victims were identified and returned home by the authorities, they remained vulnerable to being re-trafficked.

"We offer them financial help so they can start up small businesses when they return home, but when we visit them to formalize this, we find they've gone," he said. "Many victims are poor and they see the economic gain from working abroad, so maybe they leave home again because of the money. Traffickers like these kinds of people."

According to SISHA's Looney, while the Cambodian police's anti-human trafficking and juvenile protection division tackled human trafficking, at the district level police were hamstrung by a lack of funds.

"The police have to use their own money for fuel to go to interview victims, bring victims to court and feed the victims [while they are in police custody]," he said. "They don't have access to basic operational costs, and it's unclear whether that's down to ineptitude, a lack of funds, or whether funds are being siphoned off elsewhere."

SISHA was financially supporting police investigations into human trafficking and offering guidance on conducting criminal investigations, said Looney.

"Many local police officers are just looking for support so they can do their jobs. The average police officer wants to tackle the problem and help victims, but practical requirements make it difficult for them," he said.

Increasing complexity

International Organization of Migration (IOM) Indonesia chief of mission Denis Nihill said the changing nature of human trafficking made it more difficult to tackle.

"There's been a lot of work done on the Greater Mekong Region for many years on trafficking, but it's become more complex, as it's now inextricably woven with labour migration, which is a much more difficult nut to crack because it is less easy to detect than trafficking linked to the sex industry."

Nihill also pointed to the difficulties of tackling internal trafficking, which IOM's 2011 counter trafficking report [ http://www.iom.int/files/live/sites/iom/files/What-We-Do/docs/Annual_Report_2011_Counter_Trafficking.pdf ] highlighted as particularly problematic in Indonesia.

"For cross border trafficking, people must pass through the hands of several government agencies, but internally trafficked people need not come to the attention of any officials, so in many ways it's a more alarming situation," he said.

The US Department of the State's 2012 Trafficking in Persons Report [ http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2012/index.htm ] categorizes most ASEAN countries as Tier 2, meaning they do not fully comply with minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but are making significant efforts to do so.

*not her real name

mw/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97979/Analysis-Southeast-Asia-s-human-trafficking-conundrum</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200906030258010070t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAKARTA 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of people are vulnerable to being trafficked in Southeast Asia, with governments struggling to understand and respond collectively to the problem, say experts and government officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Raids free enslaved migrants/refugees in Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.

In the last four weeks, 1,620 migrants, including women and children, have been freed in army raids around the northern town of Haradh close to the border with Saudi Arabia, according to information from the International medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://www.msf.org/article/yemen-msf-assists-migrants-freed-clutches-human-traffickers ]. It says most of the released migrants it treated at the MSF-run Al-Mazraq hospital had been victims of human trafficking, forced labour and slavery.

“There are clear signs of extreme violence. Fingernails have been pulled out and many are badly beaten. We welcome this clampdown, but there are almost certainly thousands more migrants in captivity, and for those released, welcome centres and humanitarian NGOs are seriously overstretched,” Tarek Daher, MSF’s head of mission in Yemen, told IRIN.

Migrants recently told IRIN horrific stories [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ] of the kidnapping and torture they had experienced after landing in Yemen. Around a 107,000 crossed from the Horn of Africa into Yemen in 2012, most originally from Ethiopia, according to UNHCR [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2010-2013-31-january-2013 ], and at least 30,000 have made the journey so far this year [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/over-30000-refugees-and-migrants-arrive-yemen-so-far-year ].

See previous IRIN reporting on migration in Yemen here:

Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ]

DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ]

ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen"
[ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ]

YEMEN: Tortured for ransom
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ]

jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97961/In-Brief-Raids-free-enslaved-migrants-refugees-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Lifeline to “climate refugees”?</title><pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2006121823t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - The international community has steadfastly dodged the issue of recognition and protection for “climate refugees” - people forced to relocate to another country as a result of the risks and hazards of a changing climate. Now, the first global initiative to address humanitarian options is underway, with discussions focusing on the Pacific Ocean states to take place soon.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - The international community has steadfastly dodged the issue of recognition and protection for “climate refugees” - people forced to relocate to another country as a result of the risks and hazards of a changing climate. Now, the first global initiative to address humanitarian options is underway, with discussions focusing on the Pacific Ocean states to take place soon.

The UN Guiding Principles on Internal displacement, international human rights legislation, and many national laws protect the rights of people displaced within their own countries as a result of natural disasters, but those prompted to move across borders have no protection and are particularly vulnerable. 

"There are unclear mandates for [aid] agencies to respond to cross-border displacement, since no NGO or agency has responsibility for overseeing people displaced by natural disasters," said Walter Kaelin, a former representative of the UN Secretary-General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and long-time advocate for people displaced directly as a result of extreme natural events. 

Kaelin is also the envoy to the chairmanship of the Nansen Initiative, an intergovernmental effort named after polar explorer Fridtjof Nansen, the first High Commissioner for Refugees appointed by the League of Nations in 1921, who introduced the 'Nansen passport' for stateless people [ http://www.nanseninitiative.org/ ].

Rolf Vestvik, of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), says the lack of legal status inhibits agencies like his from raising money to help them. The NRC and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) are working to facilitate the Initiative's efforts, which started in early 2013. 

Countries and agencies are wary of starting yet another, possibly lengthy, global process to deal with the legalities of assisting people displaced across international borders by natural disasters. 

"There is simply no appetite among states for a formal process right now, and the Nansen Initiative tries to build the necessary consensus on what needs to be done in an intergovernmental process," Kaelin told IRIN. 

Even the 2010 Cancun conference on the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the first to acknowledge the possibilities of "climate change-induced displacement", shied away from saying how the issue should be addressed. 

The Nansen Initiative was launched in 2012 by Norway and Switzerland with the aim of breaking this impasse and building consensus between countries on how best to deal with people displaced by sudden climatic shocks, or slow-onset ones like drought. "This is a necessary first step that may or may not lead to a new agreement," Kaelin noted. "There are no existing agreements that countries can emulate." 

The Initiative will try to build on the three pillars identified as the "protection agenda": international cooperation and solidarity; standards for the treatment of affected people regarding admission, stay, status; and operational responses, including funding mechanisms; and the responsibilities of international humanitarian and development actors. 
The work will be overseen by a Steering Group comprising government representatives of developing and developed countries, including Australia, Bangladesh, Costa Rica, Germany,Kenya, Mexico and the Philippines. The first consultation will focus on Pacific Ocean island states, whose existence is threatened by a rising sea level. Kaelin told IRIN it could take place in the last week of May. 

The first round 

In 2012, New Zealand rejected an appeal from a citizen of the island of Kiribati for refuge from a changing climate [ http://ejfoundation.org/climate/climate-alert-september-2012 ].

Australia is a neighbour to many Pacific Ocean islands. A report in The Guardian newspaper said the Refugee Council of Australia had urged its government to become the first to formally recognize those fleeing the impact of a changing climate by creating a special refugee category that would enable them to access protection and support [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2013/apr/16/australia-climate-change-refugee-status ].

Countries' reluctance to deal with these problems was in evidence at the 2011 UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Ministerial Meeting to commemorate the 60th and 50th Anniversaries of the UN Refugee and Statelessness Conventions, Kaelin wrote in the Forced Migration Review in 2012 [ http://www.fmreview.org/en/preventing/kalin.pdf ].

The Ministerial Communiqué adopted at the meeting did not directly refer to cross-border movements triggered by climate-related and other natural disasters. "This was no accident, but rather the expression of a lack of willingness by a majority of governments, whether from reasons of sovereignty, competing priorities or the lead role of UNHCR in the process," said Kaelin. 

Koko Warner, who heads environmentally induced migration research at the UN University (UNU) Institute for Environment and Human Security in Bonn, told IRIN: "There is a policy space for the discussion… if states see their own self-interest in the issue, they may find more reason to get involved.” Projections of millions of people who would be forced to relocate as climate changes have caused concern in developed countries. 

Joe Aitaro, a negotiator for the Alliance of Small Island States representing the Pacific Ocean island of Palau at the UNFCCC, speaking in his personal capacity, stressed that "We need the presence of major developed countries and commitment to a process which will compensate our losses." 

Kaelin said the consultation with Pacific Ocean island countries would consider three key issues: how to deal with the movement of people in adaptation plans and access funding; protect cultural identity, land and property in instances of displacement, voluntary migration and planned relocation; and the role of the Pacific Island Forum and other regional institutions in addressing these problems. 

Aitaro said the process also needs to deal with the loss of sources of revenue and livelihoods in the form of mineral wealth and fishing when the islands submerge. 

Scientist Steven Rahmstorf of the Potsdam Research Institute [ http://www.nature.com/scitable/knowledge/library/modeling-sea-level-rise-25857988 ], an expert on the impact of climate change on sea-level rise, estimates that the sea could rise by one metre during this century, and low-lying Pacific island states would have to be abandoned. 

"I think that planned relocations will be a response to the effects of climate change in some countries,” said Elizabeth Ferris, a senior fellow and co-director of the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement at the Brookings Institution. 

“Particular care is needed to ensure community participation in the [relocation] process, to secure adequate land for resettlement and to restore livelihoods. Relocating people in a way that upholds their rights and maintains their dignity is a complex and expensive undertaking that requires commitment, expertise and above all, political will. It should only be used as a last resort." 

Other remedies could be tried. Palau has sought opinion from the International Court of Justice on whether countries have a legal responsibility to see their greenhouse gas emissions do not affect others. The court's opinion would not be legally binding but could sow the seeds for international legislation and open the way to compensation, perhaps as formal acceptance of the people displaced by extreme natural events. 

UNU's Warner and her research team are looking for links between extreme natural events and displacement that could help countries obtain compensation for loss and damage from climate change. At the UNFCCC meeting in Doha in 2012, it was agreed that a mechanism to address economic and non-economic losses, and possible technological interventions, would be discussed at its meeting in Poland in 2013. 

Pinning down the cause 

In the case of drowning islands it would be relatively easy to attribute displacement to climate change or extreme natural events, but trickier in instances where complex factors like drought and conflict are at play, as in Somalia during the 2011 famine. 

"It is always... challenging to decide what motivates people to move,” said NRC's Vestvik. This is illustrated by the mix of people flowing daily across the Mediterranean. “However, with the right tools… it is possible to identify the different motivations for displacement, and thereby also the protection needs of the people concerned." 

jk/he 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97862/Lifeline-to-climate-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2006121823t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - The international community has steadfastly dodged the issue of recognition and protection for “climate refugees” - people forced to relocate to another country as a result of the risks and hazards of a changing climate. Now, the first global initiative to address humanitarian options is underway, with discussions focusing on the Pacific Ocean states to take place soon.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>For women, urbanization is a mixed bag</title><pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.

Unlike their rural counterparts, women in urban areas are thought to enjoy greater social, economic, political opportunities and freedoms.  In an editorial [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/3.full.pdf+html ], the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) said that urban women are able to “engage in paid employment outside the family, better access to services, lower fertility rates, and some relaxation of the rigid social values and norms that define women as subordinated to their husbands and fathers and to men generally”.

Even so, these women are likely to continue experiencing forms of gender discrimination. According to UN-HABITAT, “notable gender gaps in labour and employment, decent work, pay, tenure rights, access to and accumulation of assets, personal security and safety, and representation in formal structures of urban governance show that women are often the last to benefit from the prosperity of cities.”

Inequalities, risks

UN-HABITAT estimates [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getElectronicVersion.aspx?nr=3457&alt=1 ] 40 percent of Africa’s estimated one billion people now live in cities and towns. About 51 percent of these people live in slums. Many governments struggle to maintain services and infrastructure - and women and girls are the most affected by these shortcomings.

Expensive public transport systems also hinder women’s mobility, and many are forced to live in poor housing in the face of escalating living costs.

In her paper, Cities through a “gender lens”: a golden “urban age” for women in the global South? [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/9.abstract ], Sylvia Chant of the London School of Economics said, “While women make significant contributions to their households, neighbourhoods and the city through their paid and unpaid labour, building and consolidating shelter and compensating for shortfalls in essential services and infrastructure, they face persistent inequalities in terms of access to decent work, physical and financial assets, mobility, personal safety and security, and representation in formal structures of urban governance.”

In an interview with IRIN, Cecilia Tacoli from IIED said, “The risks that women face with urbanization are related largely to inadequate infrastructure and services,” and the lack of personal safety and security.

Tacoli says women living in poor urban neighbourhoods have to compensate for a lack of services and infrastructure by working longer hours, “looking after children who are always ill as a result of inadequate water and sanitation” and making sure the “family is fed, while living in a home with very little space for cooking and storing food.”

Urban crime remains a serious problem for women. A 2011 study by Action Aid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/sites/files/actionaid/actionaid_2011_women_and_the_city.pdf ] noted that insecurity in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, “restricted women’s earnings, the sustainability of their small businesses, and thus their empowerment.”

According to Cathy Mcllwaine of the University of London, while urbanization could provide women with an opportunity to effectively cope with violence due to available institutional support and economic resources, often “social relations can be more fragmented, which can lead to greater incidence of violence, as can the pressures of urban living, such as poverty, engagement in certain types of occupation, poor-quality living conditions and the physical configuration of urban areas.”

And despite urban areas having better equipped health clinics and more doctors, the expense of such healthcare often puts it out of the reach of poor women [ http://www.unicef.org/sowc/files/SOWC_2012-Main_Report_EN_21Dec2011.pdf ].

Organizing

Still, many women in urban areas manage to organize themselves into community savings groups, which help them save money to ensure their priorities are addressed.

The authors of the paper Community savings that mobilize federations, build women’s leadership and support slum upgrading [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/31.abstract ] say that “although the amount that each individual saves is modest, when aggregated in community savings funds, it is often large enough to attract external resources that allow support for larger-scale initiatives”.

The authors note: “Building on communities’ strengths rather than on their weaknesses helps develop a voice and identity, and these federations can negotiate with governments and other stakeholders to improve and upgrade their settlements.”

ko/rz
]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97868/For-women-urbanization-is-a-mixed-bag</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ] to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.

Recent years have seen Ethiopians make up the majority of these migrants: Of the 107,000 recorded migrants crossing the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden into Yemen in 2012, around 80,000 were from Ethiopia.

Four irregular migrants with diverse backgrounds, all from Ethiopia, told IRIN about their journeys to Yemen.* While their stories differ in details, they all share a similar set of experiences: brutality, broken promises and extortion.

Marta, mid-30s, from Dire Dawa, eastern Ethiopia:

Marta says she fled Ethiopia in 2010 when she and her family were accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a state-designated terrorist group. “The government said, ‘You are with the party of OLF,’ and chased us out of country. I don’t know where my family ended up.”

“I spent a year and a half in Djibouti, where I gave birth to my daughter. After her father disappeared, we left for Yemen. I paid a broker 10,000 Djiboutian francs [about US$55] to ride in a boat with 15 others from Djibouti to Yemen.

“Our night-time crossing of the Red Sea was calm until the end. As we neared the Yemeni coast, the owner of the boat, who was part of the smuggling operation, threw us into the sea. No one knew how to swim because in Ethiopia, we don’t have a sea, just lakes. The brokers and their thugs were waiting for us as we came ashore. They raped me and the other women. I’m 9 months pregnant with a child from that night.

“When I arrived to Sana’a, I was tired and decided to stay. For seven months, I was a house maid, but now I can’t work because of the pregnancy, so I have no income. [Ethiopian] migrants from the community in Sana’a are supporting me.

“I’m interested in tackling my problems, but at the moment I am pregnant and I am tired. All my money goes to my daughter, so this makes me tired. One day I will win.”

Alima, 18, from Miesso, eastern Ethiopia:

Alima fled to Dijoubti after being accused of being a member of the OLF. “I worked for one year in Djibouti City, where life was not good but not bad, until gangs started robbing us near where we collected our salaries. That’s when I decided to go to Yemen, where I’ve been for five months.

“I paid a broker 20,000 Djiboutian francs [about $110] to take me to the island of Haiyoo, where we would take a boat to Yemen. Thugs captured us and demanded more money when we arrived to Haiyoo. Because I had no money, they raped me. Men who did not have money were beaten, and the women were raped. Eventually, I contacted family and convinced them to send $200.

“We arrived to Yemen, north of Bab al-Mandab [the Mandab Strait], in a 120-person boat, and were transferred to the Yemeni smugglers who control that part of the country. The gangsters raped most of the women and tortured and beat the men to extort more money.

“They sell women who can’t find more money to other brokers, who send them to work as maids in Yemeni households. A broker bought me and sent me to Radaa, where I worked for three months cleaning houses.

“One man who loved me paid for my release and married me. He was also in Radaa, working on a qat farm and raising livestock. We moved to Sana’a two months ago. He cleans in a restaurant and I’m a maid.

“If an opportunity arises, or if I make money, or if the situation in Yemen gets worse, I’m interested in going to a better country.”

Mesfin, 38, from Dese, north-central Ethiopia:

“I was born an orphan in Ethiopia, and grew up there. I had no family, and no one was helping me. Life was boring, so I decided to explore.

“I travelled five days on buses, trains and hiding out on heavy trucks before arriving at the border with Djibouti. I could have cut straight across the Welo desert to the Red Sea, but it was too dangerous. Most people spend their lives there.

“I paid brokers 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50]. That was supposed to cover the entire trip from Ethiopia to Yemen, but I was forced to pay 400 Ethiopian birr [$20] extra at Haiyoo.

“We crossed the Red Sea in a small fishing boat loaded with about 80 people. While we were boarding, I heard the brokers contact Abd al-Qawi’s* people, who said they were prepared to receive them near Mokha. About five hours later, we hit land, and Abd al-Qawi’s gangsters started beating the men trying to escape and raping most of the women right there on the beach.

“They took me and some of the men and women to a detention centre, where they tortured them until money was transferred. The building was like a jail; people are not helped until someone sends them money. The women were raped there. I was detained and tortured for five days. On the fifth night, they untied me because I was in charge of feeding the others, and I managed to escape.

“I ended up in the main street of Mokha and caught a ride to Taiz in a day. An Ethiopian migrant paid for me to come to Sana’a, where I’ve been for five days. I want to work here, make some money, then return to Ethiopia to search for relatives.”

Yassin, 23, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia:

“I had no political issues - not many - in Ethiopia, but I had economic problems. I am from a poor family in Addis Ababa: no father, only my mother, and I have many sisters and brothers. I went to Yemen imagining living a better life because my mother couldn’t provide for us.

“I stowed away on a train from Addis to the Djibouti border, and from there to Haiyoo we travelled in a Land Cruiser. I paid a broker 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50] for the whole trip.

“After a week of waiting in Djibouti, we took a fishing boat filled with 45 people to Yemen. Before pushing off on our four-and-a-half-hour journey, another boat left ahead of us, which was built to hold 25 people but 50 piled in. The boat split in half and sunk not long after its departure. We could hear their screams as they drowned in the night. When the bodies washed ashore, we buried them before leaving. During the pitch-black crossing, we encountered a ship which seemed like an island it was so big. The waves filled our boat with water, and we almost capsized. We arrived near Bab al-Mandab.

“The landing wasn’t very scary because we were dropped so close to shore. But as we waded to the beach, Abd al-Qawi’s thugs started shooting guns into the air to scare those who tried running away. They loaded us into trucks and took us to detention centres to extract money. Because I know different dialects, I acted as translator and was released with those who paid. I saw them rape women, hang men by their hands and beat them with metal rods and red-hot poles; they shot off fingers and toes, poked hot shards of metal into their eyes and poured boiling plastic on their bodies.

“I travelled one day by Hilux to Haradh along the Saudi border. I saw the same beatings and rapes for extortion in Haradh throughout my six months there. As you see in Yemen, there is no work, so I have plans to leave to anywhere by any means.”

*Full names withheld
*Most migrants referred to Abd al-Qawi as the name of the Yemeni gangs who carried out the abuses, though the origin of this name is not clear.

cc/jj/rz

For more information see:
Desperate Choices - conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen
http://www.regionalmms.org/fileadmin/content/featured%20articles/RMMSbooklet.pdf

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Europe&apos;s forced returnees claim abuse</title><pubDate>Wed, 10 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303280812250815t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Cases of excessive force being used to remove rejected asylum seekers have been documented in a number of European countries. But with the financial crisis eroding sympathy and tolerance for asylum seekers, there has been little public or political support for measures that would provide more humane approaches to removing those reluctant to accept an asylum rejection.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Cases of excessive force being used to remove rejected asylum seekers have been documented in a number of European countries. But with the financial crisis eroding sympathy and tolerance for asylum seekers, there has been little public or political support for measures that would provide more humane approaches to removing those reluctant to accept an asylum rejection.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the forced removal of failed asylum seekers “should be undertaken in a humane manner, with full respect for human rights and dignity, and that force, should it be necessary, [should] be proportional and undertaken in a manner consistent with human rights law” [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,4565c22517,4565c25f209,4c2472eb0,0,,RESEARCH,.html ].

A directive on common standards and procedures for returning irregularly staying migrants [ http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2008:348:0098:0107:EN:PDF ], adopted by the European Parliament in 2008, included a provision requiring that member states implement an effective system for monitoring forced returns. According to a study funded by the European Commission [ http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/e-library/documents/policies/immigration/pdf/general/forced_return_monitoring_study_final_report.pdf ], by 2011, the majority of European Union countries had such a system or were in the process of implementing one.

But the systems vary widely between countries, both in terms of who does the monitoring and what they monitor.

Inconsistent oversight

For example, in the Netherlands - where incidents of excessive force being used on deportees are rare, according to the Dutch Refugee Council - an independent commission oversees the entire forced return process and guidelines are in place for the allowed use of force.

In France, monitoring only occurs during the pre-return stage or if a return attempt “fails”, either because of a last-minute legal intervention or because the pilot or crew on a commercial flight refuse to take the returnee. In the latter case, the returnee is sent back to a detention centre where one of five NGOs contracted by the home affairs ministry has a presence.

Christophe Harrison, from one of the NGOs, France Terre d’Asile, told IRIN that these returnees regularly report excessive use of force by police escorts during attempted removals, but that it was difficult to know the real extent of the problem because “either they are effectively removed to their [home] country or they physically oppose their removal and are then often brought before a criminal judge, who usually condemns them to two to three months in prison.” 

Lack of independent oversight is of particular concern when returns are conducted on charter flights carrying only deportees and their guards. Frontex, the EU’s joint-border agency, has made increasing use of charter flights to remove rejected asylum seekers from several different European countries. 

“With the charter flights, the level of restraint is even higher than on the commercial flights, but there are no witnesses,” said Lisa Matthews, from the UK-based National Coalition of Anti-Deportation Campaigns. 

Behind closed doors

In the UK, which carried out over 40,000 forced removals and voluntary returns in 2012, civil society and the media have been reporting for years on the excessive use of force by private security guards contracted by the UK Border Agency (UKBA). A 2008 report [ http://www.medicaljustice.org.uk/images/stories/reports/outsourcing%20abuse.pdf ] by two UK-based NGOs - Medical Justice and the National Coalition of Anti-Deportation Campaigns - and the law firm Birnberg Peirce & Partners documented nearly 300 cases of alleged assault during forced removals from the UK between 2004 and 2008. However, the UK opted out of the EU returns directive and has no monitoring system in place. 

In 2010, Jimmy Mubenga, an Angolan asylum seeker who had lived in the UK with his family for 16 years, died while being restrained by guards during his removal. Witnesses on the flight said they heard Mubenga complaining that he could not breathe, but in July 2012 the Crown Prosecution Service ruled that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute the guards or their employer, G4S, a global security group. 

A spokesperson with the UKBA said that members of Independent Monitoring Boards, which monitor the welfare of prisoners and immigration detainees, had observed a number of charter flights as part of a pilot exercise in 2012, but that “decisions have yet to be made about arrangements for this type of monitoring”. 

Little has changed since Mubenga’s death, said Emma Mlotshwa of Medical Justice, which sends independent doctors to immigration detention centres to record injuries resulting from the allleged use of excessive force. “The death of Mubenga, we thought, would have some effect, but it hasn’t. It’s still something that’s happening pretty much behind closed doors,” she told IRIN. 

The most common injuries Medical Justice’s doctors see are those related to the use of handcuffs, Mlotshwa said, but fractured bones and injuries consistent with the victim having his or her head pushed down between the knees - an unauthorized method of restraint that can result in suffocation - have also been documented.

Marius Betondi, an asylum seeker from Cameroon, said he was so badly beaten by guards working for the contractor Tascor (previously called Reliance) during a removal attempt in January 2013 that he needs reconstructive surgery to his face and has blurred vision in his left eye. 

He told IRIN over the phone from the UK that he had put up no resistance before the assault began. 

“They [the guards] took me to the back of the aircraft and put a big red curtain around me so passengers would not be able to see me. They held me in a position whereby I couldn’t move because I was handcuffed, and then started punching me all over my face and body. I started bleeding terribly, and I was screaming, crying, asking for help. They continued for about 30 minutes, then I went unconscious. When I regained consciousness, they continued punching me.” 

Betondi was eventually taken off the plane and returned to an immigration detention facility, where the manager informed the police. A police investigation is ongoing, which is rare in such cases, Mlotshwa said.

The UKBA is also investigating Betondi’s allegations, according to its spokesperson, who said that “physical intervention… is only used as a last resort or to enforce removal where the person concerned is non-compliant.”

Mubenga’s death has focused attention on UKBA’s lack of a detailed, publically available policy on what level of physical intervention is appropriate on an aircraft.

“When we looked at what was available publicly, it was striking that there was nothing relating to aeroplanes,” said Emma Norton, a lawyer with Liberty, a UK-based human rights NGO, adding that policy was clearly designed for use with potentially violent prisoners rather than failed asylum seekers. She noted that private security guards carrying out removals often receive only five days of control-and-restraint training, which does not include techniques for use on an aircraft.

Liberty’s request for a judicial review of the restraint policy was rejected last month when it emerged that the Home Office was reviewing the policy and had contracted the National Offender Management Service to design a “bespoke” training package for UKBA and its private contractors. The UKBA spokesperson could not say when the new training guidelines would be implemented.

Ineffective complaints system

Most cases of excessive use of force come to light only when the removal fails. Even then, many victims do not have the opportunity to make a complaint. “When people are injured and the removal fails, removal directions may be sent again very quickly, before there’s time to get medical evidence, and while they are still weak from their injuries,” alleged Mlotshwa, of Medical Justice.

She said the complaints system in the UK is ineffective and lacks independence, as investigations are carried out by the Professional Standards Unit, a department of the Home Office. “Detainees are often not interviewed, CCTV footage goes missing, and injuries are often not photographed.” 

UKBA’s spokesperson said “we take all complaints very seriously and ensure they’re investigated thoroughly and in a timely manner”, but Liberty’s Norton said none of the complaints her organization has assisted with have been upheld. For those who are successfully returned to their home countries, the obstacles are even greater. 

Caroline Muchuma, from the Refugee Law Project (RLP) in Uganda, which provides legal and psycho-social assistance to deportees, said, “The vast majority of our clients report having been abused prior to or during deportation,” but many do not want to lodge a formal complaint or are unable to do so.

Some fear imprisonment and go into hiding after being returned; they may receive medical treatment only long after the fact, making documenting evidence of their injuries problematic. 

Muchuma said RLP is still in discussions about how best to help clients who want to pursue legal redress. “There are questions about jurisdiction that need to be determined, among others.”

She added, “The use of excessive force is across the board, but many of our clients are from the UK.” RLP has compiled a report documenting abuses by escorts and plans to send it to the UKBA.

ks/he/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 10 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97815/Europe-apos-s-forced-returnees-claim-abuse</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303280812250815t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Cases of excessive force being used to remove rejected asylum seekers have been documented in a number of European countries. But with the financial crisis eroding sympathy and tolerance for asylum seekers, there has been little public or political support for measures that would provide more humane approaches to removing those reluctant to accept an asylum rejection.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mounting crisis for conflict-hit northern Mali pastoralists</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030828110882t.jpg" />]]>MOPTI/BAMAKO 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing fighting and the fear of reprisal killings has severely disrupted normal migration patterns for pastoralists in northern Mali, putting them and their families in danger of severe food insecurity and poverty as the lean season approaches.</description><body><![CDATA[MOPTI/BAMAKO 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing fighting and the fear of reprisal killings has severely disrupted normal migration patterns for pastoralists in northern Mali, putting them and their families in danger of severe food insecurity and poverty as the lean season approaches.

The regions of Gao and Timbuktu remain volatile, with sporadic attacks and banditry. The most recent attack in Timbuktu, on 30 March, involved an attempted suicide bombing. Military operations in northern Kidal Region’s Ifoghas mountains have come to an end, but the region is far from secure, and tensions persist over the control of Kidal town by the Tuareg independence group the MNLA.

Limited migration, rise in tension

Insecurity has caused pastoralists to disperse widely across the north, but has also limited the migration routes of some for fear of violence. Thousands of Tuareg and Arab herders have taken refuge in neighbouring countries, too afraid of reprisal attacks to return to Mali’s pastoral zone north of the Niger River [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97386/Killings-disappearances-in-Mali-s-climate-of-suspicion ].

According to the Mali head of the NGO Action against Hunger, Franck Vanatelle, herders have mainly either headed north towards Kidal or northern Gao, or have stayed by the river in Gao and Timbuktu. According to Agronomists and Veterinarians without Borders (AVSF), criminality and banditry are very high in market areas in this zone.

Herders are gathering near the Mauritanian and Burkina Faso borders in the east, which is upping tensions between herders and farmers, said AVSF head Marc Chapon.  

Experts fear that the southward movement of French military forces to the riverine pastoralist zones of Gao and Timbuktu will further disrupt herder movements as they flee potential violence.   

Looted stocks, fodder out of reach

Over the course of 2012, herders in the occupied north lost considerable stocks as Islamist groups either seized their animals or bought them at very low prices. Mohamed Ould Rhissa, a pastoralist in Timbuktu, told IRIN, “I lost half of my herd during the occupation [of the north]. I had more than 200 animals, but now I have about 50 left. The jihadists came each week to take whichever ones they wanted.”

Rhissa says he can no longer feed his 50 remaining animals; a bag of fodder is up from US$15 before the occupation to $40 now, and there is not enough pasture just outside of Timbuktu, where his animals remain, to feed them. “I don’t know what I’ll do with them - it’s hard to find water, pasture, people who have money to buy them. I can’t migrate because of the insecurity. It’s really sad.”

Fodder is also largely unavailable as many of the big fodder traders have fled the country. Other suppliers who usually come from southern Nigeria to exchange fodder for food are staying put this year, according to Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET).

Gao resident Oumarou Ag told IRIN some herders are simply giving their animals away to the military as they cannot afford to feed them. Some of those who managed to migrate south, to the river valley around Mopti, have had to sell their animals at very low prices.

“In Gao, the livestock sector will have to be completely overhauled, otherwise it will be a catastrophe,” he told IRIN.

Animal markets paralyzed

The closure of the Algerian border means no animal markets are functioning 50km north of the river, in Timbuktu and Gao. Almost all the commercial exchange taking place is between small traders who exchange food for animals.

While the price of animals is traditionally on the rise this time of year, it cannot keep up with the soaring price of cereals, creating poor terms of trade. According to recent assessments, cereal prices are up to 70 percent higher than the five-year average in some parts of the north, sparking concern of mounting food insecurity.

Pastoralists who have gone to markets in Gao town say they cannot sell their animals as no one is around or able to buy them.

Pastoralists have considerably cut their meat and milk consumption, according to the World Food Programme, which did not give figures.

Even in a normal year, pastoralists’ difficult season starts in around April or May, when pasture starts to run out, while the lean season for farmers will worsen between April and June.

“We feel abandoned,” said Rhissa. “No one is helping us. NGOs give food for people, but none of them - nor the government - thinks of us. Livestock will soon become a ghost sector.”

Government absent

For the past year, the government has been more or less absent from the north, meaning all official animal support activities have stopped. According to AVSF’s Chapon, the only veterinary and vaccination operations to take place in the north - in northern Gao and Timbuktu - have been theirs, meaning overall coverage for animals is very low.

“High concentrations of animals in certain valleys, areas near lakes and other bodies of water mean there is a strong risk of diseases breaking out,” said Chapon, who urged agencies and the government to decide whether a mass vaccination campaign would be feasible in 2013. But vaccination coverage would likely be hampered by the constant power cuts in the north, which would make it difficult and expensive to maintain a vaccine cold chain.

AVSF is setting up three mobile animal and person health teams in the northern Timbuktu and Gao regions, as well as six health posts. The NGO is also considering re-stocking animals for families who lost a lot of their livestock either through looting, as a result of the 2011-2012 crisis, or because they fled, leaving their animals behind.

aj/kh/sd/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 08 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97799/Mounting-crisis-for-conflict-hit-northern-Mali-pastoralists</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030828110882t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MOPTI/BAMAKO 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ongoing fighting and the fear of reprisal killings has severely disrupted normal migration patterns for pastoralists in northern Mali, putting them and their families in danger of severe food insecurity and poverty as the lean season approaches.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Balancing conservation and people’s access to land</title><pubDate>Thu, 04 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041322390713t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.

The Maasai herdsmen in the area say their cattle cannot survive without access to traditional dry-season grazing in the area. The government says the land is needed as a wildlife corridor between the Serengeti and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Besides, the Minister for Natural Resources told the press, 2,500sqkm had already been, as he put it, “released to the local population”; the rest would be used for conservation purposes for the benefit of the nation. 

Typical of recent land-grab controversies, this row involves the use of rangelands rather than farmlands. While farmers can show quite clearly that their lands are being used, semi-arid grasslands in areas like Loliondo cannot support animals year-round, so surveys often show the areas lying apparently empty.

Such tracts of land are often attractive for commercial agriculture - in Ethiopia, for instance, a number of controversial large-scale agricultural concessions have been granted along the Awash River. But the Loliondo dispute is not about commercial agriculture; it’s a so-called “green grab”, where access to land is lost for conservation purposes.

Here, one widely accepted good - the right of people to continue using their traditional lands - has collided with another - the need to conserve nature and biodiversity. 

Many faces of conservation

The great majority of nations have signed the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity [ http://www.cbd.int/ ], which sets as a target: “by 2020, at least 17 percent of terrestrial land and inland water and 10 percent of coastal and marine areas are conserved through effectively and equitably managed, ecologically representative and well-connected systems of protected areas and other effective area-based conservation measures.” 

Neil Burgess of the UNEP World Conservation Monitoring Centre said, “These targets, set by nearly every nation on the earth, are the most ambitious conservation plan out there. It's a massive potential conservation plan - it's a lot of land, a lot of sea. Depending on how it's done, depending on how countries choose to do this, it could be a big land grab, it could be a big seas grab, or it could enhance community rights, it could give benefits to the communities - it could do a whole lot of different possible things.”

From 26-27 March, at a meeting on conservation and land grabbing organized in London by the International Institute for Environment and Development and other conservation groups, participants struggled with the question of how best to reconcile conservation, development and people’s rights to their way of life, and in particular what kind of land tenure arrangements achieve the best outcomes. 

Some countries, like Chile, have gone down the route of extreme private ownership. Some of the country’s most important protected areas are in private parks and reserves, the largest of which - 630,000 hectares of Patagonia - belongs to a foreign national, the American businessman Doug Tompkins, founder of the North Face clothing company. The owners of these parks can and do use their private property rights to keep them clear of squatters and encroachment, but they can also, if they choose, abandon conservation and allow mining or logging on the land. The only recourse for indigenous communities looking to keep their traditional areas is to ask the government to buy the land on their behalf - and even the government cannot force an unwilling owner to sell.

Other legal systems offer a more fluid approach to ownership and tenure. The Philippines, for example, has a bewildering array of instruments for holding land, such as designating it as “ancestral domain”. But these kind of conditional rights rarely have the strength of private ownership.

Jan van der Ploeg, of the University of Leiden, tried to help indigenous groups in the Philippines get formal tenure on their traditional lands in the hope it would help protect endangered species, but he came to the conclusion that it would not work. “In the end,” he said, “if you finally succeed in getting tenurial instruments for people, often conservation output is very limited. People still persist in clearing forest, and if a large company comes in, those legal rights simply don’t mean anything.” 

Community ownership

Africa in general does not have a historical tradition of private ownership; land was more likely to be thought of as belonging to a community or tribe, with individuals having the right to use it rather than possess it completely. But very few African countries have formalized this idea into any kind of group ownership or collective tenure. 

One that has is Kenya. In the late 1960s, Maasai living on the Kenyan side of the border with Tanzania were offered the chance to establish group ranches, defined as “a livestock production system or enterprise where a group of people jointly own freehold title to land… and herd their livestock collectively which they own individually.”

In practice, managing the communally owned land proved difficult, and one group ranch after another was subdivided into smaller, individually owned pieces. Eventually, many of the plots were sold for development. 

But Kenya’s new constitution, adopted in 2010, is trying again. This time, it offers what is to be called “community land” to any group formed on the basis of ethnicity, culture or shared interest.

Stephen Moiko, of the International Livestock Research Institute, told IRIN that a key difference this time is that the initiative will come from the group. “It’s possible for communities to come up together and, through a legal process, obtain ownership of key resources which they depend on for their livelihoods, and it has legal mechanisms to protect that land from alienation. I think the nice thing about this new provision is that it recognizes the role of communities as owners and protectors and users of local resources.”

“If communities came together in groups to own resources jointly, it would be for their own benefit and this would enhance development,” Oliver Waindi, Kenya Land Alliance deputy coordinator, told IRIN. At present, “community ownership of resources is just on paper”, but a National Land Commission was inaugurated on 27 February of this year to raise awareness of the constitutional provision. 

If the new form of tenure is a success, it could be the model for other African countries. Chris Bakuneeta, a lecturer in biological sciences in neighbouring Uganda, told IRIN, “In Uganda you can have a forest that belongs to the community, especially where people go in to worship, but they still don’t have any protection, because it is the community who know the boundaries, and they don’t have a title deed to that land. I would want to see the lawyers coming up with a legal mechanism to protect this forest so that the local people can own it and have a legal right over it. 

“And that also applies to land that belongs to pastoral communities, large expanses of land where those communities go to graze their cattle - this land doesn’t have a land title. I would want a situation where communities can register a land title, and they can use that to get a loan, and everybody knows that if there is a benefit, it goes to these people.”

The impact of group tenure rights on conservation efforts remains to be seen.

eb/rk/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 04 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97786/Balancing-conservation-and-people-s-access-to-land</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041322390713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria’s brain drain – another twist to the country’s crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict.   

“The phenomenon is ongoing and growing,” said regional humanitarian coordinator Radhouane Nouicer. The flight of professionals has affected the bureaucracy, educational institutions and factories - but nowhere is the impact felt more than in the medical sector. 

Late last year, the World Health Organization said all of the country’s nine psychiatrists and more than half the doctors in Homs had left the country [ http://www.who.int/hac/crises/syr/Syria_WCOreport_27Nov2012.pdf ]. Clinics run by the Syrian Arab Red Crescent are short of surgeons and other medical experts. 

This month, as the Syrian conflict entered its third year, the number of refugees surpassed one million. Observers worry the “brain drain” will affect Syria’s long-term future.  

“These skills are much needed for rebuilding Syria tomorrow,” Nouicer told IRIN.  

While Syria has been affected by the departure of educated people for decades due to the lack of economic opportunities and political freedom, the conflict has increased the shortages of doctors, engineers, teachers and lawyers to unprecedented levels.  

“One of the most alarming features of the conflict has been the use of medical care as a tactic of war,” the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria wrote in a report this month [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/PeriodicUpdate11March2013_en.pdf ]. “Medical personnel and hospitals have been deliberately targeted and are treated by parties to the conflict as military objectives.”   

Many professionals have had difficulty getting visas to Europe and the Gulf states, and have instead ended up in refugee camps in neighbouring countries, where aid agencies are trying to make use of their skills through community mobilization and cash-for-work programmes in the camps’ schools and health centres. Others have decided to stay to try to address the needs in their country.  

IRIN spoke to highly skilled professionals both inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions - both on themselves and their country. 

Bayan*, civil engineer from Homs: 

“I will never leave Syria because I have a vision for my country. We are working on building the future of Syria, so I have a responsibility to stay. I have asked my wife to leave because it’s not safe here, but she doesn’t want to go anywhere else either. She’s a teacher; I’m a civil engineer. I haven’t been to my office for almost two years. Instead, I’ve founded a group called the Free Syrian Engineers so that we can gather the competence of experts who are still inside Syria. Our group includes about 70 engineers in Homs, from all branches, electrical, civil, mechanical and computer engineers.  

“We’re organizing in order to work on whatever task comes up, from cleaning the streets to repairing electrical lines. We’re also working on studies on rebuilding Syria after the conflict. I know it sounds theoretical now, but it will be very important to be prepared when the time comes. Even though none of us is working in their normal jobs right now, there’s still a lot to do on the ground, in medical, relief or media work, for example. There’s a need for everything. Life is difficult, but I am happy to be here. There was a lot of work for me in Homs before the war, and there will be even more afterwards.” 

Mohamed Alkhateb, 27, teacher from Palmyra: 

“I used to teach English at a local school to children between six and 12. I was arrested in February 2012 and imprisoned for six months because I was an activist. In prison, they hit me so badly they broke my ribs. I left Syria right after they released me because I knew that if I stayed, they’d come for me again. The school has now been closed because of the shelling. Before the conflict, there were between 20 and 25 teachers in that school. About six of them joined the protest movement, and they’ve all left the country by now. It’s hard for the children. No classes, no learning. I feel sorry for them.  

“I’ve rented an apartment in Cairo that I am sharing with friends who are also refugees from Syria. I have managed to get an administrative job at a pilot training school, but it’s hard to get by. My salary is only US$200 a month, but I need $300-400 to survive. So my family has to send me some extra money. I really miss Syria, my city and my friends, but I cannot return. Life in Egypt is tough. I wanted could go to Europe, but no country would give us a visa. For the time being, I’m stuck.” 

Anwar*, 44, professional football player from Latakia: 

“I left Syria in 2012 simply because I couldn’t find a job. It had nothing to do with political reasons. I used to be a football player. Now I am working as a football coach in Dubai. It’s a good position, and people really respect me. I have never had a good job in Syria. That’s why I’ve spent a large part of my life abroad. In 2003, I was asked to return to Syria and work on a study on the state of football in the country, but that didn’t work out. Nobody listened to what I had to say.  

“I have tried to live in Syria, but I did not see any opportunities. There was no room for new ideas. There are many Syrians working in high positions abroad who were facing the same problems. It’s almost like they don’t want qualified people like us. However, I feel bad every day for not being there. I am very popular back home because of my football career, and people need something to be proud of. If I’d get any job, I’d go back tomorrow.”  

Abu Adnan*, 30, dentist from Deir-ez-Zor: 

“I have thought a lot about moving to a different country. Everybody wants a peaceful life. I’m longing for simple things, taking a stroll or having coffee in the garden. I am a dentist, but I haven’t been able to work in my profession for over a year. My clinic was completely destroyed by the shelling. I love my work, and I miss it a lot. I specialized in bridges and partial dentures. My wife is also a dentist; she has taken refuge in a town outside of Deir-ez-Zor. Our one-year-old daughter is with her.  

“There used to be thousands of doctors in Deir-ez-Zor. Now, there are only about 10 of them left. I help out in a field clinic now, suturing wounds or giving injections. We often have to amputate limbs because we don’t have the means necessary to treat the injuries. I don’t think my future will be good. Everything is destroyed. It will take decades to rebuild Syria. My wife keeps begging me to take the family outside of Syria. She is very scared; she is crying all the time. Of course, I don’t want my daughter to grow up like this. But it’s not easy to leave the city you’ve grown up in.”  

Talal Hoshan, 49, judge from Hama Governorate: 

“I left Syria because I wasn’t able to stand the regime’s war crimes any longer. I fled with my family right after the massacre in Qubair, a town near Hama, in June 2012. I saw the corpses of four children and two women, and it was clear they had been executed. As the local director of public prosecution, I had to examine the dead. While I was doing that, I cursed the regime under my breath because I had information that they were responsible. One soldier heard me and told me to keep quiet. The next day, I contacted the [rebel] Free Syrian Army. They helped us escape across the border to Turkey.  

“We used to have a big, beautiful apartment. The one we’re renting in southern Turkey is much smaller. I have no job and no income. We’ve sold our car, and our friends are helping us out. We’re better off than most refugees, but I worry about my children. I have four girls and two boys, both of whom are very sick. They are suffering from a heart disease, and they haven’t seen a doctor for a long time. I would like to take my family to Sweden because they have a very advanced treatment for that disease there. I have called the Swedish consulate, but they refused to give us visas. I don’t care about myself, but my family really needs help. My children’s condition is getting worse every day.” 

Dlshad Othman, 26, computer technician from Qamishli: 

“I left Syria in December 2011. As a Kurd, I’ve always been critical of the regime. I used to work for an internet provider in Damascus, but they only gave me menial tasks, and my salary was bad. When the uprising started, I lost my job because of my political views. Then I joined an NGO in Damascus documenting violence against journalists. I was developing ways for activists to be safe online.  

“In October 2011, I gave an on-camera interview to a British journalist. He was arrested with the footage on his laptop. I was warned by a friend, and I escaped across the border to Lebanon because I knew the security forces were looking for me. It was easy for me to find a job in the US and get a visa. I was lucky because there are a lot of opportunities for people with computer skills.  

“I don’t miss Syria at all because there was no respect, no job security, no professionalism in the work world. Here in Washington, it’s different. As a professional, I am happy here. I have a great job, a good income, insurance. I don’t know if I’ll ever go back. Here, I can actually do something: I am working for an NGO advocating internet freedom, not only in Syria, but everywhere in the world. I can also help out my family financially. 

“What do I imagine my future to be like? I don’t see my future right now. That part of my life is still missing. I hope I will find the answer to that question someday.” 

*not a real name  

gmk/af/ha/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97736/Syria-s-brain-drain-another-twist-to-the-country-s-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice [ http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ].

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 [ http://www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ].

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ].

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

- A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

- Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

- Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

- Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Water scarcity affects Somaliland households</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212140723350117t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 19 March 2013 (IRIN) - Hundreds of households in the disputed Sool area of the self-declared republic of Somaliland are facing a water shortage following poor rains, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 19 March 2013 (IRIN) - Hundreds of households in the disputed Sool area of the self-declared republic of Somaliland are facing a water shortage following poor rains, say officials.

Both Somaliland and the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland claim the Sool and Sanaag regions.

"We believe an estimated 3,000 households are facing water shortages in [the] Sool Region," Mohamed Mousa Awale, chairman of Somaliland's National Environment Research and Disaster Preparedness and Management Authority (NERAD), told IRIN.

Awale added that some drought-affected rural families had migrated to neighbouring areas, such as Togdheer and Buhotle, which had received good 'Deyr' rains - the rains typical from October to December. Others moved further south in search water and pasture.

"But we are worried [about] the old people and the people who had no ability to move from the villages. [They] are in a serious situation and need water and food," he said.

Commenting on the number of those affected, Sool Deputy Governor Mohamed Abdi Dhimbil said, "There is no accurate estimation, but I can only tell that the water shortage has affected the whole region. The nearest water source is 94km away, inside Ethiopia, and we believe that about 200 pastoralist families [are in] search of water and pasture in Somalia's Mudug Region."

Increasing prices

The price of water in Las-Anod, Sool's capital, has sharply increased since mid-February. A 200L barrel of ‘durdur’, or spring water, now costs $1.50, up from to $1 a month ago. A barrel of rainwater from the ‘berkads’, or water pans, has risen from $2.48 to $5.

"The durdurs [springs] near Las-Anod have run out of water for the first time in history, and prices [have] increased," said Faisal Jama, a journalist based in Las-Anod.

"The water price increase has [a] negative impact [on] our livelihoods. If someone's income is $150 per month, he/she needs $45 for water compared, to $22.38 a month [ago], and the remaining [money] is not enough to cover his/her livelihood needs," said Mohamed ABdillahi, a father of five.

As the dry January-to-March ‘Jilaal’ season progresses, more water sources could be depleted, according to a post-Deyr outlook [
http://www.fsnau.org/downloads/Somalia-Post-Deyr-12-13-Food-Security-and-Nutrition-Outlook.pdf ] by the Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit (FSNAU).

"In the areas where the October-to-December Deyr 2012 rains were poor, including the Sool Plateau and parts of Nugal Valley, the dry January-to-March Jilaal will likely lead to rapid depletion of water resources, especially since many berkads did not get replenished during this Deyr. Long distances to water points for livestock are likely to be observed owing to more limited water access due to the high cost of water trucking," states the FSNAU report.

The situation there could worsen with associated declines in food security, adds FSNAU.

Some parts of Somaliland have started to receive some ‘Gu’ rains - the rains from March to May. But early forecasts by FSNAU indicate that the rains in Somalia will be normal to below normal in terms of total rainfall.

maj/aw/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 19 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97678/Water-scarcity-affects-Somaliland-households</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212140723350117t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 19 March 2013 (IRIN) - Hundreds of households in the disputed Sool area of the self-declared republic of Somaliland are facing a water shortage following poor rains, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>From drought policy to reality</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105191128570020t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - There is quite a leap to be made between a country’s declared intent to draw up a drought policy and actually making it happen on the ground. This was the view of several participants at the recent High-Level Meeting on National Drought Policy in Geneva.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - There is quite a leap to be made between a country’s declared intent to draw up a drought policy and actually making it happen on the ground. This was the view of several participants at the recent High-Level Meeting on National Drought Policy in Geneva.

Drought is the world’s costliest natural disaster [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ], incurring US$6-8 billion in losses every year. And droughts are becoming more common.

“Droughts are becoming more prevalent and are an almost a permanent phenomenon in parts of Africa, punctuated by floods, leaving no recovery periods for vulnerable households,” said Gideon Galu, a regional scientist based in Africa with the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET). 

Despite these facts, few countries have drought policies in place.

After five days of deliberations at the first-ever global conference on drought in Geneva, those in attendance issued a non-binding declaration [ http://www.hmndp.org/node/335 ] urging countries to develop and implement national drought policies.

Niger’s Prime Minister Brigi Rafini told IRIN, “You have to respect countries’ sovereignty. You cannot compel them to implement policies, but at least the conference has created an awareness to move towards prevention [of the damaging impact of droughts], and delegates have learned about the value of cooperation [across sectors and agencies].”

10-step recommendation

The declaration was accompanied by a series of policy options for countries to consider [ http://www.hmndp.org/node/308 ]. The policy document recommends a 10-step process roughly modelled on the US government’s drought preparedness plan. The steps are a mix of crisis prevention, making countries and communities more resilient, response and science:

- Appoint a national task force on drought
- Define the goals of a national risk-based drought policy
- Hold consultations with everyone, from communities to top policymakers, and resolve water-based conflicts between sectors
- Get data on the available and required resources to prevent and respond to drought and on which communities are most vulnerable 
- Prepare the key elements of a drought policy: monitoring, early warning, prediction; risk and impact assessments; and mitigation and response measures
- Identify the research needs and gaps within institutions that deal with drought-related issues
- Integrate the science and policy aspects of drought management
- Publicize the policy and build awareness
- Develop educational programmes for all age groups and communities
- Evaluate and revise the policy 

The steps focus on taking an evidence-based approach to drought. For example, the impact assessments would help countries plan interventions, such as social protections and technical support - which might include providing drought-resilient seeds, better management of water and soil, or insurance.

“You need good information on droughts to be able to identify vulnerable areas and communities,” said Bruce Stewart, director of climate and water at the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), the main organizer of the conference. 

Getting the essentials right

Yet there remains a significant gap between the policies advocated and the capacities of the most vulnerable countries. 

Recent droughts in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel and the US have had massive humanitarian consequences [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97647/Drought-response-requires-getting-development-right ]. Drought in the Sahel cut cereal production by 26 percent in 2012, compared with the previous year’s production, according to the UN. The situation remains critical - over 10 million people are still food insecure, and 1.4 million children are at risk of acute malnutrition. 

But countries in the Sahel are struggling to get even their basic drought response mechanisms in order. Most are far from developing the sophisticated inter-sectoral approaches and scientifically based best practices advocated at the conference [ http://www.hmndp.org/sites/default/files/docs/ScienceDocument14212_Eng.pdf ].

Birama Diarra, an official at Mali’s national meteorological service, said the country still has to improve its early warning system and its ability to disseminate information to those on the ground. 

People in parts of Mauritania were surprised by the drought’s onset in 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95885/MAURITANIA-Sharing-to-survive ]. Mohamed Elighali Ould Khhtour, head of the country’s meteorological service, says their capacity to implement basic early warning systems and conduct assessments is limited. “We don’t have the resources to do that, and for that we need funds, support of donors and aid agencies,” he said.

Franz Uirab, chief of Namibia’s meteorological service, says his country has a disaster response plan in place, but it is far from ideal. “We have a drought at the moment in southern Namibia, but we are still rather reactive,” he said. “We will not go into the affected areas to conduct intense [vulnerability] assessments. We do quick surveys to plan our response when a disaster is [going] on. We just don’t have the capacity or the time to plan preventive measures.”

Delegates like Uirab, Khhtour and Diarra say their take-home message is that they have to focus on crisis prevention and drought response.

“We will need to align our plans according to the policy framework proposed at the conference, but, of course, modifying it to meet our requirements,” said Uirab.

WMO’s Stewart says the agency is trying to build capacity by holding workshops and offering online courses for climate scientists and meteorologists regularly. “But we are also constrained by capacity and limited funding,” he said.

Global partnerships are also playing a role. The Global Water Partnership is helping to set up an Integrated Drought Management Programme, which tries to integrate drought response and mitigation at all levels [ http://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/wcp/drought/idmp/documents/IDMP_Concept_Note.pdf ]. The partnership’s Alex Simalabwi says there are existing programmes in several countries. “We hope to build on that,” he said.

Political will

Ultimately, implementing the meeting’s drought policy recommendations will require political will, noted WMO’s deputy secretary-general Jerry Lengoasa. 

But political will may be in short supply, if the meeting’s attendance by policymakers is any indication.

Few senior aid officials or ministers attended the meeting’s High-Level Segment for dignitaries and ministers. Niger’s Brigi Rafini was the only head of state at the meeting.

William Lacy Swing, head of the International Organization for Migration, was one of a handful of agency heads to attend the High-Level Segment. He noted that drought is the second biggest driver of migration. 

“You can see the kind of problems we are dealing with - drought is not as dramatic a disaster as floods or earthquakes are, so it does not attract that kind of attention,” said Sergio Zelaya Bonilla, a policy and advocacy coordinator for the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD). “But anyone who is seriously interested in droughts was here [at the conference].”

And delegates expressed their commitment to promoting the meeting’s policy recommendations.

"We will convey everything we have heard, and we hope our governments will listen," said Diarra.

jk/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97673/From-drought-policy-to-reality</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105191128570020t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - There is quite a leap to be made between a country’s declared intent to draw up a drought policy and actually making it happen on the ground. This was the view of several participants at the recent High-Level Meeting on National Drought Policy in Geneva.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Keeping pastoralist children in school in Ethiopia</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Keeping pastoralist children in school in Ethiopia

ADDIS ABABA, 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.

In February, at least 17,000 primary school children in Ethiopia were reported [ http://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/ethiopia-weekly-humanitarian-bulletin-11-february-2013 ] to have dropped out since the beginning of the 2012-2013 school year, mainly due to drought-related migration.

In the northeastern Afar Region, some 15 schools have closed down due to a lack of water during the current dry season, affecting some 1,899 children, 29 percent of whom are girls, according to an 11 March update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Bulletin_11%20March%202013.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Ongoing conflict between the Oromo and Somali communities is also affecting education. “In conflict-affected areas of Oromia’s East Hararghe zone, some 10,600 children (40 percent girls) from 35 primary schools in Kumbi, Gursum, Meyumuluke and Chenasken [districts have remained] without schooling for over three months,” the update said.

In the southeastern Somali Region, seasonal flooding, ethnic conflict between residents in border areas, and even internal conflicts within the Somali ethnic group often adversely affect schooling, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

In 2012, for example, a flood emergency in the region severely affected schools in several districts. “During the flooding emergency that occurred in June 2012, around 3,196 girls dropped out of school. Most of the schools located in the seven woredas [districts] were flooded, with eventual destruction of all educational materials and school infrastructure,” said UNICEF.

During the emergency, UNICEF supported the creation of temporary learning spaces for the affected children.

Alternative schools

Children in pastoral regions often seasonally migrate with their families due to adverse weather or insecurity.

The Ethiopian government, through its Alternative Basic Education Center (ABEC) programme, has been taking schools closer to such children.

“It is to include the under-developed pastoralist regions that we needed to devise an inclusive and comprehensive strategy specifically for the areas. The regions and way of life there needed a different approach. We had to take the schools to the children, not the other way around,” Mohammed Abubeker, head of the special support and inclusive education department at Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education, told IRIN.

“And now, after years of efforts, we have in the regions… formal and non-formal schools. A student would find at least one informal school in every kebele [an administrative unit under the district].”

The ABEC programme has helped at least a quarter of a million rural Ethiopians living beyond the reach of the formal education system to access basic schooling, according to a statement [ http://transition.usaid.gov/press/frontlines/fl_may12/FL_may12_ETH_EDU.html ] by the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

But the alternative education ends at the fourth grade, and in some areas, children must walk two hours to the formal school to continue learning, notes USAID. “Not surprisingly, some still drop out, mainly for poverty-related reasons, including the families’ need for their children’s labour or their inability to pay for room and board near the schools.”

Pastoralists’ seasonal migration also means that, “learning spaces are closed, which results in [the] closure of more Alternative Basic Education Centres,” notes UNICEF.

‘Migrating’ education

In response to the pastoralists’ movements, education officials are seeking ways to ensure learning continues.

“In the pastoralist regions, people there often move either by choice or [are] forced due to conflicts or drought,” said Mohammed of the education ministry. “In such situations, we use mobile schools, which are really doing well. The teachers and education materials are made to move with the pastoralist[s], so the kids will continue to learn.”

“Also, we have recently started networking the schools so when kids leave one area, we alert schools in the areas they [are migrating to] so that they can take them in,” he added.

Jointly with the UN World Food Programme (WFP), the education ministry is also running a school feeding system programme that is helping to attract pupils to schools.

UNICEF is also trucking water to drought-affected areas. “If kebeles are benefitting from water trucking, schools will not be closed since the communities are getting water,” notes UNICEF.

Despite the challenges, some success has been seen in educating children in pastoral regions, Mohammed told IRIN, adding that the Afar and Somali regions had gross enrolment rates of 75 and 83 percent, respectively.

“We have been doing well…but there are still many problems we need to solve. Our wish is that not a single child drops out permanently. Unfortunately, we are not there yet.”

kt/aw/rz

 ]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97662/Keeping-pastoralist-children-in-school-in-Ethiopia</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Cholera outbreak in Congo</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209131307590968t.jpg" />]]>BRAZZAVILLE 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - An influx of migrants from the countryside into the Republic of Congo&apos;s second largest city, Pointe-Noire, is exacerbating a cholera outbreak that began in November 2012. The outbreak infected at least 389 and killed 10, according to the health ministry and local authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[BRAZZAVILLE 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - An influx of migrants from the countryside into the Republic of Congo's second largest city, Pointe-Noire, is exacerbating a cholera outbreak that began in November 2012. The outbreak infected at least 389 and killed 10, according to the health ministry and local authorities.

"Heavy rain in the port city in recent weeks and sanitation problems triggered the cholera outbreak," said Health Minister François Ibovi.

According to the mayor of Pointe-Noire, Roland Bouiti Viaudo, the booming city has seen a large influx of migrants from rural areas.

"People build and settle in prohibited areas, including [around] sewers, blocking the free flow of wastewater, which explains the repeated outbreaks of cholera,” he told IRIN. "To stop the disease… everyone - the authorities, NGOs and communities - should mobilize and become aware of this danger."

In early March, during a council of ministers' meeting, the government announced that emergency aid had been released to combat the outbreak, but it did not specify the amount.

Health authorities in Pointe-Noire, a city of more than 800,000, have set up an intensive cholera treatment centre on the grounds of the 200-bed Loandjili Hospital.

"This centre is run by six specialists in infectious diseases and the gastrointestinal tract. It also has a team of 28 nurses with disposable gowns, gloves, masks and shoes to avoid contamination," said the country’s director-general of health, Alexis Elira Dokekias.

"So far... of all cases reported by the Pointe-Noire health services, 347 have already returned home, 10 have died, and 32 are still hospitalized," he said.

lmm/cb/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97661/Cholera-outbreak-in-Congo</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209131307590968t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BRAZZAVILLE 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - An influx of migrants from the countryside into the Republic of Congo&apos;s second largest city, Pointe-Noire, is exacerbating a cholera outbreak that began in November 2012. The outbreak infected at least 389 and killed 10, according to the health ministry and local authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Drought response requires getting development right</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008251121470984t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - It takes more than weathermen and agriculture experts to design an effective drought response policy.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - It takes more than weathermen and agriculture experts to design an effective drought response policy. Recognizing this, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) invited social scientists and economists to the 11-15 March High Level Meeting on National Drought Policy [ http://www.hmndp.org/ ], at which ministers and other officials are expected to draw up a framework that countries can adapt and mould for their individual use. 

The meeting has underscored the need for a multi-sectoral approach. Drought affects all of society, from agriculture to industry. Both villagers’ and urban residents’ electricity, water supply, income and food might depend on the amount of rainfall in their country. 

Drought kills and displaces more people than cyclones, floods and earthquakes combined, making it the world’s most destructive natural hazard, according to WMO. As the world’s climate changes, drought intensity and frequency are expected to increase, said Michel Jarraud, the WMO secretary-general. 

"Without national drought policies, countries will continue to respond to drought in a reactive way, or, in other words, they will stay in a constant crisis-management mode," said Robert Stefanski, chief of WMO's agrometeorology division. "The goal is for countries to be resilient and not be totally dependent on relief to deal with droughts. Of course, relief will be a factor, but it should not be the only way countries to deal the droughts or other disasters." 

The economic, social and environmental consequences of droughts have increased significantly worldwide. The World Bank predicts that in Malawi, for instance, severe droughts expected to occur once in 25 years could increase poverty by 17 percent, hitting rural poor communities especially hard. And in India, losses from droughts recorded between 1970 and 2002 have reduced the affected households’ yearly incomes by 60 to 80 percent [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2012/08/30/severe-droughts-drive-food-prices-higher-threatening-poor ].

Getting development right 

A good national drought policy is a good national development policy, says Anantha Kumar Duraiappah, who heads the International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change [ http://www.ihdp.unu.edu/article/read/about-us ]. The objectives of both drought policy and development policy are the same: to make populations and systems resilient enough to withstand drought - or other shocks - and continue to grow. 

It is about getting sustainable development right, said Bai-Mass Taal, the executive secretary of the African Ministers’ Council on Water, who led Africa’s discussions on the elements of a good drought policy framework. 

“A drought policy is about integrated land and water management, which in turn is about sustainable use of water and land. And it is also about all other sectors - such as health and the economy - working together,” said Taal, who served as Gambia’s minister of fisheries and natural resources until a few years ago. “It is not just an environmental or agricultural issue anymore.” 

A drought in a major food-producing region can have wider global ramifications, as the 2012 drought in the US demonstrated, pushing prices of major staple grains to record levels, affecting not only people’s access to food in many countries but also their economies. 

Donald Wilhite, who teaches applied climate science at the University of Nebraska and gave the keynote talk on the first day of the meeting, said the development of a national drought policy “should be linked to national development and national water policies, if they exist. This process is about building institutional capacity in many areas.” 

Many countries have early warning systems in place to predict droughts. But an early warning system “is worthless without a mechanism to engage decision-makers at all levels and the institutional capacity to deliver messages in a timely manner." 

And the engagement should move beyond sectors. 

Siddharth Chatterjee, of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), pointed out that “as droughts affect all of the three pillars of sustainable development - economic, social and the environment”, governments will require a framework “to craft a country-specific national drought policy”. They must also balance “between a top-down and bottom-up approach, keeping vulnerable populations at the centre of their focus” by, for example, consulting with civil society. 

Bottom-up 

But climate is growing increasingly variable, making it difficult to plan a response, said Gideon Galu, a scientist with the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET). FEWS NET, which provides early warning data for most countries in Africa, has started offering possible scenarios to governments and aid agencies to help them plan. 

Rainfall can vary from village to village, says Hilary Motsiri, IFRC’s senior officer on food security. “We need to bring the communities to the table in the consultations on a drought policy to identify their needs.” 

Communities also have indigenous knowledge and coping mechanisms that need to be strengthened and built upon. “You just cannot hand rain gauges to them to monitor rainfall - many of them have their own ways to measure rainfall and have even maintained communal grain reserves in the past.” 

Faced with increasing climate variability, Australia - one of the few countries to have had a drought policy in place since the 1990s - has engaged in major reforms, conference participants heard. The country now intends to offer a constant package of safety-net measures to farmers and rural communities that are vulnerable to drought [ http://www.daff.gov.au/agriculture-food/drought/drought-pilot ]. Previously, the measures only kicked after a drought was declared. 

The package, which provides technical support to farmers and their families and an exit plan should they wish to leave farming, aims to make them resilient and not dependent on government support. 

Ultimately, countries have to decide what will work best for them, said Taal. “But it is going to be a tough challenge to make people think beyond their sectors and drive an effective drought policy. It needs tremendous political will at the very top to make this possible.” 

jk/rz 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97647/Drought-response-requires-getting-development-right</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008251121470984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - It takes more than weathermen and agriculture experts to design an effective drought response policy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: The Sabah affair - a new humanitarian challenge in southern Philippines?</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205040702470090t.jpg" />]]>MANILA 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - The Philippine government has begun putting in place contingency measures over what it has described as a possible “humanitarian emergency” in its southernmost islands after hundreds of Filipino migrants, caught in the cross-fire of a Malaysian government crackdown against Filipino gunmen asserting land claims in Malaysia, have started returning home.</description><body><![CDATA[MANILA 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - The Philippine government has begun putting in place contingency measures over what it has described as a possible “humanitarian emergency” in its southernmost islands after hundreds of Filipino migrants, caught in the cross-fire of a Malaysian government crackdown against Filipino gunmen asserting land claims in Malaysia, have started returning home. 

The incursion has sparked concerns in Manila of a massive influx of migrants who would be returning to the Sulu Islands and Mindanao, one of the country’s poorest regions, the eastern coast of which is still recovering from a deadly typhoon in December 2012 [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97435/Building-back-worse-after-Philippines-typhoon ].

Who is behind the land claim? 

One month ago, hundreds of armed followers of Jamalul Kiram III crossed over from the southern Philippine island province of Tawi-Tawi, part of a chain of islands known as the Sulu archipelago, to assert a historical land claim in neighbouring Malaysia’s Sabah State.

The Manila-based leader of the gunmen, Kiram, 74, is the self-proclaimed heir to the Sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo, once Southeast Asia's most powerful Islamic monarchy that controlled the Sulu archipelago in the southern Philippines and part of Borneo Island, which includes present-day Sabah State. 

The sultanate, however, fell from power more than a century ago, and in 1878, "leased" control of Sabah to a British trading company that eventually gave ownership rights to Malaysia when it became an independent nation in 1963. 

Despite an International Court of Justice decision a decade ago that recognized islands of Sabah State as belonging to Malaysia, Kiram insists the state still belongs to the sultanate (not a legal entity), in large part because Kuala Lumpur continues to pay his group a nominal land payment (which he views as rent) of about US$1,700 dollars annually. 

Kiram gave his followers "permission" to settle in Sabah. The stand-off has resulted in ongoing armed clashes as Malaysian authorities move to flush them out, leaving at least 63 dead and displacements of Filipino migrant workers. 

Kiram has told local reporters he deployed his men to the Malaysian coastal town of Lahad Datu to demand a higher land payment from Malaysia. 

What is the humanitarian challenge? 

As the crackdown continues, Manila says hundreds of the estimated 800,000 Filipinos living and working in Sabah - drawn there over generations to work on its palm oil plantations - have begun streaming back home to the southern Philippine island provinces of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. Integrating them presents a "humanitarian challenge" said the country’s Interior Secretary Mar Roxas on 11 March. 

Roxas said about 1,500 Filipinos, many of them women and children, have already returned to avoid cross-fire. President Benigno Aquino ordered relief goods, medicines and health workers deployed ahead of an expected influx of more Filipino migrant returnees. 

"In case these evacuees increase in number, our government is well prepared," Roxas told IRIN. "We have deployed food stuff and medicines. We will try to ensure their safety and their general welfare." 

"We don't know when there will be a mass evacuation. Right now we have 1,500, but tomorrow or the next day we might see 10,000, so we need to be ready," he said. 

"The government will not be able to immediately create jobs for 800,000 people in the course of one day," said Edwin Lacierda, a spokesperson for the president’s office, adding that President Benigno Aquino had already appealed to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak to ensure Filipinos living in Sabah will be spared in the offensive. 

"It’s critical that the Malaysian authorities ensure the protection of all civilians in the area, and allow humanitarian access for the provision of emergency assistance to those affected by the violence," said Phil Robertson, Human Rights Watch deputy Asia director, in a statement. 

How is the incursion linked to government-MILF peace talks? 

Lacierda said an influx of displaced migrants may lead to additional law and order problems in the south, a region plagued by decades of insurgency and poverty. The country’s largest Muslim insurgency, based in Mindanao island, agreed to an interim peace deal last October [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96627/Analysis-Mindanao-s-uncertain-road-to-peace ].

With the Aquino government negotiating a peace settlement with the 12,000-strong Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) for a new autonomous region that would include parts of the former sultanate, Kiram said he and his followers had no choice but to reclaim occupied lands he claimed as their “birthright”. 

The Aquino government has said it did not mean to ignore the Kiram family, but admitted to having lost a crucial letter in which Kiram advised the government to respect historical facts because the insurgency in the south is closely linked to Sabah. 

In the 1960s, former dictator Ferdinand Marcos ordered the military to train Muslim fighters to infiltrate Sabah, but they mutinied after allegations of abuse. Marcos had them executed, but one escaped to recount what is now known as the "Jabidah massacre". 

Anger over the massacre ignited a full-blown rebellion and the creation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the first organized Muslim rebel force from which MILF split in the late 1970s. The MNLF eventually signed a peace deal with the government in 1996, but many of its fighters remained armed and either became bandits or joined other rebel groups. 

A senior cabinet official in the Aquino government said Kiram’s incursion into Sabah may be part of a larger conspiracy to scuttle the MILF-government peace deal by political forces using the sultan as a pawn. 

"They fear that this peace deal is a legacy by the Aquino government, and they do not want to see that," the official, a member of Aquino's inner circle who preferred anonymity, told IRIN. "This was a clear move to hold hostage the peace deal." 

Former MNLF fighters, a number of whom feel sidelined by the new peace deal - brokered by Kuala Lumpur - reportedly deployed reinforcements to help Kiram's men [ http://globalnation.inquirer.net/66997/thousands-of-tausug-sailing-to-sabah-to-aid-beleaguered-comrades-mnlf-exec ] - information the authorities have not confirmed. 

The new political autonomous entity to be offered to MILF will replace an autonomous region given to MNLF under their own 1996 peace pact, which Aquino says was a failed experiment.

aag/pt/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 13 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97634/Briefing-The-Sabah-affair-a-new-humanitarian-challenge-in-southern-Philippines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205040702470090t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MANILA 13 March 2013 (IRIN) - The Philippine government has begun putting in place contingency measures over what it has described as a possible “humanitarian emergency” in its southernmost islands after hundreds of Filipino migrants, caught in the cross-fire of a Malaysian government crackdown against Filipino gunmen asserting land claims in Malaysia, have started returning home.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Imprisoned Eritreans complain of being forced to leave Israel</title><pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.

In one of the many testimonies a 28-year-old Eritrean detainee reported being repeatedly visited by a translator telling her to accept deportation to a third country (Uganda).

“He said we would not be free from the prison and we can only go to Uganda or Eritrea. I was frustrated and depressed. I do not want to go to Uganda. Today they called me and gave me a handwritten form in Tigrinya which said: `I came from Eritrea to Israel illegally and now I want to go to Uganda voluntarily. To do this I would like the Eritrean embassy to issue me a passport and all the necessary documents.’ They asked me to sign it and wanted to take my picture on video. I refused.”

Israel is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention but does not recognize Eritreans as refugees, although it does not officially deport Eritreans and allows them to stay in Israel under a group defence (temporary group protection).

Staff at the Hotline for Migrant Workers [ http://www.hotline.org.il/en_drupal/english/about.htm ], who collected the testimonies, say the government is forcibly trying to repatriate Eritreans: “These people have no access to a refugee status determination process, they are detained under the new amendment to the infiltration law that came into effect in June 2012, which allows detention of `infiltrators’ for an unlimited amount of time; now they are told they will never be allowed to leave the prison and their only option is to go back to Uganda/Eritrea. How can this be considered voluntary?” one staff member told IRIN.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in Israel, William Tall, told IRIN the Ministry of Interior made an attempt to offer relocation to some 23 Eritreans to Uganda but without any result so far.

At the end of February he told Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz there was nothing voluntary about this process [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/un-refugee-official-slams-israel-over-eritrean-repatriation.premium-1.505563 ].

One Eritrean, Tesfamihret Habtemariam, was reportedly deported from Israel earlier this month and is now in detention at Cairo airport after five years in Israel, and may be returned to Eritrea.

UNHCR advises against repatriating Eritrean nationals because of the likelihood of their being punished on return to their country.

Israel’s stance

Under an updated Anti-Infiltration law passed in January 2012, all illegal border crossers are labelled “infiltrators” and can be detained for up to three years.

The Eritreans being held in detention camps in the south are generally not notified about their right to claim asylum or given the application forms needed to do this, report NGOs.

On 18 February, official documents from the Israeli assembly, the Knesset, quote Interior Minister Eli Yishai saying deportations (by definition forced) were not yet taking place.

He said more than a 1,000 nationals of northern Sudan and Eritrea had already left voluntarily and said he hoped a lot more would decide to leave.

“And if it won't be voluntary leave, it will be involuntary - to their country or to a different third country, and there is still no third country to sign an agreement with, but I hope we do find other third countries that we'll have an agreement with, and we can transfer the infiltrators from here, from the Land of Israel, to their country or to another country, whether it is done willingly or not.”

Last week the Israel’s Attorney-General Yehuda Weinstein sent a letter widely reported in the local press to the director of the Interior Ministry’s Population, Immigration and Border Authority, Amnon Ben Ami, saying that under no circumstances should Eritrean nationals in Israeli custody be sent “to any destination outside Israel’s borders” until he (Weinstein) further clarifies these legal issues.

td/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97623/Imprisoned-Eritreans-complain-of-being-forced-to-leave-Israel</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Chadian migrants rue Libyan detention, ill-treatment, deportation</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303080929570839t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - In the violence immediately before and after Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was toppled in October 2011, thousands of sub-Saharan migrants were forced to flee. Since then, however, the authorities have detained in harsh conditions, and subsequently deported, hundreds more, according to former Chadian migrant workers.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - In the violence immediately before and after Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was toppled in October 2011, thousands of sub-Saharan migrants were forced to flee. Since then, however, the authorities have detained in harsh conditions, and subsequently deported, hundreds more, according to former Chadian migrant workers.

More than 2,000 Chadians and other sub-Saharan African nationals have been returned since 2012, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). Many of the deportees had been detained for several months or years, and were taken back to Chad in open trucks, said returned migrants, recounting that they had been arrested for lack of valid papers or on suspicion of being mercenaries who supported the Gaddafi’s regime. 

“Irregular repatriation has lately become more intense. Since last year, Chadian authorities have observed an influx into the north of Chad of migrants previously detained in Libya. This is causing a serious humanitarian challenge,” said Qasim Sufi, IOM’s chief of mission in Chad.

Sufi told IRIN: “Returnees are faced with a multitude of challenges ranging from dealing with the trauma of having been detained for long periods (some up to 27 months), to having experienced or witnessed violence.”

“As per the returned migrants, Libyan authorities organize trucks that depart from Libya into Chad where they deposit the returnees. It seems that trucks are often ill-equipped for transporting people and are not provided with food, water or first aid kits for the often 10-day or longer journey.” 

Some 300,000 Chadians lived and worked in Libya before the February 2011 revolt, according to the Chadian government. They mostly provided low-skilled labour in Tripoli, Benghazi or Sabha where most had lived for 1-5 years.

Since January 2012 alone, Libya has deported 566 Chadians (freed from detention centres). “The returnees arrive in deplorable condition; many are severely dehydrated, suffer from infections and wounds as well as stomach problems,” said Sufi.

Upon deportation recently, 26-year-old Mahamat Zene Issa, who had lived in Libya for five years, recounted mistreatment in the detention centre where he and other migrant workers had been held for long periods without a formal charge.

“One day I was on my way to visit my cousin just 5km from my apartment. Then an army vehicle picked me up and [the soldiers] beat me so badly until I lost consciousness,” Issa, who is from Chad’s Lake Region, told IOM.

“When I woke up I found myself in a detention centre and I didn’t know why and there was no one to ask why I was there. I stayed in the detention centre for 27 months under harsh conditions, but thanks to Allah I am still alive because many others did not make it. I saw others get killed or they died of illness… They treated us like dogs.”

Racism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93763/LIBYA-Sub-Saharan-migrants-keep-their-heads-down ] against blacks has a long history in Libya, but has been a particular problem for sub-Saharan migrants - nationals from countries like Chad, Niger, Sudan, Senegal, Mali and Nigeria - since the Libyan uprising. Rebels who fought for Gaddafi’s ouster accused him of using black African mercenaries to help quell the revolt.

Long before his fall, Gaddafi had been accused of using Chadian soldiers, Tuareg warriors from northwest Africa, and other non-Libyan combatants, in the Libyan military, notably the Khamis Brigade, led by one of his sons. 

The migrants deported from Libya to Chad by road often come to Faya, the largest city in northern Chad, where they are received at a transit centre by IOM, the Chadian Red Cross and local authorities.

Since July 2012, three waves of Chadian migrants have been deported [ http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/news-and-views/press-briefing-notes/pbn-2013/pbn-listing/stranded-chadian-migrants-deport.html ] from Libya, according to the IOM. Earlier, bloody revolution clashes had seen more than 150,000 migrant workers flee the country.

“Beaten every day and night like animals”

Twenty-five year-old Moussa Adam Béchir said he was arrested and beaten in detention where he was held for 14 months before being released suddenly without any explanation.

“We were all tortured in the detention centre. We weren’t treated like humans, but beaten every day and night like animals for no reason other than that we are Chadians and were accused of being mercenaries,” Béchir said in an interview with IOM.

“One day we were taken to a hospital where nurses drew our blood. We didn’t know why they did this,” he added, explaining that more than 2,000 people, including Malians and Nigeriens were held in the same detention centre he was in.

“I don’t know why we were freed. One night we were told that the following day we were going to return home. That day they put us in trucks to ferry us back home.”

Returned migrants have difficulty resettling, as many are without ID papers, money or even clothes, and have to turn to their families that they had previously been assisting through remittances for support, Sufi explained. Some families back home had not heard from their kin for long periods and presumed they had died.

“Although I really don’t know what will happen to me now, I’m happy to be back home as no one will ask me for documents or beat me and jail me for nothing,” Issa said.

ob/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97617/Chadian-migrants-rue-Libyan-detention-ill-treatment-deportation</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303080929570839t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 08 March 2013 (IRIN) - In the violence immediately before and after Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was toppled in October 2011, thousands of sub-Saharan migrants were forced to flee. Since then, however, the authorities have detained in harsh conditions, and subsequently deported, hundreds more, according to former Chadian migrant workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Furore over Australian detention of immigrant children</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303050339560690t.jpg" />]]>MELBOURNE 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - Australia is failing in its international obligations to protect the rights of close to 2,000 children now in immigration detention, say rights groups and legal experts.</description><body><![CDATA[MELBOURNE 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - Australia is failing in its international obligations to protect the rights of close to 2,000 children now in immigration detention, say rights groups and legal experts. 

“You cannot underestimate the human cost of detaining children,” Jeroen Van Hove, the coordinator of the International Detention Coalition (IDC) [ http://idcoalition.org/ ], an umbrella group of 258 members (including organizations) working in 50 countries around the world, based in Belgium, told IRIN, describing Australia’s detention regimes as one of the “harshest” in the world. 

“The current detention policy causes serious damage to these children and has been criticized internationally for its human rights violations.” 

According to Australia's Department of Immigration and Citizenship [ http://www.immi.gov.au/ ], as of 1 March there were 1,983 children (under 18) in immigration detention, including 998 in secure locked facilities and 985 detained in the community (the preferred option for children as it allows them to live in community-based accommodation without the need to be escorted outside a locked facility). 

Of these, 281 are detained on Christmas Island (off the coast of Indonesia), while a further 34 are on remote Manus Island in Papua New Guinea (PNG) as part of the government’s controversial offshore processing efforts. 

Activists there describe conditions as “overwhelmingly inadequate” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97243/Activists-rap-Australia-s-offshore-processing-of-migrants ].

This is a “blatant violation of international norms and arguably in breach of a range of UN Conventions,” Linda Briskman, a professor of human rights at Swinburne University, charged. “There is a mounting body of evidence, particularly from mental health professionals and researchers that reveals the terrible harms resulting from the detention of children." 

Mental health impact 

Asylum advocacy groups in Australia have long raised concerns following reports of self-harm and trauma experienced by children in low-security facilities. 

In February, an Australian-based organization, the Darwin Asylum Seeker Support and Advocacy Network (DASSAN) [ http://dassan.weebly.com/ ], received reports from the Immigration Department under Australia’s Freedom of Information Act detailing self-harm among children at two Darwin detention centres. 

“These reports explain there were 26 self-harm incidents in Darwin centres from August 2010 to November 2011. The youngest child was only nine years old and he took an overdose of Panadeine, knowing what the full effects on him would be,” DASSAN coordinator Fernanda Dahlstrom said. 

This was despite the fact that the Darwin airport lodge is considered more humane than other processing centres, she added. 

“These cases aren’t isolated. More children are suffering the same psychological side effects as a result of detention in other facilities. We just don’t officially know the numbers,” said Leila Druery, a spokeswoman for ChilOut [ http://www.chilout.org/ ], an advocacy group for children in immigration detention in Australia.

“We would like to see the issue of detaining children depoliticized, by giving an independent children’s commission an oversight and guardianship role,” Druery explained, in reference to the current conflict of interest where the immigration minister is the sole person who decides if his own department is acting in the best interests of the child. 

The Australian Red Cross echoes these concerns on placing children in detention centres for unknown periods of time while their refugee status is processed. 

“[The] Australian Red Cross believe community-based detention for asylum seekers is a humane and sustainable alternative to the use of secured detention facilities and arrangements,” the Red Cross said in a statement. 

“Evidence shows that when people spend long periods in immigration detention facilities, not only does their health suffer, but also their ability to cope and their psychological [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94232/MIGRATION-Australia-will-pay-the-price-for-mandatory-detention ] well-being." 

Rights of the child 

Legal experts in Australia point to the responsibilities the government has under its international obligations, including as a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) [ http://www.unicef.org/sowc2012/pdfs/SOWC-2012-The-Convention-on-the-Rights-of-the-Child.pdf ].

“Perhaps, the most obvious treaty breach is that of CRC. Clearly, maintaining children in detention for long periods of time does not treat their welfare as the paramount consideration,” said Stephen Keim, a Brisbane barrister and the president of Australian Lawyers for Human Rights [ http://www.alhr.asn.au/ ].

Keim noted that when the periods of detention were long and indefinite so as to affect the mental health of the children involved, or the conditions are unsatisfactory, “issues of cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment arise,” which is prohibited under the Convention Against Torture, the CRC and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights. 

According to CRC, the detention of children should be used "only as a measure of last resort, for the shortest appropriate period of time and taking into account the best interests of the child.” 

In February, a report [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/discussion2012/ReportDGDChildrenAndMigration2012.pdf ] by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child asked states to “expeditiously and completely cease the detention of children on the basis of their immigration status”. 

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has also expressed deep concern over the treatment of children in the Manus processing centre, which was reopened on 21 November 2012 in PNG. 

“The mandatory detention of 34 children and their families at the Centre is particularly troubling for us,” said UNHCR regional representative Richard Towle. 

The UNHCR report [ http://unhcr.org.au/unhcr/images/2013-02-04%20Manus%20Island%20Report%20Final.pdf ] released on 4 February 2013 following a visit to the Manus Island facility noted that: “When viewed against the applicable international legal standards, it is clear that the current situation for detained children is profoundly unsatisfactory and UNHCR is therefore of the view that it is not currently appropriate for children to be transferred to Manus Island.” 

Duty of care 

Refugee policy has long been a divisive issue in Australia, even though the country receives a small number of refugees annually compared to other countries including the USA, France, Germany, Italy, and Sweden.

In 2011, Australia received 15,441 onshore asylum applications, just 0.92 percent of the 1,669,725 applications received across the world, the Refugee Council of Australia reported [ http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/n/mr/120618-Global-Trends.pdf ].

However, according to Australia’s current labour government, the government is committed to ensuring people held in immigration detention are treated with dignity and respect and that children are always accommodated in the least restrictive form of detention accommodation available. 

“No-one wants to see children in detention for long periods, which is why children have priority processing and the department endeavours to process their claims quickly,” said Brendan O’Conner, Australia’s minister for immigration and citizenship, in a statement provided to IRIN. 

“The Australian government has a duty of care to ensure the health and wellbeing of children in immigration detention - including ensuring access to appropriate physical and recreational activities and excursions and education,” added O’Conner. 

At the same time, all irregular maritime arrivals have to be detained while their “identities, health and reasons for travel are ascertained”. 

Meanwhile, the Greens, a minority party that currently holds the balance of power in the Australian Senate, are campaigning for policy change when it comes to placing children in detention. 

“Some of these children have spent their whole lives behind bars, having committed no crime other than being born in a country from which they are forced to flee,” said Senator Hanson-Young, who visited the detention centre in Manus Island in February. 

“The government needs to end this cruel regime of indefinite detention.” 

Since January 2013, most of the 1,382 irregular maritime arrivals were asylum seekers arriving by boat from Iran, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. 

ch/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97591/Analysis-Furore-over-Australian-detention-of-immigrant-children</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303050339560690t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MELBOURNE 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - Australia is failing in its international obligations to protect the rights of close to 2,000 children now in immigration detention, say rights groups and legal experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Egypt&apos;s turmoil makes life tougher for refugees</title><pubDate>Thu, 28 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2005112116t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).

He has not worked since, though not for want of trying: He spends his days knocking on the doors of houses, firms, factories and workshops to beg for work.

“I urgently need work to feed my family, but this work has become impossible to find here,” the father of two told IRIN. “We stick to buying the basics, but these basics become harder to get each day.”

The political turmoil and deep economic crisis [ http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Backchannels/2013/0225/Egypt-s-economy-is-collapsing-and-no-one-is-stopping-it ] in Egypt, which has been hit by a slump in tourism, low investment and rising food prices, is hurting the country’s most vulnerable communities [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/Egypt-s-poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ].

Monthly inflation in January was up 1.7 percent according to the Central Bank of Egypt [ http://www.cbe.org.eg/NR/rdonlyres/C4D84EEF-2169-47C7-AAAD-A94BDCFBE868/1726/Monthly_Inflation_January2013.pdf ]. The current annual inflation rate is 6.3 percent.

African refugee rights’ groups say refugees and migrants are frequently the victims of unprovoked arrests [ http://www.efrr-eg.com/1en.html ] and disappearances, while also struggling to feed themselves and pay rent. 

“Life in Egypt for refugees has moved from bad to worse after the revolution,” said Aly Mahmud, a Sudanese refugee and the founder of the Makarem African Society, an NGO that tries to help refugees find jobs.

“As Egypt's economy shrinks, the refugees find it more difficult to earn a living or even lead a dignified life.”

As of January 2013, the number of African refugees officially registered in Egypt was 35,180, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

African refugees and economic migrants generally live in Cairo's toughest neighbourhoods, sharing dirty toilets and stinking alleyways with Egypt’s poorest citizens.

“The refugees have been affected in the same way that Egyptians have been affected,” Elizabeth Tan, deputy regional representative of UNHCR, told IRIN. “Refugees often complain about an increase in crime and the increase in the cost of living.” 

No money

Abdullah Hanzal, director of refugee NGO Sudan Centre for Contemporary Studies, said research they had conducted in January found that most African refugees in Egypt had lost their jobs since the revolution. 

“Refugees who sell on the streets said they had to stay on the streets longer to sell their wares,” Hanzal said. “And when these refugees sell everything, the money is not nearly enough to buy food for their families.”

Aly Mahmud, the founder of the Makarem African Society, has three friends who could not pay 200 Egyptian pounds (US$29) to rent a shared room in the poor Giza Governorate neighbourhood of Ard Al Liwa and were kicked out as a result.

“They spend the nights at coffee shops and the days in public gardens,” Mahmud said. “My three friends are single, but the situation is even more difficult for refugee families that fail to pay the rent.”

Local aid groups are also feeling the pinch, said Tareg Nour, executive director of Tadamon, an NGO that works to promote the welfare of marginalized refugees. “Funding no longer comes, because donors do not want to give money to organizations in countries where there is all this turmoil.”

UNHCR says applications for financial support from refugees increased substantially after the revolution. UNHCR is able to give financial support to only 25 percent of the 35,180 African refugees.

“Unfortunately, UNHCR's budget has not increased to take into consideration the increase in the cost of living,” Tan said. “But the office will be supporting grassroots and community-based initiatives in order to enhance self-reliance and income generation efforts to be implemented by the refugees.”

Organ theft risk

Hanzel says African refugees and economic migrants are prone to the most brutal forms of exploitation, including organ theft.

“A marked increase - spearheaded by traders who exploit Egypt's bad security conditions - in organ theft cases has happened after the revolution,” said Bashir Suleiman, a reporter for Coalition for Organ Failure Solutions [ http://cofs.org/home/ ] (COFS), an international NGO that identifies survivors of organ trafficking and tries to provide long-term support.

“Most refugees are deceived by organ trafficking gangs who hang out among refugees,” he told IRIN. 

Tan said UNHCR is aware of reports of organ trafficking in Egypt and has been in dialogue with the government. “The refugees are particularly vulnerable to this kind of exploitation,” she said. 

“Unfortunately, a large number of the refugees who come to us were subject to organ theft, even without knowing it,” Suleiman said. “Refugee kidneys, tissues, uteruses, ovaries and other organs are high on the list of stolen organs.”

*not his real name

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 28 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97562/Egypt-apos-s-turmoil-makes-life-tougher-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2005112116t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 28 February 2013 (IRIN) - Osman Sheshy*, a 26-year-old refugee from Eritrea living in the Egyptian capital, remembers fondly the day three months ago when a wealthy Egyptian man asked him to clean his villa for 50 Egyptian pounds (US$7.3).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Landmine danger persists in Somalia</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011306340801t.jpg" />]]>MOGADISHU 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of landmines and other unexploded ordnance (UXO) scattered in parts of Somalia over past decades of conflict are emerging as a threat to the relative security now being enjoyed there, with inadequate demining expertise posing a challenge, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[MOGADISHU 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of landmines and other unexploded ordnance (UXO) scattered in parts of Somalia over past decades of conflict are emerging as a threat to the relative security now being enjoyed there, with inadequate demining expertise posing a challenge, say officials.

“[Land]mines are planted everywhere. Even mosques are not safe,” Lt-Col Farah Dhiblawe, a demining expert with the Somali National Army, told IRIN. “We were trained to use the mines to defend the country and the religion, but now Somalis are using it to harm their own citizens, which is unfortunate.”

The eastern Somalia-Ethiopia border region is among the areas heavily infested with UXOs, which were planted during the 1977 border war. Cities that witnessed more recent clashes between government troops and the insurgent Al-Shabab militia group are similarly affected.

“Explosive stockpiles, abandoned weapons and ammunition caches, and improvised explosive device (IED) factories are emerging as new threats as the [Somalia] government gains control of new areas,” notes the UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) [ http://www.mineaction.org/country.asp?c=23 ] on its website.

“The laying of mines by Al-Shabab has been reported as a means to secure strategic locations. This is in addition to the detritus of war left after decades of civil conflict, and the minefields laid during the Ogaden and Somali National Movement conflicts.”

According to UNMAS, most communities in south-central Somalia suffer “from a degree of explosive remnants of war (ERW) contamination; few have the support or capacity to deal with these threats.”

Dhiblawe, who has since 2007 helped destroy some 67 landmines, concurs: “Somalia did not produce enough trained people to deal with this problem of landmines for the last two decades, [and getting] professional Somalis with the right equipment is the biggest challenge.”

Heavily mined areas

The central region of Galgadud, which had one of Somalia’s biggest military installations, contains large amounts of ERWs.

“The region shares a border with Ethiopia and served as an important base for the Somali armed forces, who left explosives and weapons when the government collapsed,” Ahmed Yusuf, Galgadud’s governor, told IRIN, urging the government and international partners to start demining activities there.

The south-central regions of Bakool, Bay and Hiraan are also heavily mined areas, with the Afgooye Corridor and parts of Mogadishu also containing ERWs along with some anti-personnel and anti- vehicle mines, according to the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/cp/display/region_profiles/theme/2185 ], which also notes that “as recently as May 2012, mine-laying was still reportedly occurring in south-central and eastern Somaliland [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91805/SOMALIA-Rising-number-of-child-landmine-victims-in-Somaliland ]”.

In 2012, at least eight children were killed in an explosion in the Balad Town of Middle Shabelle Region. “It was 8am; I was making breakfast. Then I heard a big explosion in the madrasa where they [the children] were learning the Quran. I quickly ran towards there and saw dead bodies everywhere,” recalled Khadijo Mohamed, whose child was injured in the explosion. “I cannot still believe what happened.”

Mines banned

According to UNMAS, “Anti-personnel mines caused only four percent of deaths and injuries in Somalia during 2011, while UXO represented 55 percent, and unknown explosive items another 32 percent.”

Somalia in 2012 signed the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96454/In-Brief-Somalia-joins-the-mine-ban-club ]; it pledged to destroy its landmine stockpile within four years and to de-mine the country within 10. More than 21,461 UXOs and anti-personnel mines have been destroyed in the previous five years in Somalia, according to the UN Office for Project Services [ http://www.unops.org/english/whatwedo/news/Pages/Somalia-commits-to-a-future-clear-of-landmines.aspx ].

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is one of the agencies involved in demining operations in the country. “We know that landmines represent [a] big threat to everyone, especially if they are anti-personnel, so AMISOM stands ready to help clear these mines,” said Robert Kamara, AMISOM’s acting spokesperson.

AMISOM is planning to set up a hotline to enable people report suspicious materials, he added.

Analysts are concerned that more calm and stability in Somalia could mean more population movement, which, in turn, will increase the need for mine clearance and related activities.

amd/aw/rz

Related stories:

SOMALIA: My farm "is full of mines"
[ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=85&reportid=87953 ]

SOMALIA: Rising number of child landmine victims in Somaliland  
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91805/SOMALIA-Rising-number-of-child-landmine-victims-in-Somaliland ]

In Brief: Somalia joins the mine ban club 
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96454/In-Brief-Somalia-joins-the-mine-ban-club ]

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97396/Landmine-danger-persists-in-Somalia</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302011306340801t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MOGADISHU 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of landmines and other unexploded ordnance (UXO) scattered in parts of Somalia over past decades of conflict are emerging as a threat to the relative security now being enjoyed there, with inadequate demining expertise posing a challenge, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Solving statelessness in Southern Africa</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.

Not considered a national by South Africa or by Kenya or Uganda - the two countries where he grew up - Ngubane is stateless, a predicament he shares with an estimated 12 million people worldwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), which is mandated with trying to reduce that figure. 

Nationality confers a host of rights that stateless individuals cannot access, from education and healthcare to the ability to register a marriage or a birth. As a result, statelessness is often passed from one generation to the next. 

As early as 1954, the international community, under the auspices of the UN, adopted the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb25729.html ], which defined who is a stateless person and established a framework for their international protection. A second international convention adopted in 1961 focused on reducing cases of statelessness [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb286d8.html ], primarily by requiring participating states to grant citizenship to children born on their territory who would otherwise be stateless. However, the majority of countries in Africa have not ratified either convention [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Africa_ConvStateless54_61_detail_A3PC_01-10-2012.pdf ], leaving them under no obligation to pass national legislation that would address the issue. 

Regional issue

An individual can end up stateless for a variety of reasons. Orphans whose births were not registered before their parents died and unaccompanied child migrants who arrive in a foreign country without documents are particularly vulnerable. Laws still in place in several African countries, including Malawi and Madagascar, that prevent married women from passing nationality to their children also contribute to the problem.

According to Sergio Calle-Norena, deputy regional representative for UNHCR, laws allowing for only one nationality and the denial of citizenship to certain groups are the main causes of statelessness in the Southern Africa region.

In Zimbabwe, for example, following an amendment to the citizenship act passed in 2001, individuals with dual nationality were given six months to renounce their foreign citizenship or lose their Zimbabwean nationality. The new law affected countless Zimbabweans whose parents had migrated to the country from Zambia, Mozambique or Malawi at a time when white-owned farms and mines offered plentiful employment. Most did not, in fact, hold citizenship in their parents’ countries, making it impossible for them to renounce it, while many were simply unaware of the new law, which was widely viewed as a means for the ruling ZANU-PF party to disenfranchise opposition supporters.

“I think they didn’t want people like me to vote,” said Promise*, who was born and raised in Harare, the capital, to a Malawian father and a mother with Mozambican parentage. “Most people in high-density areas of Harare are in the same situation, and most are anti-Zanu-PF.”

The new law stripped both Promise and her mother of their citizenship. They now live in South Africa, where the asylum-seeker system offers them a temporary and precarious form of documentation. 

“I just kept renewing my asylum-seeker permit every six months, but I decided to take action last year,” said Promise, who is in her early twenties. “I was tired of having no nationality. It was limiting my opportunities. Most universities need a study permit, and I want to study law.”

Waiting

Promise approached Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), a South African NGO that, with funding from UNHCR, has been running a project to provide legal services to stateless individuals since 2011. UNHCR is also funding the international faith-based NGO Caritas to run a similar project in Mozambique, another country with a large burden of statelessness following years of civil war that displaced hundreds of thousands of its citizens.

South Africa has pledged to sign and ratify the two UN conventions on statelessness by the end of 2013, and both LHR and UNHCR are advocating for this pledge to be honoured and for relevant legislation to be established. In the meantime, LHR is assisting stateless clients on a case-by-case basis. 

Of the 736 stateless clients that LHR helped in 2012, over a third were born in Zimbabwe; many of them lost their nationality like Promise.

Another 150 were born in South Africa but are struggling to access nationality in any country. Jessica George, a legal counsellor with LHR, explained that this group of stateless individuals does not qualify for asylum, and they have no way to access legal immigration status other than through an exemption for permanent residence, a process that allows the Home Affairs Minister to grant permanent residency to foreigners with special circumstances. 

However, exemption applicants can wait up to three years for a decision. “In the meantime, they’re given no temporary permit, so they’re subject to detention, which tends to be prolonged because they can’t be deported,” said George. 

Ngubane spent three months at Lindela Repatriation Centre, South Africa’s largest holding facility for undocumented migrants awaiting deportation, after being arrested at a Home Affairs Department office while trying to replace a lost birth certificate. The document was his only proof of South African nationality; he had lost both his parents and all contact with his South African relatives during his time in Kenya and Uganda.

With help from LHR, Ngubane has applied for a permanent residency exemption, but so far he has received no response. In fact, according to George, only one of LHR’s stateless clients has received a decision on permanent residency exemption in the past two years, and it was negative.

Reforms, training needed

“I think some training is required in addition to law reform, because it’s clear there’s a misunderstanding about who is a stateless person,” said George. “Currently there are no guidelines in the law on how to identify a stateless person and what rights they’re entitled to.” 

In cases where a client has a claim to foreign nationality, LHR approaches the country’s embassy for assistance securing citizenship. However, few embassies or consulates provide such services, and for most stateless people, travelling to the country where they have a nationality claim is unaffordable and unfeasible given their lack of travel documents.

“One of the easiest ways to prevent statelessness would be if consulates provided certain services, so people wouldn’t have to leave South Africa in order to access their citizenship,” said George.

Calle-Norena of UNHCR says that, besides ratifying the two conventions on statelessness, addressing the problem requires political will. He noted, for example, that South Africa’s Citizenship Act grants nationality to any child born in the country who would otherwise be stateless, but that non-nationals without documents struggled to register their children’s births. “There should be a mechanism that allows [the law] to be applied, but in practice this is not yet operational,” he told IRIN.

Through a combination of luck and persistence, Promise has succeeded in convincing the Malawian authorities to grant her citizenship. She has never been to Malawi but plans to move there as soon as she receives her passport. 

Ngubane says he has tried applying for Kenyan citizenship, “but the embassy said there’s no way they can help me.” 

Numerous visits to home affairs offices in several provinces have not yielded any results, other than several attempts by corrupt officials to solicit bribes in return for a birth certificate or refugee status.

“If you don’t have money, you suffer,” he said. 

*not her real name

ks/rz

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97372/Solving-statelessness-in-Southern-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>