<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Middle East</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 18:30:37 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Analysis: Israeli government challenges the law to embrace illegal settler outposts</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141111000222t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.

God gave us this land 3,000 years ago,” an Israeli bus driver said on the way from Jerusalem towards the Israeli settlement of Psagot. “This land is ours. It’s not for the Arabs,” he added, as the bus crossed from Jerusalem into the occupied West Bank, continuing its way through the rocky landscape east of Ramallah.

Psagot is home to about 1,600 Israeli settlers and the seat of the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council, which is one of six councils providing municipal services to more than 300,000 Israelis who live in 124 officially recognized settlements in the West Bank.

While all settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are illegal under international law, more than 90 so-called outposts are illegal even under Israeli law. One such illegal settlement is Migron, where about 322 Israeli settlers live in caravans on 36 hectares of privately owned Palestinian land.

Migron is one of several cases where the Israeli government has tried to circumvent Supreme Court decisions on the evacuation of illegal structures, instead supporting settler interests. For the first time since 1996, the government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu formally created new settlements this April by legalizing the three outposts of Rechalim, Sansana and Bruchin.

“There is a big change of policy happening,” Talia Sasson, a former Israeli chief-prosecutor who wrote the influential Sasson report [ http://www.mideastweb.org/sassonreport.htm  ] on government support for illegal outposts, told IRIN. “I believe that the price for removing an illegal outpost has become too high to pay, for the Israeli government.”

When Netanyahu formed a new unity government with the centrist Kadima party on 8 May, some analysts said this could bring along changes, while Palestinian officials immediately called upon the new government to freeze settlement activity. [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/palestinian-official-israel-s-new-unity-cabinet-must-freeze-all-settlement-activity-1.429019 ] But, many warned that settlers were only gaining in strength, holding onto occupied land at any price.

Now, say analysts, state support for settlements and illegal outposts has crossed a point of no return, undermining the rule of law and threatening Israeli democracy.

“What happened around Migron and other outposts is a total earthquake of Israeli constitutional balance,” Dror Etkes, an Israeli expert on land issues in oPt, told IRIN. “There is a major clash coming up between the government, the settlers and the Supreme Court. By legalizing the outpost, the government made clear that it neither cares about national, nor about international law.”

The government had asked the Supreme Court to delay Migron’s demolition for three years, which the court rejected, and tried to delay the implementation of another court decision on the demolition of the illegal Ulpana neighbourhood in the Beit El settlement. Efforts are reportedly under way to pass a bill to retroactively legalize Ulpana. This would force the Supreme Court to declare the law unconstitutional.

Experts say legalization of settlements endangers any future solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict under the terms of a two-state solution.

“Nineteen years after Oslo and 13 years after a final settlement was supposed to be reached, prospects for a two-state solution are as dim as ever,” the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in a recent report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/israel-palestine/122-the-emperor-has-no-clothes-palestinians-and-the-end-of-the-peace-process.aspx ] which called for a new paradigm.

Migron “compromise”

The caravans of Migron stand high on a hill close to the Palestinian villages of Burqa and Ein Yabrud. Only 2km further down, bulldozers were digging into the rocky soil, building a new Migron for the outpost’s 50 families, where they will move on 1 August, according to an agreement reached between the settlers and the government after the Israeli Supreme Court had ruled that the illegal structures be removed.

Migron’s residents are confident old Migron will remain, alongside the new Migron that is being built for them.

“Today’s Migron should become an educational institution for soldiers, or we transform it into a farm,” Itai Hemo, a resident from Migron, told IRIN. “In any case, the evacuation will provoke a strong reaction from settler communities all around. We won’t be able to control that.”

The government’s “compromise” with the settlers effectively blocked the Supreme Court decision to demolish the illegal outpost. This only strengthened the settlers’ self-confidence.

“Netanyahu legalized the outposts and showed his clear intentions. It is a statement to all settlers and residents of illegal outposts that the government continues to support them,” Lior Amichai, who works for Peace Now’s Settlement Watch Project, told IRIN.

Observers say illegal outposts impact negatively on neighbouring Palestinian communities.

“This is the area of Migron in 1999,” Dror Etkes said, looking at a satellite image that shows huge planted fields that once belonged to nearby Palestinian villages. “And this is Migron today,” he continued, pointing out the built-up area of Migron on another satellite image. “Hundreds of dunams in agricultural land were taken away from the villages, severely affecting their livelihood. And a settler road closed off Palestinian access.”

“The heart of Israel”

Migron’s residents are national-religious settlers who make up about 80 percent of Israelis living east of the separation barrier, on land that would become part of a Palestinian state under any realistic final status agreement.

They are driven by the belief that settling the land is both a national and religious duty, and compared to secular and Ultra-Orthodox settlers, they are more unwilling to leave the land for compensation, past surveys have shown. [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/poll-25-of-settlers-east-of-fence-prepared-to-leave-homes-1.174523 ]

“Eighty percent of what happened in the Bible happened here. This is the heart of Israel, also geographically. If we don’t have [a] presence here, it would mean the end of Israel,” Miri Maoz Ovadia, liaison officer from the settlers’ umbrella organization, the Yesha Council, told IRIN.

Strategically located on a hill like most outposts, Migron’s residents have lived in illegal structures since 2002. The Israeli Ministry of Housing and Construction generously funded them with more than US$1 million, according to the so-called Sasson report.

“Coming here was not only an ideological decision. I simply love this place,” Itai Hemo said, while resting on the porch in front of his caravan, overlooking the picturesque landscape.

“When you look into the Bible, you will see many of the holy places that are actually here,” he added. “But the conflict about the land is a political one. Any researcher will tell you that Palestinians came from other Arab countries. But it doesn’t mean we have to expel them. Co-existence is possible.”

But the details of this “co-existence” are far from anything that could be acceptable to Palestinians.

“The West Bank is separated into area A, B and C. Israel would annex area C, where all of today’s settlers live, while offering citizenship to the Palestinians there. Area A and B would get some kind of autonomy,” Miri Maoz Ovadia said.

An estimated 150,000 Palestinians live in Israeli controlled area C, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_69.pdf ] which makes up over 60 percent of the West Bank. About 70 percent of it is off-limits for Palestinian construction.

Influencing the state

The Israeli settlers who live in illegal outposts and settlements east of the barrier appear to have effective channels of influence to the government, the military and state institutions.

“Before Gaza-settlements were evacuated in 2006, we organized demonstrations. But the evacuation of Gush Katif (Gaza settlements) broke the movement,” Miri Maoz Ovadia said. “We also understood that Gaza was emotionally not in the heart of Israel, but the West Bank is. We have other channels of influence today.”

Today, the regional councils and the Yesha Council increasingly focus on advocacy, bringing politicians to speak in illegal outposts and attracting Israelis through tourism and volunteering. “We want to bring the heart of Israel to Judea and Samaria (the West Bank),” Ovadia added.

Since the Israeli High Court ordered the evacuation of Migron, politicians have come to pay tribute, many from Netanyahu’s Likud party. “We had a lot of members of Knesset [parliament] here. At least 30,” Itai Hemo said.

One of them was Reuven Rivlin, speaker of the Israeli parliament. During a January visit to the outpost, Rivlin called on the government “to take responsibility” and not to relocate or evacuate Migron.

The influence of settler ideology on the Likud was further boosted by the rise of the national-religious politician Moshe Feiglin.

“That Feiglin got 25 percent of Likud’s votes, affects the whole party. It pushes all others who compete with him towards a more extreme position,” Talia Sasson said. Feiglin advocates a greater Israel and encourages all Palestinians to leave.

“Of Likud’s 130,000 party members, 9,000 are settlers. Because they always vote as a united bloc, they are very strong,” Dror Etkes said. Other analysts estimated that at least 20 percent of Likud’s members are settlers.

Another sphere of influence is the Israeli army, where settlers volunteer. In addition, the settler councils actively attract more and more Israelis to participate in pre-army volunteer programmes.

Asked whether a future confrontation between settlers and the army over Migron was possible, Miri Maoz Ovadia replied: “61 percent of the settlers from here volunteer in combat units. It would be a fight against ourselves.”

But their increasing influence on the army and politics could make future demolitions or evacuations more difficult to implement.

“From Gaza they evacuated some 8,000 people. But the West Bank is different. It is in the heart of the country; 350,000 settlers are impossible to evacuate,” she added.

Radicalization

While most settlers pursue their interests non-violently, radicalized settlers have also directed attacks against Palestinians, left-wing Israelis and the Israeli state.

The weekly average of such attacks by settlers resulting in Palestinian casualties and property damage increased by 144 percent in 2011 compared to 2009 [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_map_april_2012_english.pdf ] An ideologically driven radicalized movement has grown in West Bank outposts over the years, following a strategy called “price-tag attacks”, meant to increase the price the government has to pay for demolishing illegal outposts.

"We are dealing here with two main ideological dimensions - both coming from Jewish religious teachings which place the conflict with the non-Jew at the centre of their teachings,” said Ofer Zalzberg, a senior analyst with the ICG.

“The first comes from the teachings of anti-statist religious leaders like Rabbi Ginzburg of the Yitzhar outpost. The second from Rabbi Meir Kahana’s teachings. The young activists who follow such political-theologies often come from broken and disaffected families," he added. The two Rabbi’s justified violence against Arabs and objected to partitioning the land.

Analysts also say radicalization among settler youth is linked to decreasing loyalty to the state, partly as a result of past government support for the Oslo agreements, which many national-religious settlers see as incompatible with the messianic reading of Jewish law.

Most national-religious settlers oppose the “price-tag movement”, but have one goal in common: pressuring the government to not to demolish outposts.

“The settlers are playing a dangerous game. They condemn the radicalization and violence, but at the same time, are using it silently to pressure the government not to demolish outposts,” Hagit Ofran, head of Peace Now’s settlement watch project, told IRIN.

Dror Etkes said most settlers are represented by the Yesha Council which seeks to influence the state through formal channels, while there is a more radical minority in outposts around Hebron and Nablus.

“The Council uses the radicals to tell the government: ‘If you don’t compromise our interests, you will have to deal with these radicals’,” he added. “There is a mutual interest.”

ah/eo/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95445</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141111000222t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Uneasy calm in Sebha after clashes</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg" />]]>SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</description><body><![CDATA[SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.

“You see that place?” Adoum Abaka, a Tubu from Tayuri, a poor neighbourhood of Sebha inhabited mainly by Tubu and Tuareg families, told IRIN, pointing to a nearby building on a hill with gaping holes where the walls used to be. “That is where some of us hid when Tayuri was under attack by the Awlad Sulayman [tribe]. We were fighting with Kalashnikovs. One person was killed there.”

The latest clashes erupted in March between the Tubu ethnic group and the Arab Awlad Sulayman and Awlad Abu Seif tribes. The clashes are said to have begun after a man belonging to the Abu Seif family was killed allegedly by the Tubu. But other narratives suggest the conflict followed a dispute over several million dollars which the ruling Transitional National Council (TNC) was planning to spend in Sebha. The violence went on for six days until the TNC brought in forces from the north to quell it. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ].

The same communities clashed in February in the oasis of Kufra.

TNC forces have brought some semblance of peace to Sebha, but most tribal groups still have their own militias. Wanees Abu Khamada, head of the Special Forces and military governor of southern Libya, told IRIN the military recently banned people from carrying weapons at night. However, no process has yet been established to take back the weapons.

When asked if the army lacked the ability to bring the region under control, he said: “We are still trying. The army is not weak, but it is restricted by law. The militias on the other hand can just go and attack a place on their own.”

Despite the presence of the military, residents of Sebha are apprehensive. Adam Ahmad of Tayuri said the ceasefire between the two groups was an “obligation”, and many were afraid of what would happen if the army pulled out.

“Fighting has ceased, but we don’t know for how long,” said Al-Zarooq from the local council.  

Outside the camp council of Tayuri, an assortment of weapons, including mortars, rockets, artillery and unexploded munitions lie scattered on the ground.

In nearby Al-Hijara, charred remains of abandoned houses and cars stand testimony to the destruction wrought on the neighbourhood. Ali Mohamed Boubacar Julwar, a teacher who fled Sebha for the southern town of al-Qatroun, came back to find his family gone and his house destroyed.

“I found my neighbours outside, no shelter, their property stolen," he said. "They said Awlad Sulayman did it, and some Sebha families.”

Identities and allegiances

The Tubu, an indigenous black African tribe, live in southern Libya, along the Tibesti mountain range, and in Chad and Niger. While some Tubu from Chad were encouraged to migrate north to work in the oil industry under former president Muammar Gaddafi, many indigenous to Libya experienced marginalization and exclusion by the same regime and took up arms on the rebel side during the 2011 uprising. Those living in Kufra in the southeast had their identity cards and passports withdrawn under a 2007 policy aimed at deterring more of them from entering Libya and authorities in the area were told to treat them as foreigners. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/North%20Africa/107%20-%20Popular%20Protest%20in%20North%20Africa%20and%20the%20Middle%20East%20V%20-%20Making%20Sense%20of%20Libya.pdf ]

“The nomadic nature of the Sahara desert tribes and the fact that they have extensions in neighbouring countries were reasons for the previous regime to deny them their rights,” Adam Ahmad, a Tubu leader and head of Tayuri camp council, told IRIN.

During recent clashes, local perceptions of the Tubu as outsiders fuelled the violence, as residents in Sebha unrelated to the initial disputes were urged to take up arms against them.

“The Awlad Sulayman told the people of Sebha that the Tubu want to control the city,” Omar, a resident of Sebha who preferred not to give his full name, told IRIN. “So the people of Sebha, who have always been prejudiced against the Tubu, attacked their areas.”

The discourse over who is truly Libyan and who is an outsider underlies multiple conflicting accounts of the Sebha clashes and larger identity politics in the region.

The city, home [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html  ] to about 210,000 people, has long served as a hub and transit point for migrants entering the southern borders, often illegally, from Niger, Chad and other countries. As increasing numbers of Tubu arrived in Sebha to support their people during the clashes, the conflict escalated, and xenophobic fears of foreigners led to some cases of arbitrary arrests of African migrants from neighbouring countries like Chad.

“Not all the Tubu are Libyan. Libyans are welcome here, but outsiders are not,” said Mohamed Shahhat, a member of the local council in Sebha, from the Awlad Sulayman tribe. “There are rumours around that Tubu have their nation in the south of Libya. We are afraid of a situation similar to what is happening in Mali where the Tuareg are trying to establish their country. The Tubu are not just a tribe, they are a nation.”

While the Awlad Sulayman express fears of a Tubu takeover, the Qaddadfa and Awlad Sulayman are among the most prominent tribes in Sebha. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ] Many of the latter were allied to the Gaddafi regime, while others fought on the rebel side during the uprising. In the four months after Sebha was liberated, residents of Sebha allege that Awlad Sulayman militias took control of the city and that crimes were committed.

Members of the Awlad Sulayman were reluctant to talk to IRIN about their involvement in the conflict or to give interviews with those whose relatives were killed.

Ayoub al-Zarooq said the Awlad Sulayman may have their own ambitions to assume control of the area around Sebha. “Many of the militias are from Awlad Sulayman. The street talk is that they want to control the city and perhaps even the south of Libya,” he said.

It is difficult to say who truly holds power here, according to Bill Lawrence, director of the North Africa Project of International Crisis Group (ICG). "Certain districts in and around Sebha are controlled more by one group or another, and certainly Awlad Sulayman have had the upper hand, but I would not say that one or another group truly holds power, especially after the revolution which made things murkier," he said.

Security south of the city

Both the Tubu and the Awlad Sulayman have lived side by side for decades and both inhabit regions that extend beyond Libya’s borders. It is in these border regions where migrants and smuggled goods make their way north that the conflict which spread to Sebha is said to have originated. “They say the fight started here in Sebha, but in fact, trafficking and smuggling routes are in control of these two groups,” said Omar. “And each one pays the other. This is where the fight actually began, on the border.”

Ahmad Naas Mohamed, a member of the local council from the Abu Seif tribe, denied these claims. “Awlad Sulayman are not controlling the border areas, they are just doing some commerce there," he said. "It is the Tubu who are in control.”

Adam Ahmad of Tayuri local council said much of the southern border region is controlled by the Tubu, but that the Awlad Sulayman may also have their own trafficking routes. Al-Zarooq said the borders presented the greatest security challenge to the southern region, and stability in Sebha would largely depend on securing these regions.

"Stability depends in part on dialogue between the communities and the ability of leaders to avert the worst," ICG's Lawrence said. "Eventually, the overall stability of Libya and these regions will depend on issues of legitimacy and governance and service delivery."

The government has said it will investigate the Sebha clashes, but military governor Abu Khamada said it will take time and facts are hard to gather.

Meanwhile, the residents of Al-Hijara are still waiting for justice. Yusuf Said, a young Tubu who said his mother was killed in the local hospital during the conflict, believes the Tubu must be ready to defend themselves again.

“We consider the war is not over,” he said.

zm/eo/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95446</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Global Fund will have US$1.6 billion more</title><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291150590936t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.

The new funds are a result of "strategic decisions made by the Board, freeing up funds that can be invested in countries where there is the most pressing demand", a statement by the Fund said. [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/mediacenter/pressreleases/2012-05-09_Global_Fund_Forecasts_USD_1_6_billion_in_Available_Funds_for_2012_2014_Major_Shift_Reflects_Strategic_Choices_by_Board_Renewed_Confidence/] Organizational changes have brought "improved financial supervision and overall efficiency"; for instance, the Fund has cut its staff by 7.4 percent. In addition, it has received new donations recently, including $750 from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and $340 million from Japan.

Poor funding in 2011 forced the Fund to make an unprecedented decision to cancel its 11th round of funding, [http://www.plusnews.org/Report/94293/HIV-AIDS-Global-Fund-cancels-funding ] raising fears that gains made in the fight HIV would be lost. Some $616 million in grant requests is now being considered by the Technical Review Panel.

UNAIDS said the money would allow countries and communities to take the lead in determining their priorities to meet the targets of the 2011 UN Political Declaration on AIDS [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/92940/HIV-AIDS-UN-High-Level-Meeting-on-AIDS-where-to-from-here ].

"This ushers in a new era for the Global Fund and I am pleased to see that it is opening the door to new partnerships," Michel Sidibé, executive director of UNAIDS, said in a statement. [http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/pressreleaseandstatementarchive/2012/may/20120509psglobalfund/ ] "The Global Fund must keep firmly focused on country successes, and continue to leverage resources to ensure that countries can reach their goals and that more lives are saved."

The international NGO, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), welcomed the new money but cautioned that the Fund must stick to country-driven, needs-driven and demand-driven programming. Sharonann Lynch, HIV policy advisor to MSF International, urged the Global Fund, which will have its 26th board meeting in Geneva, Switzerland, on 10 and 11 May, to adhere to its founding principle of saving lives.

"The Global Fund will deliberate on whether it can afford to open a new funding window this year [2012]. MSF demands that it does so as quickly as possible - we can't afford to waste more time and squander the opportunity to save lives and prevent new infections," Lynch told IRIN/PlusNews.

"The funding window must be made available to all poor countries affected - the fear is that rushed reform within the Global Fund could lead to new strategies where it cherry-picks countries and interventions under the guise of poor funding.”

The Global Fund is one of the largest contributors to the fight against HIV, TB and malaria, and by 2010 was disbursing $3.5 billion annually. It has supported about 40 percent of all HIV treatment in developing countries and much of the care in middle-income nations such as China and India. More than two-thirds of the world’s malaria prevention and treatment, and three-quarters of all tuberculosis efforts, now depend on it.

"Countries that implement our grants are saving more and more people, but demand for services is still enormous,” said Gabriel Jaramillo, who became General Manager of the Global Fund in February 2012. “With more money, we can save more lives."

kr/he 
	
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95434</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291150590936t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Alarm bells over worsening humanitarian crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty. 
 
“The humanitarian crisis in Yemen has reached a level where it affects millions of people, not only internally displaced people, refugees, and migrants, but also ordinary Yemeni families in all areas,” said a joint statement by international humanitarian actors, including UN agencies, the League of Arab States, and the Organisation of Islamic Conference, after a 6 May meeting in the Egyptian capital, Cairo. 
 
Over the last two months, nearly 95,000 people have been forced to leave their homes as a result of two new conflicts. Since mid-February, an estimated 56,000 people (8,000 families) have been displaced in the south from Abyan Governorate, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). In the north, an estimated 38,000 people (5,500 families) have been displaced in Hajjah Governorate alone.
 
“Addressing the humanitarian needs of all these families is key to bringing stability back to Yemen and avoiding further deterioration,” the statement emphasized.
 
Raul Rosende, the head of OCHA in Yemen, told IRIN: “In 2011, the humanitarian situation in Yemen was bad. In 2012, things are worse. We have seen deterioration in the main indicators, and this is why we need to improve our humanitarian response.”
 
According to OCHA, some 44 percent of Yemen’s population - over 10 million people - are food insecure. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Yemen%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20issue%202%20-%205%20April%202012.pdf ] Of that number, five million cannot produce or buy enough food. In Al Bayda Governorate, over 60 percent of the population are food insecure. 
 
Alarm bells
 
Aid workers partly blame the situation on insecurity. More than 900 schools have closed, while damage to the health infrastructure and lack of vaccines and medicines has left a large number of children vulnerable to diseases like diarrhoea, cholera, polio and measles. 
 
“This is a major humanitarian crisis,” said Lubna Alaman, the World Food Programme (WFP) country director. “We do not want to see the children dying.”
 
Most of the recently displaced families were forced out of their homes at short notice when fighting came close to their communities. “It is likely that these 13,500 new IDPs [internally displaced persons]… will remain displaced for a protracted period, possibly years,” OCHA said.
 
In Abyan, fighting between government forces and the militant Ansar Al Sharia group has intensified, said the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Recent clashes in Lawdar (Abyan) have left hundreds of casualties and triggered a new wave of displacement. In Khanfar, people are leaving their homes because they fear more violence.
 
"The current security situation has hampered our access to certain areas, mainly in Abyan, and is making our work more difficult," Yehia Khalil, the head of the ICRC sub-delegation in Aden, said on 3 May. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/494213 ] "The intense fighting has slowed our aid distributions in Abyan. We are concerned about the situation in Lawdar, to which we hope to soon gain access so that we can respond to humanitarian needs."
 
Civil society role
 
At the Cairo meeting, humanitarian actors called for active involvement by Yemeni civil society in the humanitarian development agenda, but civil society activists said they have been largely ignored by international donor and humanitarian organizations. 
 
“These organizations prefer to deal directly with beneficiaries on the ground,” said Ahmed Al Sharaji, a Yemeni civil society activist. “Apart from weakening local NGOs, this contributes to exacerbating the humanitarian problems in Yemen.” 
 
He said local NGOs were better equipped to know the needs of the Yemenis, and that is why they should partner with international organizations. He claimed that one humanitarian organization had spent a large amount of money on diapers for children, not knowing that diapers are rarely used in Yemen. 
 
Funding for the humanitarian response has remained low. Of the US$1.5 billion needed to respond to humanitarian necessities, only a fraction has arrived, said Hany Al Bana, the president of the Humanitarian Forum, which co-organized the Cairo meeting. 
 
According to OCHA, the Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan is 20 percent funded, amounting to approximately $88 million. A funding gap of $360 million remains. 
 
“I think it is high time the affluent neighbours of Yemen came forward and contributed,” said Naveed Hussain, the representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Yemen. “If this does not happen, the humanitarian crisis can lead to further political instability.”
 
The Cairo meeting put together a list of recommendations that will be presented to governments at a Friends of Yemen conference in the Saudi Arabian capital, Riyadh, on 23 May.
 
Participants at Cairo promised that “We, the humanitarian community, commit to maintain and scale up our activities in order not to repeat the mistake of ‘too little too late' that we saw in the Horn of Africa.” 
 
ae/eo/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95429</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202161057380717t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - Yemen is heading for a major humanitarian crisis unless relief organizations quickly boost their response capacity, and donors, including wealthy neighbours, provide much-needed funding to contain rising malnutrition, disease and poverty.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Detained migrants face harsh conditions, legal limbo</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.

“I’ve been here for four months,” Mansour told IRIN. “I left Mogadishu in August last year and was arrested in Kufra before they brought me here. Some of us have documents, but they are still being kept in Kufra.” The desert town of Kufra, lies at a point where the borders of Egypt, Chad and Sudan meet.

In another room, 36 men, mainly Egyptians, occupy one room. “We were in Libya even before the revolution, but afterwards, people with and without documents were rounded up,” said one who used to work as a cook in Benghazi before he was detained. Benghazi was a key stronghold of the opposition forces that toppled Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in 2011.

During Libya’s uprising, a number of sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of working as mercenaries for Gaddafi. In the absence of any formal justice system, with militia groups in control of large areas of the country, and with anti-African sentiment pervasive in Libya, many were beaten and detained. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/09/04/libya-stop-arbitrary-arrests-black-africans ]

The authorities at Ganfouda say the migrants currently being held were not accused of being mercenaries, but were locked up for having no documents, or expired papers and fake visas. There are around 400 people in the centre, including 150 Somalis, 100 Bangladeshis and others from Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Nigeria, Ghana, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The conditions are harsh. Garbage lies scattered in the hallways of one of the buildings; detainees eat, sleep and use the toilet all in the same room. The food, which authorities say is provided three times a day, consists of one large bowl of spaghetti shared between groups of five people.

“The policy that they are applying is to round people up whether here in Benghazi or in Kufra and to put them in detention, sometimes even up to 1,800 people, that the centre cannot cope with it,” Yolande Ditewig, the head of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) sub-office in Benghazi told IRIN. “By putting people in detention, you create a humanitarian situation if you don’t have the funds to take care of people. Many countries put migrants in detention, but here there are no facilities to provide for them, for the food and bringing the sanitation up to standards.”

The number of detention centres before the uprising was estimated at between 18 and 24 according to Samuel Cheung, Senior Protection Officer for UNHCR. Current figures are unknown. The Ganfouda authorities complained that the government is not providing any assistance. “We have no support. These computers are from my own house. I have not been paid since October 2011, but I do this as a volunteer, because I love Libya,” said Ahmad Mansour Shekey, a guard at the centre.

Part of the problem is that the Ministry of Interior has not been able to take control of the centres. They are managed by groups of individuals whose allegiance is often unknown. According to UNHCR, the management of Ganfouda has changed four times in the past six months and is not under any particular government unit.

Lack of Legal Framework

It also appears to work as a local labour office, with some migrants allowed out to work, despite the fact that under Article 3 of Libya’s law on illegal migration dating back to the period before the uprising, anyone who employs an illegal migrant is liable to a one thousand dinar (US$800) fine.

“People sometimes ask us to work on their farms, and we do for a few months. But then we are taken back to the detention centre,” Hassan,* an Egyptian migrant told IRIN. “I was taken to work as an agricultural labourer for about 300 dinars a month ($240). If we go out to work, why can’t we just be released? Why do we have to come back here again to the centre?”

A Somali migrant, Abdul Mahmoud,* also said he had been taken out to work on a construction site and then brought back to the centre. Another said he had worked on a farm and was paid 200 dinars a month ($160).

“We are certainly concerned about labour exploitation, and abuse,” said Cheung. “There are some unconfirmed reports of migrants not receiving their wages, or their wages used for the upkeep of the centre. But then at times, detention centres also do release people to work and give them the chance to get regularized.”

In the 1990s, Libya encouraged migration from sub-Saharan Africa to fill a need for unskilled labour in the country.  But subsequent years saw an increase in domestic anti-immigrant sentiment, leading to widespread attacks on sub-Saharan African migrants and intermittent forced repatriation to their countries of origin. Under Gadaffi there was also growing cooperation with the EU to stem migration into Europe.  

There is currently no legal framework to differentiate between economic migrants and asylum seekers. And as the country grapples with consolidating a formal government structure, there appears to be no clear plan on the issue of the migrants.

“There is no asylum framework, no legal system to deal with this problem,” said Ditewig. “If you arrest someone, you need to sort out whether he is a migrant or an asylum seeker. If it is determined that he is a refugee, then it’s better to give him documents and let him go. And if not, then you decide whether you want to give him a work permit, or deport him.”

Those manning the Ganfouda centre say the primary objective of detaining migrants is to prevent them from crossing the sea to Europe. While Libya is well known as a transit route, it has also for a long time been a destination country for economic migrants, and many in Ganfouda say they want to stay in Libya to work.

“I paid US$300 to come across the desert through Niger. Many died on the way from thirst,” Fever Okoro, a Nigerian detainee, told IRIN. “I want to stay here and practice my profession as a welder. Here there are opportunities.”

Government officials, however, do not believe that illegal migrants are coming to Libya for employment. “We want them to work, but they don’t want to. They just want a chance to get to Europe,” General Issa Hammad, head of the Security and Immigration section of the Interior Ministry told IRIN. “Even the Ghanaians and Nigerians, they often stay here for a while, but eventually they too want to go to Europe.”

As for migrants seeking refuge from political upheavals, Hammad thinks solutions must be found in their countries of origin. “For nationalities like the Somalis, a solution must be found so that they can stay in their own countries,” he said, “Otherwise, the best solution is to keep them in the centres. If not, we have to keep rescuing them from the sea.”

He appeared to be unaware that migrants in Ganfouda were being employed locally. “That is illegal. Under Libyan laws, you cannot have contracts with people who are arrested,” he said. “Maybe they are accepting to work for low wages, just to get out of the centre, and then run away.”

In all of Libya’s major cities, migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Bangladesh, Egypt and other countries were employed as cleaners, construction and agricultural labourers and domestic workers, professions that Libyans are reluctant to take up. The violence and upheaval triggered by the 2011 uprising forced 790,000 home, representing what the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) describes as “one of the largest migration crises in modern history”.

A recent report [ http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/index.php?main_page=product_info&cPath=41_7&products_id=785 ] by IOM concludes that “Libya may encounter serious economic and social problems if it cannot attract both skilled and low-skilled migrants to help rebuild the country.”

Libya is going through a time of redefining itself,” said Cheung. “The new government is still looking at its labour market rules. Some readjustments will certainly take place on migration policies.”

*Not their real names

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95403</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Blame game defers solution to Gaza&apos;s energy crisis</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211209040630t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.

To make a living on the sea, Madlene Kollab needs 20 litres of fuel each day. Unable to afford that, the Gaza Strip's only fisherwoman has seen her catch halve to just 1.5 kilos per day. "I [began] fishing with my father when I was six years old, but without fuel I can hardly survive."

The 10-week fuel crisis has hit power generation, with Gaza's diesel-fired power station forced to make daily electricity cuts lasting for up to 12 hours.

Thabit Tarturi, who runs a beach-side restaurant in Gaza City, is seeing his earnings eaten up by the cost of the fuel needed to run his generators.  “There is absolutely no profit at the moment. Our only [earnings go to] food and survival, that’s it,” he told IRIN.

The power cuts are also "disrupting the delivery of basic services, including water and healthcare”, Ramesh Rajasingham, head of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the oPt has warned. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ]

Gaza’s only power station was forced to shut down on 14 February due to the lack of fuel, which has previously been imported in amounts of up to one million litres a day, smuggled through underground tunnels from the Egyptian border post of Rafah.  OCHA estimates that less than 100,000 litres is now arriving.

The dramatic fall-off is reportedly linked to a clampdown by the Egyptian authorities on smuggling in the Sinai Peninsula by Bedouin tribes, who took advantage of the insecurity following the fall of Hosni Mubarak to extend their criminal influence. The fuel is pumped from trucks on the Egyptian side into Gaza through pipes in the tunnels.

The Hamas government in Gaza began to use the tunnels after Israel imposed a tight blockade on the Strip in mid-2007. Despite the easing of restrictions by Israel in 2010, that trade has continued as fuel from Egypt is significantly cheaper. Two kinds of tunnels exist: those that are taxed and controlled by Hamas, and the others which are non-affiliated. But in both cases, "the electrical connections are courtesy of Rafah municipality, to which the smugglers pay a license fee", according to Foreign Policy magazine. [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/03/16/gazas_tragically_peculiar_economy ]

Solution?

A sustainable solution to the current crisis means agreement among the four main players: Hamas, the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel and Egypt.

On 13 April, Egypt brokered a deal in which Hamas would channel money to an Israeli company through the PA, given that Israel has no direct links with Hamas. Upon payment, the Israeli company would deliver fuel through the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza. So far, about US$8.9 million has been paid, Palestinian officials in Ramallah said.

As a result,  some 6.1 million litres of fuel in 13 separate consignments have been delivered to the Gaza power plant via the Kerem Shalom crossing between 4-23 April, according to OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_04_13_english.pdf ]. Fuel brought in from Israel is twice as expensive as that smuggled from Egypt.

The Gaza power station requires more than 400,000 litres of diesel a day, and currently operates just two of its four turbines, producing 35 megawatts (MW) instead of 80-85 MW. It has managed to reduce power outages from the 18 hours a day that prevailed in February and March.

But “a legitimate solution for the transfer of sufficient fuel is imperative to ensure that the most basic services can be maintained", said OCHA's Rajasingham.

In its absence, humanitarian efforts have brought some short-term relief. A delivery of 150,000 litres of fuel by the International Committee of the Red Cross on 2 April restored the fuel reserves of Gaza's  hospitals for an estimated two more weeks.

“The current agreement is not a long term solution. It only serves the people of Gaza until other solutions are in place," said a senior PA official, Ghassan Khatib.

According to Khatib, only the terms of a previous agreement between Egypt and Hamas, announced on 23 February [ http://reliefweb.int/node/487472 ], could provide a sustainable solution. “This includes building a gas pipeline from Egypt to the Gaza Strip and linking the two electricity grids with each other. But this will take at least eight months.”

However, the conditions under which this agreement will be implemented, if at all, [ http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/35219/Egypt/Politics-/Hamas-Egypt-to-supply-Gaza-Strip-with-fuel-for-ele.aspx ] remain unclear.

Blame game

“Each side in this game is trying to pressure the other, and Egypt is in the middle of it, trying to solve the problem. But Egypt is also cautious and angry about Hamas, because smuggling through the tunnels has caused troubles in Egypt,” Abdel Monem Saed, president of the Egyptian Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, told IRIN, adding: “Multiple parties are involved in the same problem and that makes it all complicated.”

The Egyptian government is reluctant to accept responsibility for Gaza’s energy crisis, but rather holds Israel responsible as it controls the main entry point to the territory at Karem Shalom, said Sami Abu Sultan, a humanitarian aid worker from Gaza. “It is clear for Egypt that Israel is trying to push the responsibility about Gaza towards it.”

Hamas objects to a solution involving Israel, arguing that this could give Israel the opportunity to cut supplies in times of political tension [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/22/us-palestinians-fuel-idUSBRE82L13720120322 ]. Instead, it wants direct trade with Egypt via the Rafah crossing, according to Ahmad Abu Al-Amreen, spokesperson of the Energy Authority in the Gaza Strip.

Analysts think that is unlikely to happen. “Egypt has no interest in delivering fuel directly to the Gaza Strip via the Rafah crossing or the underground tunnels. Rafah is a crossing for persons, not for goods. And the tunnels are not an acceptable way of transfer,” said Monem Saed.

Amreen said some fuel was also expected from Qatar. "A ship loaded with about 30 million liters of fuel as a donation from Qatar is currently waiting at Suez port...Negotiations with Egypt are underway to facilitate the delivery to the Gaza Strip."

Meanwhile, Egyptian parliamentarians are also exerting some pressure. “We, in the Egyptian parliament, are trying to pressure the government to act for the sake of the people in Gaza. I believe that Rafah is an option, simply because it’s the quickest way,” Sayed Majida, chairman of the parliamentary energy committee, told IRIN.

A direct deal between Egypt and Hamas is also supported by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which denies any responsibility for the energy crisis. That deal, observers believe, is in line with Israel's shared interest with Egypt on threats to stability coming out of Gaza.

“We are not at all involved in this crisis. We bear no responsibility and we think that fuel should be supplied to Gaza directly from Egypt. That would make things a lot easier,” said Yigal Primor, spokesperson of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

“All players have roles in this crisis," Samer Zaqot, field work coordinator at Al-Mezan Centre for Human Rights in Gaza, told IRIN . "But if we go back to the roots, we need to ask why Hamas decided to become dependent on smuggled fuel from Egypt.”

ah/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95395</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211209040630t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Thousands still afraid to return home</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi's government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.

“We want to go back but cannot,” said Abdul Aziz al-Irwi, who lives in Sidi Slim camp in the capital, Tripoli.  "Some people from another camp tried to return about two months ago, but about seven of them were captured by forces from Zintan and imprisoned.”

Al-Irwi is from the Mshashiya community, an ethnic group from the Nefusa Mountains in Western Libya who were targeted during the uprising by opposition fighters from Zintan, allegedly for being allied with pro-Gaddafi forces. Zintan is a small city also located in the Nefusa Mountains area.

“I am here because Gaddafi’s forces came to the town of Mshashya, so we had to leave," he told IRIN. "They used our town to bomb other areas. We went to Gharyan, and then came to Tripoli.” 

Records from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, show that an estimated 14,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were living in Tripoli as of March. Across Libya, the total number of those still displaced is estimated at 70,000.

Apart from the Mshashiya, others included the Qawalish, also from the Nefusa Mountains, the Tawergha, a group of Touareg families from the west, and those perceived as being loyal to the previous regime from al-Zawiya, Bani Walid and Sirte. 

A sizeable group of the displaced living in Tripoli and Benghazi cities were Tawergha. They were accused of participating in Gaddafi’s assault on Misrata, murdering and raping thousands of people. Reprisal attacks ensued, forcing their entire town of more than 30,000 to flee their homes.  Today, the Tawergha-Misrata case remains a particularly sensitive one in post-Gaddafi Libya. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94455/LIBYA-Rocky-road-ahead-for-Libya-s-Tawergha-minority ]

Until recently, the dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - lived in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of Tripoli. With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. The sign leading to their city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return. 

Needs and security

According to UNHCR, an estimated 100-150,000 people were displaced in October 2011, but that number has reduced progressively with many returning to their communities, including in Bani Walid and Sirte. 

Camp managers at Sidi Slim say conditions are difficult, and the monthly supply of food delivered by agencies and Libaid, the humanitarian arm of the Libyan government, is not enough for each family. 

“In our opinion, food is not a problem,” Muftah M Etwilb, the Chief Executive Officer of Libaid, told IRIN. “There are other needs like education, health and protection. Health is free of charge for all Libyans, but still some people in the camp need immediate services from a dispensary. The other issue is proper housing. We are trying to get the government to provide alternative housing since some of these camps are owned by international companies.” 

Providing protection for the displaced communities, particularly from armed militias still roaming the main cities, remains one of the biggest challenges to date for the transitional government. 

“Since August 2011, we have been subjected to arbitrary attacks and detention,” Abdelrahman Mahmoud, head of the Local Council of the Tawergha in Tripoli, told IRIN. “If Tripoli is safe, then the camps are safe, but if it is not, then we are not safe,” 

In February, militias raided the Marine Academy where about 2,000 Tawergha had taken shelter, killing seven people and abducting three men. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/05/libya-bolster-security-tawergha-camps ] Witnesses claim the militias were from Misrata. 

“The guards from the Marine Academy didn’t have any weapons. When the Misrata brigades came in with weapons, they just moved aside,” Emmanuel Gignac, UNHCR head of mission told IRIN. “What you see now is individual cases inside or outside camps, for instance the Tawergha, including kidnapping for ransom. You can attack people from Tawergha and there is total impunity.”

Amnesty International and other groups have also documented testimonies from among the Mshashiya and Qawalish in Tripoli, who say they were detained and tortured by militias.

Responsibility 

A common refrain heard among agencies and ordinary Libyans is that the government needs to assume responsibility for a host of problems, and internal displacement is no exception. To address the humanitarian needs of IDPs across the country, Libaid is organizing a national conference in May involving government ministries, agencies and representatives of the displaced.  

“It is not exactly a neglected issue, but it’s not the number one priority in Libya. People also have to deal with security, and with the upcoming elections,” said Etwilb. “But we want to make the IDP issue visible on the day-to-day agenda of the government.” 

Contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Social Affairs said:  “We have made available a fund of 400 dinar [US$ 320] a month for people who wish to rent a house outside the camps,” Naima Etaher said. “Concerning the non-Tawergha people, a lot of their houses were not destroyed, and it’s safe to go back, but they just stay in these camps to take advantage of the government.” 

But families in Sidi Slim camp saw things differently. 

In the sweltering heat of a room occupied by a Mshashiya family, people gather to look at footage on a mobile phone which they claim is of destroyed buildings in their home town. “I want to go back. We have been in Mshashiya for over 1,200 years,” said Khalifa Saad Mabrouk, tracing on the floor with his finger what his farm looks like. “I have my trees there, and my houses, my land.” 

When asked if remaining in Tripoli or moving elsewhere would be a solution, Mabrouk and his family were unequivocal. “Absolutely not. Even if conditions here are okay, we want to go home.” 

Reconciliation

What has still not been addressed, and will determine when people might return to their abandoned homes, are the underlying political tensions fueling animosity between different groups and deterring reconciliation, say observers. 

The upcoming conference organized by Libaid is aimed at dealing with the short-term humanitarian needs of displaced populations, but not the political issues. “We try not to politicize the conference,” said Etwilb. “There is a risk if we just make it very open.” 

Likewise, the “Reconciliation committees”, set up by recently by the government to restore relations between different communities, can only deal with minor disputes. “We are trying to get people out of prison, but we are not able to do much for people who killed, raped or stole,” Naji Regebi, a member of one of the committees, told IRIN. “The more serious issues will have to go to the justice system.” 

Some Tawergha like Ismael Shaaban, an elder in Fallah Ladco camp in Tripoli, believe both sides should go to court.  “We will hand over anyone who is guilty to the Libyan government, but we also want people torturing and abusing Tawerghans to be brought to justice,”  he said.

Others like Khadija Absalaam (not real name), whose three sons she claims were detained in Misrata, are more skeptical. “We don’t want peace with the Misratans, we just want a wall between our two cities," she said. "We can live without communicating.” 

The Misratan Local Council, in response to concerns raised by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/11/misrata-local-council-response-human-rights-watch ] about widespread torture and crimes committed in detention centres and toward the Tawergha, denied responsibility saying: “Treatment in the city’s prisons is good….many accusations have been wrongly and falsely attributed to Misrata revolutionaries.”

For the Tawergha and Misratans, long-term reconciliation will need a fully functional formal justice process. But, given that the government is still “settling down” in the words of one official, that is not likely to occur until after the elections, scheduled to take place in June. And even then, true reconciliation on the ground is likely to take time. 

“Even if the humanitarian issues are dealt with by organisations, it is not enough,” said Gignac. “It is about coming to terms with the past and it is going to be a long process.” 

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95389</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Timeline of key events under new president</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.

The new president, Abdurabu Mansour Hadi, is struggling to restructure the army and rid it of relatives of former president Abdallah Saleh on the one hand, and key opposition leaders (his former adversaries) on the other. Meanwhile, the protests continue. Below is a timeline of key events during Hadi’s first 60 days in office:
25 February: At least 26 Republican Guard soldiers killed and more than 10 injured at a presidential palace in Mukalla city, Hadhramaut Governorate, just one hour after Hadi takes office.

27 February: Ex-president Ali Abdullah Saleh officially hands over power to Hadi at a ceremony in Sana’a in the presence of foreign diplomats and Yemeni dignitaries.

1 March: Thirty killed in sectarian clashes between Houthi-led Shia fighters and members of the Islamist Islah Party in Hajjah Governorate. 

2 March: Tens of thousands of protesters take to streets in Sana’a and other main cities on so-called “Friday of Restructuring the Army”, demanding the removal of Saleh’s relatives from their military and security posts. 

4 March: Four soldiers killed in clashes with Islamic militants in Beidha Governorate, some 250km southeast of Sana’a. 

5 March: Islamic militants storm a military camp in Abyan Governorate, leaving 185 soldiers dead and dozens of others injured; they loot heavy weapons including a tank and artillery pieces.

8 March: Seven killed in clashes between army members and Houthi fighters in Amran Governorate. 

9 March: Tens of thousands of protesters take to streets in 14 governorates, demanding Hadi begin restructuring the divided army. Twenty-six Islamic militants killed in air raids in Beidha Governorate. 

11 March: Gunmen in Marib Governorate attack the country’s main power plant and blow up an oil pipeline. 

12 March: One killed, six injured in clashes between police and armed members of the Southern Movement (SM) in Hadhramaut Governorate. 

13 March: Eight people, including four Republican Guard soldiers, killed and more than a dozen injured in a car suicide bombing in Beidha Governorate. 

16 March: Tens of thousands rally in Sana’a and other main cities, demanding removal of Saleh’s relatives from top posts in the military and security institutions, and the abolition of the law granting immunity to Saleh.

18 March: Hundreds of thousands demonstrate in Sana’a and other main cities, commemorating the first anniversary of “Friday of Dignity” when 52 protesters were killed in Sana’a.
 
19 March: Three killed and another dozen injured in clashes between police and SM gunmen in the southern city of Aden. 

22 March: Ten killed, several injured in landmine blasts in Kusher District, Hajjah Governorate, following clashes between Houthi fighters and armed tribesmen. 

23 March: Hundreds of thousands protest in Sana’a and other main cities on so-called Friday of “Executing killers of protesters is our demand”.

26 March: President Hadi makes a surprise visit to neighbouring Saudi Arabia, to get support for implementation of transitional reforms.

31 March: More than 28 soldiers killed, dozens injured or held captive by Islamic militants in Lahj Governorate. 

1 April: Seven soldiers ambushed, killed by Islamic militants in Hadhramaut. 

7 April: Hadi begins to remove some of Saleh’s relatives and defected leaders from their posts.

10 April: More than 100 soldiers killed in an attack by Islamic militants in Lawdar, Abyan. Another seven killed on the highway between Marib and Shabwa governorates. 

13 April: Tens of thousands of protesters in Sana’a and other main cities demand that Hadi remove other relatives of the ex-president from key posts in the military and security institutions.

15 April: Dismissed Air Force Commander Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar, who is a half-brother to the ex-president, given a 48-hour deadline to hand over to his successor Rashad al-Janad. The decision is supported by EU diplomats who meet Hadi. Tariq Saleh, nephew of the ex-president and commander of the Presidential Guard, refused to be moved to an Armoured Division in Hadhramaut.

16 April: Hundreds of Saleh supporters demonstrate in Sana’a, demanding his return to power. Speaking in front of hundreds of young supporters, Saleh said: “No one may surrender himself to death or liquidation”, giving a signal that his relatives should not be removed from their senior army and security posts. 

17 April: Dismissed commander al-Ahmar prevents demilitarization committee from accessing the Air Force Headquarters to arrange a handover to his successor. The issue is transferred to the UN Security Council, which is supervising the transition in Yemen.

18 April: UN Envoy Jamal Binomar visits Yemen to discuss the power transition process.

20 April: Tens of thousands of protesters take to the streets in most Yemeni cities demanding the prosecution of military leaders who refused Hadi’s orders on their dismissals.

24 April: Dismissed Air Force Commander Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar hands over to his successor.


Sources:

http://www.irinnews.org/Country/YE/Yemen
http://www.barakish.net
http://www.newsyemen.net 
http://www.yementimes.net 
http://www.al-tagheer.com
http://www.aljazeera.net 
Saeeda TV station 
Ministry of Interior
http://www.yemenfox.net 
Yemen Today TV station 
http://www.hajjah.net 
http://www.marebpress.net 
Yemen Polling Centre (local think-tank) 

ay/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95362</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Two months after Yemen’s new government was sworn in, violence in the south appears to be increasing with attacks and kidnappings blamed on militants, while more than 10 million people are food insecure and almost half a million internally displaced. The UN says at least 800,000 children are acutely malnourished.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: New UN response plan awaits government agreement</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.

The director of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, John Ging, presented the plan to governments, NGOs and regional organizations at a meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, the international platform used to discuss humanitarian concerns in Syria, on 20 April.

"Syria has recognized there are serious humanitarian needs and that urgent action is required," Ging said. "We now need to get agreement from the Syrian authorities to implement the Response Plan. In the meantime, we're mobilizing resources to make it happen."

The US$180 million plan includes dozens of projects to respond to the needs of one million people over six months, with the bulk of the money going towards food and health care, but also for the repair of basic services and to support livelihoods to avoid a descent into poverty by many Syrians affected by a deteriorating economy.

What began as peaceful protests against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in March 2011 has become an increasingly violent conflict between an armed opposition and government security forces, resulting in a death toll of more than 9,000, according to Robert Serry, UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, with many more injured or detained.

The head of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent has told IRIN there could be as many as 400,000 people displaced, and the International Committee of the Red Cross says there is a “continuous flow” of people leaving their homes in search of safety, some of them living in schools, mosques and churches.
 
The response plan comes after a nine-day government-led assessment in March of areas affected by the unrest. The government has not accepted the UN figure that one million people are in need in Syria.

"We don't have any crisis in Syria; it is not Somalia," Syria's ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Faysal Khabbaz Hamoui, told reporters after the 20 April meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, according to Reuters. [ http://af.reuters.com/article/commoditiesNews/idAFL6E8FK6LC20120420?sp=true ] State media has often said there is no problem in Syria except for the “terrorists” it blames for the violence.

In recent days, however, the government has become increasingly willing to recognize humanitarian needs in the country, with al-Assad and his first lady appearing on state TV packing food parcels for distribution.

But the government insists the state should lead humanitarian assistance.

Syrian Arab Red Crescent

“The government is concerned about a number of things,” Valerie Amos, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, told IRIN in an interview on 5 April. “They are keen that any help in country comes from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. Their capacity is already stretched, and they need support. So getting additional supplies in, but also getting additional capacity on the ground, is critical.”

The Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) has been trying to shake off perceptions among some donors of partiality, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ] and while international aid agencies have commended SARC for “outstanding” work in extremely difficult circumstances, they insist other agencies must be allowed in to help share the burden.

There were international aid agencies in Syria before the unrest, but their roles have largely been limited to helping Iraqi refugees and other developmental projects, unrelated to the current situation.

“We have put some very clear proposals,” Amos said. “The government has come back. They have said they want the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead. We are happy for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead, but we need additional capacity on the ground.”

The release of this response plan comes amid those negotiations with the government. The UN says they wanted to share the plan with donors so that there was no delay when approval for implementation is given.

Observers say going ahead with its release without government buy-in was a bit of a gamble: it could pressure Damascus to move more quickly to ensure humanitarian access; but could also backfire by raising the government’s defences.

Either way, the UN is well aware the plan’s success depends on the government’s consent, including its willingness to quickly issue visas to aid workers, clear shipments at customs and allow the UN to set up field offices.

Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, told IRIN the Red Crescent has already been in discussions with UN agencies like the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the World Food Programme, to coordinate the implementation of the response plan, but said he did not have information about whether the government had agreed to it.

A separate $84 million plan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] by UNHCR to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan has been funded at less than 20 percent since it was launched at the end of March.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95332</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Syria’s forgotten refugees</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705152t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind. She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind.
 
She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.
 
“It was as if there was a war in my home,” she recounted.
 
She could not move; could not breathe; could not do anything. Militias killed nine members of her family that day, while she stood in the other room, effectively paralysed.
 
Those were the early days of sectarian warfare in Iraq. Tens of thousands of other deaths would follow over the course of the next two years.
 
***Samia told IRIN her story [ http://irinnews.org/Report/95338/Samia-Why-can-t-they-just-take-us-out-of-here ] years later from the rural suburbs of the Syrian capital, Damascus, where she now lives as a refugee with her husband and two of her children.
 
She is desperate to get out of Syria, where she says she continues to receive threats from across the border in Iraq.
 
“Until now, I get calls saying if you come back, we will kill you,” she said.
 
The current unrest in Syria has only made things worse - food prices have risen, she is reliving memories of war, and worst of all, her family’s resettlement in the USA has been indefinitely stalled, with limited alternatives for leaving Syria if the situation there continues to deteriorate.
 
While the world focuses on the tens of thousands of Syrian refugees fleeing an increasingly violent conflict between the government and opposition forces, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis in Syria - the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - have been all but forgotten. The 102,000 registered refugees, amid a government estimate of 1 million Iraqis in total, now face a more uncertain future than ever - and some of them are crying out for help.
 
“Please,” Samia begged this IRIN reporter, “Consider me your mother. Do something to help me. Let our voices reach America…Why can’t they just take us out of here?”
 
Flight from Syria
 
Until now, there has been no mass departure of Iraqi refugees from Syria. But according to government figures, in 2011, 67,000 Iraqis in Syria returned to an Iraq which, while significantly safer than in 2006-7, is still one of the most dangerous places in the world. That number is a significant jump from previous years: In 2009 and 2010 combined, the number of returns from Syria was less than half that, according to statistics recorded by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the Iraqi Ministry of Displacement and Migration.
 
The number of Iraqi refugees in Syria is expected to keep dropping, with the overall registered refugee population expected to be 90,000 in the course of 2012, down from 127,859 in January 2011, according to international community’s 2012 Response Plan for Iraq. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_604.pdf ]
 
One senior aid worker told IRIN most of these returns have been willing, voluntary and ultimately “the best solution”.
 
But the Brookings Institution, calls their return “premature” [ http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2012/0227_syria_humanitarian_ferris.aspx ] and a survey [ http://www.unhcr.org/4caf376c6.html ] by UNHCR just before the unrest in Syria started found that most refugees in Syria were still unwilling to return home permanently.
 
“In situations like this, often, refugees have to decide between two difficult situations and they will have to decide which is the least problematic,” Panos Moumtzis, UNHCR’s newly-appointed regional coordinator for the Syria crisis, told IRIN last month.
 
Much smaller numbers of Iraqis in Syria have fled a second time - into Turkey, and to a lesser extent Lebanon and Jordan, where entry poses some challenges.
 
Struggling to survive economically
 
Most Iraqis in Syria live in Damascus and the business capital, Aleppo, relatively unaffected by the violence in Syria, which has killed an estimated 9,000 Syrians since March 2011. Thus “they have continued to enjoy relative stability and peace,” Moumtzis said.
 
Until now, UNHCR has been able to continue its regular assistance programmes for Iraqi refugees, even in places as far as Hassakah, in the northeast.
 
But the devaluation of the Syrian currency, sanctions and a deepening economic crisis in Syria have affected everyone, including refugees who were economically vulnerable to begin with and who are forbidden from legal work as refugees in Syria.
 
The vast majority of the Iraqi refugee population in Syria gets food assistance, which UNHCR says has helped to stave off negative coping mechanisms and keep malnutrition at bay, but refugees say they are eating less and even selling food to make ends meet.
 
Mohamed*, an Iraqi refugee in the northern Syrian city of Halab, receives 10,500 Syrian pounds a month (about $183) for his family of seven as a food allowance from UNHCR; but the bill for rent, water and electricity is higher. And as food and gas prices have more than doubled in some cases, his family has been forced to change their eating habits, eating one loaf of bread per day instead of two, for example.
 
His family depends on remittances - now affected by the devaluation of the Syrian currency - from family in Iraq to survive. UNHCR recently increased the food allowance from 1,100 to 1,500 pounds per person per month (about $19 to 26); and intends to increase cash assistance for the most vulnerable by 40 percent to compensate for the increase in prices.
 
Samia, in rural Damascus, says her family sells the food they receive from the World Food Programme in order to pay rent and carry them over until the end of the month.
 
“I try to manage, scraping a bit from here, a bit from there to make ends. Only God knows how much I’m suffering,” she said.
 
Her daughter has lost significant weight, she said, and the family has reduced its food intake to basics like bread, tomatoes and oil, refraining from fruit, chicken, cheese and other perceived luxuries.
 
Forbidden from formal employment in Syria, most Iraqis work in the informal sector - in hotels or in tourism - an industry hard-hit by the unrest. During a UNHCR survey of more than 800 refugees in February, 40 percent of respondents reported a decrease in their monthly income, and 13 percent had lost their employment altogether, Helene Daubelcour, UNHCR spokesperson in Syria, told IRIN. Ninety percent of them said they had higher food expenditures.
 
According to UNHCR, about 10,000 Iraqi refugees were living in hot spots like Homs, Dera’a and areas of rural Damascus (Harasta, Zabadani, Duma) when the Syrian conflict began. About half of them have since moved to other areas of the country, displaced once again and in need of more assistance.
 
Their secondary displacement has also driven up rent prices, as the pressure on the availability of accommodation increase.
 
“You see the domino effect,” Daubelcour said.
 
At a roundtable discussion [ https://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/events/2012/0224_iraq_displacement/Event%20Report.pdf ] hosted by the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement and the International Rescue Committee in February, participants pointed to tensions between Iraqi refugees and displaced Syrians as they compete for diminishing resources.
 
Re-traumatization
 
More than direct violence, refugees in Syria are at risk of re-traumatization, with 78 percent of refugees surveyed by UNHCR saying the current situation had had a negative impact on their mental and physical well-being, including nightmares and recollections of the past. The anxiety has led to an increase in domestic violence, Daubelcour said.
 
“We feel that what happened in Iraq could happen again,” said Mohamed, who says he was kidnapped and tortured by the Mahdi Army, a Shia militant group, in May 2006.
 
“I’m afraid of everything around me,” said Samia, the Iraqi who was in the other room when her family was killed.
 
In response, UNHCR has further developed its psychosocial support and counselling.
 
Of the 1,600 Iraqis from Syria who registered with UNHCR in Turkey, most said they did not feel safe.
 
“[They said] they already went through this once in Iraq and they have no intention whatsoever of waiting for it to hit them more particularly,” one senior aid worker in Turkey told IRIN. “It seems to be that they are leaving pre-emptively.”
 
Stuck in Syria
 
The problem is that many of them cannot do so.
 
Some 18,000 Iraqi refugees who had already been accepted for resettlement to a third country or were awaiting interviews, have had their files frozen. Initially delayed due to new US security procedures, the cases have now been put on indefinite hold because resettlement countries have had more difficulty conducting interviews amid the unrest.
 
Both Samia and Mohamed’s families have had their suitcases ready for months, believing they were to travel any day; others were reportedly turned back at the airport. They are now “stuck” in Syria until a solution is found.
 
“There are a lot who had the expectation of resettlement and will not be resettled any time soon,” said Andrew Harper, UNHCR representative in Jordan.
 
Refugee advocates have called for completing the process by video conference, but UNHCR representatives say that option, as well as the possibility of processing them in another country, is simply not manageable for such a large number of people.
 
“Frankly speaking,” said the aid worker based in Turkey, “I don’t think it is realistically doable.”
 
Nor would it necessarily be welcomed in neighbouring countries, which are themselves hosting Iraqi refugees and have resettlement processes of their own.
 
“Whether they jump the cue or not, that’s quite a sensitive issue,” the aid worker pointed out.
 
This has left people like Samia and Mohamed “between a rock and no place”, [ http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/24/world/middleeast/unrest-strands-iraqis-in-syria-awaiting-american-visas.html ] as the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project [http://refugeerights.org/ ] put it - unwilling to return to Iraq’s continued violence, uncomfortable with the rising insecurity and economic challenges in Syria, but unable to leave for fear of losing their chance at permanent resettlement elsewhere.
 
Mohamed said he was told that if he left for Jordan or Turkey, his case could be closed. UNHCR says there is no guarantee resettlement cases will be taken up at the same stage if refugees leave for another country.
 
“I don’t want to waste these years that I invested here and throw them away for nothing,” he told IRIN. “I spent six years here. There’s no way I’m going to start over again.”
 
Freedom of movement
 
Others don’t have the financial means to leave Syria in the first place.
 
“If we had any way of going elsewhere, we would have left,” Samia’s daughter, Zeinab*, told IRIN.
 
But the doors would not necessarily be open to them. Iraqis can get a visa for Turkey at the border, and have been able to enter Lebanon on tourist visas (about 100 have done so). But Jordan, which has opened its doors to fleeing Syrians, has all but closed the border to Iraqis, observers say, out of a fear that a mass influx of Iraqis would overrun the already strained infrastructure in their small country, already hosting many Iraqis from 2003 onwards.
 
“Of course, there are different considerations [for Iraqis],” Jordanian government spokesperson Rakan al-Majali recently told IRIN. “There are specific rules and regulations governing the entry of Iraqis which existed before the crisis in Syria and continue to exist.
 
“A humanitarian situation does not justify breaking rules that apply to a specific group.”
 
UNHCR acknowledges that this could lead to a situation in which it becomes too violent for Iraqis to stay in Syria, too dangerous to go back to Iraq and impossible to enter Jordan. It would then be up to the international community to lobby other countries to take these refugees in.
 
In addition to the Iraqis, there are around half a million Palestinians and some 8,000 refugees from other countries - Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, even Afghanistan - who can’t necessarily go back to their countries of origin.
 
“At the moment, we would like to see the borders remain open,” regional refugee coordinator Moumtzis said. “Of course, the final decision is on the neighbouring countries to make sure that this is implemented.”
 
“With 45% of registered Iraqi refugees having been in Syria for over five years, and decreasing opportunities for resettlement, the character of the refugee situation will become protracted in nature,” says the response plan.
 
*Names changed to protect identities of refugees
 
ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95336</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705152t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - It was 21 February 2006. The date is etched in Samia’s* mind. She was in her kitchen making tea for her brother’s family, who was visiting her at her home in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, when gunfire broke out in the sitting room.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ-SYRIA: Samia, &quot;Why can&apos;t they just take us out of here?&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706284t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
 
For years, it was a stable and welcoming refuge, but since an uprising against the government began last year, Syria, too, has become a dangerous place. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ].
 
Among the refugees are 18,000 who were in the pipeline or final stages for resettlement abroad. Initially delayed due to new US security procedures, the cases have now been put on indefinite hold because resettlement countries have had more difficulty conducting interviews amid the unrest. Samia* and her daughter Zeinab* told IRIN their story from the outskirts of Damascus.
 
Samia: “My brother and his kids were visiting [Samia’s house in Baghdad]. I was making tea in the kitchen. Militias entered the house. I could hear gunfire in the other room. It was as if there was a war in my home.
 
“I was virtually paralyzed. I wasn’t able to move. I couldn’t do anything.
 
“Nine members of my family were killed: my brother, his wife, their young kids and my parents.
 
“Me and my daughter were in the kitchen. My husband and other kids were at the petrol station. That’s why we weren’t killed.
 
“I couldn’t speak for hours. I didn’t know what to do until the neighbours came to my house… At first, they hid us in the garden, and then they brought us to Syria.
 
“Until now, I get calls saying, ‘If you come back, we will kill you’… We didn’t know who they were… and I don’t know anything until now.
 
“Since 21 February 2006, until this hour, I swear to God, it’s as if I’ve been slaughtered. It’s as if I am dead.
 
“When we came to Syria, we applied for resettlement... We are five: the three kids, and me and my husband…We [were accepted in December 2010] and were supposed to travel in February 2011.
 
“But someone from the [International Organization for Migration, IOM] got in touch and said the papers for my youngest son were not complete. She said the other four of us could travel, and he would follow in two weeks or a month at most.
 
“From February to October, we waited for the visa for America for the four of us.”
 
Zeinab: “In October, they said `Get your bags ready. You will travel to America’.”
 
Samia: “Then, the IOM got back in touch with us, saying only my youngest son would travel. Now he’s in America and I’m still here… I fled Iraq with my son so that he’s not killed. Now they’re taking him to America and leaving me behind? ... There is nothing dearer than a son… If they tell me I can’t go to my son, I’ll just set myself on fire now. Death is better for me.”
 
Zeinab: “They shocked us. It was a big surprise to us… People with cases that were [not as serious] as ours have travelled. Why are we still here? What is the secret?”
 
Samia: “I don’t eat. I don’t drink. Wherever I go, I cry…
 
“My situation is dire… Help me because I can’t stand it any more. I don’t have a home. I don’t have money. My son is in America… My husband is 60 years old. He has kidney failure. He needs an operation outside Syria.
 
“My daughter volunteers with a humanitarian organization. We are living off of her stipend: $150 a month [much of which goes towards her expenses].
 
“If only you could see my daughter, she is extremely thin because we don’t have enough food. We sell the food that comes to us from the UN to pay the rent. I try to manage, scraping a bit from here, a bit from there to make ends meet. Only God knows how much I’m suffering.
 
Zeinab: “Prices used to be so cheap in Syria. We were comfortable. But now the situation has changed. Everything is frightening. The prices are higher. The situation is different.”
 
Samia: “I am scared and worried. We don’t want a repeat of what happened in Iraq… My [Syrian] neighbour, who lives below me, was killed. Nobody knows who did it. If they come to kill my neighbour, how do you want me not to be affected? If the violence is reaching the citizens of the country, can’t it affect me too?
 
“I am not a citizen of this country. The citizens of this country are fighting each other. How can I ensure my security? How can I feel safe? I don’t know where to go. I was safe here, I was comfortable. But now I am afraid. I don’t sleep at night.
 
“They could come from Iraq and kill me. They can reach me here…We heard of an Iraqi store owner in Syria who was killed. People came from Iraq to kill him… Until now, I am getting threats from Iraq… I’m afraid of everything around me.
 
“I don’t understand [what the problem with the resettlement is]. All I understand is that until now, the visa hasn’t come.
 
“What is our fate? They could get us out if they wanted to. They already registered us and accepted us. Why can’t they just take us out of here? The same way some people have been taken to Romania. Why not us?
 
“My suitcases are packed. I’m just waiting.”
 
Zeinab: “If we had any way of going elsewhere, we would have left.
 
“We can’t go back to Iraq, me and my family. We are afraid. What happened to us - we don’t want to go through that again.
 
“We know people who have gone to Turkey, Jordan… But we have no money… The visa costs money... How am I going to earn a living in Jordan?
 
“So we’re here, waiting for the visa…
 
“My mother has psoriasis all over her body. My father’s left kidney failed. My younger brother has no work. He is frustrated. He can’t propose [to any woman]. He has no means to propose… no money, no stability. We are all just sitting here.
 
“We are frozen. Our lives are frozen right now.
 
“Day after day, we tell ourselves, `Maybe the visa will come in a day, a week, a month.’ That’s how we’re living. Every day, we hope that nothing [bad] is going to happen… We are wondering where we can go if things get worse. That is what we are worried about. We spend all night thinking.
 
“We’ve almost lost faith.”
 
Samia: “Please… Consider me your mother. Do something to help me. Let our voices reach America… so that they find us a solution.”
 
*Names have been changed to protect the identities of the refugees
 
ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95338</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200706284t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Syria is home to the largest Iraqi refugee population in the world - an estimated one million people, of whom 102,000 are registered with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Akhdam community angered by government neglect</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.

“The Akhdam are not simply second class citizens,” a protester said from his tent in Change Square. “They are more like fifth or sixth class citizens; the lowest class in the whole republic.”

Despite speaking Arabic and practising Islam in the country for over 1,000 years, the Akhdam, who prefer to be called Al Muhamasheen, or “marginalized ones”, have never felt a part of the majority.

The most visible marker of the Akhdam’s status in Yemeni society is the menial occupations they perform. Men roam the streets on 10-hour shifts sweeping and collecting rubbish, while women and children collect up cans and bottles and beg for handouts.

Popular myth traces their arrival in Yemen to the 5th or 6th century, when the group’s Ethiopian ancestors crossed the Red Sea in a failed bid to conquer the southern corner of the Arabian peninsula.
 
After the arrival of Islam, so the myth goes, Muslim rulers defeated the Ethiopian army and sent them into exile. The ones who stayed were enslaved and relegated to the fringes of society, where they have remained despite the replacement in 1962 of a caste-like Imamate with the egalitarian promises of a modern state. They are thought to number around one million, mostly concentrated in urban slums in Taiz and Sana’a.

The prospect of democratic reforms envisaged in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) plan which pulled Yemen from the brink of civil war in 2012 raised hopes that the situation would improve for the Akhdam people, but little has happened yet.

Protests

In early April 2012, for the second time in as many months, some 4,000 street sweepers in the capital went on strike in protest over unfulfilled promises by the government to raise their pay and extend their daily contracts. After only a few days off the job, Sana’a’s streets became like an urban landfill site, forcing interim Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa to negotiate with the disenfranchized group.

Nabil, a 30-year-old street sweeper living in Mukhayyim Aser, an Akhdam slum near the presidential palace, told IRIN a day after the prime minister promised permanent contracts to the temporary workers, “Basindawa has not changed anything…

“My friend has been working as a street sweeper for 35 years and still does not have a job contract,” he added. “That’s why we’re on strike.”

One prominent Akhdam is Nabil Al Maktari, president of the Yemeni Organization Against Slavery and Discrimination. He spent 2011 protesting alongside thousands of other Yemenis - students, professors, soldiers and political activists - demanding the overthrow of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government.

According to Maktari, however, the new government has ceded some ground to the street sweepers. At the end of 2011, the prime minister’s office gave 50,000 riyals (US$235) to local Akhdam chiefs who represent the cleaners and provide them with protection. “But the workers never saw that money,” he said.

Even Saleh yielded to the workers’ demands, Maktari said, increasing their daily pay to 800 riyals ($3.75) at the onset of the Yemeni Spring in 2011. But despite the government’s concessions, Maktari said, “the street sweepers still have no holidays, not even during Eid. And if a tribal person kills a Khadem [member of the Akhdam community; which happened several times during the Yemeni protests] there is no way for his family to seek justice. Even though they’re Yemeni citizens, no laws exist for these crimes.”

Many Akhdam view the stop-gap measures by Saleh and Basindawa with suspicion. An elder in the Al Hasaba slum, in a pocket of Sana’a which saw some of the heaviest fighting during last year’s revolts, said officials from Saleh’s regime paid him and his neighbours to carry pro-Saleh signs at the beginning of the uprisings. “They don’t help us until they need help,” he said.

“No discrimination”

Government officials say there is “no discrimination” against the Akhdam and that they are like every other Yemeni before the law; and they point to the construction of public housing for the Akhdam in Sana’a’s Sawan area as proof.

Mohammed Al Eryani, assistant deputy mayor of Sana’a, told IRIN the Akhdam are perhaps the only employees of the central government who do not have benefits like permanent contracts and pensions.

While admitting the Akhdam are targets of some of the worst racism in the country, Eryani said the reason they have never been awarded contracts or other benefits is because they are unreliable. “One day a Khadem may wake up to find that his car won’t start, so he will spend the day fixing it instead of going into work.”

Asked whether the plight of the Akhdam would improve under the new government, a young street sweeper named Khaled in Mukhayyim Aser said: “So far, we haven’t seen any changes. Things have been almost the same as before the revolution got started. So to answer your question, no.”

A woman standing next to him said, “maybe”.

cc/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95324</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Microloan demand grows, despite the risks</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204190743310361t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.
 
Between 2007 and 2011, the number of active microloans in the West Bank and Gaza Strip rose from 20,000 to more than 43,000. This trend is likely to continue, said Sharakeh, predicting that by 2015 the number of loans will reach 77,000. The number of active clients receiving loans from microfinance institutions has grown by an average of 27 percent annually since 2007, he added.
 
“Microfinance is on the rise in Palestine because it serves small businesses which are growing in number and importance,” Shireen al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestine Monetary Authority (PMA), told IRIN. Trying to start a small business is one way to cope with the challenges of public sector employment - but it can be a precarious existence given the state of the Palestinian economy.
 
Demand for microcredit, designed for borrowers who typically lack collateral, steady employment and a verifiable credit history, has spread by word of mouth, said Alaa Abu Halawa, programme coordinator at Sharakeh, adding: “The people realized the benefit of microfinance. And its growing importance is attracting more investors.”
 
Besides being promoted as a tool for providing the poor with financial access, microloans in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) have become an attractive alternative to normal credit from banks for any small businesses, say Palestinian microfinance institutions.
 
“Banks require high collateral and complicated loan procedures. We don’t,” Sameer Kraishi, a microcredit manager at the Arab Centre for Agricultural Development (ACAD), told IRIN. “The Palestinian case is special…Our microloans are high compared to developing countries like India, usually about $5,000.”
 
During his work for ACAD, Kraishi has seen many Palestinians who successfully built up their business with the help of microloans. But equally, he has seen many of them fail. The persistent financial crisis of the aid-dependent Palestinian Authority (PA) and the resulting impacts on the general West Bank economy affect small businesses heavily, he said.
 
Lack of donor support
 
According to the PA senior official Ghassan Khatib, the PA’s salaries were once again delayed for several days this month. “The PA cannot fulfil its payment obligations because of a lack in foreign funding. The outlook for this year does not look good,” he told IRIN.
 
One of the reasons why economic growth in the West Bank slowed down in 2011 was foreign donors’ failure to provide sufficient support to the PA, the World Bank said in a recent report. [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCreportMarch2012.pdf ] In 2011, the PA required $1.5 billion in budget support, but eventually only received about $814 million. The budget for 2012 is expected to have a recurrent budget deficit of around $1.1 billion.
 
“Economic deterioration is a main reason for a rise in microfinance, which together with the PA financial crisis resulted in high unemployment and increased the poverty rate. This, in turn, lead people to look for private projects to earn their living,” said Sharakeh’s Halawa.
 
But small businesses are dependent on the spending of government employees. “When salaries are cut, the demand for goods and services goes down,” Samer Barghouti, general manager at ACAD, told IRIN, adding: “As a result, our clients often face difficulties paying back their microloans, and this creates risks for them, but also for us, as an institution.”
 
Failure never far away
 
One of ACAD’s clients hit by the economic slowdown is 43-year-old Mahmud al-Haj, a vegetable seller in Ramallah’s central market.
 
“Over the last year, I have made less and less profit. Many of my customers are PA employees. They just don’t have enough money when their salaries come too late, so they simply stop buying,” he told IRIN.
 
Some years ago he had made the equivalent of about $1,600 per month, now his monthly profit barely exceeds $500. He had borrowed US$3,000.
 
“I hardly sell 200kg of vegetables a month,” he said, adding: “I fear that once the loan is used up, I will not be able to continue. I need to pay taxes to the municipality. I have to take care of my family. I need to pay for my children’s school, for electricity, food, and haven’t even paid back most of the loan I took.”
 
Almost half of micro-loan projects fail in one way or another, according to Shaker Saadeh, manager of ACAD’s Ramallah field office.
 
“Many of our clients used to be unskilled labourers in Israel, never acquiring the knowledge necessary to run a business. Others use microloans as a means to change profession, like a carpenter who suddenly starts an agricultural business, but doesn’t really know how to do it,” he added.
 
Sewing
 
“Over the last seven years I received 15 microloans from different organizations. I used to be a wage worker, but eventually opened my own sewing workshop,” 48-year-old Na’ma Shamali said, while pulling fabric through a sewing machine in her shop in Ramallah.
 
Her current loan amounts to $3,000, but past experience has taught her to invest the borrowed money wisely. “At the beginning of every month I set my priorities. What do I really need? So recently I bought a new automatic sewing machine for 9,000 shekels [$2,400]. But at the beginning of every month, I pressure myself to work a lot, so I can pay back the loan,” she said.
 
Thanks to the growth of her business, she and her husband were able to buy the house they previously rented and send their children to a private school. “I am making 5,000 shekels [$1,320] of profit [per month] today. I am satisfied.”
 
Whether microfinance provides a mechanism for women’s empowerment beyond mere financial success has been widely debated in the past. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95067/Development-Microfinance-possibilities-and-limitations ] 
 
Gender issue
 
In oPt, real empowerment is often hindered by the traditional roles women are assigned to, said Nisreen Swelem, West Bank regional manager at the Palestinian Businesswomen’s Association (Asala), which is currently providing microloans to about 4,000 Palestinian women.

“It happens often that women continue to do the hard work while their husbands take over the business. We simply cannot control the cultural aspects,” Swelem told IRIN.

In particular in the field of agriculture, women often remain unpaid family workers and as such are invisible contributors to the economy, Asala's research has shown. [ http://www.asala-pal.com/files/The%20Economic%20empowerment%20of%20women%20in%20Palestine.pdf ]

“I try to raise awareness. I ask them, who controls the money?” Swelem said. 

“There is still a lot to do on the level of gender awareness. But in one way, the positive impact of the gender meetings is obvious. Many of the women that take the trainings later become trainers themselves.”

ah/oa/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95317</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204190743310361t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A Rogues&apos; Gallery</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a &quot;crisis of confidence&quot; in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a "crisis of confidence" in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.

2009 Mali [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83403550 ] 

Alleged culprits: Malian Ministry of Health, National Control Programme against TB, National Council for the Fight Against AIDS, and the National Programme for the Fight Against Malaria. 

Allegations: In December 2010 the Global Fund announced that it had suspended two malaria grants with immediate effect, and had terminated a third TB grant after it found evidence of misappropriation and unjustified expenditure. 

The Fund found that at least US$5.2 million in disbursements related to HIV, TB and malaria had been misappropriated and little money was dedicated to purchasing medicines. Organizations pilfered funds using fraudulent invoices, per diem payments and training events. The Fund’s investigation revealed that organizations often colluded with the Ministry of Health and national TB and malaria control programmes to falsify invoices, signatures, bank statements and official stamps, which were discovered buried in someone's garden. 

By December 2010, the Malian authorities had arrested 15 people in connection with the allegations and the Ministry of Health had repaid $304,000. Due to possible threats against Global Fund staff, the US government provided them with protection. 

The investigation into the mismanagement of HIV funds was still ongoing in July 2011. 

2009 Mauritania [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83397462 ] 

Culprits: The national AIDS committee, the national TB programme, two NGO networks, ROMATUB and RNLPV, the National Institute for Public Health. 

Allegations: In July 2009 the Global Fund suspended funding to the executive secretariat of the national AIDS committee after finding evidence of fraudulent and unjustified expenditures. The Fund demanded the reimbursement of $1.7 million within three months, and immediate removal of the people identified as being responsible. 

Fake receipts, invoices and companies had been used to defraud the Fund since 2004. According to audits by the Fund's Office of the Inspector General (OIG), various local oversight bodies had failed to bring this to the Global Fund's attention. 

Officials of the national AIDS committee also instituted a kickback scheme that required payments of up to 50 percent of a grant from the NGO sub-recipient as a pre-condition for participation in Global Fund programmes. Sub-recipients were also forced to issue invoices for bogus training or expenses and then return this money to the national AIDS committee. Witnesses said this was a long-running practice at the national body and pre-dated Global Fund support. 

The NGO network, ROMATUB, was an implementing partner in Global Fund tuberculosis programmes. The Fund found that the network charged for work never completed. It submitted photographs of the same people in the same locations as proof of nationwide community outreach work supposedly carried out in different villages. 

The Mauritanian government cooperated in the investigations, refunding $1.7 million and arresting four national AIDS committee officials. The executive director of the national AIDS committee and all employees working on Global Fund grants were removed. 

As of March 2012, the Fund did not know whether those arrested had been brought to trial, as prosecutions had not yet commenced by July 2011. According to the OIG, national law enforcement agents had not communicated with the Fund since 2009. 

The OIG has recommended that any further disbursements to Mauritania be conditional upon the completion of all related criminal inquiries, and those convicted serving sentences. 

Mauritania, Cote d'Ivoire, Djibouti, Mali and Papua New Guinea have been placed on an "Additional Safeguards Policy" list. Countries on this list are subjected to closer scrutiny and restrictions on financial transactions relating to grants. [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/es/mediacenter/pressreleases/Global_Fund_suspends_two_malaria_grants,_terminates_TB_grant_to_Mali/ ] 

2009 Zambia [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/92191/ZAMBIA-Corruption-scandal-rocks-ARV-programme ]

Alleged culprits: Zambian Ministry of Health and Ministry of Finance, Zambian National AIDS Network (ZNAN). 

Allegations: After reports by a whistle-blower of fraud in Zambia's Ministry of Health (MoH) in 2009, the Global Fund - with help from Zambia's Office of the Auditor General - found that the ministry had misspent $6.7 million. The Ministry of Finance and National Planning had similarly misspent about $3 million and one of its accountants had defrauded the Global Fund of about $104,000. 

The Fund also allegedly uncovered fraud and misuse in the Zambian National AIDS Network, then headed by former UN Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa Elizabeth Mataka. The Global Fund audit of ZNAN highlighted financial mismanagement that included the purchase of cars for personal use by ZNAN management, exorbitant salaries that were sometimes more than double the local sector standard, and the disbursement of funds to sub-recipients who could not provide auditors with financial records, as in the case of disbursements to the Maureen Mwanawasa Community Initiative, headed by Zambia's former First Lady. 

The Global Fund subsequently suspended grants to all these organizations and stripped the MoH of its Principal Recipient status, transferring this responsibility to the Zambia country office of the UNDP. The change in Principle Recipient led to major delays in the distribution of funds and stock-outs of antiretroviral (ARV) and TB drugs for treating this common co-infection. 

In August 2011 Zambian HIV activists delivered a petition to the national AIDS council, demanding that government seize some of ZNAN's assets in order to repay the money, and that government move to pay back some of the money on the organization's behalf - as it had done for the Ministry of Health. 

2010 Nigeria [ http://www.scribd.com/doc/83398634 ] 

Alleged culprits: Yakubu Gowon Centre for National Unity and International Cooperation, Christian Health Association of Nigeria. 

Allegations: The Global Fund alleges that the Yakubu Gowon Centre misappropriated funds and exchanged $22 million of Global Fund money for Naira, the Nigerian currency, on the black market. At least one party involved in the transactions allegedly had previous links to money laundering, fraud and conflict diamonds. The Christian Health Association of Nigeria also engaged in black market currency trading. 

As a result of the Yakubu Gowon Centre's transactions between 2005 and 2009, about $825,000 in Global Fund money for malaria programming was lost, according to a Global Fund OIG investigation report, which recommended that the Fund immediately terminate the Centre as a Principle Recipient for its grants and bar it from any future participation in Global Fund programmes. 

When asked, the Yakubu Gowon Centre could not account for missing funds. In a written response to the Global Fund's investigation report, the Centre said the allegedly missing funds had gone to operational expenses, management fees, maintenance and salaries. Despite documentation demonstrating the contrary, the centre denied allegations that it had used the black market to exchange currency. 

In June 2011 the Yakubu Gowon Centre was replaced as a Principle Recipient. Accounting firm KMPG, which was supposed to provide in-country financial oversight, was also relieved of its position with the Global Fund. 

llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95294</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Grantees of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria who allegedly committed fraud or misused funds unwittingly did a lot of damage to the Fund – and, many say, global health - as donors withdrew and the beleaguered organization faced a &quot;crisis of confidence&quot; in recent years. But the Fund has responded and is undergoing an extensive restructuring process. IRIN/PlusNews takes a look at some of the alleged fraudsters and the progress of the investigations.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Rising landmine death toll in Hajjah Governorate</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204181014070662t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.
 
Children are particularly at risk and the situation is hampering the return of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs), according to Hajjah Deputy Governor Ismail Mahim.
 
“Given the lack of mine-maps and experts, more children will be at high risk if displaced families return home,” Mohammed Rashid, a child protection specialist at Hajjah Social Affairs and Labour Office, told IRIN. “We fear the tragic stories of landmine-hit children in Sa’dah [Governorate] may be repeated in Hajjah.”
 
Mansour al-Azi, director of Yemen’s National Mine Action Programme (NMAP), said there were plans to deploy teams this week to carry out mine risk education campaigns in two badly affected districts, Kusher and Mestaba, but no decision had been taken because “the situation is still fluid.”
 
Kusher and Mestaba have seen intermittent clashes between Houthi-led Shia fighters and local armed militiamen, who are reported to be supporters of the Islamist Islah Party. Some 600 people from both sides are reported by local authorities to have been killed since November 2011. 
 
The two warring sides reached a truce in February described by local analysts and journalists as “fragile”. Meanwhile, landmines and ERW are putting the lives of civilians - mostly farmers or herders - at risk, and stalling the return of thousands of IDPs. 
 
Unofficial estimates indicate that at least 3,000 landmines have been planted in Kusher and Mestaba since sectarian clashes first broke out in November 2011, the local independent news website marebpress.net reported on 24 March. [ http://marebpress.net/news_details.php?lang=arabic&sid=41911 ] 
 
“Landmines were even planted inside dead bodies. Last month, a landmine inside a corpse exploded, killing five people taking the corpse for burial,” Sheikh Yahya Qasim al-Saeedi, a spokesperson for Kusher tribesmen, told IRIN. 
 
“We have been appealing for mine clearance actions and mine risk education campaigns to save lives of innocent children but received no response from those concerned,” Fawaz Felaitah, a school teacher in Mestaba District, told IRIN. 
 
Inquisitive
 
Children are most at risk as they tend to be unaware of the dangers and inquisitive at the same time. Many mistake ERW for toys or pick them up as they herd sheep, said Ahmad al-Qurashi, chairman of local NGO Seyaj Organization for Childhood Protection.
 
IRIN visited eight-year-old Rahaf Hadi from Kusher District who was injured in a 12 April blast near her family home, and in great pain in a Hajjah city hospital. Her two older brothers, Mushtaq and Abdu, were killed, while Rahaf sustained serious injuries to her face, belly, back and left arm.
 
“The painkillers she receives five times a day are no longer effective. No signs of recovery yet… I can neither eat nor sleep seeing Rahaf suffering before my eyes,” her mother Aisha told IRIN.
 
IDP returns affected
 
One blast has directly affected the return of IDPs.
 
In March, seven people were killed and 15 injured after a blast inside a home in Hazah village, Kusher District. One of those killed was 40-year-old Mohammed al-Deashi, who had returned to his village to check on the family home with a view to moving back with his wife and five children, who have been living in a school in Hajjah Governorate’s Khair al-Muharaq District.
 
Mohammed al-Tam, an investigator at the Hajjah Security Department, told IRIN that as a result of the blast hundreds of IDPs in Khairan Muharaq District had cancelled planned journeys home.
 
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says more than 50,000 people have been displaced since November 2011 by sectarian conflict in the north.

In nearby Sa’dah Governorate, Abdulaziz Hanash, a coordinator for landmine victims, was quoted by local media [ http://yementimes.com/en/1552/report/524/Time-to-refocus-on-reconstruction-in-Sa%e2%80%99ada.htm ] as saying over 2,000 people had been handicapped by mines and ERW. “No one talks about these victims… Many people have not only lost their homes, jobs or members of their family, but also a limb or an ability.”

According to the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor, [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2008/countries/yemen.html ] Yemen is contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance as a result of conflicts dating back to 1962. Most mines were laid in border areas between northern and southern Yemen prior to unification in 1990. As of August 2008, all governorates were contaminated.

ay/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95309</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204181014070662t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Mines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) have killed 27 people and injured at least 36 in the last two months in Hajjah Governorate, northwestern Yemen, according to a 14 April Interior Ministry report. Many of the injured will be left permanently disabled.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Egypt to target 12.5 million children in polio campaign</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909140858060890t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - Egypt will launch a four-day polio immunization campaign on 21 April targeting 12.5 million children under five, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - Egypt will launch a four-day polio immunization campaign on 21 April targeting 12.5 million children under five, say officials.
 
“The vaccination drops are very important in line with the state’s policy of immunizing the children against this serious disease,” Amr Qandeel, assistant health minister for preventive medicine, told IRIN. 
 
“We call on all parents to show up at health units and centres to allow their children to get the drops.”
 
Egypt was declared polio-free [ http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/egypt_30860.html ] in 2006 after recording its last case in 2004. The campaign will cost the government US$5 million, Qandeel said, and involve 800,000 medical personnel.
 
ae/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95305</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909140858060890t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - Egypt will launch a four-day polio immunization campaign on 21 April targeting 12.5 million children under five, say officials.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT: Rising tide of child abductions</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111311160287t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - A coalition of 100 Egyptian child rights advocacy groups is intensifying its pressure on the government to take measures to counter rising child abductions across the country, threatening to resort to the UN if the government does not take action.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - A coalition of 100 Egyptian child rights advocacy groups is intensifying its pressure on the government to take measures to counter rising child abductions across the country, threatening to resort to the UN if the government does not take action.
 
“The government does not attach enough importance to the problems suffered by children,” Hani Helal, secretary-general of the Egyptian Coalition on Children’s Rights, told IRIN. “This leads to increasing violations against the children. But if the government does not act now, we will have to take the matter to the UN.”
 
A noticeable rise in child abductions has swept through the country, with the media reporting a new child abduction case every day - either in the capital Cairo or in the other governorates, putting parents on alert and challenging the police service.
 
The Interior Ministry has not given exact figures about the rise in child abductions, but independent security experts say it has increased as much as threefold since a popular uprising ousted former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. The political transition has been accompanied by an almost total collapse of Egypt’s security system, with police absent from the streets for extended periods of time.
 
“The kidnapping of children has become a very worrying phenomenon,” ex-policeman and security expert Maher Zakhry told IRIN. “Our country’s deteriorating security conditions make this crime more possible.”
 
Egypt’s National Motherhood and Childhood Council called on the government to take action against what it described as a “rising crescendo of child abductions”, warning against the serious consequences of turning a blind eye to the problem. The council has launched a new hotline service through which it can receive complaints by parents, refer them to police and better lobby the government.
 
The Coalition on Children’s Rights says the number of calls about abductions it receives from parents has increased 300 percent - from one or two a day before the revolution, to six or seven on some days now. Helal says most of the people who call his coalition are poor and have no connections. They come from all governorates, but more often from Cairo and the coastal city of Alexandria. Most of the kidnappers know the families of the children they abduct, he added.
 
“We have major difficulties dealing with the government, which does not view children as first-rate citizens like everybody else,” Helal said. “But what I want to say to the government is that its silence will encourage criminals to kidnap even more children in the future.”
 
Advocates are calling for tougher action by the government against criminals; a larger police presence on the streets; and laws that would increase punishments for those who violate children’s rights. Many Egyptians, especially activists involved in the revolution, believe the government is intentionally neglecting safety and security to increase a desire for “the good old days” under Mubarak and to justify the continued rule of the military council that took over after Mubarak left.
 
Motives

Anecdotal evidence appears to indicate two main motives for the abductions - body organs and ransom money.

When Hayam Rabie left her one-year-old daughter, Alia, with neighbours in a vegetable shop while doing some shopping, it did not cross her mind that she would never see her again.
 
But when Rabie, a mother of two from the poor village of Damleeg in the agricultural governorate of Sharqia in the Nile Delta, came back one hour later, she could not find her daughter.
 
That was one year ago.
 
“Until four months ago, I had hopes that I could find my daughter,” Rabie said. “But this hope turned to be a mere illusion.”
 
Rabie discovered that one of her neighbours had kidnapped the girl, hid her inside her home for few days, and then killed her before she put her body in a sack and threw it in a village canal.
 
Mahmud Al Badawi, head of local NGO Egyptian Society for the Assistance of Juveniles and Human Rights, says child abductions and organ trafficking are strongly interconnected in Egypt.

When Rabie’s relatives and neighbours broke into the house of her daughter’s kidnapper, they found empty blood bags, syringes and tubes.
 
“Nobody understood why an uneducated woman would need these tools,” Abdel Aleem Al Guindy, the girl’s father, said.
 
The mother of a child kidnapped in Alexandria told private Al Nahar TV [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AaDzsshBxYY&feature=youtu.be ] in February that her son heard children screaming and calling for help while held by his kidnappers. His parents paid a ransom to get him back.
 
“One of the kidnappers told my son that the children would be sold to body organ traders,” the mother said.
 
Ransom
 
Security experts say most kidnappers demand a ransom from the parents of abducted children - starting at 5,000 Egyptian pounds (US$833) and going up to six million pounds (US$1 million), if kidnapped children’s parents are wealthy enough.
 
A famous construction mogul had to pay two million Egyptian pounds (US$333,000) [ http://www2.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=593553 ] in February to secure the release of his two grandchildren.
 
“As a sign of Egypt’s deteriorating security conditions, child abductions have become an easy way for criminals to make money,” ex-policeman Zakhary said.
 
He advises parents not pay ransoms, and instead to report the kidnappings to police. But child rights activists say the police do not have a very good track record of arresting or prosecuting kidnappers, and have only succeeded in rescuing children in a few cases.
 
In April 2011, police arrested five suspects [ http://www.almasryalyoum.com/node/385960 ] in relation to the kidnapping of the daughter of Effat Sadat, a businessman and the nephew of the late Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, but only after Sadat paid the kidnappers five million pounds (US$833,000).
 
“Poorer parents, however, cannot find the money necessary for the return of their children,” said Al Badawi of the juveniles’ society. “This is why many of the abductions go unreported because the parents are simply not connected.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95271</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111311160287t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - A coalition of 100 Egyptian child rights advocacy groups is intensifying its pressure on the government to take measures to counter rising child abductions across the country, threatening to resort to the UN if the government does not take action.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>JORDAN: Civil society at heart of Syrian refugee response</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204110913460466t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations. 
 
But these civil society organizations are increasingly trying to coordinate, and despite the relative chaos, they have shone in recent months, especially as the first point of contact for many Syrian refugees arriving in Jordan.
 
“Community-based organizations are probably providing most of the assistance going to the Syrians,” one senior international aid worker said. “They should not be underestimated. 
 
“But the government has very serious concerns about some of the groups working there and about what some of their objectives may be,” he added. 
 
Here is a sample of the players on the ground at the forefront of the effort: 
 
Civil society: There was a sizeable Syrian community in Jordan before the unrest, and it has been a starting point for many fleeing Syrians. They stay with family or friends in extra bedrooms or living rooms. Some Jordanian landlords have also been very generous, allowing Syrian refugees to stay for free. In the northern Jordanian border town of Remtha, a compound-turned transit facility donated by a Jordanian landlord temporarily houses Syrians who flee to Jordan illegally, until they can find a sponsor and a place to stay. 
 
Muslim organizations: Many Syrians fled to Jordan after their government crushed a revolt by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood in the central town of Hama in 1982. Some of the children of that earlier wave of refugees formed the Syria Woman Organization in 2006 to help Syrians in need in Jordan. While their children run around in their office in the capital Amman, women in niqab register new Syrian arrivals and provide them with furniture, medicine, baby food and cash with which to rent apartments. 
 
Another active organization with links to the Brotherhood is the Islamic Charity Centre Society, which has also been registering refugees and distributing aid in border regions. “The Muslim Brotherhood play a big role in aid, but it’s hidden,” said one Syrian activist in Jordan. 
 
Al-Kitab wal Sunnah Association is another active player. These organizations appear to have the greatest reach, and certainly more than the UN. (Some refugees fear registering with the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, because they believe identifying themselves as having fled Syria will put them in danger if they try to return; UNHCR can currently only register refugees in Amman). 
 
Syrian activists and diaspora: The Syrian diaspora has played a large role, sending everything from cash to containers of clothes from as far as the USA and Australia. Syrian activists in Jordan receive the items, but they are so busy smuggling aid into Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] that after the month-long shipping period, donations for refugees sometimes end up sitting in warehouses, waiting to be sorted and distributed. 
 
The Gulf - The Red Crescent Society of the United Arab Emirates has donated 6,000 food parcels, 1,000 hygiene kits, 1,000 heaters and 10,000 blankets. Societies from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Kuwait have also done assessments and are planning to help. While Red Crescent aid has been coordinated through the Jordan Red Crescent and the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization, other assistance from the Gulf has been less organized. In one case, a Gulf country set up a tent and requested donations for Syrian refugees. What ended up in Jordan was a container of unsorted items, with slaughtered chickens mixed in with clothes, powdered milk, broken tea glasses and medication without an expiry date.
 
Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization (JHCO) - Charged by the government to coordinate the aid response to refugees, JHCO is increasingly getting involved in the response. (Normally, it works externally more than internally, “under Royal guidance”). It is trying to create a master list of refugees registered with different organizations to avoid “double-dipping”. It is too early to tell how well they will play their new role, but they seem to have the respect of international agencies. 
 
International community: Arguably late to join the effort in a significant way, the UN and other international aid agencies are now gearing up a larger response, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] not only in Jordan, but also in Turkey and Lebanon, with an US$84 million appeal. [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/uploads/SyriaRRP.pdf ] In Jordan, UNHCR is leading the charge, with strong involvement from other agencies like the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which has worked in Jordan for decades. UNHCR’s main goal is to build the capacity of JHCO to coordinate the community-based organizations. But the response plan lays out projects ranging from cash assistance for vulnerable families to psychosocial support for children. The international community is also taking steps to better understand and tap into the activities of the community-based organizations on the ground. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95273</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204110913460466t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 11 April 2012 (IRIN) - Community-based organizations have arguably played the largest role in helping thousands of Syrian refugees pouring into neighbouring Jordan. Until recently, the response had been fairly ad-hoc, or as one aid worker put it, “a mess”, with various players on the ground and many Syrians simultaneously registering and getting assistance from various organizations.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT: Rising poverty threatens gains in fight against TB</title><pubDate>Tue, 10 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108121221410593t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rising poverty, overcrowded public transport, and sprawling slums threaten to reverse the gains made in eradicating tuberculosis (TB) in Egypt, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rising poverty, overcrowded public transport, and sprawling slums threaten to reverse the gains made in eradicating tuberculosis (TB) in Egypt, experts say. 

In recent days, the government has released new figures showing a significant decrease in mortality caused by TB. But medical experts warn the government will never be able to stamp out the disease through a narrow medical approach. Rather, it must tackle the socio-economic problems at the disease’s root if it is to avoid a dramatic increase in infections.

“Our slums, our transport, and the poor economic conditions of millions of Egyptians make many people prone to the disease,” Mahmud Amr, a chest disease expert from Cairo University, told IRIN. “TB will continue to shatter the lives of thousands of people as long as no progress is made in these areas.”

The political instability that followed the overthrow of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 sent Egypt’s economy into a downward spiral. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94414/EGYPT-Revolutionary-dreams-turn-into-economic-nightmare ] 

In 2011, 25.2 percent of Egyptians became poor, up from 21.6 percent in 2009, according to the state-run Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS). [ http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/business/2012/02/120128_poverty_in_egypt.shtml ] More than half of these poor people lived in Upper Egypt, it added.

“Although most tuberculosis patients are poor, poverty itself is not the problem,” said Ahmed Attia, head of local NGO Egyptian Society for Fighting Tuberculosis. “The problem lies with the living conditions this poverty brings to people.”

In 2007, 12.2 million people lived in 870 slums across this country, according to CAPMAS. [ http://www.capmas.gov.eg/pages_ar.aspx?pageid=887 ] With whole families living in narrow rooms and sharing toilets and sewage-filled alleyways, these slums, experts like Amr say, offer fertile soil for the spread of serious diseases like TB. 

TB is the third greatest killer in Egypt, after Hepatitis C and Bilharzias, according to Amir Bassam, deputy chairman of parliament’s Health Committee.

Naeema Al-Gasseer, the World Health Organization representative in Egypt, says Egypt is one of nine countries out of 23 in the Eastern Mediterranean Region (which  stretches as far as Pakistan), where 95 percent of the region’s TB patients live.

In a recent interview [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4BgbiKBuruo ] with private TV station CBC, Al-Gasseer linked TB to poverty and malnutrition, which also appears to be rising in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ] saying “malnutrition is a big problem for both children and adults.” 

Progress 

Despite the challenges, Egypt has managed to make remarkable progress in TB control, according to the Health Ministry. 

Health Minister Fouad Al Nawawy outlined in recent statements to the media huge drops in the effects of TB from 1990 to 2011: TB incidence, [ http://digital.ahram.org.eg/Community.aspx?Serial=843282 ] the number of new cases every year, fell from 34 per 100,000 to 18 cases per 100,000. TB prevalence, the total number of infections in any given year, fell from 79 per 100,000 to 24 per 100,000; and the mortality rate, the number of people who die from TB every year, fell from 4 per 100,000 to 1.1 per 100,000, he said. 

Egypt offers free medical treatment to TB patients in around 32 chest hospitals and the Health Ministry hopes to eradicate the disease altogether by 2019.

But independent experts say the incidence of TB is far higher than the official numbers of 18,000 new patients every year. In a sign of the skepticism that exists in some camps, one lawmaker asked the Health Ministry to give a full breakdown of TB figures in all governorates. 

“The public has the right to know all the facts,” said Basel Adel during a session of parliament on 9 April. “The Health Minister has to tell us what preventive measures his ministry has taken to prevent the spread of these diseases,” he said in reference to TB and meningitis. “There must be immediate action to control these diseases or the present government will be repeating the same mistakes of the governments of the former regime.”

The number of patients in the country’s chest hospitals, for instance, seems to belie claims that the disease is on the decrease.

“We have 50 beds at the TB section,” said Mahmud Abdel Aziz, the head of the Abassiya Chest Hospital. “These beds are always full. When a patient is treated, he/she gets out for other people on the waiting list to take their place.”

Challenges

Experts say Egypt’s ability to make progress in TB control hinges on its success in improving the living conditions of slum dwellers; making its public transport less crowded; and reducing poverty.

“Patients - most of them are poor people from the slums - use public transport, which is always busy, and pass the infection on to others very easily,” the Health Committee’s Bassam said. “The nation’s prisons are also hotbeds for infection.”

Described in numerous human rights reports as being dirty, unfit for human use, and suffering an extreme lack of health care, [ http://almorakeb.com/sys.asp?browser=view_article&ID=14219 ] Egypt’s prisons, according to people like Bassam, send out to society a large number of TB patients. 

This is why Health Ministry specialists pay regular visits to the prisons to make sure they do not turn into centres for TB infection, according to Essam el-Moghazi, head of the Tuberculosis Section at the Health Ministry.

“We must take firm action to eradicate this disease,” el-Moghazi said. “This is why we need everybody to contribute to this action, or this disease can spread like wildfire,” he told IRIN. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95262</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108121221410593t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 10 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rising poverty, overcrowded public transport, and sprawling slums threaten to reverse the gains made in eradicating tuberculosis (TB) in Egypt, experts say.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95237</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT: Fuel shortage threatens bread supplies</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - It has been three months since a fuel shortage hit Egypt, and people’s patience is wearing thin amid fears the crisis could disrupt the production of subsidized bread.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - It has been three months since a fuel shortage hit Egypt, and people’s patience is wearing thin amid fears the crisis could disrupt the production of subsidized bread.

“I move from one petrol station to another every day to find the fuel necessary for the work of the bakery,” Omar Muselhi, a bakery owner from Giza, told IRIN. “I cannot do this for long. If things get worse, I will close down.”

Most of Egypt’s subsidized bakeries need diesel to operate, and some have had to close, for example in the Nile Delta governorate of Monofiya [ http://www2.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=634879&SecID=296 ] (Arabic).

Outside Muselhi’s bakery, men, women and children form two long lines, and wait their turn.

“I buy 20 loaves of this bread for one pound, whereas the same number sells for four pounds at unsubsidized bakeries,” said Ayman Farahat, standing in line outside the bakery. “This shows how important these bakeries are for people like me.”

Observers say there is a 35 percent shortfall in fuel supplies. The government blames hoarding for the crisis. Thousands of cars queue outside petrol stations from early morning, while long queues form outside gas cylinder centres.

“We are doing our best to solve the problem, but what is happening is abnormal,” Petroleum Minister Abdallah Ghorab said on 24 March. “Some people take the subsidized fuel and sell it on the black market.”

The Petroleum Ministry has increased daily diesel supplies from 36,000 tons to 38,000 tons; petrol supplies from 16,000 to 18,000 tons; and gas cylinders from one million to 1.3 million.

But despite the move, there are numerous reports [ http://www.almasryalyoum.com/node/741881 ] (Arabic) of fighting over fuel, reflecting citizens’ exasperation, and the need for further government intervention

Ambulance services are also at risk.

“The drivers go to petrol stations from early morning,” Naeem Rizk, the operations manager at Cairo’s main ambulance point, told IRIN. “Sometimes they spend the whole day waiting, but when their turn comes, they are told the fuel is over.”

When a policeman recently called Rizk to ask for help after he was wounded in a fight against armed men on the outskirts of Cairo, Rizk could not find an ambulance with enough fuel to take the policeman to hospital. The policeman’s colleagues had to call the Interior Ministry to borrow some.

Mohamed Abdullah, a 30-year-old ambulance driver, says his job has become even more stressful. “There are always long queues at petrol stations…This prevents me from reaching patients in time. The patients’ relatives always yell at me.”

Rethinking subsidies

Some economists believe the current crisis may force the government to rethink its fuel subsidies’ policy. Egypt spent the equivalent of US$83.3 billion subsidizing fuel over the past five years, according to the Petroleum Ministry.

“Around 60 percent of these subsidies go to people who do not deserve them,” said Rashad Abdo, a leading economist from Cairo University. “This makes it necessary for the government to rethink these subsidies.”

The government is currently reconsidering its support to major industrial institutions, which account for almost 70 percent of fuel subventions.

“If we can reduce petroleum subsidies by 10 percent, we can channel this money for the building of houses, hospitals, or schools,” said Petroleum Minister Ghorab. “We need to deliver subsidies to those who deserve them,” he was quoted as saying by al Masry Al Youm newspaper [ http://www.almasry-alyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=331089 ] (Arabic) on 11 March.

Another government plan envisages the issuing of vouchers to poorer citizens to enable them to buy cooking gas for the equivalent of 83 US cents instead of US$5 for everyone else.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95222</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204020922510742t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - It has been three months since a fuel shortage hit Egypt, and people’s patience is wearing thin amid fears the crisis could disrupt the production of subsidized bread.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISASTERS: Over 50 million affected in Muslim world in 2011</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.  

In 2011, 38 of the 57 OIC member countries and 55 million people were affected by “disasters and chronic emergencies”, Atta Elmanan Bakhit, OIC assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition. [ http://www.dihad.org/ ] Disasters brought a total financial loss of US$68 billion in those Muslim countries, he said, quoting figures that will be published in OIC’s annual report, to be released later this month.  

These numbers do not include political crises, namely the Arab Spring, and are tabulated based on information from member states. They are up from 2010 when 36 countries and 48 million people were affected, with $53 billion in losses, according to an OIC survey.  

“In the Muslim world now, we have regularly a lot of disasters,” Bakhit said, adding that the OIC has had no choice but to start playing a larger role in humanitarian affairs. The OIC is active in coordinating humanitarian assistance in Somalia, where it has access [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94010 ] in many areas Western aid workers do not; and along with the UN, the OIC accompanied the government in the first humanitarian assessment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95102/SYRIA-Aid-workers-give-cautious-welcome-to-start-of-humanitarian-assessment ] of areas affected by the unrest in Syria.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95226</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: A “new humanitarianism” at play in Syrian crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271412330761t.jpg" />]]>AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.</description><body><![CDATA[AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.

Largely restricted by the Syrian government, traditional humanitarian agencies have been unable to access many of the areas affected by more than a year of unrest in Syria.

A new generation of aid workers - working through personal contacts and online networks - have been filling the gap. They say donors and international agencies are increasingly using them to get aid across, raising a number of questions around international law and ethics.

“We do everything: journalism, medical care, smuggling,” said Ahmed Almasri, a Syrian refugee in Jordan, as he takes a puff from his sheesha pipe. “We do everything. We have all become superman.”

One year ago, Almasri worked as a manager at a Duty Free shop in Syria. Now, he is one of the main players smuggling aid into Syria via Jordan.

It is a project that consumes his life - he calls his mother to wish her a happy Mother’s Day while en route to drop off medicine to other activists who will arrange for them to be smuggled across the border.

He met his current girlfriend, another Syrian activist, in Amman, after she too fled because she was wanted by the Syrian government. They joke about naming their future children Dera’a, after the southern Syrian town where the uprising started.

He gets calls in the middle of the night - “Are you Ahmad Almasri? We have medical supplies for you from Qatar. Come pick them up at the border.” He lives off of savings and remittances and runs on little sleep and too much caffeine.

In a smoke-filled room in the Jordanian border town of Remtha, he and a few other activists - some Syrian, some Jordanian - sit around in tracksuits discussing logistics, the floor cluttered with ashtrays, cups of coffee and cell phones.

“A 13-year-old boy who was wanted has just crossed the border illegally,” announces another Syrian refugee, Abdu Abazid, as he gets off the phone. He himself has just arrived from Dera’a, where he was also involved in the movement of supplies. “We have to go pick him up.”

Their networks stretch from Dubai to New Jersey to Barcelona to Australia. Members of the Syrian diaspora send them everything from satellite phones to blood bags. They then tap into a network of truck and taxi drivers, or smugglers - often working for free - to take items across the border. From there, another network of activists gets the items into any city or specific family in Syria, or to a network of doctors who then coordinate among themselves to get the medicines to the areas most in need. Syrians on the other side of the border inform Almasri and his crew if it is safe to try to smuggle things across on any given day, depending on the size of the security presence.

“At first, we each worked independently,” Almasri says.” But it became so big we needed to coordinate and get organized.”

Now they joke they resemble a mafia. Many links in the chain don’t know each other - but the system works.

Activists approach donors

It works so well that in March, Almasri decide to approach donors.

He was eager to get some big weight behind his and others’ efforts and move their operations from a few items here and there to larger-scale operations.

He said he had attended several meetings where donors expressed a desire to help, but did not know how.

“One way or another, they have to help. How can they help? Is there any channel other than us? What - are they going to drop aid by helicopter?”

So he wrote a pitch.

“Since we have worked for an extend time inside Syria and expanded our work when we left it, we were able to organize ourselves in order to achieve the delivery of a variety of aid (medical, humanitarian, equipment for communication),” he wrote in a letter he sent to various governments, UN agencies and NGOs. “Here in Jordan we have a considerable large group of activists, we are able to work nonstop around the clock, and connect with official and semi official organizations in order to achieve our goals.”

At first, he said, the response was timid.

“They said: `As governments, we don’t deal with individuals’.”

But Almasri and his colleagues insisted they could deliver the aid, and also be accountable for it.

“We told them we could document our spending… We can abide by any system you want - we can track who we gave it to, when it arrived.”

Eventually, he says, the pitch worked.

He says he is now awaiting a shipment of more than US$1 million of medical equipment from one government. Another organization has promised to supply enough for an entire field hospital.

He will not sign a contract for these items. Before they get to him, they will pass through the hands of many organizations whose names will officially be on the books. But his group of activists will ultimately deliver them. “They don’t ask how we do it.”

Many donors are cagey when asked about their aid work in Syria; they insist they cannot disclose the identities of their “local partners” because it would put the latter at risk.

IRIN spoke to two international aid agencies that admitted to using activists to get aid into the country.
“We were looking around for ways and means to do what we felt was vital,” said one international aid worker. “We had to find a way of getting this essential support and assistance to these people without going through the normal channels. It was when these networks presented themselves that we felt this was an opportunity and we took it…

“We have a responsibility and a mandate to assist in whatever way we can when the need is there,” he went on. “That’s what we’re attempting to do in these incredibly difficult circumstances.”

Some of it has to remain off the books, he added, which “has not made things easy in terms of our donors.” 

Other agencies look the other way when the aid they provide to Syrian refugees in Jordan is diverted.

“Some Syrian refugees take the excess food aid they receive back to Syria. They find a way,” said Khaled Fayez Ghanem of the Islamic Charity Centre Society, a Jordanian group that is helping Syrian refugees along the border. “We don’t get involved,” he told IRIN with a smile.

“Those who donate [to Jordan] know the aid is not just for the refugees,” a second international aid worker added.

The government recently agreed to a peace plan that includes unhindered humanitarian access, but there is thus far no evidence of its implementation. It has, however, since the beginning of the crisis, granted the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) permission to operate relatively freely. But SARC is already very stretched and not yet fully trusted by donors and activists. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]

Is it legal?

Under international humanitarian law (IHL), it is illegal to provide aid to residents of a country without its government’s permission - unless that country is considered to be in the midst of an armed conflict. In the latter case, aid agencies would be legally entitled to provide aid in rebel-held areas with the opposition’s agreement.

But international law experts say the unrest in Syria has not yet reached the classification of “non-international armed conflict”, as defined by Common Article 3 [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/380-600006 ] of the Geneva Conventions on the laws of war and their second Additional Protocol [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/475-760004 ] - which says the opposition must demonstrate “responsible command” and “exercise such control over a part of its territory as to enable them to carry out sustained and concerted military operations”.

In a February report, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/A-HRC-19-69_en.pdf ] the UN Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry into Syria, found that while violence in certain areas may have reached the requisite level of intensity to qualify as armed conflict, the FSA and other opposition groups had not yet reached the necessary level of organization.

This has left the international community hamstrung. Stalled by vetoes at the Security Council and diverging approaches to the crisis, it has been unable to take decisive action. So where does that leave humanitarianism, or humanitarian intervention, as it has sometimes been called?

“On one hand, we have an international legal framework that requires the applicability of IHL to activate under Common Article 3 the possibility of an impartial humanitarian body - ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] or the United Nations - to offer its services to the parties,” says Claude Bruderlein, director of the Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research at Harvard University. “On the other hand, we have a growing pressure for non-consensual intervention… as a way of providing some protection and safety to the population in Syria,” he told a web seminar organized by Harvard on 15 March.

Amid this growing and “paramount” tension, many humanitarians are calling for a “new humanitarianism” - one that would be based in legitimacy and not legality.

“Smuggling or cross-border operations [are] perfectly legitimate if the intent is to help people who cannot be helped in other ways. In fact, there is an obligation to do so,” said Mukesh Kapila, special representative of the Aegis Trust, an NGO that campaigns against crimes against humanity and genocide.

A longtime humanitarian, Kapila was formerly secretary-general of the International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRC), UN humanitarian coordinator in Sudan and head of conflict research at the UK Department for International Development (DFID).

“We need to revisit what humanitarianism really means in this day and age,” he told the seminar, noting the morality of humanitarian assistance was increasingly distrusted. “We have a confidence crisis…

“Our problem,” he went on, “is that we are seeking solutions to today’s complex problems with ancient instruments. And those ancient instruments are either bodies of laws that have grown up over 50 years in an ad-hoc manner or ancient channels, the legitimacy of which is questioned, like the post-World Wars Security Council, with self-constructed groupings that increasingly have very little respect in the world we live in.”

This month, Kapila crossed into Sudan’s Nuba Mountains illegally to assess humanitarian needs.

“I’m quite impatient with arcane arguments on the legal side of this whole debate about humanitarian access,” he said. “[The discussion] is leading us nowhere at all. Clearly, it’s not a question of legality. It’s a question of legitimacy.”

Ian Hurd, associate professor of political science at Northwestern University in Illinois, says there are three ways in which humanitarians can claim that intervention in cases like Syria is lawful: a changing perception of what sovereignty means; a re-interpretation of the UN Charter; and the Responsibility to Protect doctrine.

But, “in all three of these justifications for intervention, we’ve moved beyond the framework of international law,” he warned during the Harvard seminar. “So the question is not so much - what is legal, but perhaps, what is useful?”

“New humanitarianism”

Participants of the seminar suggested the international community should stop looking to international law for a solution, and instead look for practical alternatives, like turning embassies of Syria over to the opposition; taking financial and/or diplomatic measures against perpetrators of crimes in an effort to pressure them; and providing logistical, training and skills support to the opposition to help people survive. And if all that fails:

“When we cannot protect, it is better to say so, and let people find their own measures of self-protection, rather than give them false hopes, alibis and fake assistance which often leaves them more vulnerable,” Kapila said.

But for many in the aid world, Kapila’s vision of a “new humanitarianism” crosses a very thick red line.

“There is a system put in place by the UN,” said one aid worker. “You can’t get rid of international law.”

“If we don’t stick to our mandate as an institution, we won’t be credible,” said Ruba Afani, ICRC spokesperson in Jordan. “Our dialogue with those who have an influence on the humanitarian situation is built on transparency to gain the trust necessary for us to reach people who need help.”

But the debate is longstanding: Kapila’s call to re-envision humanitarianism echoes one made by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, now special envoy to Syria, more than a decade ago as notions of sovereignty were changing and human rights became a more universal currency.

“[These changes] do oblige us to think anew about such questions as how the UN responds to humanitarian crises; and why states are willing to act in some areas of conflict, but not in others where the daily toll of death and suffering is as bad or worse…

“If it is to enjoy the sustained support of the world’s peoples, intervention must be based on legitimate and universal principles. We need to adapt our international system better to a world with new actors, new responsibilities, and new possibilities for peace and progress,” he wrote in an op-ed [ http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/stories/kaecon.html ] in 1999.

Arguably, the theoretical debate has not evolved much since then, but in practice, Ahmad Almasri, Abdu Abazid and others are living examples of this “new humanitarianism”.

“Since we began our work in this field, and due to our resources on the inside, we have accomplished a success rate of 95%,” Almasri wrote in his pitch. “We are very confident that with your added help we can deliver more aid to our people in Syria. The Syrian people are in a dear [sic] need for your assistant…. In the name of humanity, in the name of friendship and in the name of compassion we ask you to ….. Please help us, help the Syrian people.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95209</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203271412330761t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AMMAN 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - In a trendy coffee shop in the Jordanian capital, Amman, 20- and 30-somethings smoking sheesha pipes are playing the role of international aid agencies from their laptops.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: Water being used to coerce Bedouin villagers, says NGO</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281231080983t.jpg" />]]>UMM AL-HIERAN, NEGEV DESERT 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Salim Abu al-Qi’an’s family live in Israel’s Negev desert in the “unrecognized” Bedouin village of Umm al-Hieran, 9km from the nearest source of clean water.</description><body><![CDATA[UMM AL-HIERAN, NEGEV DESERT 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Salim Abu al-Qi’an’s family live in Israel’s Negev desert in the “unrecognized” Bedouin village of Umm al-Hieran, 9km from the nearest source of clean water.

“There is no water in the village. We truck it in. It costs about 50 shekels [US$13.4] per cubic metre of water,” explained the 53-year-old village leader. “There is a pipe that’s about 8km long, but it’s too old, and the planning authorities don’t allow us to put a new one under the ground. We are asking for better access to water, a new pipe that should be close to the village.”

The Israeli authorities forced Umm al-Hieran residents to move to the area where the village now sits in 1956, shortly after the military had evicted them from their original homes in the Wadi Zuballa area of the Negev desert.

In 2004, the villagers faced a new threat of expulsion, as the Southern District Planning Committee unveiled a master plan which involves once again displacing Umm al-Hieran, and building the Jewish community of Hiran in its place. According to the Israeli government, the 500 residents of Umm al-Hieran are trespassers who are illegally squatting on state land.

Some 80-90,000 Bedouin citizens of Israel live in unrecognized villages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93389/ISRAEL-Opportunity-gulf-between-Bedouin-in-the-Negev ] in the southern Negev, according to a report [ http://www.acri.org.il/en/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/Prawer-Policy-Paper-May2011.pdf ] by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. As a result of their unrecognized status, nearly every structure in these communities can be demolished at any time, and residents do not receive basic services from the state, including electricity, paved roads, healthcare facilities, schools, and water.

Constitutional right

In June 2011, however, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the right to water was a constitutional right, and that the state must guarantee a “minimum access to water” for the residents of the unrecognized villages. Still, the court did not specify what constituted a fair minimum.

Shortly thereafter, a Haifa court, acting as a water tribunal, rejected Umm al-Hieran’s application to be connected to the local water network. The court argued that the villagers had minimum access to water, and suggested they buy water from private citizens in towns connected to the water network, or move into nearby government-planned Bedouin townships.

According to Sawsan Zaher, an attorney at Adalah, the Legal Center from Arab Minority Rights in Israel, which has represented al-Qi’an’s family and the residents of Umm al-Hieran in their legal struggle, the water tribunal’s decision means that “a constitutional right, which is the right to water as part of the right to a minimal standard of living, [will] be provided by private actors and not by the state. This is in contradiction to constitutional law. The duty is on the state to fulfil this right and protect it even.”

Adalah has filed an appeal to Israel’s Supreme Court, asking that “minimum access to water” be explicitly defined, and challenging the constitutionality of forcing Umm al-Hieran residents to purchase water from non-state actors.

“Despite the fact that they are citizens, they are not entitled to the same level of rights as other citizens of Israel. Why? Because they are living in unrecognized villages,” Zaher told IRIN.

“We want you to move out”

“The purpose is not hidden any more. It is revealed and it’s very official: we are not connecting you to water because we want you to move out. This is the policy. It’s a kind of punishment. This is in huge contradiction with human rights and logic and humanity - to come and punish people by not giving them water for political purposes,” Zaher said.

In a 9 March report, [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/CERD.C.ISR.CO.14-16.pdf ] the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination raised concerns about Bedouin communities in Israel, particularly with regard to Bedouin home demolitions, and inequalities between Bedouin and Jewish citizens’ access to land, housing, education, employment and public health.

Israel’s proposed Law for the Regulation of Bedouin Settlement in the Negev, which would forcibly displace 30,000-60,000 of the 80,000-90,000 Bedouins living in unrecognized villages, should be shelved, the UN Committee found, since it legalizes “the ongoing policy of home demolitions and forced displacement of the indigenous Bedouin communities”.

According to Salim Abu al-Qi'an, forcibly displacing residents of Umm al-Hieran to the nearby government-planned Bedouin township of Hura is indeed the motivation behind denying them direct access to high-quality water.

“They want to push us to leave the village and to displace us,” he told IRIN. “Even though we are an unrecognized village, this is nicer than to live in Hura. There are no services there. Sewage and garbage is in the street. There’s not enough space. It’s another refugee camp.”

jkd/eo/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95193</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281231080983t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">UMM AL-HIERAN, NEGEV DESERT 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - Salim Abu al-Qi’an’s family live in Israel’s Negev desert in the “unrecognized” Bedouin village of Umm al-Hieran, 9km from the nearest source of clean water.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Syrian Red Crescent fighting perceptions of partiality</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021145270065t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria. 

SARC needs more than US$10 million in order to maintain current levels of operations and expand mobile health clinics to all hot spots, its president, Abdul Rahman Attar, told IRIN on the sidelines of a meeting of Red Crescent and Red Cross societies from the Arab world in Dubai on 28-29 March, where he has been lobbying other Red Crescent societies for financial support. 

“Until now, we don’t have enough support [from Arab donors]. Because they are mixing the politics with the humanitarian,” Attar said. “They say: ‘We are afraid to send you materials’.” 

Pointing to the Saudi and Kuwaiti donors as examples, he said: “They are just following the political agenda, the government agenda. It’s not only a humanitarian problem. It’s political.” 

In a region where Red Cross and Red Crescent societies “don’t enjoy the freedom their sister organizations in the West do,” as one Red Crescent volunteer from the region said, there is a perception among some Arab donors that SARC is too close to the Syrian government. 

On the ground in Syria, some activists have voiced similar concerns and have at times resisted help from the Society. One member of the international Red Cross/Crescent movement told IRIN SARC still was not trusted - a major problem given SARC, with the support of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), is the only major relief organization with access on the ground. The government recently accepted a peace plan which includes unhindered humanitarian access, but observers are careful to be too optimistic. 

Since March 2011, when anti-government protesters began taking to the streets, Syria has descended into near civil war with armed groups and defectors battling government troops, which have attacked certain areas with tanks and heavy artillery. According to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, more than 7,500 people have died - mostly civilians. Attar told IRIN as many as 400,000 people are now displaced, though the number keeps fluctuating. 

Image problem?

SARC provides advanced first aid to people affected by hostilities; distributes emergency relief items to those displaced; and runs healthcare clinics in areas where government clinics have not been operating because of the unrest. It also evacuates wounded people. 

In one extreme case, after the Red Crescent risked its volunteers’ lives in reaching the Baba Amr neighbourhood of Homs - then under siege - to evacuate injured Western journalists, the latter refused to enter the ambulance - insisting on rescue by ICRC instead. 

But SARC has been fighting hard to dispel this image - reminding people that its volunteers have died trying to provide aid to those affected, including SARC Secretary-General Abd-al-Razzaq Jbeiro, who was shot dead on 25 January in an attack on a vehicle clearly marked with the Red Crescent emblem. 

“We can assure any organization or Syrian that we will not work with any part of the government because otherwise, we lose our independence,” Attar insisted to IRIN.

Attar, whose father established the Society in 1942, has been with the movement for 40 years. 

“We have proven to the Syrian people that we are the only body that was able to be effective on the ground,” he told participants of the meeting of the General Assembly of the Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Organization (ARCO) on 28 March. “I call for moving away from politics when providing humanitarian aid to others.” 

According to Ibrahim Osman, director of the Middle East and North Africa region for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), which coordinates and supports national societies, the perception of partiality has been “fading away… and people are starting to realize the Society is doing a great job on the ground.” 

SARC funding

In recent weeks, Kuwait pledged $1 million and Qatar donated two ambulances to SARC directly. 

“The ability of Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Societies to help one another in spite of many and difficult adverse relations between their respective governments is a most valuable characteristic,” Mohammed Al-Hadid, member of the Standing Commission of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, the highest body governing the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement, said during the meeting. 

But the reality is that bilateral direct aid, while growing, has been limited. Nearly all of the $10.8 million SARC says it has spent since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in March 2011 has come from IFRC and ICRC.

And some donors are still skeptical. 

The United Arab Emirates Red Crescent, for instance, which has spent over six million dirham ($1.63 million) in supporting Syrian refugees in Jordan, and is gearing up assistance for refugees in Lebanon, has held back from supporting SARC so far because “we don’t think it is the right time yet,” said its chairman, Ahmad Humaid Al Mazrouie. 

“As soon as we can liaise things with the right international organizations, we will do that,” he told IRIN at the sidelines of the conference. “We have to do it carefully.”

Abdullah Al Hazaa, secretary-general of ARCO, which represents all national societies in the Arab world, said some aid had been given to SARC directly, but most national societies were waiting until it was safe for their own teams to enter Syria. He said he had had discussions with SARC’s president and was awaiting directives on how best to help. He did, however, voice concerns about SARC’s ability to deliver, citing a shipment of medicines that he says was stuck at the Syrian border for six weeks because SARC had to wait for government permission to bring it into the country. 

“Unfortunately, even SARC, they cannot take action because it’s out of their hands.”

One Arab donor told IRIN supporting SARC is “too political” and a lose-lose situation: The opposition could see support for SARC as tacit support for the government, while the government could accuse the donor of feeding and supplying the rebels. 

Others see SARC as a pioneer - moving beyond the “social activities” that societies in the region were accustomed to. “SARC is a new model for national societies in the Arab world,” said Yaseen Ahmed Abbas, president of the Iraqi Red Crescent.

But according to one well-placed source within the international Red Cross/Crescent Movement, it was less a matter of pioneering and more a matter of SARC’s “survival”. 

Volunteer-led

In the early days of the unrest, he told IRIN, SARC did not get very involved. But its volunteers - members of the communities in which they lived, went ahead and helped people anyway, without instructions or guidance. Their leadership faced a choice, the source said: “become irrelevant” or follow the volunteers’ lead. It chose the latter. And while there were initial concerns about the close relationship between SARC’s leadership and the government, the source said, Attar was eventually able to use his connection with President Bashar al-Assad to ensure humanitarian access for his organization, “strike a balance” and, ultimately, best serve those in need. 

He said there was no evidence of any partiality in the delivery of aid, and that the quality and professionalism of the Red Crescent was “above standard” - a view echoed by Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of ICRC operations for the Near and Middle East. 

“Many of the misperceptions and accusations against SARC that have been voiced on twitter, facebook and other media are unfair and unjustified,” she told IRIN on the sidelines of the summit, saying SARC volunteers had made “miracles”.

But despite changing perceptions, there are still roadblocks. 

Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, acknowledged “we are stretched to the maximum.” 

Because no international agencies have been allowed to enter Syria, all those who want to help have had to do so through ICRC and SARC. (There are international NGOs present in Syria, but their projects focus on Iraqi and Palestinian refugees - though they are open to Syrians as well). SARC is distributing World Food Programme food, for instance. 

Erksoussi said the Society had up to 15,000 volunteers, with 14 branches and 80 sub-branches across the country, but was still hamstrung. 

“We are replacing government services [like health clinics] in areas affected, but we cannot replace those services for long. We don’t have enough support to carry on a long operation like this. So we move from one place to another to cover the emergency needs.” 

ICRC

Asked what was preventing ICRC from strengthening its capacity on the ground, Megevand-Roggo  said it was not a question of funding. 

“The most important thing is to get the trust of all parties that we are really working on humanitarian grounds. The situation in Syria is very complex, very difficult, extremely sensitive, extremely politicized.” 

ICRC is also trying to move SARC away from an over-reliance on volunteers by paying salaries for more staff; while IFRC has helped train volunteers and provide insurance. 

Erksoussi said SARC needs ambulances and equipment for mobile clinics, as well as medicine for chronic illnesses. Displaced and affected people need food, hygiene kits, mattresses, blankets and clothes.

But one of the biggest constraints, he told IRIN, is a lack of logistical and operational support, especially as it becomes harder to find drivers willing to take supplies to hot spots. 

“When you want to support, you must support everything from A-Z,” Erksoussi said. “You can’t give me 100 tons of aid which I cannot distribute because I do not have enough fuel…

“It’s good that support is being offered to refugees for instance, in Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon, but the main bulk of the need is still in Syria, and the agency in the driver’s seat is SARC,” he added. “If you want the aid to reach the people, you will have to contact the movement and discuss the needs. If you just want to donate and say you donated… it can be done through a lot of channels, but I assure you it will not reach anybody.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95204</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021145270065t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 29 March 2012 (IRIN) - As it tries to improve its image and convince donors of its impartiality, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) is calling for more support in order to respond to growing humanitarian needs in Syria.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
