<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Malawi</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 14:30:34 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Floods leave Angolan returnees stranded</title><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa. 
 
 “At least 50,000 people - 24,000 of them returnees - in 10 villages in Uige Province [northeastern Angola near border with DRC] have been affected by the flooding, rains and hailstorms in the past four months,” said Antonio Maiandi, head of the Evangelical Reformed Church of Angola, which has been trying to help those affected. The rainy season here tends to be longer than elsewhere in Angola. 
 
 “It is still pouring hard. At least 1,142 houses have been destroyed by the rains. Each family with shelter is now hosting other families,” said Maiandi, adding that the returnees, who had sought refuge from the civil war in Angola which ended in 2002, were putting enormous pressure on locals, and organizations such as his. 
 
 “The local population who are mostly farmers have been severely affected. Their cassava [staple food in Angola] and groundnut crops have been destroyed, so there is not enough food to go round.” 
 
 The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) restarted formal repatriation of Angolans in November 2011 after logistical and other problems forced the process to stop in 2007. DRC is home to some 80,000 Angolans refugees, according to UNHCR. 
 
 The new return initiative comes after a UNHCR survey in 2010 found that 43,000 wanted to return home, and following a tripartite agreement between Angola, DRC and UNHCR (signed in June 2011), around 20,000 people signed up for help to return. The agreement came about after years of tense relations between the two countries: Angolan and Congolese nationals have been expelled from the two countries regularly. [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93004 ] [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=90906 ]
 
 “The local population is extremely poor and unable to support the returnees,” and “people are still coming in every day,” said Maiandi. 
 
 UNHCR in Angola told IRIN they took a break in December 2011 and would resume formal repatriation on 17 January, but did not have an update on the number of people who had already arrived. 
 
 According to aid workers, increasing instability in the DRC following the recent disputed elections could be prompting more people to leave. 
 
 Maiandi said the returnees had not received adequate support from the authorities and church organizations had limited resources. 
 
 Meteorologists for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have predicted normal to above normal rains for most of the region from January to March 2012 largely because of the continuing effects of the 2011 La Niña event. [ http://irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91746 ] Thousands of people in the region were displaced and scores killed in early 2011 as a result of heavy rains and flooding associated with La Niña. 
 
 Zimbabwe 
 
 As the rainy season begins here, aid workers and disaster prevention teams are closely monitoring water levels in the all-important Zambezi river, the continent's fourth largest. 
 
 The authorities have issued a flood alert after being forced to release water from the swollen Kariba Dam on the Zambezi earlier than usual in the rainy season. 
 
 The Zambezi River Authority (ZRA) which usually opens the spillway gates of Lake Kariba in the last two weeks of January was forced to open one of the gates on 3 January. It has advised people living downstream to evacuate their homes. 
 
 Zambia 
 
 Zambia is in for a mixed season. Dominicano Mulenga, national coordinator of Zambia's Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit, said a plan had been drawn up to help 368,953 people likely to be affected by rain and dry spells. While northwestern and western parts of the country had seen heavy rain, southern, eastern and parts of central Zambia were likely to receive little or no rain, he said. 
 
 The water level in the Zambezi was higher than at the same time in 2011, he added. “We have had three seasons of heavy rainfall and the ground is saturated with water, making it more prone to flooding.” 
 
 Namibia 
 
 Namibians, currently experiencing a heat wave, are eager for rain, said Guido van Langehove, chief of the Namibia Hydrological Services. Southern African Development Community (SADC) meteorologists have forecast normal to above normal rains for Namibia over the next three months. “It was the same forecast last year and we recorded three times the normal rain,” van Langehove pointed out. 
 
 The Caprivi Region, Namibia’s poorest area, is prone to annual flooding. 
 
 Japhet Itenge, director of Disaster Risk Management in the Office of the Prime Minister, said they were prepositioning essential commodities and relief tools as part of their contingency plans. 
 
 Lesotho 
 
 Lesotho has not received adequate rainfall in the past few months, a spokesman for the country’s meteorological services told IRIN. “SADC has forecast heavy rains for Lesotho in the coming weeks. We are worried it can cause early frost and destroy crops that have already been planted,” he said. 
 
 Lesotho and Namibia have food insecurity levels greater than their five-year averages due to the severe flooding experienced during the last growing season, according to FEWSNET. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 The Mozambican authorities have begun to release water from the Cahora Bassa Dam on the Zambezi. People living mainly along the lower Zambezi basin and in Buzi, Save, and Pungue basins, including Beira city, are on alert. 
 
 Sofala Province in central Mozambique is currently distributing items such as bicycles, stretchers, masks, gloves, megaphones and boats, according to the Mozambique Red Cross; and members of seven local disaster risk management committees established in Beira City are cleaning the drainage system. 
 
 The National Institute of Disaster Management (INGC) is monitoring the rivers Montepuez, Licungo, Mutamba, Pungué, Buzi, Save, and Maputo, said FEWSNET. In the Zambezi and Limpopo river basins, FEWSNET warned of a near-average-to-high probability of flooding. 
 
 João Bobotela, CARE’s emergency response coordinator in Mozambique, said INGC and local authorities had been running flood simulation exercises since November 2011 to prepare communities for sudden evacuations. 
 
 Botswana 
 
 Arid Botswana has not received good rains in the past few months. “We are expecting average rains which might help crops,” said a spokesman for the Botswana Meteorological Services. 
 
 Malawi 
 
 More rains have been forecast for southern Malawi, where land adjacent to the River Shire, one of the most food-insecure parts of the country, is prone to flooding. Parts of the region, which has seen an outbreak of foot and mouth disease and a hike in food prices, are in crisis mode, warned FEWSNET. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 Much-needed rain has fallen in South Africa’s major maize-producing northern Free State area in the past few weeks. The government and USAID’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) say the country has adequate supplies, but global maize stocks are low, putting considerable upward price pressure on South African white maize. 
 
 
 jk-dd/cb ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94598</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines: 
 
 1. Swaziland's financial meltdown - As early as January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was warning that drastic measures were needed to stave off a financial crisis in the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91609 ] The IMF's recommendations were largely ignored and the country's economic freefall continued with the main losers being the elderly whose pensions were suspended, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92263 ] orphans and vulnerable children whose school fees went unpaid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] people living with HIV who faced an uncertain supply of antiretroviral drugs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] and subsistence farmers who stopped receiving government support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94113 ] The outlook for 2012 does not look any better with officials already predicting an increase in food security for most Swazis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94481 ] 
 
 2. Malawi's escalating political and economic crisis - Concerns about human rights and economic mismanagement saw Malawi fall out of favour with Western donors who had provided 40 percent of the country's budget. The withdrawal of UK aid to the country in June hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ] President Bingu wa Mutharika's increasingly autocratic rule, together with rising food prices and fuel shortages, contributed to widespread protests in July. The security forces' heavy-handed response, which left at least 18 people dead, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93325 ] did nothing to restore donor confidence in the government. Poverty looks set to worsen in rural areas where many smallholder farmers are no longer benefiting from a reduced Farm Input Subsidy Programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93954 ] and in urban areas where a slew of price increases are already taking their toll on the poor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94498 ] 
 
 3. Deepening poverty in Madagascar - Two years after a coup which deposed President Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar's political crisis remains unresolved and sanctions which froze all but emergency donor aid remain in place. IRIN's coverage tracked how the country's political stalemate has made an already poor country, even poorer [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92236 ] with the demise of free primary school education, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92235 ] a severely under-funded health sector and increasing levels of food insecurity made worse by a shortage of rain followed by flooding. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91970 ] In one impoverished town, IRIN followed a group of girls who had abandoned school to pan for a few flecks of gold. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92938 ] Signs that the country might finally be moving towards the restoration of democracy have not been enough to lift the sanctions, but donors have continued to find ways to deliver desperately needed aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94351 ] 
 
 4. Continuing political instability in Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's unity government remains far from unified and incidents of political violence escalated following President Robert Mugabe's call for elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91506 ] Despite some improvements in the dire state of affairs at public health facilities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93765 ] and more assistance to orphans and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93858 ] mainly due to donor programmes, many Zimbabweans still faced economic hardship in 2011. Dry weather in the country's southern provinces caused crops to fail and put an estimated one million rural Zimbabweans in need of food assistance by the end of the year. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94286 ] In urban areas, a shortage of clean water and sanitation caused an outbreak of typhoid [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94237 ] and created the conditions for a potential resurgence of cholera. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94452] 
 
 5. South Africa’s borders - The region's most developed nation is a magnet for migrants, but economic pressures fuelled continuing attacks on foreigners in 2011, particularly those operating shops in townships. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93130 ] The government's handling of xenophobia was deemed inadequate by civil society groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] while changes in policy indicated an official hardening of attitudes towards migrants. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94337 ] A two-year moratorium on deportations of undocumented Zimbabweans came to an end in October, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] new legislation created more hurdles for asylum-seekers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] and an unofficial policy of barring migrants from entering the country had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ] 
 
 6. Flooding and livelihoods - Heavy rain at the beginning of the year brought localized flooding to many parts of the region, decimating crops and testing authorities' disaster preparedness. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91754 ] The floods claimed 104 lives in Namibia and a further 91 in South Africa, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93294 ] washed away the possibility of a harvest for subsistence farmers in Lesotho [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91925 ] and threatened the food security of affected populations throughout the region. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91881 ] 
 
 ks/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94564</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Urban poor hit by slew of price increases</title><pubDate>Mon, 19 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510109t.jpg" />]]>BLANTYRE 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Devaluation, fuel shortages and economic mismanagement have conspired to push staple food prices to “alarming levels” in urban areas of Malawi, where even catching a bus to work has become an unaffordable luxury for many, according to residents and analysts.
</description><body><![CDATA[BLANTYRE 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Devaluation, fuel shortages and economic mismanagement have conspired to push staple food prices to “alarming levels” in urban areas of Malawi, where even catching a bus to work has become an unaffordable luxury for many, according to residents and analysts.
 
 “At the moment, we are only concentrating on finding enough money for food and water,” said father-of-four Francis Tambula, who walks 7km every day from his home in Blantyre’s Ndirande township to his shop in the Limbe trading centre because paying for public transport would consume half of his income.
 
 “We stopped having breakfast because we cannot manage to buy sugar and bread,” he told IRIN.
 
 Since Malawi started experiencing severe shortages of fuel and foreign exchange currency earlier this year, soap, beans, dry fish, bread, sugar and cooking oil have become luxuries for Tambula's family, and even affording maize, Malawi’s staple food, has become a struggle.
 
 The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET), which monitors trends in staple food prices in countries vulnerable to food insecurity, noted that in southern Malawi, maize prices rose by 22 percent in September and a further 15 percent in October. [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/MONTHLY%20PRICE%20WATCH%20November%202011.pdf ]
  
 According to a cost-of-living survey released every month by local NGO the Centre for Social Concern (CFSC), the price of maize increased by an average of 11.7 percent during October in the country's four main urban centres (Mzuzu, Lilongwe, Blantyre and Zomba) [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/THE_BNB_DATA_CFSC.pdf ].
 
 "The fact that the staple food is recording alarming price increase is indicative of hard times ahead," noted CFSC's researchers in a 15 November press release [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/CFSC_BNB_Press_Statements.pdf ]. "It is a wake-up call to government and other stakeholders... to monitor the situation closely for timely interventions as the upcoming lean season might be more than what the country might have known in previous years."
  
 In an attempt to address Malawi's thriving black market trade in US dollars, which has contributed to the crippling shortage of foreign exchange, the kwacha was devalued by 10 percent in August, but according to the CFSC, income levels have remained stagnant and the cost of goods and services has continued to climb.
  
 Collen Kaluwa, an economics professor at the University of Malawi, said the country's economic crisis had stretched the resources of Malawi's city dwellers to breaking point.
  
 “The shortage of fuel has caused hiccups in transportation, making commodities expensive. Forex shortages mean that manufacturing companies are not able to source sufficient inputs for production, hence we are bound to have shortages of commodities in shops and this is also pushing prices up,” he explained.
  
 Kaluwa agreed with recommendations by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that Malawi's central reserve bank needs to further devalue the kwacha if it is to address the foreign exchange shortage. 
  
 Economic mismanagement?
  
 Concerns over poor governance and economic mismanagement by President Bingu wa Mutharika’s administration have seen international donors - including the UK's Department for International Development (DFID), the US-based Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the European Union and the World Bank - either freeze or terminate assistance to Malawi, which relied on foreign aid for up to 40 percent of its annual budget [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ].
  
 In response, the government passed a "Zero Deficit" budget in July 2011 which included 16.5 percent Value Added Tax (VAT) on many commodities that were previously excluded including bread, meat and milk, a move that has further eroded the purchasing power of the kwacha. 
  
 “The bad policies the government followed, be it economically or politically, have had adverse, negative [effects] on the poor,” Kaluwa said.
  
 President of the Consumers Association of Malawi John Kapito said the economic situation in Malawi had reached “indescribable levels”.
  
 “People are listening to every statement the authorities are making, hoping that they are going to say something that would bring hope. But at the moment there is nothing Malawians are hoping for,” he told IRIN.
  
 Without a rapid and significant improvement in Malawi's economic outlook, widespread job losses are expected, according to Chairperson of the Employers Consultative Association of Malawi (ECAM) Aubrey Chikunga. “Companies are informing us that they would be shutting down because production has gone down. There is no forex and fuel; the country is also experiencing low power supply which is affecting production,” he said.
  
 The IMF is currently in discussion with Malawi about reviving an extended credit facility programme aimed at mitigating the effects of foreign exchange shortages; it was suspended in June 2011 because of the governments' failure to meet the needed conditions.
  
 rc/ks/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94498</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510109t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BLANTYRE 19 December 2011 (IRIN) - Devaluation, fuel shortages and economic mismanagement have conspired to push staple food prices to “alarming levels” in urban areas of Malawi, where even catching a bus to work has become an unaffordable luxury for many, according to residents and analysts.
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Counter-trafficking measures trail commitments</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity. 
 
 Southern Africa has many of the conditions traffickers capitalize on: endemic poverty and unemployment that create a demand for better opportunities, and high rates of regular and irregular migration that mask the movements of traffickers and their victims. 
 
 The region has no shortage of protocols, frameworks and action plans for dealing with human trafficking, but the net result of all these agreements has been no more than a handful of prosecutions. 
 
 "African countries are more than happy to sign documents and attend conferences, but step out of the room and they're happy to have lunch and forget about it," said Ottilia Maunganidze, a researcher on the International Crime in Africa Programme at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria. 
 
 Maunganidze was addressing a roomful of experts and government officials mainly from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) who gathered in Johannesburg, South Africa, recently to look at ways of turning commitments to counter human trafficking into action. 
 
 The key international framework for combating this crime is the 2000 UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, also known as the Palermo Protocol [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/protocoltraffic.htm ]. Its lengthy definition of human trafficking includes “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception…for the purpose of exploitation.” Twelve of the SADC's 15 member states have ratified the protocol, which committed them to enact legislation to make human trafficking a criminal offence. 
 
 More than a decade later, only six have passed comprehensive laws. Several others have partial laws or, in the case of South Africa, bills waiting to be passed [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportId=93104 ], while five countries lack any specific legislation. 
 
 "If trafficking is not a crime in your country, everything else is symptomatic," warned Johan Kruger of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 
 
 Maunganidze pointed out that merely passing legislation is not enough. Mozambique has passed legislation, but has never prosecuted a case. "Criminalisation has to happen in practice," she told the meeting. 
 
 This means developing national action plans that involve social workers, medical professionals, public prosecutors and the police; establishing a central anti-trafficking unit; allocating resources to assisting victims; and signing bilateral and multilateral agreements with the countries victims originate from and pass through. 
 
 SADC countries adopted a 10-year strategic plan of action to combat trafficking in persons in 2009 that incorporates many of these measures. There is also a protocol on gender and development with a deadline of 2015 to put in place measures to eradicate trafficking. Maunganidze says this is "probably very idealistic", and cites the difficulty of identifying and addressing some of the root causes of trafficking, as well as the limited resources and political will so far devoted to responses. 
 
 Most trafficking in southern Africa is for the purpose of sexual exploitation, but trafficking for forced labour is growing and is even more hidden, according to Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, regional representative of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 
 
 Criminal syndicates are usually engaged in these activities, and many people still lack a clear understanding of what trafficking is, adding to the difficulty of detection and prosecution. "Organized crime can't be prosecuted in the same fashion as other crimes," said Kruger. "You have to connect the dots, you need proactive intelligence and international cooperation." 
 
 "In Africa, we're making some progress in creating an environment to assist victims, but where we need more work is prosecutions," Mariano-Joaquim told IRIN. "Prosecution is lagging behind the identification of victims, and even prevention." 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94445</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: The rush to rationalize</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005061306150655t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - As international HIV funding declines, nations are bracing for a future with less money and tougher choices. In countries like donor-dependent Malawi, a new UNAIDS tool is already beginning to shape how to rationalize their HIV responses to cope with the altered circumstances.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - As international HIV funding declines, nations are bracing for a future with less money and tougher choices. In countries like donor-dependent Malawi, a new UNAIDS tool is already beginning to shape how to rationalize their HIV responses to cope with the altered circumstances. 
 
 Malawi seems to have read the writing on the wall and is in the early phases of costing its HIV programming to see what it will take to make the national response sustainable. 
 
 It is also receiving UN agency support to evaluate national HIV programme in light of the investment framework recently released by UNAIDS, which is guiding the choices as national programmes bend to the pressures to rationalise expenditure. 
 
 The framework, published in a June 2011 edition of The Lancet medical journal, advocates that countries spend money on a basic set of six activities in HIV care and treatment, including prevention of mother-to-child transmission, medical male circumcision, and increasing access to antiretroviral (ARV) treatment. 
 
 Modelling suggests that, if implemented, the framework could avert about 12 million new HIV infections and almost 8 million AIDS-related deaths by 2020. 
 
 Dr Mary Shawa, Principle Secretary for HIV/AIDS in the Office of the Presidency, said Malawi will look to non-traditional donors like China to shore up HIV programming, and may also explore innovative financing measures. However, the UNAIDS Country Coordinator in Malawi, Patrick Brenny, says there's no denying the impact that reduced funding will have on HIV programmes. 
 
 "More countries are going through these formal exercises because the fat days are over, the funds aren't enough to go around or go as far," Brenny told IRIN/PlusNews. "In the past, when there was a lot of money to go around, you could afford to do all kinds of things. As resources become scarcer, we have to ask, 'What are the smartest investments?'" 
 
 With an 11 percent HIV prevalence rate, Malawi has already made painful choices in its programming. The country still relies heavily on the Global Fund, which provides as much as much as 70 percent of the HIV and TB response. Yet UNAIDS notes that in 2011 the government is funding only 1 percent of the HIV/AIDS response. 
 
 According to international humanitarian medical agency Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Malawi's Round 10 funding application to the Global Fund was denied largely because it was deemed too ambitious. The country had to forgo increasing HIV viral load monitoring, improving early infant HIV diagnosis, and scaling up medical male circumcision, MSF said in a recent statement. 
 
 Prevention priorities 
 
 The alleged refusal of funders to finance overly ambitious proposals may be a sign of the pressure being put on countries to rationalise HIV and development funding, against the backdrop of the global economic downturn, as Brenny pointed out. 
 
 This may also be embodied in what UNAIDS describes as a shift away from "needs-based" programming. 
 
 "Countries are also feeling the pinch of the global economic meltdown, and are pulling back and tightening their belts, and look at new areas for more investments - HIV is no exception," said Henry Damisoni of UNAIDS in Johannesburg, South Africa. 
 
 "Over the years, a lot of money [has been invested] but if we can't demonstrate meaningful results out of those investments, there is no justification for us to ask for more money," he said. 
 
 "Demonstrating a need for a particular programme is no longer sufficient. We're going to have to generate concrete evidence to demonstrate the sustainable gains we're going to make [from the money]." 
 
 In Malawi, where 305,000 HIV patients are on ARVs, investment will likely focus on prevention, said Robert Ngaiyaye, executive director of the Malawi Interfaith AIDS Association, who also sits on the national body responsible for coordinating Global Fund grants, known as the country coordinating mechanism. 
 
 About 70,000 Malawians are newly infected with HIV every year, according to UNAIDS. 
 
 "That's a huge future mortgage of people who will need treatment... for the rest of their lives," Brenny noted. "How do we ensure that... [the number of new infections] becomes less? Because if we're not doing that, then we are mortgaging the future." 
 
 Malawi may have difficulty in adopting the investment framework's focus on most-at-risk populations because same-sex relationships are still criminalised. 
 
 llg/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94357</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005061306150655t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - As international HIV funding declines, nations are bracing for a future with less money and tougher choices. In countries like donor-dependent Malawi, a new UNAIDS tool is already beginning to shape how to rationalize their HIV responses to cope with the altered circumstances.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: A deadly funding crisis</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding. 
 
 That money for HIV/AIDS efforts is not as plentiful as in previous years hardly comes as a surprise. UNAIDS notes that the global economic crisis appears to have put an end to a decade of funding increases by donors - after flattening out in 2009 for the first time, international AIDS assistance fell by 10 percent in 2010. [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] 
 
 Nandini Oomman, director of the HIV/AIDS Monitor, which tracks AIDS spending at the Washington-based Centre for Global Development, admits that “we are in a bad situation” and faced with “less money and more [health] priorities”. Moreover, non-communicable diseases have overtaken HIV/AIDS as the leading cause of death worldwide. Global and national leaders are now confronted with a “set of tough choices”, she noted. 
 
 Zimbabwe’s Minister of Health, Dr Henry Madzorera, believes it is still too early to gauge the full impact of the global funding decline. “We do anticipate that [this] will have a negative impact on our universal access goal… that the consequences of this global economic meltdown will be catastrophic to our programmes… [and] will take us back many years,” he told IRIN/PlusNews. 
 
 The big squeeze 
 
 As the world’s largest donor to HIV/AIDS efforts, the United States contributes 54 percent of international AIDS financing, but the Centre for Global Development warns that in America’s current political and fiscal climate, this level of support for AIDS funding may have reached a “tipping point” and “will be increasingly difficult to maintain in coming years”. 
 
 Oomman pointed out that the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) was protected by legislation until 2013, so cuts in the funding mechanism may not be as deep as feared. “The real questions [about the future of PEPFAR] will open up in two years, when the US is faced with reauthorizing PEPFAR,” she noted. 
 
 In the meantime, the US global AIDS budget has been cut for the second year running - funding for PEPFAR in 2012 will be US$90 million less than the current allocation - and support for the Global Fund has flat-lined. 
 
 The cost implications are huge, particularly for countries such as Uganda that rely heavily on PEPFAR. According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), less than half of the people needing treatment in Uganda get it, and PEPFAR currently supports 75 percent of all patients receiving ARVs in the country. International donors are increasingly requesting that Uganda look for domestic funds to support its response. 
 
 Although South Africa is better resourced and funds more than 80 percent of its treatment costs, it still receives substantial amounts from foreign donors. PEPFAR’s shift from direct service provision to technical assistance has caused hospices and institutions that were providing ARVs to close down, and patients have been referred to a public health system that is overstretched and poorly equipped to deal with the growing numbers, Nokhwezi Hoboyi, district coordinator for the Treatment Action Campaign, told journalists at a press briefing. 
 
 The UK’s Department for International Development (DfID) is also cutting bilateral aid for HIV/AIDS projects in developing countries by 32 percent, from £59.9 million ($92 million) to £41 million ($64million), between now and 2015. 
 
 Bailing out of the Fund? 
 
 With many donor countries preoccupied with the economic crises on their doorsteps and slowly starting to reduce their HIV/AIDS funding, the Global Fund remains a crucial player despite its latest setback. The amount of money that the multilateral body has made available since it was created in 2001 was “absolutely unprecedented” said Dr Eric Goemaere, head of MSF South Africa’s medical unit. 
 
 On 28 November, MSF warned that many low-income countries with a high HIV/AIDS burden were relying heavily on money from the Global Fund to continue providing treatment as well as to scale up their programmes. Some countries have been unable to implement the most recent World Health Organization guidelines, which call for earlier initiation of treatment and better first-line drugs. 
 
 The Global Fund has also been hit by a crisis in confidence in recent months, after reports of grant mismanagement found by the Fund’s Office of the Inspector General and the findings of a high-level independent review panel that recommended major changes to its accountability structures. 
 
 Oomman told IRIN/PlusNews that rather than “buckling down” to fix the Global Fund model, however, donors were “bailing out” by failing to live up to their commitments. “This doesn’t absolve the Fund of the responsibility to fix itself and reform… but it was created by the donors and should be fixed by the donors,” she commented. 
 
 High-burden nations need to do more 
 
 With its future at stake, the Global Fund has been encouraging emerging markets to pick up the baton, but the reality is that financial backing from traditional donors such as America and the European countries is still vitally important. “If I were an emerging market government, would I put my money in [an organization] which Western donors are pulling out of?” Oomman asked. 
 
 Activists agree that although some countries with high HIV prevalence rates still can’t afford to put a lot of money into their AIDS response, they cannot be completely absolved. 
 
 “Sustainability depends on domestic funding. Even in this hard economic environment, countries can at least lay down the enabling instruments that will grow over time and take over from donor funds when these funds dry up,” Zimbabwe’s Madzorera acknowledged. 
 
 “African governments are not doing enough at this stage,” he said, “and it cannot be allowed to be ‘business as usual’ in the face of this global economic crisis.” 

Read more on the impact of the HIV/AIDS funding crunch: http://www.plusnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?Indepthid=93&amp;reportid=94341
 
 kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007070412t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - This World AIDS Day on 1 Dec should have been a much more joyous event: the global HIV/AIDS response has turned a significant corner, with record numbers of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment and fewer new HIV infections. But the announcement by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria, cancelling its next funding round, has cast a shadow over any celebrations and highlighted the precarious nature of HIV/AIDS funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Feeling the pinch</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch. 
 
 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 
 
 According to medical relief agency Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), funding shortfalls caused the government to cap the number of people starting on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment at 2,000 new patients for 2011, even though an estimated 15,000 people are on waiting lists for the drugs. Only 12 percent of those in need of the life-prolonging medication are receiving it. 
 
 NGOs have been asked by the Ministry of Health to limit HIV testing because there is no money available to buy drugs to treat those eligible for ARVs. Access to drugs for opportunistic infections and testing for CD4-counts or viral loads is extremely limited. 
 
 DRC is largely dependent on the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria to finance its treatment programmes, and other donor projects are winding up, making the country even more dependent on dwindling Global Fund grants. 
 
 Uganda 
 
 Poor funding in 2010 led HIV care facilities to reduce patient enrolment. Service providers said they were afraid to encourage people to test for HIV in case they needed ARVs and were unable to provide the medication. In August PEPFAR responded [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90288 ] to appeals from healthcare providers overwhelmed by patients by making a commitment to increase its support to the national treatment programme. 
 
 However, HIV programmes remain poorly funded and Uganda's appeal for $270 million from the Global Fund in Round 8 was rejected. Although the government now contributes some $60 million annually to buying HIV drugs from a local manufacturer, critics say HIV/AIDS efforts will remain stunted unless the government makes a more meaningful contribution [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86336 ]. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 In November 2011, South Africa's leading HIV/AIDS lobby group, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), which is largely dependent on the Global Fund, released a statement warning that without this money, TAC will be forced to close its doors and retrench 280 employees in 130 branches at the end of January 2012. TAC volunteers distribute over 5 million condoms a year and the group's treatment literacy project educates patients about HIV treatment in many of the country's public health facilities. 
 
 As some donors pull out entirely and others shift from programme implementation to technical assistance, many patients who previously got their treatment from well run NGOs are being transferred to already overcrowded public health facilities. 
 
 Burundi 
 
 Following a Global Fund rejection [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=81105 ] of its application for money in November 2007, the government said there was a gap of $83 million to cover all the needs of the national AIDS strategic plan from 2007 to 2011. 
 
 In 2010, HIV-positive patients in some parts of the country complained that they were unable to access drugs to treat opportunistic infections [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90128 ] and many could not afford a CD4 test, which measures immune strength and is required before health facilities can initiate patients on ARVs. 
 
 At the end of June 2011, World Bank funding - more than $50 million over a nine-year period - for Burundi's AIDS response ended and has not been renewed. The Global Fund and the World Bank have been Burundi's largest HIV donors. In September, associations of people living with HIV reported [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93657 ] that several of their members had died due to an ongoing shortage of ARV drugs. 
 
 Swaziland 
 
 The country with the highest HIV prevalence has been grappling with shortages of HIV treatment, testing kits and laboratory tests essential for initiating and managing patients on ARV treatment, caused mainly by a drop in revenue from the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU) as a result of the global economic downturn. 
 
 Swaziland recently received emergency funding from PEPFAR to help supply first-line ARVs until the end of April 2012, but further ARV shortages have been predicted. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 An estimated 96 percent of the HIV budget is donor-funded, with the Global Fund and PEPFAR providing the largest portion. Mozambique’s Round 9 funding has not yet been released due to concerns over poor financial and supply management, and its Round 10 grant proposal was not approved. Other donors, including the Clinton HIV/AIDS Initiative, have withdrawn support as the UNITAID grant comes to a close. 
 
 Mozambique is expected to face shortages of first-line ARVs by the end of 2012 or even earlier, unless an emergency funding request to the Global Fund is approved. The country is looking for other funding alternatives to help bridge the projected shortfall. 
 
 Kenya 
 
 HIV/AIDS funding received a blow when the Global Fund rejected its proposals in rounds eight and nine. Kenya has a projected $167 billion shortfall to cover its HIV programmes up to 2013. The country has put more than 400,000 people on ARVs, but another 600,000 need the drugs and have no access to them. 
 
 At the end of November 2011, HIV-positive people in Coast Province, eastern Kenya, held demonstrations over the lack of drugs in health facilities, forcing people to purchase the drugs from private pharmacies, but many who can't afford the drugs are going without. 
 
 Kenya's Cabinet has proposed [ http://blog.usaid.gov/2011/09/seeking-a-sustainable-solution-for-hiv-funding-in-kenya ] that the Ministry of Finance create an HIV/AIDS Trust Fund to support scaling up the HIV response. If approved, the government will contribute 1 percent of its annual revenue to the fund. 
 
 kr/kn/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94363</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/NAIROBI 01 December 2011 (IRIN) - Faced with the global economic downturn and less money from donors, national HIV programmes in East and Southern Africa - the region hardest hit by HIV/AIDS - are struggling to stay afloat. IRIN/PlusNews brings you a wrap of countries feeling the biggest pinch.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Rwandan refugees reluctant to repatriate</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907280927540124t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

 According to the “cessation clause” of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/47fdfaf1d.html ] which UNHCR is recommending countries invoke for Rwandans, fundamental and durable changes in a refugee’s country of origin, such that they no longer have a well-founded fear of persecution, should remove the need for international protection. 
 
 “The main thing taken into account is whether the situation that forced people to flee still exists,” explained Fatoumata Lejeune-Kaba, a spokesperson with UNHCR in Geneva. “In this case, for the Rwandans, obviously the genocide and the war is over and many Rwandans have already returned.” 
 
 However, a number of Rwandan refugees living in South Africa whom IRIN interviewed insisted that, while there had been changes in Rwanda, it was not safe for them to return home. 
 
 “I left in 1994 and I haven’t been back,” said Celine*, who like all of the Rwandans interviewed for this article, asked that her real name not be used. “If I go back, my safety will not be guaranteed and even up to now, my family is still getting threatened… people are still getting arrested and put into prison and spend years without trial.” 
 
 “What we fled is still there,” agreed Jean-Pierre*, who left Rwanda after his father, sister and a number of other family members were killed during the genocide. “We follow what is going on in our country; there’s no democracy, no respect for freedom of speech.” 
 
 Jean Pierre has been living in South Africa for 14 years and has already applied for permanent residency, “but what about those who are fleeing the country now and arriving here every day?” he asked. 
 
 Bernard* arrived in South Africa a month ago. A well-known singer in Rwanda, he says he was targeted by the security forces for singing songs critical of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). 
 
 “Soldiers came to my house and I heard my mother outside talking to them. Then I heard shouting and bullets firing and I climbed out the window and ran,” he said, speaking to IRIN through a translator. 
 
 Convinced that his mother had been killed, Bernard crossed the border into Burundi where he stayed for a week before narrowly escaping a second encounter with Rwandan soldiers. After brief stays in Zambia and Mozambique, he finally reached South Africa and did not waste time lodging an asylum claim with the Department of Home Affairs in Pretoria. 
 
 “I heard people talking about the cessation clause, but I couldn’t believe it until they rejected my asylum claim,” he said, adding that his interview had lasted less than 10 minutes and he was handed a decision on the same day. 
 
 Rushed decisions? 
 
 Although South Africa's foreign affairs department has yet to announce whether it will invoke the cessation clause for Rwandan refugees and did not respond to questions from IRIN, Celine said Home Affairs officials had been denying asylum to Rwandans and refusing to extend refugee permits "since the rumours of cessation started". 
 
 Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh of Lawyers for Human Rights, a local NGO which provides legal assistance to refugees, noted that Rwandans seeking asylum in South Africa are supposed to be considered on a case by case basis, but that recent efforts by Home Affairs to address a large backlog of asylum-seeker claims had resulted in some rushed decisions. 
 
 "The people doing the interviews are given a target that they need to make 10 decisions a day which results in people having 10-minute interviews," she told IRIN. "It seems to us not enough time to adequately consider a person’s asylum application." 
 
 Bernard intends to appeal the decision to reject his asylum claim which, according to a print-out given to him by Home Affairs, was based on a lack of evidence that his fear of arrest was well-founded and information indicating that, "the Constitution of Rwanda protects and advances basic human rights and in practice the government respects these rights." 
 
 In fact, a number of human rights organizations have repeatedly raised the alarm about human rights abuses in Rwanda and called for an independent assessment of the current situation in the country prior to invoking the cessation clause. 
 
 "It can’t be compared with what it was in 1994 and there have been significant changes since that time, but there are ongoing concerns such as the very tight restrictions on freedom of expression, and that applies not only to the lack of political space, lack of freedom of the media, but also more broadly to ordinary Rwandans who may have a view that is different from that of the government," said Carina Tertsakian, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch. 
 
 Pressure on UNHCR 
 
 Tertsakian pointed out that the Rwandan government had put considerable pressure on UNHCR to invoke the cessation clause. "I think it’s partly a way of trying to control people; they can speak out much more easily when they’re outside the country," she said. 
 
 Long before UNHCR announced its recommendation on 7 October, the Rwandan government had begun informing its remaining 114,000 refugees, the majority of whom are concentrated in the Great Lakes region, that they would no longer qualify for refugee status after 31 December 2011. Over the past year, high-level delegations have been dispatched to host countries such as Mozambique, Zambia, Uganda and Cameroon urging refugees to repatriate and offering government assistance with reintegration. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90981 ] 
 
 "There's been a fair bit of misinformation about the cessation clause," Tertsakian told IRIN. "I think many people don’t realize that they have the option of resubmitting a claim for refugee status." 
 
 According to Lejeune-Kaba of UNHCR, Rwandans who can still claim persecution or who have gone through severe trauma because of persecution can apply for an exemption from the cessation clause. However, Tertsakian worried about the capacity of a country such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, where an estimated 70,000 Rwandan refugees are living, to process a potential flood of exemption claims. 
 
 "Many countries have a large backlog of asylum-seeker claims... If tens of thousands of Rwandans start re-submitting claims, it's going to be a huge job to go through them," she said. 
 
 Lejeune-Kaba said UNHCR will work with governments to ensure refugees are informed about their right either to apply for exemption or, for those who have established strong ties in their host country, to apply for residency. 
 
 Like Jean-Pierre, Celine has applied for permanent residency in South Africa and hopes to avoid repatriation to Rwanda. "It’s not a matter of having a better life [here] because I love my country," she said. "I’m here because of the protection issue." 
 
 *Not their real names 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94029</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907280927540124t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Rwandans who fled the 1994 genocide and sought asylum in other countries will lose their refugee status by the end of June 2012 if the countries hosting them follow a recommendation by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Soon every African village will know what the weather may bring</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008091519t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data. 
 
 The Coordinated Regional Climate Downscaling Experiment (CORDEX), [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91170 ] an initiative of the World Meteorological Organization is now able to render the data from regional climate models to the scale people live in, and decision makers work at. The information will not only help countries but also communities in their efforts to adapt to changing weather patterns, and to tailor their disaster risk reduction plans. 

The effort is geared to feed into the next assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), due to be released in 2014. 
 
Although CORDEX aims to “downscale” the data for all regions of the world, Africa has been identified as the most vulnerable by the IPCC and a priority for the initiative. Historically the continent has been under-researched, but for the next two years will be a focus for the programme. 
 
Chris Lennard, a scientist at the Climate Systems Analysis Group at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in South Africa, which has one of the only two climate modelling groups downscaling the projections in Africa, said by mid-2012 climate data for people living within 50 kilometres from each other will be available across Africa. 
 
 The other African group, also in South Africa, is based at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in Pretoria. 
 
 "There are climatologists outside the project who are downscaling up to a 22 km resolution as well," said Lennard. “Although this means data at the scale of cities will be available, when assessing vulnerabilities to climate change in a place like Johannesburg there are many other factors that need to be considered external to the city such as water and food security and power provision for example.” 
 
 How it works 
 
 Projecting the impact of climate change is a complicated process that takes into account changes in the long-term averages of daily weather patterns and many other factors. Climate models are used to simulate processes that occur in the atmosphere, such as the movement of moisture and heat as well as the possible impact of increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases on these processes. 
 
 During two meetings in 2011, over 20 African climate scientists met to analyse CORDEX produced data. They decided to divide Africa into three regions for analysis - Southern, East and West. They then sub-divided the regions according to the common characteristics of the rainfall patterns in them. For instance, West Africa has been split into a Southern and Northern region because the south has two peaks per rainy season and the north has only one. 
 
 Climatologists often split regions according to common rainfall patterns because the variables that affect rainfall - movement of air, pressure, temperature, radiation, moisture content - also drive climate change. 
 
 Unfortunately, not all African countries can be assessed because of a lack of adequate scientific support and observational data. 
 
 During the first stage of CORDEX, scientists tested the ability of the various regional climate models to generate data based on actual climate statistics for the period 1988-2010. "The selected historical timeframe is too small to look at any long-term trends," said Lennard. "We wanted to see how the regional climate models simulated the past so we can say something about how they might simulate the future." 
 
 The 14 regional climate models also include factors like the level of small-scale convection, and the interaction between the land surface and the atmosphere. The scientists then work on a consensus position based on the results generated by all the models. 
 
 "We have completed this stage and are busy writing up our results so they can be included in the IPCC 5th assessment report," said Lennard. 
 
 The teams are now awaiting results of global projections of climate change from 12 global climate modelling groups already at work in Europe, the US and elsewhere. 
 
 These groups - including the Abdus Salam International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy; the Swedish Meteorological and Hydrological Institute; the Danish Meteorological Institute; and the Iowa State University - are among the world's foremost global climate modelling institutions. They have simulated the earth's climate as far back as 1950 and look as far forward as 2100. 
 
 "Once the global climate model data become available we will start downscaling them, and the downscaled results will be shared with the African teams for analysis. We expect to have the first downscaled model data early in November," Lennard said. 
 
 Making sense of the numbers 
 
 The projections are critical for communities that must adapt to a moodier climate with limited resources. Initial IPCC assessment reports tended to focus on global climate models and predictions that did not factor in underlying socioeconomic conditions or the vulnerability of communities, writes Saleemul Huq, one of the IPCC’s lead authors. [ http://pubs.iied.org/17103IIED.html?c=climate ] "So, for example, model-based physical impacts in the Netherlands look similar to those in Bangladesh - in part because the two countries share a similar topography, both being low-lying deltas - but in reality the impacts on people, and the options for adapting to these, are likely to differ widely,” Huq notes in a briefing paper for the International Institute for Environment and development (IIED). 
 
 “The Netherlands is technologically and financially rich and can adapt to rising sea levels by raising dykes. Bangladesh, on the other hand, cannot afford to build dykes around its entire coast, even if that was the best adaptation solution." More recent IPCC reports have gone for a "more rounded picture of which countries and regions are at highest risk from climate change". 
 
One of the unique characteristics of the CORDEX Africa campaign is that African climatologists will meet with other African scientists who study vulnerability, adaptation and the impact of climate change on people, to translate the model numbers into meaningful, usable information. Experts from countries that include Benin, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe will analyse the data.

"These scientists [who study humanitarian impact of climate change] know for example what thresholds, which, if crossed more frequently would impact detrimentally on communities, so whether the people in a certain area are more vulnerable to five days or eight days of continuous rainfall,” said Lennard. 
 
“We are coming together so that the impacts scientists can ask climatologists their questions, who will then analyse the model output with these questions in mind and provide them with information they can use."
 
 Their answers will also inform the analysis included in the IPCC's fifth assessment, which is devoting four chapters to adaptation. The previous report, in 2007, carried just one chapter on the topic. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94127</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008091519t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Information about how climate change may affect any city, town or village in Africa until the next century will be available by mid-2012 as scientists localise global climate data.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Tea tells the future of the climate</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181517360701t.jpg" />]]>MOUNT MULANJE 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Changing weather patterns are undermining the ability of smallholder producers in Malawi&apos;s southern region to grow tea, a crop that usually brings in 70 percent of their income, according to local farmers interviewed for a recent Fairtrade study.</description><body><![CDATA[MOUNT MULANJE 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Changing weather patterns are undermining the ability of smallholder producers in Malawi's southern region to grow tea, a crop that usually brings in 70 percent of their income, according to local farmers interviewed for a recent Fairtrade study. [ http://www.nri.org/news/archive/2011/20110603-working-paper-1.html ]
 
 The soils, climatic conditions and sloping ground of the area around the impressive Mount Mulanje, where most of Malawi's tea is grown, are well suited to the crop that supports up to 10,000 smallholder farmers. 
 
 However, data collected by the United Nations and a number of international anti-poverty groups, including Action Aid and Fairtrade, show that temperatures in Malawi are rising steadily, and more frequent droughts and floods are affecting more people. 
 
 In 2006 Action Aid found that from 1970 to 2006 Malawi experienced 40 weather-related disasters, with 16 occurring after 1990. 
 
 Before 2001 only nine Malawian districts were classified as flood-prone, but 16 were affected in 2001 and a further 14 in 2002. By the end of January 2003 there was localised flooding in 22 districts, causing eight deaths and damaging homes and crops. 
 
 Using statistics from the UN Development Programme, the University of Greenwich deduced in 2010 that the mean temperature in Malawi could be expected to rise by between 0 .5 and 1.8 degrees Celsius by the 2030s. 
 
 This would reduce the viability of tea at the lower levels of its current altitudinal range within the next few decades, according to Fairtrade. The organization will be presenting case studies about how a changing climate is affecting small-scale farmers across Africa at the UN climate change conference in Durban, South Africa, in late November 2011. 
 
 Yields down 
 
 "In this part of Malawi we are meant to have rains from November to September, and that is very good for growing tea. Unfortunately though, the annual rainy seasons have been reducing in length, and the periods of drought have been increasing,” said Austin Changazi, a manager at the Sukambizi Association Trust, a cooperative of smallholder farmers with 6,300 members. 
 
 "This means the plants are not producing as much leaf as they should, and on average our members' crop yield is down by about 15 percent," he said. 
 
 The changing weather has also brought an influx of disease and pests, the worst of which is an insect called Helopeltis, a mosquito-like insect. 
 
 "The adult lays its eggs on the tea plant and when they hatch they feed on the young tea leaves and tender stems, which dries them out and makes them useless. We probably lose between five and 10 percent of our crop to pests [every year], and the longer the drought period goes on the worse the problem gets," Changazi said. 
 
 The simultaneous occurrence of these factors is causing tea plants to die in alarmingly high numbers. "On average, a smallholder farmer used to be able to harvest 1,600 kg of tea per hectare, but in some instances we are seeing this fall to as much as 1,000 kg - this is a huge loss of income," Changazi said. 
 
 Big plantations cope better 
 
 A two-hour drive from the Sukambizi Association Trust, on the road to Blantyre, Malawi's commercial capital, is the Satemwa Tea Estate, a company that buys green leaf tea from more than 170 smallholder farmers in the area. 
 
 Although the estate is also struggling with changing growing conditions, senior manager Chris Mazombwa says they are in a much better position than the farmers, who do not have the financial resources to withstand a bad harvest. 
 
 "We have been coming up with measures to try and adapt. We can afford some irrigation to make up for the poorer rain that we get, and we have embarked upon a replanting programme… that was quite big,” he said. 
 
 "The cost of replanting a field is in the region of [US]$5,000 and it takes five years before you can start harvesting. So although it is difficult for us, it is much harder for the smallholder farmer when you see the money needed to replant.” 
 
 Wilfred Kasitomu has been a small-scale tea farmer for over 30 years, regularly selling his crop to the Satemwa Tea Estate. "Because of this changing weather and the new diseases it brings, between 70 to 80 percent of seedlings we plant do not survive… [Those] that survive are just replacing the bushes that die each year,” he said. 
 
 With the harvests down, Kasitomu said, “Farmers can no longer send their children to school because we cannot afford the fees. 
 
 "Some people are starting to go hungry too. The lower income also means we cannot manage our fields as well as we used to, in terms of weeding and putting down fertilizers. The pests and diseases are also worrying us because we do not have the capacity to deal with them.” 
 
 Despite these setbacks the farmers are optimistic. "We are getting knowledge from Satemwa about how to adapt to the changing weather, and we have improved our environmental practices. The estate is helping us to establish our own nurseries so we can replant our crops at a lower cost,” Kasitomu said. 
 
 "We are trying to source seeds of indigenous and exotic trees that we want to plant in the area to improve the soil and attract more rain. It is possible for us to adapt to climate change if we get the right assistance,” he said. 
 
 "The problem is we cannot meet the costs of training, which is needed if we are to acquire the knowledge that will help us to adapt to the new climate patterns." 
 
 bc/jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94125</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181517360701t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MOUNT MULANJE 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Changing weather patterns are undermining the ability of smallholder producers in Malawi&apos;s southern region to grow tea, a crop that usually brings in 70 percent of their income, according to local farmers interviewed for a recent Fairtrade study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Farm subsidy programme shrinks</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110130719360812t.jpg" />]]>LILONGWE 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - More than 200,000 Malawian farmers who depend on government subsidies to grow enough food to feed their families will have to go it alone when the agricultural subsidy programme is pruned.</description><body><![CDATA[LILONGWE 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - More than 200,000 Malawian farmers who depend on government subsidies to grow enough food to feed their families will have to go it alone when the agricultural subsidy programme is pruned. 
 
 President Bingu wa Mutharika introduced the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (FISP) in 2005 to improve national food security and lift the productivity of smallholder farmers after several years of drought brought poor harvests. 
 
 The scheme is widely seen as successful in achieving both goals, but expensive. During the 2010/11 farming season 1.6 million farmers received vouchers to buy heavily subsidised fertilizer and maize seed, costing the government and donors 23 billion kwacha (US$152.3 million). 
 
 Now, in the midst of a crippling economic crisis, the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security has announced that only 1.4 million farmers are eligible to receive vouchers for the 2011/12 season, and only 140,000 metric tons of fertilizer have been purchased for distribution compared to the 170,000 tons it bought last year. 
 
 Florance Gusito, who lives in Nyenga village in Malawi's Southern Region, benefited from the subsidy programme in previous years and is among the more than 80 percent of the population who earn a living from subsistence farming. 
 
 "I didn't receive a subsidy because there was a shortage this year," she told IRIN. "I will buy what I can afford from the market, but buying fertilizer will be a problem because money is a problem. There is a possibility that the crop will fail." 
 
 The Village Development Committee in Ngomanjira, also in the Southern Region, had the difficult task of determining which 66 households should be registered to receive government vouchers - in 2010 there were enough vouchers for 199 households. 
 
 "The government gave us a small number of people who can benefit from the programme," said the committee treasurer, Harry Macheza. "And how can we assist those who are not registered? We don't know." 
 
 Government officials have suggested that reducing the programme reflects its success in lifting the beneficiaries out of poverty, but Tamani Nkhono-Mvula, national coordinator of the Civil Society Agriculture Network (CISANET), is not convinced. "Most of the farmers who were benefiting from the programme, I don't think they've reached a point where they can afford to buy fertilizer themselves," he told IRIN. 
 
 Hard times 
 
 The country's slowing economy means farmers are facing higher taxes, fuel shortages and falling prices for tobacco, their main cash crop. 
 
 Lizzie Shumba, who coordinates a project to improve food security and soil fertility in northern Malawi farming communities, said farmers who did not get government subsidies relied on the proceeds from their tobacco crop to buy fertilizer for growing maize, the main food crop. "The [tobacco] prices were so bad they can't afford to buy fertilizer," she said. 
 
 "People had enough maize this year, but since they didn't get good prices for their tobacco, they had to sell their maize [to generate cash]. So I'm foreseeing that this season we might have some hunger, and if they don't get fertilizer it will be even worse next season." 
 
 Tobacco exports generate around 60 percent of Malawi's foreign currency reserves, but declining sales have contributed to a critical shortage of foreign exchange. Charles Chanthunya, an economics professor at Blantyre International University, said the shortage negatively impacted the entire economy, including the FISP, which relies on foreign exchange to import fertilizer. 
 
 "There are people who won't receive a subsidy this year because the country will not be bringing in enough fertilizer," he told IRIN. Malawi's dependence on maize as the staple food has implications for the food security of the entire population. 
 
 Donors pull out 
 
 Concerns over poor governance and economic mismanagement by Mutharika's administration have seen international donors - including the US-based Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the European Union and the World Bank - either freeze or terminate assistance to Malawi, which relies on foreign aid for up to 40 percent of its annual budget. 
 
 The largest donor, the UK's Department for International Development (DfID), suspended general budgetary support to Malawi in July 2011 – following a diplomatic spat between Britain, the former colonial power and Malawi’s government - but agreed to assist the FISP by providing subsidised seeds to 350,000 farmers. According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), other international donors have also pledged their financial and technical support to the FISP for 2011/12. 
 
 However, most of the FISP funding will still need to come from the government and according to Nkhono-Mvula of CISANET, this will mean reduced spending on other areas such as infrastructure and development. 
 
 Still no fertilizer 
 
 Farmers are now in the process of preparing their fields and planting will start as soon as the Department of Climate Change and Meteorological Services gives the green light. 
 
 Erica Maganga, Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, on 2 October told The Nation, a national daily newspaper, that fertilizer was already being distributed to markets countrywide but Nkhono-Mvula said the government was still in the process of procuring fertilizer and distribution had yet to begin. "It's getting late, especially for the southern region," he noted. 
 
 Nkhono-Mvula also wondered how the fertilizer would be distributed in view of the fuel shortage. "As of now we don't have enough diesel in the country. I'm not sure how this is going to be solved, but the government is still saying everything will be done in time." 
 
 The FAO's country representative, Pinit Korsieporn, said there was no indication that the food subsidy programme would not be implemented as usual this year, despite Malawi's declining economy and political unrest. "The farmers will receive [fertilizer] subsidies, but it's a matter of timing and quantity." 
 
 In Nyenga village the community plans to deal with the reduced number of subsidies by sharing whatever fertilizer they can procure between them. 
 
 "If one family doesn't get fertilizer and another family… [does], the chief makes sure that there is some kind of cooperation," Gusito said. "But it's a problem because it's less." 
 
 Too little fertilizer will result in low yields, leaving many households financially insecure on top of facing food shortages for up to five months until the next harvest. 
 
 kl/ks/he 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93954</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110130719360812t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LILONGWE 13 October 2011 (IRIN) - More than 200,000 Malawian farmers who depend on government subsidies to grow enough food to feed their families will have to go it alone when the agricultural subsidy programme is pruned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Mixed responses to mixed migration in Africa</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107180839560213t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Abdul worked as a journalist in Somalia before death threats from Al-Shabab militia drove him to leave his native country and head for Mozambique where friends told him he would receive help at Maratane refugee camp in Nampula Province.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Abdul worked as a journalist in Somalia before death threats from Al-Shabab militia drove him to leave his native country and head for Mozambique where friends told him he would receive help at Maratane refugee camp in Nampula Province. 
 
 The boat he boarded in Mombasa had 110 other passengers - some Somalis with stories similar to his own, and others Ethiopians, either fleeing their own armed conflicts or drought or both - all crammed together in one vessel by a smuggler aiming to maximize profits. 
 
 Now Abdul and his fellow passengers are all being detained in the same prison in southern Tanzania. Neither the Mozambican police who arrested them in the northern town of Palma and then violently deported them to the Tanzanian border, nor the immigration officials who found them there - naked and stripped of all their belongings - attempted to determine which of the migrants were asylum-seekers entitled to receive protection and assistance, and which were economic migrants subject to immigration laws. 
 
 Countries like Tanzania are starting to realize that their immigration laws are not adequate to deal with the phenomenon of “mixed migration” whereby refugees, asylum-seekers, economic migrants and even victims of human trafficking may be using the same routes, means of transport and smuggling networks to reach a shared destination, but are driven by different motives and have different claims to protection and humanitarian assistance. 
 
 “It has become incredibly difficult to distinguish between different streams of migrants,” commented Vincent William, programme manager for the Southern African Migration Programme at the South Africa-based Institute for Democracy in Africa (IDASA). “There’s just a lot of uncertainty about how to manage mixed flows and concerns about not allowing people to abuse the asylum system.” 
 
 While much of this movement is originating from the Horn of Africa, the cycle of violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has also generated large numbers of refugees as well as those simply seeking better employment and educational opportunities. 
 
 Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s complex and inter-linked political, social and economic crises of recent years have created the region’s largest cross-border movement with recipient countries struggling to distinguish between those fleeing political persecution, those in search of a livelihood and those driven by a combination of factors. 
 
 For many the preferred destination is South Africa, the country that not only offers the best prospects for employment, but also has the region’s most progressive refugee laws. While there are few legal channels for unskilled migrants to enter South Africa, foreign nationals who apply for asylum can remain in the country for as long as it takes to process their claim and during that time they enjoy freedom of movement and the right to work. The result is an asylum system that has been overwhelmed by more applications than any other in the world, according the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
 
 Roni Amit, a researcher at the African Centre for Migration and Society at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, said South Africa's Department of Home Affairs has dealt with the backlog of asylum applications mainly by rejecting more people. “The rejection rate is now something like 96 percent," she told IRIN. "Decisions are very cut and pasted and not really individualized.” 
 
 Business booming for smugglers 
 
 Under the UN Refugee Convention, refugees are defined as individuals who are forced to remain outside their country of origin because of a well-founded fear of persecution. The Organization of African Unity (now renamed the African Union) definition is slightly broader and includes people compelled to leave their country due to “events seriously disturbing public order”. 
 
 Most countries rely on the UN definition, but in countries like Tanzania, immigration officials lack the training or the resources to screen large groups of migrants. 
 
 “Every migrant is treated like a criminal so the same treatment is given to the migrants and their smuggler,” said Monica Peruffo of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which recently conducted an assessment of Tanzania’s immigration procedures and facilities. 
 
 The job of immigration officials is not made easier by the fact that migrants like Abdul, who have genuine claims to asylum, often delay applying for it until they have reached their chosen destination. Not only does this make them vulnerable to being treated as illegal immigrants in the countries they travel through, it can also harm their chances of being admitted to South Africa. In recent months, South African border officials have started denying entry to asylum-seekers based on the principle that they should have sought asylum in the first safe country they reached. Although no such principle exists in international or domestic law, it has not prevented South Africa from using it as a basis to turn away asylum-seekers from the Horn of Africa [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ]. 
 
 "If you try to enter through an official border post and you’re denied entry, then your next step is to enter the country illegally and that’s where smugglers come in," said Witwatersrand University’s Amit. 
 
 Sheik Amil of the Somali Community Board, which represents the interests of Somalis in South Africa, confirmed that business was flourishing for smugglers who charge up to US$3,000 to bring Somalis to South Africa from Kenya, where many begin their journeys at the refugee camps near the border. 
 
 "They have to get half the money before they leave and the other half when they arrive," said Amil, adding that migrants who failed to come up with the second instalment were often held hostage by their smugglers until a friend or relative produced the cash. 
 
 Others have paid with their lives. An unknown number of Horn migrants have died at sea with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) reporting that 11 asylum-seekers drowned off the coast of Mozambique in January 2011 alone, while eight suffocated aboard a closed container truck driving from Maratane to South Africa in February. 
 
 Governments "increasingly paranoid" 
 
 In September 2010, Tanzania hosted a regional conference on the issue of mixed and irregular migration. Delegates from government and civil society talked about the need to respect the human rights of all migrants, regardless of their legal status and broaden legal migration channels to reduce dependence on smugglers and illegal border crossings. The meeting ended with calls for greater regional cooperation on migration issues, improved national laws and policies to deal with mixed migration, and better border management. 
 
 But in the last year, little has been done to implement the conference’s recommendations. While UNHCR and IOM have continued to advocate putting in place more protective measures, such as constructing refugee reception centres at border posts where proper screening of migrants could take place, and replacing forced deportations with voluntary return programmes, governments tend to view the irregular movement of large groups of migrants through their countries as a threat to national security and have responded by detaining and deporting them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93759 ] 
 
 Horn migrants who do make it to refugee camps in Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe, often use them as a place to rest and regroup before continuing their journey to South Africa, a practice that has heightened concerns about security and abuses of the asylum system. 
 
 "Governments have become increasingly paranoid and it does lead to a situation where genuine asylum-seekers are excluded because of the actions of non-asylum seekers," said IDASA's William, adding that "worries about foreigners taking jobs" often formed a backdrop to such concerns. 
 
 In March of this year, South Africa passed amendments to its immigration legislation [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] that decreased the amount of time asylum-seekers have to make a formal application for asylum after entering the country, and increased the penalties for those found guilty of violating immigration laws. 
 
 "They don’t really seem to have a policy perspective that provides a rational justification [for the amendments]," said Witwatersrand University’s Amit. "There's just a general perception that there are too many people entering the country and taking jobs." 
 
 A Southern African Development Community (SADC) protocol to facilitate the movement of persons has the potential to reduce irregular migration by creating more possibilities for legal migration, at least within the region, but has stalled since being adopted in 2005. For the protocol to come into effect, nine of SADC's 15 member states have to ratify it but so far only five have done so and no implementation plan has been developed. 
 
 The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) have agreed in principle on similar protocols but William said progress on implementation had been very slow. 
 
 "There’s concern about potential security risks, but the overriding concern is probably the economic one. There's a perception that migrants will flow to countries with the biggest economies." 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93844</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107180839560213t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Abdul worked as a journalist in Somalia before death threats from Al-Shabab militia drove him to leave his native country and head for Mozambique where friends told him he would receive help at Maratane refugee camp in Nampula Province.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Cervical cancer on the rise in developing world</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911041028050170t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - Last year, an estimated two million women around the world developed breast cancer or cancer of the cervix (the neck of the womb); more than 600,000 died – the equivalent of six large passenger planes crashing every single day.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - Last year, an estimated two million women around the world developed breast cancer or cancer of the cervix (the neck of the womb); more than 600,000 died – the equivalent of six large passenger planes crashing every single day.

These are the results published by a team from the University of Washington in Seattle in the British journal, The Lancet, [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736%2811%2961351-2/fulltext ] ahead of the non-communicable diseases conference at the UN in New York [ http://www.un.org/en/ga/president/65/issues/ncdiseases.shtml ]. 

The study is the first global analysis of trends in cervical and breast cancer incidence and mortality, using data from 187 countries. It shows that while breast cancer deaths are concentrated among older women in richer countries, 76 percent of cases of cervical cancer now occur in developing countries, where the incidence of the disease is still increasing. Almost half those cases are in women under 50.

The authors conclude: “Our findings show that in developing countries in the reproductive age groups, breast and cervical cancer are substantial problems of a similar importance to major global priorities such as maternal mortality.”

The variations in trends for breast and cervical cancer in countries even within the same region mean “known, major risk factors such as obesity and consumption of animal fat do not account for all recorded patterns. The interaction between genes and the known individual risk factors might explain these divergent trends.” 

The study emphasizes the need for better surveillance and data gathering systems.

Data gaps

While figures are abundantly available from Western Europe and North America, as well as India, whole swathes of Africa, especially central Africa, provide hardly any data at all. And even in those African countries that do attempt to keep records, accuracy is still patchy.  

One gynaecologist of 40 years’ experience in Lagos, Tayo Sawyerr, told IRIN he felt the city’s statistics were reasonably complete because: “They won’t let you bury a body unless you can produce a death certificate. And the death certificates are identical to those in the UK, and have to show the cause of death.” 

Meanwhile, in rural Togo, burial is a private matter, inside the family compound. Registering a death costs money, and with no obvious benefit to the family, many are never recorded.

Even where there is data, the researchers found some countries, such as Uganda, recorded the incidence of cancer, but not the mortality rate. In Tanzania, it was the other way round. Some places simply recorded “cancer” without specifying what kind, or did not distinguish between cervical cancer and cancer of other parts of the womb. 

Extrapolating

Asked how much confidence he had in the statistics, Raphael Lozano, professor of global health at Seattle’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, told IRIN: “We were fortunately able to gather information from countries with cancer registries, such as Malawi, Uganda, Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. Both Cape Verde and South Africa had vital registration data [births and deaths]. And we relied on verbal autopsy information from nationally representative studies in Mozambique and Burkina Faso… Our models allowed us to borrow strength from data from countries within the same region and others.

“The quality of the data varies across countries and years, and we correct for this known bias. However, in the case of vital registration, there is good evidence that the quality of reporting of breast cancer on death certificates is acceptable compared to other causes of death.”

He said he was also confident that the apparent rise in cancers among younger women was not just the result of better maternity services, which meant women were seen regularly by health professionals. 

“I believe the rise in cancer in women of reproductive age is real. In some countries the increase is modest, but in others it is quite significant. For example, in Cameroon in 1980, 33 percent of breast cancer deaths were in women [younger than] 50 and in 2010, that fraction increased to 43 percent. 

“In Equatorial Guinea the increase was even bigger, from 22 to 43 percent. This can’t all be explained with better screening and better surveillance, especially given the health system challenges in some of these countries.”

Sawyerr is also convinced that the rise, especially in cervical cancer, is real. “I have had a long career,” he says, “and I am unfortunately surprised that I am beginning to see a lot of people with cervical dysplasia [abnormal cell growth in the cervix] and with HPV involvement. I am treating one woman at the moment for cancer of the cervix and she is just 34 years old.”

HPV is the Human Papilloma Virus, a sexually transmitted disease [ http://www.cdc.gov/std/HPV/STDFact-HPV.htm ] implicated in the development of cancer of the cervix. A vaccination against HPV is now available and – together with regular screening – is one of the factors reducing the incidence and mortality from cervical cancer in richer countries. 

But with the vaccine initially costing about US$300 for a course of three doses it was priced beyond the reach of developing countries. Now the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation, GAVI, has negotiated a price of $5 a dose with the manufacturers, and is planning to roll out the vaccine in eligible countries soon.  

Senegal’s Health Minister, Modou Diagne Fada, told IRIN in June he hoped it would be available there by 2015. “Nowadays malaria is no longer our leading cause of death. Today the leading causes of death are chronic diseases, and non-transmissible diseases, especially cancer. Among these cancers there is one which is very deadly, cervical cancer, and I think the introduction of the vaccine against the Human Papilloma Virus would help us reduce the number of our women who die from this disease.”

eb/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93767</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911041028050170t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - Last year, an estimated two million women around the world developed breast cancer or cancer of the cervix (the neck of the womb); more than 600,000 died – the equivalent of six large passenger planes crashing every single day.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: ARV supply and funding woes</title><pubDate>Fri, 09 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20058301t.jpg" />]]>BLANTYRE 09 September 2011 (IRIN) - By 9am, the Limbe Health Centre in Malawi&apos;s second city, Blantyre, is already full. HIV-positive patients are lining up to collect their antiretrovirals, despite reports of shortages at state clinics and hospitals.</description><body><![CDATA[BLANTYRE 09 September 2011 (IRIN) - By 9am, the Limbe Health Centre in Malawi's second city, Blantyre, is already full. HIV-positive patients are lining up to collect their antiretrovirals, despite reports of shortages at state clinics and hospitals. 
 
 Limbe is one of 433 public health facilities in Malawi that provide the medication free and is also one of the busiest, with about 1,000 patients a day. 
 
 A visit by IRIN/PlusNews confirmed that ARVs are in short supply at the clinic, with many patients reporting that ARVs were now being rationed to two weeks’ supply, instead of four. Patients at Limbe are better off than others, who are being sent home empty-handed. According to media reports, this has been going on for the past four months. 
 
 But healthcare workers are reluctant to speak out about the shortages, despite confirming that many health facilities were out of stock. 
 
 Rhoda Banda* is a patient at Limbe and has been sharing her ARVs with another patient as a result of the rationing. “I knew of my HIV status last year during my pregnancy... and I was put on ARV treatment right away." But now, the single mother of one is worried that sharing her treatment could be compromising her health, and the frequent trips to the health centre are becoming too costly. 
 
 “We are told that one’s health deteriorates when you skip the dosage for just a day; what will happen if our hospital runs out of the drug?” 
 
 Activists are concerned the shortages could jeopardize the lives of people living with HIV. An estimated 300,000 HIV-positive people are on treatment in Malawi, where HIV prevalence is 12 percent. 
 
 “Arrogance to blame” 
 
 Martha Kwataine, executive director of the Malawi Health Equity Network, attributes the shortages to what she calls the government’s arrogance towards donors. Malawi, dependent for 40 percent of its budget on donors, has fallen out of favour with western donors following concerns about human rights and poor governance, and funding has either been withheld or not renewed. 
 
 The UK provided about US$122 million annually, of which $49 million went to funding Malawi’s public health sector, but DFID made its final aid disbursement in March and has decided not to renew a six-year funding commitment, which ended in June. 
 
 “Everybody knows that the government has no money to fund HIV services because what we are living on is hand to mouth. Look at ARVs, people are given the ration for two weeks and they walk long distances and the situation could lead to deaths if left unchecked," she said. 
 
 However, drug shortages and stock-outs were a problem even before DFID's funding freeze. ARVs are provided by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria but their distribution to HIV patients across the country is the responsibility of the Ministry of Health's HIV Unit. 
 
 The problem is not donor funding but the drug supply chain, said the Principal Secretary for HIV/AIDS and Nutrition in the Office of the President and Cabinet, Mary Shawa. 
 
 "We order the ARVs through UNICEF [the UN Children’s Fund] and when you [put in] an order today it takes a minimum of three months and a maximum of six months to receive the next supply. So it’s the long process of ordering and supplying the drugs that we are worried about,” she said. 
 
 The government is looking to alleviate the stock-outs by introducing "buffer stock", she added. 
 
 “As I am talking today there is still $300 million from the Global Fund, most of it is meant for buying ARVs. That amount of money can [last] us for the next four years. So, people should not get worried. No government wants its people to die,” she said. 
 
 Shawa told IRIN/PlusNews the situation would soon normalize as supplies had already begun to reach most public hospitals. 
 
 New guidelines 
 
 Malawi plans to implement new World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines that would see the number of people on treatment rise by about 50 percent, which could double the cost of the national ARV programme in terms of additional personnel and equipment. 
 
 Implementing the WHO guidelines would mean major changes to national treatment protocols: HIV-positive people would start taking ARVs at a much higher CD4 count of 350, a regular CD4 count and viral load monitoring would be conducted, and potentially more expensive treatment regimens would be adopted – including phasing out the ARV Stavudine, which has been associated with increased side-effects. 
 
 There are also fears that Malawi may not be able to sustain the new ARV regime following a succession of rejected funding proposals by the Global Fund. Most of Malawi's national AIDS programme - almost 90 percent - is externally funded. 
 
 But the national coordinator for the National Association of People Living with HIV, Amanda Manjolo, said the ARV shortages were no longer a crisis, as a recent survey carried out by the organization had found the situation was slowly returning to normal. 
 
 “We found out that there were indeed some districts where ARVs were being rationed but it’s now not a national level crisis. What we have found out is that only one district out of five we visited had ARVs shortages. So it’s just a matter of making sure the supplies are reaching the districts where the drugs are being rationed." 
 
 lm/kn/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93694</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20058301t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BLANTYRE 09 September 2011 (IRIN) - By 9am, the Limbe Health Centre in Malawi&apos;s second city, Blantyre, is already full. HIV-positive patients are lining up to collect their antiretrovirals, despite reports of shortages at state clinics and hospitals.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: HIV-positive civil servants angry at switch from cash to food parcels</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104110902400403t.jpg" />]]>BLANTYRE 08 August 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive civil servants in Malawi are unhappy with the government&apos;s announcement that it would stop providing a cash grant to help improve their diet.</description><body><![CDATA[BLANTYRE 08 August 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive civil servants in Malawi are unhappy with the government's announcement that it would stop providing a cash grant to help improve their diet. 
 
 In June, the government said the scheme would be stopped and replaced with food packages. According to Mary Shawa, principal secretary in the office of the President and Cabinet responsible for HIV/AIDS and nutrition programmes, the cash grant programme “was grossly abused, with hundreds of workers claiming to have HIV in order to cash in on the payment”. 
 
 Shawa said most civil servants were not using the money for its intended purpose to buy extra food and improve nutrition: "Some people used the money to buy beers and go out with prostitutes, further spreading the virus.” 
 
 The cash grant was part of the civil service workplace programme aimed at improving nutrition among people living with HIV, most of whom receive a monthly salary of less than US$100. 
 
 Aston Chirwa, an office assistant in one of the government departments in the commercial capital Blantyre, told IRIN/PlusNews that the $35 monthly allowance had been a lifeline for him and his family, as his meagre income was barely enough to pay his daughter’s high school fees. “The allowance was really making a big difference to my survival.” 
 
 Chirwa is among nearly 40,000 civil servants with HIV, out of about 170,000, who have been receiving the allowance since 2007. 
 
 “The money was not only meant to buy food, I would use it for transportation to Chiradzulu District hospital where I receive ARVs,” he added. 
 
 AIDS activists have questioned the government’s decision to introduce the food hamper, which is equivalent to the previous monthly allowance. 
 
 “It’s tricky because it’s not automatic that everyone will like the food to be given. We are human beings too and have various tastes,” said Chirwa. 
 
 Questions 
 
 The president of the Civil Servants’ Union, Elias Kamphinda Banda, described the government’s switch to food parcels as an insult to the privacy of HIV-positive civil servants. 
 
 “It’s like the government was tricking these people just to expose them to issues that were to do with confidentiality. It’s too confidential for one to declare his or her status. And for the government to come out and say that ‘we have changed our mind’ is very unfortunate.” 
 
 Last month, at least 18 people were killed during protests sparked by the country’s growing economic crisis as well as widespread dissatisfaction over the government’s handling of the problem. Malawi, dependent for 40 percent of its budget on donors, has fallen out of favour with western donors following concerns about human rights and poor governance, and funding has either been withheld or not renewed. The result has been new taxes and adjustments to existing ones. The government has also announced a freeze in the recruitment of civil servants and reduction in foreign travel by the president, ministers and civil servants. 
 
 Banda said that crates of eggs and cooking oil were nothing compared with the allowance. “I think government is coming up with some funny decisions because of a lack of consultations. We wonder about the allegations because we have never sat down with government to discuss any form of misuse of the money by HIV civil servants. That is a lie.” 
 
 In addition, there was no guarantee that the food packages would not be abused. “How sure are you that if you are giving the commodities one cannot exchange them for beer or give it to prostitutes?” 
 
 Half of Malawi's 13 million citizens live on less than $1 a day and are unable to meet their nutritional needs. About 14 percent of the country's population is HIV-positive, and the government estimates that it is now providing free ARVs to 366,000 people. 
 
 lm/kn/mw 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93452</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104110902400403t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BLANTYRE 08 August 2011 (IRIN) - HIV-positive civil servants in Malawi are unhappy with the government&apos;s announcement that it would stop providing a cash grant to help improve their diet.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Horn migrants heading south &quot;pushed backwards&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 02 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810275t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing numbers of Ethiopians and Somalis fleeing war, drought and poverty in their home countries face arrest, deportation and detention as they try to make their way to the south of the continent.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing numbers of Ethiopians and Somalis fleeing war, drought and poverty in their home countries face arrest, deportation and detention as they try to make their way to the south of the continent. 
 
 For most the goal is South Africa - the only country in the region where refugees and asylum seekers have freedom of movement and the right to work rather than being confined to camps. But as the number of migrants from the Horn of Africa seeking asylum in South Africa has reached unprecedented levels, border authorities have started refusing them entry. 
 
 “There’s a new unofficial policy since the beginning of May where Somali and Ethiopian nationals are being informed they’ll not be given asylum by the South African government,” said Abdul Hakim, chairperson of the Somali Community Board, a local organization representing the interests of Somalis. 
 
 Hakim said that before the crackdown, about 1,500 Somalis were entering South Africa every month. With official borders closed to them, many were now entering the country illegally and then making their way to refugee reception centres to apply for asylum. 
 
 Deputy Director-General of South Africa's Department of Home Affairs Jackie McKay denied there had been any change of policy but Kaajal Ramjathan-Koogh, who heads the Refugee and Migrant Rights Programme at Lawyers for Human Rights, said her organization had also observed “a definite shift away from accepting large numbers of refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia”. 
 
 “From a Home Affairs point of view… they’ve been seeing very large numbers arriving in the last two months and they’re not willing to accept the entire continent’s refugee burden,” she told IRIN. 
 
 An issue brief by Roni Amit of the African Centre for Migration and Society at the University of Witwatersrand published in June [ http://www.migration.org.za/sites/default/files/migrant_issue_brief_7_the_first_safe_country_principle_in_law_and_practice.pdf ] suggests that the Home Affairs Department has been denying entry to asylum-seekers based on the principle that they should have sought asylum in the first safe country they reached. Amit points out that no such principle exists in international or domestic law. 
 
 "By denying entry to asylum-seekers based on the mere fact of their transit through another country, South Africa is contravening its obligations under international law," Amit writes. "This practice increases the risk that individuals will be returned to the life-threatening situations from which they fled." 
 
 Knock-on effects 
 
 South Africa’s unofficial shift in policy has had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries which had previously had a fairly tolerant attitude to the movement of migrants through their countries en route to South Africa. 
 
 Zimbabwe's state-run newspaper, The Herald, reported in July that immigration officers manning the country's northern borders had been instructed not to admit illegal immigrants, especially those from Somalia and Ethiopia, who "pretend as if they want to seek refugee status" only to disappear into neighbouring countries, particularly South Africa. 
 
 Marcellin Hepie, country representative for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Zimbabwe, said the country had been receiving high numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa in recent months with 646 Somalis and Ethiopians picked up and transported to Tongorara refugee camp in Manicaland Province since mid-May. 
 
 "Before their [asylum-seeker] cases are adjudicated some of them vanish, presumably for South Africa. Normally they’ll wait around long enough to receive their food and non-food items and then off they go," he told IRIN. "It is eroding the asylum procedure here and it could eventually backfire." 
 
 He also noted that since mid-May crossing into South Africa for this group of migrants, "has not been as smooth as it used to be". 
 
 "Many have been sent back to Zimbabwe and detained at Beitbridge [border post]. No one has shared any official change of policy from South Africa, but in practice there have been changes," he said. 
 
 According to Natalia Perez of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), in the first quarter of 2011, 7,200 asylum-seekers registered at the Beitbridge border post as they crossed into South Africa. Perez said Zimbabwe had now closed its borders to "any migrant or asylum-seeker who cannot produce an ID”. 
 
 "Now they're being pushed backwards," she told IRIN. 
 
 Dilemma for governments 
 
 The relatively recent phenomenon of mixed migration (which IOM defines as "complex migratory population movements that include refugees, asylum-seekers, economic migrants and other migrants") from the Horn of Africa to the southern part of the continent presents a dilemma for governments in the region that are bound by international refugee laws but unwilling to bear the economic and security costs of allowing large numbers of undocumented migrants to travel through their countries. 
 
 The issue was the subject of a regional conference in Dar es Salaam in September 2010 where a number of recommendations were proposed for dealing with the influx such as greater regional cooperation, improved national policies and better collection of data on refugees and migrants. However, according to Katherine Harris, a regional protection officer with UNHCR, progress since the conference has been "slow going", with attention and resources mainly focused on the current crisis in the Horn of Africa. 
 
 "The biggest thing is that we really need to come up with a regional approach to this issue," she told IRIN. 
 
 Until recently, Mozambique was another popular transit country for Horn of Africa migrants intent on reaching South Africa [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92690 ]. Since 2010, a steady stream of Ethiopians and Somalis have been arriving in the country, most of them having used the services of smugglers to take them by boat to the coastal town of Palma, just across the border with Tanzania. By the beginning of 2011, the numbers had increased significantly and the Mozambican authorities started restricting the movements of asylum-seekers outside of the country's one refugee camp in Nampula Province. 
 
 Mtwara prison 
 
 Starting in May, however, the number of asylum-seekers reaching the camp abruptly decreased as immigration officers started intercepting them and deporting them to Tanzania where 833 Ethiopians and Somalis, 45 of them children, are now being detained in Mtwara prison in the southeast of the country. 
 
 "We’re trying to find out why this is happening, and hoping to resolve the impasse in a way that will allow new arrivals to at least be screened," said Carlos Zaccagnini, UNHCR's country representative in Mozambique, who pointed out that the UN Convention on Refugees prohibits countries from rejecting, deporting or detaining asylum-seekers. [ http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.html ] 
 
 Responding to questions from the BBC, Mozambique's interior minister said that some of the migrants were pretending to be refugees but had criminal intentions and were being turned away to guarantee the country's security. 
 
 Lin Mei Li, a protection officer with UNHCR in Tanzania, said her office had been pushing the Tanzanian authorities to allow them to interview the detainees at Mtwara prison to determine which of them have genuine asylum-seeker claims. "Living conditions in the prison are not good, it’s over-crowded and there are not enough medicines," she told IRIN. "We’re really worried about them." 
 
 UNHCR is also trying to persuade the Tanzanian government to establish a reception centre that would provide humanitarian assistance to asylum-seekers rather than imprisoning them. The Zimbabwean government has asked IOM to set up something similar on its northern border with Mozambique. But Abdul Hakim of the Somali Community Board said that Somali asylum-seekers were still being imprisoned in Botswana, Mozambique and Malawi. 
 
 "They’re not taken to a court, they just stay in prison and they don’t know for how long. Because they entered the country illegally, they’re treated as illegal immigrants." 
 
 ks/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93403</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810275t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing numbers of Ethiopians and Somalis fleeing war, drought and poverty in their home countries face arrest, deportation and detention as they try to make their way to the south of the continent.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Malawi&apos;s &quot;Arab Spring&quot;?</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200411295t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Two days of protests in Malawi last week which saw at least 18 people killed were sparked by fears the fledgling democratic state was sliding back into one-party state rule, analysts told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Two days of protests in Malawi last week which saw at least 18 people killed were sparked by fears the fledgling democratic state was sliding back into one-party state rule, analysts told IRIN. 
 
 The security forces’ heavy-handed response to demonstrations, which reportedly saw the use of live ammunition in the capital Lilongwe, its second city Blantyre and the main northern city of Mzuzu may have echoes of the 2011 “Arab Spring” but “the context is entirely different,” Judy Smith-Höhn, a senior southern Africa researcher at South Africa’s Pretoria-based think-tank the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), told IRIN. 
 
 Malawi held its first multi-party elections in 1994, the same year that South Africa ended apartheid. 
 
 In many ways southern Africa experienced the tumultuous events being seen in North Africa and the Middle East in the 1990s “and yet people are constantly trying to use protests as southern Africa’s `Arab Spring’… North Africa should be learning from the experiences of southern Africa and not the other way around,” Smith-Höhn said. 
 
 Petrus de Kock, a senior researcher at Johannesburg think-tank the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), told IRIN the violent response by Malawi’s security services may have been influenced by the “Arab Spring”, as southern Africa’s governments were “very sensitive” to protests in the wake of recent events. 
 
 Among the grievances of Malawi’s protesters were repressive media legislation and poor economic management. Lilongwe-based political analyst Augustine Magolowondo told IRIN there was a “sense of betrayal” by the electorate after the 2009 elections saw President Bingu wa Mutharika overwhelmingly backed for a second term of office. 
 
 “A majority of Malawians relate what is happening now to the time of one-party authoritarianism and what is unfolding is people's resistance against such a development… [with Wa Mutharika] restricting civil and political rights in addition to increasingly undermining, if not suffocating, democratic accountability institutions,” he said. 
 
 Fall from grace 
 
 Under Wa Mutharika’s tenure Malawi’s food scarcity gave way to a booming rural economy which has seen the country produce a food surplus through an input agricultural scheme that has been described as a “unique green revolution”, but the purchase of a pricey presidential jet in 2010, when 60 percent of the 13 million population survive on a dollar day or less, caused some consternation among the donor community. 
 
 De Kock said a feature of democratic governments in the African sub-continent was “strong ruling parties that concentrate power and influence within cliques around them... with big class divisions… The majority of people are at the marginal level of subsistence and feel any slight rise in prices. The pressures on poor people’s livelihoods can very quickly trigger these types of situations.” 
 
 In September 2010 residents in the Mozambique capital Maputo protested against a raft of price increases from electricity to bread, forcing the Frelimo government to rescind the increases and maintain the subsidies introduced in 2008, ahead of the country’s 2009 national elections. 
 
 Economic analysts warned at the time that such blanket subsidies were unsustainable and Frelimo said the subsidy model would be modified in June 2011 with a food basket targeting the urban poor, and so save millions of dollars spent each month by the donor-dependent government on blanket subsidies. 
 
 Claudia Altorio, a spokesperson for the UN World Food Programme, told IRIN: “The basic food basket is still under review by the [Mozambican] government.” 
 
 Increased living costs 
 
 Malawi, dependent for 40 percent of its budget on donors, has fallen out of favour with Western donors following concerns about human rights and poor governance, and funding has either been withheld or not renewed. 
 
 Donors flexed their muscles with Mozambique over similar issues and embarked on a "strike", in which budget support was suspended between December 2009 and March 2010, demanding action on electoral reform, corruption, and the often blurred line between the state and Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo party, among other things. 
 
 In Malawi donor concerns have left President Wa Mutharika undaunted: He vowed a zero-deficit 2011-2012 budget in June, and is attempting to fill the void left by the funding shortfall with a 16.5 percent value-added tax on previously excluded items, such as bread, milk and meat, as well as additional fuel levies. 
 
 The ISS said in a recent briefing statement that “donors were withholding more than US$400 million in aid in protest over government’s repressive media laws and bad governance,” but the most public spat has been with the UK, the former colonial power. 
 
 “Most of the missing aid is the British contribution, suspended since Wa Mutharika expelled the British high commissioner over remarks about authoritarianism and intolerance in a leaked cable,” said Africa Confidential, a specialist publication. 
 
 The UK provided about US$122 million annually to Malawi, of which $49 million went to funding Malawi’s public health sector, but the UK Department for International Development (DFID) made its final aid disbursement in March and has decided not to renew a six-year funding commitment which ended in June 2011. 
 
 In June 2011 International Monetary Fund resident representative Ruby Randall told local media in Lilongwe the government’s growth forecasts of 6.9 percent in 2011 and 6.6 percent in 2012 were not realistic. 
 
 “There are a number of structural constraints that Malawian industry is facing, like the shortage of fuel, inconsistent electricity supply, water shortages in cities,” she said. “All this has affected output.” 
 
 Bankruptcy 
 
 The ISS said Wa Mutharika “now finds himself facing widespread dissatisfaction locally and bilaterally… The country’s petrol stations are now characterized by long queues, and civil servants have gone for months without salaries and… Malawi may be exhibiting the signs of bankruptcy. Wa Mutharika’s government is increasingly perceived as intolerant to dissenting voices.” 
 
 Political analyst Magolowondo said Wa Mutharika had illustrated that he was prepared for a “showdown with particularly Western donors [but] the nature of Malawi’s economy, however, is such that for the foreseeable future, aid will remain critical... 
 
 “The continued sour relations between the president and development partners will, unfortunately, have negative consequences as at some point it will become clear that [the Malawi] government cannot go it alone,” he said. 
 
 go/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93325</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200411295t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Two days of protests in Malawi last week which saw at least 18 people killed were sparked by fears the fledgling democratic state was sliding back into one-party state rule, analysts told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Malaria vaccine could have extra benefits</title><pubDate>Mon, 20 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111814t.jpg" />]]>LILONGWE 20 June 2011 (IRIN) - The malaria vaccine that has eluded medical science for decades is now within reach, with the final phase of clinical trials underway in seven African countries, including Malawi, where the disease claims 6,500 lives a year, most of them children under the age of five.</description><body><![CDATA[LILONGWE 20 June 2011 (IRIN) - The malaria vaccine that has eluded medical science for decades is now within reach, with the final phase of clinical trials underway in seven African countries, including Malawi, where the disease claims 6,500 lives a year, most of them children under the age of five. 
 
 Tisungane Mvalo, head of the research team at the Malawian trial site, which is being run in partnership with the University of North Carolina's Institute for Global Health and Infectious Diseases, said the current methods for controlling the incidence of malaria in Malawi have had limited success. 
 
 "We have had a moderate reduction in infant mortality from interventions like bed nets and insecticides but malaria remains the leading cause of infant mortality," he said. "There still needs to be an additional intervention." 
 
 The multi-country trial of the malaria vaccine RTS,S, made by GlaxoSmithKline Biologicals, is one of the largest ever carried out in sub-Saharan Africa. With funding from GlaxoSmithKline and the PATH Malaria Vaccine Initiative - an NGO that develops research for malaria - 15,000 newborns and infants are being inoculated at 11 sites across the region. 
 
 The children are then monitored over a period of 36 months to assess the effectiveness of RTS,S, which in previous studies reduced cases of severe malaria in infants by 53 percent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=82059 ]. If the results, due to be released later this, year confirm the vaccine's efficacy in preventing malaria, it could be made available as early as 2015. 
 
 "It's a very exciting time," said PATH Director Dr Christian Loucq, speaking from his office in Washington. "We have estimated in our models that a vaccine like this could save hundreds of thousands of lives a year." 
 
 The high cost of malaria 
 
 A malaria vaccine would not only save lives, it would also alleviate the great burden of the disease on health systems in economically stretched developing countries. 
 
 Dr Karl Seydel, a paediatrician at Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital in Blantyre, Malawi, said the impact of the disease on the public health system was "overwhelming" - 5.5 million cases of malaria, equivalent to a third of the country's population, were reported in 2010. 
 
 "It drains the resources," he told IRIN. "We could use that money for other things; we could build more hospitals or hire more nurses." 
 
 He estimated that during the rainy season, when bites from mosquitoes infected with the malaria parasite are most common, about half of all admissions to the hospital's paediatric ward were due to malaria. The ward was designed for 150 patients but often has to accommodate twice that number. 
 
 Malawi has a good track record for immunizing children: 98 percent have received the standard vaccines recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). The addition of a malaria vaccine, even at 50 percent effectiveness, could greatly reduce the number of children needing expensive hospital care. 
 
 Malaria prevention has been less successful than was hoped. According to the 2010 Malawi Demographic and Health Survey, about 70 percent of households have bed nets, but just half the children under five are using them. 
 
 Mvalo said the adults in a household often used the nets, even though children are most susceptible to developing severe malaria. In some parts of the country mosquitoes have also started showing resistance to insecticides. 
 
 "Each control method has its shortfalls," Mvalo said. "That is why a vaccine is a good alternative - not a replacement, but a good alternative." 
 
 Most researchers agree that a malaria vaccine will not substitute for current preventative measures, but could greatly reduce mortality from the disease and create huge financial gains for countries where malaria is endemic. Public health researchers estimate that in such countries, malaria directly absorbs one percent of GDP, excluding indirect costs like loss of work hours. 
 
 "Solving the problem of malaria would very much help in terms of economic development," said Loucq. 
 
 md/ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93024</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111814t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LILONGWE 20 June 2011 (IRIN) - The malaria vaccine that has eluded medical science for decades is now within reach, with the final phase of clinical trials underway in seven African countries, including Malawi, where the disease claims 6,500 lives a year, most of them children under the age of five.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Local myths stall paediatric HIV treatment</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080120t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2011 (IRIN) - Local understanding of children’s immune systems may be delaying access to paediatric HIV treatment, according to a study at a rural clinic in northern Malawi, where just 15 percent of children in need of antiretrovirals (ARVs) are receiving the drugs.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2011 (IRIN) - Local understanding of children’s immune systems may be delaying access to paediatric HIV treatment, according to a study at a rural clinic in northern Malawi, where just 15 percent of children in need of antiretrovirals (ARVs) are receiving the drugs. 
 
 Research presented at the 1st International HIV Social Science and Humanities Conference in Durban, South Africa, showed that caregivers were reluctant to start sick, HIV-positive children on ARVs because they believed the children’s bodies were too weak for pills and their blood was “still raw”, but that as it “ripened” with time, HIV-related opportunistic infections would leave them. 
 
 The caregivers’ reluctance delayed access to treatment for children and, in some cases, led to poor treatment adherence, according to researcher Laura Sikstrom from the Department of Anthropology at the University of Toronto, Canada. 
 
 About 60 percent of children in the clinic’s programme started treatment after at least a year of illness, even though around 13 percent were near death at the time, and about an equal number had lost a sibling to AIDS-related illnesses, Sikstrom added. 
 
 “In some families, up to six children died previously at the same hospital,” she told IRIN/PlusNews. “In many cases, the child placed on treatment was the last surviving child in that house.” 
 
 The mistaken beliefs about immunity also contributed to non-adherence. Sikstrom cited the case of a young girl who had been taken off ARVs after the death of her mother. “The aunt decided she was so well that her blood had ripened. Within two months, [the child] could no longer walk. Without the intervention of another aunt and five months of judicious care, I’m sure [the child] would have died.” 
 
 High child mortality 
 
 Sikstrom also found that most HIV-positive children surveyed only received treatment once they were visibly ill. “My daughter was so thin [that] you could easily see … [she was] sick,” said one mother quoted in Sikstrom’s research. “People passing by would tell me to go to the hospital, so I came.” 
 
 Just 10 percent of child HIV patients were given ARVs after caregivers sought treatment for severe bouts of diarrhoea that often lasted for months - a leading cause of death among young Malawian children. 
 
 Sikstrom said the local view of the immune system, although incorrect, was understandable in a country where almost 18 percent of children die before their fifth birthday. 
 
 “It’s a realistic interpretation of children’s immunity,” she told IRIN/PlusNews. “We often understand that children are quick to heal, that they bounce back [from illness], but that’s not the reality in Malawi -children die all the time.” 
 
 According to Malawi’s national HIV guidelines, children under the age of 14 years should be initiated on ARVs when they are sick enough to be classified as stage 3 or 4 in terms of the World Health Organization (WHO) staging criteria, which are used in many countries to gauge treatment need among people in the absence of CD4 count testing to measure the immune system’s strength. 
 
 Sikstrom added that the recent rejection of a grant application by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has derailed plans for Malawi to begin treating HIV-positive children before they fall ill, in line with current WHO paediatric HIV treatment recommendations. 
 
 Without treatment, 50 percent of HIV-positive children will die before the age of two years, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 
 
 Addressing local misperceptions of immunity may be critical to facilitating access and adherence to ARVs for children, especially in northern Malawi, where Sikstrom alleged that the members of local therapy management groups, comprised of lay therapy counsellors, often play a larger role than nurses in starting children on treatment. 
 
 llg/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92972</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080120t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 14 June 2011 (IRIN) - Local understanding of children’s immune systems may be delaying access to paediatric HIV treatment, according to a study at a rural clinic in northern Malawi, where just 15 percent of children in need of antiretrovirals (ARVs) are receiving the drugs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: UK aid cuts hit health care*</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005041411300296t.jpg" />]]>BLANTYRE 06 June 2011 (IRIN) - After several years of fragile gains, Malawi’s healthcare sector is running into trouble, with the latest challenge an aid freeze by its largest international donor, the UK&apos;s Department for International Development (DFID).</description><body><![CDATA[BLANTYRE 06 June 2011 (IRIN) - After several years of fragile gains, Malawi’s healthcare sector is running into trouble, with the latest challenge an aid freeze by its largest international donor, the UK's Department for International Development (DFID).
 
 The UK provided about US$122 million annually to Malawi, of which $49 million went to funding Malawi’s public health sector, but DFID made its final aid disbursement in March and has decided not to renew a six-year funding commitment which ends in June. 
 
 “We have already started feeling the pinch,” said Martha Kwataine, a policy analyst with the Malawi Health Equity Network. “There is going to be a regression in the progress we have made with DFID in improving health services in the country.” 
 
 The UK’s decision not to renew its aid to Malawi followed the expulsion of its top envoy Fergus Cochrane-Dyet by the Malawian government for allegedly writing in a leaked memo that Malawian President Bingu wa Mutharika was “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. 
 
 Drug shortages 
 
 Malawi's health sector is nearly entirely donor-funded with foreign aid covering about 90 percent of the costs of all medicines. 
 
 “[The cuts] will really make a difference because we don’t have the means to buy most drugs ourselves,” Kwataine told IRIN. 
 
 However, drug shortages and stock-outs were a problem even before DFID's funding freeze. Anti-retrovirals (ARVs), for example, are provided entirely by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria but their distribution to HIV patients across the country is the responsibility of the Ministry of Health's HIV Unit. Often, the drugs are not available where they are needed. 
 
 At a health clinic in southern Malawi run by Dignitas, a Canadian NGO which supports the development of local health care, Dr Belete Assefa has been dealing with inconsistent supplies of ARVs for the past two years. 
 
 “It’s a problem of the supply chain. It might be available in the country, but it’s the way they are distributed. There might be a lot of drugs at one health centre and no drugs at another,” he said. 
 
 Cuts to the health budget resulting from the withdrawal of UK aid are likely to deepen inefficiencies in the distribution of ARVs. In Blantyre’s suburb of Ndirande, one of the poorest urban areas in Malawi, ARV clinician Eddie Manda said drug shortages had already worsened in recent weeks. 
 
 “Normally when we request ARVs, we are supplied within two or three days. Now it has been three weeks,” he said. 
 
 Demoralized doctors 
 
 The drugs shortage means that Manda spends hours each day driving to other health centres to pick up a supply of ARVs that will last for a few days. It also means he can only prescribe patients with a two-week supply of ARVs instead of enough for a month. This is no small problem in Malawi where many people struggle to afford the transport costs to distant health centres. “It’s not supposed to be like this,” he said. “My work as a clinician is compromised.” 
 
 Assefa faces the same problem at the Dignitas clinic. Because of widespread fuel shortages in the country, he is sometimes forced to send patients out on their own to search for ARVs when the supply at his clinic runs out. 
 
 “Patients have had to go up and down to different clinics looking for drugs. For medical professionals, this is very discouraging. This will affect the morale of healthcare workers,” he said. 
 
 The problem of low morale has contributed to a critical shortage of health workers in Malawi, with many migrating to South Africa and elsewhere in search of better pay and working conditions. A DFID-sponsored programme was making huge strides in improving working conditions for doctors and had helped increase the doctor to patient ratio from 1 to 60,000 in 2004, to the current ratio of 1 to 46,000. These gains are now at risk as health workers become increasingly frustrated by a lack of resources. 
 
 Diplomatic stalemate 
 
 It seems unlikely that the UK and Malawi will be re-establishing ties any time soon. In an emailed response to questions from IRIN, DFID communications officer Andrew Massa said the UK was "reviewing its relations with Malawi, including DFID's aid programme" and that no new aid would be committed until this review was completed. 
 
 "We and other donors have urged the [Malawian] government to finalize a new 5-year national health strategy to accelerate progress. Without this, donors cannot begin the process of considering what support they will provide," he added. 
 
 A London spokesperson with DFID wrote: "We have raised concerns with the Government of Malawi on a number of occasions and it is right that we should review our aid programme. We have to ensure that British taxpayers’ money delivers a better life for the poor of Malawi.'' 
 
 While the UK's aid freeze may have been meant as a political retaliation, Kwataine said it was not the country’s leadership who would pay the price if the freeze continues. "Whatever decision they make, they need to know that it’s the ordinary man and woman who will suffer,” she told IRIN. 
 
 President Mutharika responded to the withdrawal of UK support by announcing in his State of the Nation address on 23 May a “zero-deficit” budget that will necessarily entail increased taxation. Meanwhile, Finance Minister Ken Kandodo told Reuters he plans to introduce a host of austerity measures to deal with the gap in the country's budget. 
 
 Kwataine worried that such measures could include shifting the burden of healthcare costs to Malawians, a move that would only aggravate poverty levels in a country where 74 percent of the population are already living on less than US$1.25 a day. “The poorer you are, the more likely you are to have poor health indicators,” she pointed out. 
 
 md/ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92877</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005041411300296t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BLANTYRE 06 June 2011 (IRIN) - After several years of fragile gains, Malawi’s healthcare sector is running into trouble, with the latest challenge an aid freeze by its largest international donor, the UK&apos;s Department for International Development (DFID).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Sleeping sickness in cattle put to bed?</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year. 
 
 The research claims to have isolated two genes critical in the development of disease-resistant cattle. 
 
 Harry Noyes, lead author of a paper [ http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2011/05/17/1013486108.full.pdf+html ] on this published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA (PNAS) on 16 May, told IRIN their research had been prompted by the fact that while East African humped cattle breeds are susceptible to trypanosome parasites which cause sleeping sickness, the N’Dama, a humpless West African breed, is not seriously affected by the disease. 
 
 African animal trypanosomosis - also known as `nagana’ (Zulu: "to be depressed") or tryps - is transmitted through the bite of an infected species of the tsetse fly and is endemic from Senegal to Tanzania, and Chad to Zimbabwe (an area almost the size of the USA). 
 
 “The humped cattle [zebu] originated in India, where the tsetse fly is not found, while N’Dama, which probably had been exposed to [the] trypanosome parasite for thousands of years had developed a mechanism to control the impact of the disease,” explained Noyes, a senior researcher at Liverpool University. 
 
 Over the past two decades the researchers found at least 10 genes which control the impact of the disease in the N’ Dama breed. 
 
 “Out of those resistant genes we isolated what we feel are the two most significant ones for our purposes,” said Steve Kemp, a geneticist with the Nairobi-based International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), who also collaborated on the study. 
 
 Now that the scientists know what they are looking for, they have embarked on the task of isolating humped cattle breeds which also carry the two genes. 
 
 Over the next three years, ILRI intends to breed humped cattle varieties with at least one of the genes. The humped cattle breeds produce more milk than the N’Dama. 
 
 Decades away? 
 
 “This, of course, does not mean that poor farmers will soon have cattle that are resistant to sleeping sickness,” said Kemp. ILRI scientists will only be able to test resistance in the humped cattle after three years. 
 
 Thereafter it will take decades before sleeping sickness resistant breeds find their way down the chain to small farmers, the researchers believe. 
 
 “We can make the sperm and semen available for dissemination,” said Noyes, adding, however, that it was up to governments and extension services to make it accessible to all farmers. 
 
 Developing a resistant breed is critical as most of the drugs claiming to offer immunity to the disease are proving ineffective as new and drug-resistant strains of the disease evolve, according to the researchers. Furthermore, many of the new drugs are unaffordable for poor farmers. 
 
 In the week the discovery was published, the Global Alliance for Livestock Veterinary Medicines (GALVmed), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/r4d/SearchResearchDatabase.asp?ProjectID=50092 ] announced a five-year plan to help livestock keepers in Africa access better drugs, diagnostics and maybe even a vaccine to deal with the disease. 
 
 Initially, the programme will identify ongoing research which could help livestock farmers. 
 
 At least three million cattle die from the disease in Africa every year, according to GALVmed. An estimated 50 million cattle and 70 million sheep and goats are at risk of tryps every year. Although best known for causing human sleeping sickness, the trypanosome parasite’s most devastating blow to human welfare comes when farmers have sick, unproductive cattle, said PNAS in a press release. 

jk/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92773</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: ARVs as prevention must move quickly &quot;from science to action&quot;</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008021314t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - A landmark study showing major reductions in HIV transmission among discordant couples due to early treatment may fail to have a significant impact on HIV prevention unless governments and donors are willing to turn the science into action, HIV advocates say.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - A landmark study showing major reductions in HIV transmission among discordant couples due to early treatment may fail to have a significant impact on HIV prevention unless governments and donors are willing to turn the science into action, HIV advocates say. 
 
 "These are very exciting results that we hope will begin to change the debate and the discourse over the issues around HIV treatment and prevention," Mitchell Warren, executive director of the AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC) [ http://www.avac.org ], told IRIN/PlusNews. "Coming right before the UN High Level Meeting on HIV in New York next month, we hope that the results will take the discussion from rhetoric to reality." 
 
 While several observational studies [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92220 ] have shown similar results, these are the first results from a major randomized clinical trial to indicate that treating an HIV-infected individual can reduce the risk of sexual transmission of HIV to an uninfected partner. Known as HPTN 052 and funded by the US National Institutes of Health [ http://www.nih.gov/news/health/may2011/niaid-12.htm ], the trial was due to end in 2015 but an independent data and safety monitoring board recommended halting it early because of overwhelming evidence of benefits. 
 
 In 2010, UNAIDS launched a new HIV treatment and prevention approach, called Treatment 2.0 [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89861 ], which aims to drastically scale up testing and treatment based on mounting evidence that people on ARVs are much less likely to transmit the virus. The organization estimates that successful implementation of Treatment 2.0 could avert 10 million deaths by 2025, and reduce new infections by one-third. 
 
 Overwhelming evidence 
 
 "Take the example of male circumcision as an HIV prevention tool - there were several observational studies that seemed to point to its effectiveness for HIV prevention, but it was not until the clinical trial results in Kenya, South Africa and Uganda that we saw guidelines, policies and programmes developed - and funding made available," Warren said. "This is what we hope these results will achieve in terms of a targeted response to treatment and prevention within sero-discordant couples. We also hope to see more trials of other groups to strengthen the evidence further." 
 
 HPTN 052 began in April 2005 and enrolled 1,763 couples in Botswana, Brazil, India, Kenya, Malawi, South Africa, Thailand, the US and Zimbabwe. At enrolment, the HIV-positive partners had CD4 cell counts - a measure of immune strength - between 350 and 550 so were not eligible for ARVs based on most national guidelines. The UN World Health Organization recommends [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=87263 ] beginning ARVs at a CD4 cell count of 350 or below. The couples were randomly assigned to either a group where the HIV-positive partner received ARVs immediately, or to one where HIV-positive partners deferred initiation of ARV treatment until they were eligible under national guidelines. 
 
 Out of 28 HIV infections among study participants, 27 occurred among the 877 couples in which the HIV-infected partner did not begin antiretroviral therapy immediately. The study's authors concluded that earlier initiation of HIV treatment led to a 96 percent reduction in HIV transmission to the HIV-uninfected partner. 
 
 Hope, caution 
 
 "These results are the best evidence of the need for treatment, not just in cases of sickness, but also for prevention, especially in countries where new HIV infections are rising among couples," Sharonann Lynch, HIV policy adviser for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://msf.org ]. "It adds to the prevention toolbox we already have; we now have more tools than ever and we need to use all of them." 
 
 "HIV-positive people are the happiest - they now know if they start treatment early they are unlikely to infect their loved ones, and at the same time, they may stop being seen as people who are likely to infect others, which will hopefully reduce stigma," said Nelson Otwoma, coordinator of Kenya's Network of People living with HIV/AIDS [ http://www.nephak.org ]. "For HIV-negative partners, they will now feel less at risk if their partners start treatment early, and they will also feel safer trying to conceive children." 
 
 Otwoma warned that counseling would need to be an integral part of any new policy to ensure people were well-informed of the remaining risks and the need to continue with other methods of HIV prevention such as condom use. 
 
 He also said in order for any policy to be developed, countries such as Kenya would need to step up the availability of CD4 testing technology and drastically increase the availability of ARVs to enable all those in need to access them. 
 
 AVAC's Warren noted that implementing the results would go a long way towards achieving the goal of universal access to treatment, prevention and care. An estimated six million people around the world are on ARVs, but this is a fraction of the global need. 
 
 Finding the money 
 
 However, MSF's Lynch noted that the recent retreat [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90765 ] by major HIV donors could severely hinder plans to implement the study's results. 
 
 "Unfortunately, the biggest donors globally seem to be shutting their eyes, ears and mouths when it comes to the evidence of what will work to lower infection rates and treat people living with HIV," she said. "This study was sponsored by the US government - the US needs to listen to its scientists to inform their policies. 
 
 "With political will and the right policies, we can triple the number of people on treatment without tripling the costs," she added. "When HIV treatment first started several years ago, the funding was not all available, but gradually, treatment programmes began; growth may be slow, but it will expand." 
 
 A recent MSF report [ http://www.msf.org/shadomx/apps/fms/fmsdownload.cfm?file_uuid=0ADAF3D0-F526-45F2-B0D5-64E6F37B4F59&siteName=msf ] recommended ways of achieving increased treatment efficiency, including putting people on treatment earlier, decentralizing ARV provision to local clinics and empowering nurses to provide ARVs. The report further noted that because of funding problems, treatment programmes in several countries - including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Uganda and Zimbabwe - were under threat. 
 
 According to Lynch, major donors were also backing away from committing to global HIV treatment targets. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon recently outlined [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/documents/pressrelease/2011/20110331_PR_SGreport_en.pdf ] a new target to ensure HIV treatment for 13 million people by 2015. 
 
 "The large donors seem unsure about setting targets; it's is a bit of a scandal, really. If 10 years since the first UN High Level Meeting on HIV we are not working towards targets, then the fight against HIV treatment and prevention is rudderless," she said. "We are looking at a case of the best science and the worst policy." 
 
 kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92710</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008021314t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - A landmark study showing major reductions in HIV transmission among discordant couples due to early treatment may fail to have a significant impact on HIV prevention unless governments and donors are willing to turn the science into action, HIV advocates say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Queer Malawi lifts the gay curtain</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/20080814t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 11 May 2011 (IRIN) - Africa is generally not a safe place to have a same-sex relationship - you can be shunned by society, beaten up, thrown in jail, or worse. In Malawi you can get 14 years in prison with hard labour.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 11 May 2011 (IRIN) - Africa is generally not a safe place to have a same-sex relationship - you can be shunned by society, beaten up, thrown in jail, or worse. In Malawi you can get 14 years in prison with hard labour. 
 
 In a bold move, Malawi’s Centre for the Development of People (CEDEP) and South Africa’s Gay and Lesbian Memory in Action (GALA) have collected the stories of 12 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) women and men and published them in a book, Queer Malawi. 
 
 The book was compiled in the shadow of the high-profile 2010 trial of Tiwonge Chimbalanga and Steven Monjeza, two Malawian men charged with sodomy and indecency after they became engaged to be married in December 2009. The couple were found guilty but later released on condition that they have no further contact. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=88663 ] 
 
 Fear is a theme that runs through the stories in Queer Malawi - fear of not being accepted by family and community, of violence and arrest. Human rights activists noted that the trial heightened anxiety in Malawi’s underground LGBT community and compromised HIV prevention efforts among men who have sex with men (MSM). 
 
 “There is the painful story of Tiwonge Chimbalanga and Steven Monjeza, who were arrested because they were very much in love,” wrote “Shy Amanda”, a gay man using a pseudonym, as do the other authors in Queer Malawi. 
 
 “My boyfriend and I… are afraid to stay together - we only visit on weekends. When I see a policeman passing by my home I fear that maybe today they are coming to take me.” 
 
 Many African countries, including Nigeria, Uganda, Zambia and Malawi, have banned same-sex relationships, with the legislation sometimes being interpreted so as to leave individuals without adequate protection by the law and open to beatings and arrests. 
 
 In the case of lesbians, such legislation has sometimes led to “corrective rape”, in which men rape lesbians in the violently mistaken belief that this will “turn them straight”. 
 
 HIV/AIDS outreach 
 
 A foreword penned by the Coalition of African Lesbians provides a context for the stories in Queer Malawi and insight into the complex dynamics in the LGBT community, including the divisions between its men and women. 
 
 Africa’s lesbian, bisexual and transgender women remain largely invisible, and the activism and funds for addressing their needs, especially those related to health, are slight in comparison with the money allocated to assisting MSM. 
 
 The complex underlying dynamics of aid and HIV often influence advocacy of the LGBT community’s needs. In a highly politicised and often deeply religious context, funders and managers often link outreach programme to this population to human rights and health. 
 
 Gay, bisexual and transgender men have been at greater risk of contracting HIV through anal sex, and many funders and programmes identify them as a priority group, despite cries from the lesbian community that their low risk of HIV does not mean they are at no risk, especially with a rising level of corrective rape. [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=85268 ] [ 
 http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=85277 ] 
 
 Lesbian women find it hard to stand together, because we do not have any resources or an organization that represents us,” wrote Takia.  “There is one organization that does education for gays - they only support men loving men.” 
 
 After the international publicity of the Malawi court case, even HIV prevention programming aimed at MSM was compromised, as this group went further underground out of fear of arrest, CEDEP said. [ 
 http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=88663 ] 
 
 The 12 voices heard in Queer Malawi all tell a love story - young love; unrequited love, heartache and acceptance of ourselves and the often rocky terrain that is love. The book also aims to dispel the negative stereotypes often attached to homosexuals. 
 
 These are business owners, church-goers and breadwinners; women who move outside of gender norms, men who strive to portray positive male role models to their children, including HIV-positive orphans in their care. 
 
 The book is not without unsettling aspects. Multiple concurrent partnerships - a driver of HIV infection in southern Africa - and cross-generational sex feature in almost half the stories. Two of the 12 writers recall that their first sexual experience was with a family member. 
 
 At the book’s launch in December 2010 in Johannesburg, South Africa, GALA and CEDEP indicated their intention to release the book in Malawi, but IRIN/PlusNews was unable to ascertain from GALA whether this had occurred. For more information on Queer Malawi, go to go to www.gala.co.za 
 
 llg/he/kn

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92681</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/20080814t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 11 May 2011 (IRIN) - Africa is generally not a safe place to have a same-sex relationship - you can be shunned by society, beaten up, thrown in jail, or worse. In Malawi you can get 14 years in prison with hard labour.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
