<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Libya</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 17:30:43 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>LIBYA: Uneasy calm in Sebha after clashes</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg" />]]>SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</description><body><![CDATA[SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.

“You see that place?” Adoum Abaka, a Tubu from Tayuri, a poor neighbourhood of Sebha inhabited mainly by Tubu and Tuareg families, told IRIN, pointing to a nearby building on a hill with gaping holes where the walls used to be. “That is where some of us hid when Tayuri was under attack by the Awlad Sulayman [tribe]. We were fighting with Kalashnikovs. One person was killed there.”

The latest clashes erupted in March between the Tubu ethnic group and the Arab Awlad Sulayman and Awlad Abu Seif tribes. The clashes are said to have begun after a man belonging to the Abu Seif family was killed allegedly by the Tubu. But other narratives suggest the conflict followed a dispute over several million dollars which the ruling Transitional National Council (TNC) was planning to spend in Sebha. The violence went on for six days until the TNC brought in forces from the north to quell it. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ].

The same communities clashed in February in the oasis of Kufra.

TNC forces have brought some semblance of peace to Sebha, but most tribal groups still have their own militias. Wanees Abu Khamada, head of the Special Forces and military governor of southern Libya, told IRIN the military recently banned people from carrying weapons at night. However, no process has yet been established to take back the weapons.

When asked if the army lacked the ability to bring the region under control, he said: “We are still trying. The army is not weak, but it is restricted by law. The militias on the other hand can just go and attack a place on their own.”

Despite the presence of the military, residents of Sebha are apprehensive. Adam Ahmad of Tayuri said the ceasefire between the two groups was an “obligation”, and many were afraid of what would happen if the army pulled out.

“Fighting has ceased, but we don’t know for how long,” said Al-Zarooq from the local council.  

Outside the camp council of Tayuri, an assortment of weapons, including mortars, rockets, artillery and unexploded munitions lie scattered on the ground.

In nearby Al-Hijara, charred remains of abandoned houses and cars stand testimony to the destruction wrought on the neighbourhood. Ali Mohamed Boubacar Julwar, a teacher who fled Sebha for the southern town of al-Qatroun, came back to find his family gone and his house destroyed.

“I found my neighbours outside, no shelter, their property stolen," he said. "They said Awlad Sulayman did it, and some Sebha families.”

Identities and allegiances

The Tubu, an indigenous black African tribe, live in southern Libya, along the Tibesti mountain range, and in Chad and Niger. While some Tubu from Chad were encouraged to migrate north to work in the oil industry under former president Muammar Gaddafi, many indigenous to Libya experienced marginalization and exclusion by the same regime and took up arms on the rebel side during the 2011 uprising. Those living in Kufra in the southeast had their identity cards and passports withdrawn under a 2007 policy aimed at deterring more of them from entering Libya and authorities in the area were told to treat them as foreigners. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/North%20Africa/107%20-%20Popular%20Protest%20in%20North%20Africa%20and%20the%20Middle%20East%20V%20-%20Making%20Sense%20of%20Libya.pdf ]

“The nomadic nature of the Sahara desert tribes and the fact that they have extensions in neighbouring countries were reasons for the previous regime to deny them their rights,” Adam Ahmad, a Tubu leader and head of Tayuri camp council, told IRIN.

During recent clashes, local perceptions of the Tubu as outsiders fuelled the violence, as residents in Sebha unrelated to the initial disputes were urged to take up arms against them.

“The Awlad Sulayman told the people of Sebha that the Tubu want to control the city,” Omar, a resident of Sebha who preferred not to give his full name, told IRIN. “So the people of Sebha, who have always been prejudiced against the Tubu, attacked their areas.”

The discourse over who is truly Libyan and who is an outsider underlies multiple conflicting accounts of the Sebha clashes and larger identity politics in the region.

The city, home [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html  ] to about 210,000 people, has long served as a hub and transit point for migrants entering the southern borders, often illegally, from Niger, Chad and other countries. As increasing numbers of Tubu arrived in Sebha to support their people during the clashes, the conflict escalated, and xenophobic fears of foreigners led to some cases of arbitrary arrests of African migrants from neighbouring countries like Chad.

“Not all the Tubu are Libyan. Libyans are welcome here, but outsiders are not,” said Mohamed Shahhat, a member of the local council in Sebha, from the Awlad Sulayman tribe. “There are rumours around that Tubu have their nation in the south of Libya. We are afraid of a situation similar to what is happening in Mali where the Tuareg are trying to establish their country. The Tubu are not just a tribe, they are a nation.”

While the Awlad Sulayman express fears of a Tubu takeover, the Qaddadfa and Awlad Sulayman are among the most prominent tribes in Sebha. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ] Many of the latter were allied to the Gaddafi regime, while others fought on the rebel side during the uprising. In the four months after Sebha was liberated, residents of Sebha allege that Awlad Sulayman militias took control of the city and that crimes were committed.

Members of the Awlad Sulayman were reluctant to talk to IRIN about their involvement in the conflict or to give interviews with those whose relatives were killed.

Ayoub al-Zarooq said the Awlad Sulayman may have their own ambitions to assume control of the area around Sebha. “Many of the militias are from Awlad Sulayman. The street talk is that they want to control the city and perhaps even the south of Libya,” he said.

It is difficult to say who truly holds power here, according to Bill Lawrence, director of the North Africa Project of International Crisis Group (ICG). "Certain districts in and around Sebha are controlled more by one group or another, and certainly Awlad Sulayman have had the upper hand, but I would not say that one or another group truly holds power, especially after the revolution which made things murkier," he said.

Security south of the city

Both the Tubu and the Awlad Sulayman have lived side by side for decades and both inhabit regions that extend beyond Libya’s borders. It is in these border regions where migrants and smuggled goods make their way north that the conflict which spread to Sebha is said to have originated. “They say the fight started here in Sebha, but in fact, trafficking and smuggling routes are in control of these two groups,” said Omar. “And each one pays the other. This is where the fight actually began, on the border.”

Ahmad Naas Mohamed, a member of the local council from the Abu Seif tribe, denied these claims. “Awlad Sulayman are not controlling the border areas, they are just doing some commerce there," he said. "It is the Tubu who are in control.”

Adam Ahmad of Tayuri local council said much of the southern border region is controlled by the Tubu, but that the Awlad Sulayman may also have their own trafficking routes. Al-Zarooq said the borders presented the greatest security challenge to the southern region, and stability in Sebha would largely depend on securing these regions.

"Stability depends in part on dialogue between the communities and the ability of leaders to avert the worst," ICG's Lawrence said. "Eventually, the overall stability of Libya and these regions will depend on issues of legitimacy and governance and service delivery."

The government has said it will investigate the Sebha clashes, but military governor Abu Khamada said it will take time and facts are hard to gather.

Meanwhile, the residents of Al-Hijara are still waiting for justice. Yusuf Said, a young Tubu who said his mother was killed in the local hospital during the conflict, believes the Tubu must be ready to defend themselves again.

“We consider the war is not over,” he said.

zm/eo/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95446</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Detained migrants face harsh conditions, legal limbo</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.

“I’ve been here for four months,” Mansour told IRIN. “I left Mogadishu in August last year and was arrested in Kufra before they brought me here. Some of us have documents, but they are still being kept in Kufra.” The desert town of Kufra, lies at a point where the borders of Egypt, Chad and Sudan meet.

In another room, 36 men, mainly Egyptians, occupy one room. “We were in Libya even before the revolution, but afterwards, people with and without documents were rounded up,” said one who used to work as a cook in Benghazi before he was detained. Benghazi was a key stronghold of the opposition forces that toppled Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in 2011.

During Libya’s uprising, a number of sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of working as mercenaries for Gaddafi. In the absence of any formal justice system, with militia groups in control of large areas of the country, and with anti-African sentiment pervasive in Libya, many were beaten and detained. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/09/04/libya-stop-arbitrary-arrests-black-africans ]

The authorities at Ganfouda say the migrants currently being held were not accused of being mercenaries, but were locked up for having no documents, or expired papers and fake visas. There are around 400 people in the centre, including 150 Somalis, 100 Bangladeshis and others from Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Nigeria, Ghana, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The conditions are harsh. Garbage lies scattered in the hallways of one of the buildings; detainees eat, sleep and use the toilet all in the same room. The food, which authorities say is provided three times a day, consists of one large bowl of spaghetti shared between groups of five people.

“The policy that they are applying is to round people up whether here in Benghazi or in Kufra and to put them in detention, sometimes even up to 1,800 people, that the centre cannot cope with it,” Yolande Ditewig, the head of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) sub-office in Benghazi told IRIN. “By putting people in detention, you create a humanitarian situation if you don’t have the funds to take care of people. Many countries put migrants in detention, but here there are no facilities to provide for them, for the food and bringing the sanitation up to standards.”

The number of detention centres before the uprising was estimated at between 18 and 24 according to Samuel Cheung, Senior Protection Officer for UNHCR. Current figures are unknown. The Ganfouda authorities complained that the government is not providing any assistance. “We have no support. These computers are from my own house. I have not been paid since October 2011, but I do this as a volunteer, because I love Libya,” said Ahmad Mansour Shekey, a guard at the centre.

Part of the problem is that the Ministry of Interior has not been able to take control of the centres. They are managed by groups of individuals whose allegiance is often unknown. According to UNHCR, the management of Ganfouda has changed four times in the past six months and is not under any particular government unit.

Lack of Legal Framework

It also appears to work as a local labour office, with some migrants allowed out to work, despite the fact that under Article 3 of Libya’s law on illegal migration dating back to the period before the uprising, anyone who employs an illegal migrant is liable to a one thousand dinar (US$800) fine.

“People sometimes ask us to work on their farms, and we do for a few months. But then we are taken back to the detention centre,” Hassan,* an Egyptian migrant told IRIN. “I was taken to work as an agricultural labourer for about 300 dinars a month ($240). If we go out to work, why can’t we just be released? Why do we have to come back here again to the centre?”

A Somali migrant, Abdul Mahmoud,* also said he had been taken out to work on a construction site and then brought back to the centre. Another said he had worked on a farm and was paid 200 dinars a month ($160).

“We are certainly concerned about labour exploitation, and abuse,” said Cheung. “There are some unconfirmed reports of migrants not receiving their wages, or their wages used for the upkeep of the centre. But then at times, detention centres also do release people to work and give them the chance to get regularized.”

In the 1990s, Libya encouraged migration from sub-Saharan Africa to fill a need for unskilled labour in the country.  But subsequent years saw an increase in domestic anti-immigrant sentiment, leading to widespread attacks on sub-Saharan African migrants and intermittent forced repatriation to their countries of origin. Under Gadaffi there was also growing cooperation with the EU to stem migration into Europe.  

There is currently no legal framework to differentiate between economic migrants and asylum seekers. And as the country grapples with consolidating a formal government structure, there appears to be no clear plan on the issue of the migrants.

“There is no asylum framework, no legal system to deal with this problem,” said Ditewig. “If you arrest someone, you need to sort out whether he is a migrant or an asylum seeker. If it is determined that he is a refugee, then it’s better to give him documents and let him go. And if not, then you decide whether you want to give him a work permit, or deport him.”

Those manning the Ganfouda centre say the primary objective of detaining migrants is to prevent them from crossing the sea to Europe. While Libya is well known as a transit route, it has also for a long time been a destination country for economic migrants, and many in Ganfouda say they want to stay in Libya to work.

“I paid US$300 to come across the desert through Niger. Many died on the way from thirst,” Fever Okoro, a Nigerian detainee, told IRIN. “I want to stay here and practice my profession as a welder. Here there are opportunities.”

Government officials, however, do not believe that illegal migrants are coming to Libya for employment. “We want them to work, but they don’t want to. They just want a chance to get to Europe,” General Issa Hammad, head of the Security and Immigration section of the Interior Ministry told IRIN. “Even the Ghanaians and Nigerians, they often stay here for a while, but eventually they too want to go to Europe.”

As for migrants seeking refuge from political upheavals, Hammad thinks solutions must be found in their countries of origin. “For nationalities like the Somalis, a solution must be found so that they can stay in their own countries,” he said, “Otherwise, the best solution is to keep them in the centres. If not, we have to keep rescuing them from the sea.”

He appeared to be unaware that migrants in Ganfouda were being employed locally. “That is illegal. Under Libyan laws, you cannot have contracts with people who are arrested,” he said. “Maybe they are accepting to work for low wages, just to get out of the centre, and then run away.”

In all of Libya’s major cities, migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Bangladesh, Egypt and other countries were employed as cleaners, construction and agricultural labourers and domestic workers, professions that Libyans are reluctant to take up. The violence and upheaval triggered by the 2011 uprising forced 790,000 home, representing what the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) describes as “one of the largest migration crises in modern history”.

A recent report [ http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/index.php?main_page=product_info&cPath=41_7&products_id=785 ] by IOM concludes that “Libya may encounter serious economic and social problems if it cannot attract both skilled and low-skilled migrants to help rebuild the country.”

Libya is going through a time of redefining itself,” said Cheung. “The new government is still looking at its labour market rules. Some readjustments will certainly take place on migration policies.”

*Not their real names

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95403</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Thousands still afraid to return home</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi's government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.

“We want to go back but cannot,” said Abdul Aziz al-Irwi, who lives in Sidi Slim camp in the capital, Tripoli.  "Some people from another camp tried to return about two months ago, but about seven of them were captured by forces from Zintan and imprisoned.”

Al-Irwi is from the Mshashiya community, an ethnic group from the Nefusa Mountains in Western Libya who were targeted during the uprising by opposition fighters from Zintan, allegedly for being allied with pro-Gaddafi forces. Zintan is a small city also located in the Nefusa Mountains area.

“I am here because Gaddafi’s forces came to the town of Mshashya, so we had to leave," he told IRIN. "They used our town to bomb other areas. We went to Gharyan, and then came to Tripoli.” 

Records from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, show that an estimated 14,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were living in Tripoli as of March. Across Libya, the total number of those still displaced is estimated at 70,000.

Apart from the Mshashiya, others included the Qawalish, also from the Nefusa Mountains, the Tawergha, a group of Touareg families from the west, and those perceived as being loyal to the previous regime from al-Zawiya, Bani Walid and Sirte. 

A sizeable group of the displaced living in Tripoli and Benghazi cities were Tawergha. They were accused of participating in Gaddafi’s assault on Misrata, murdering and raping thousands of people. Reprisal attacks ensued, forcing their entire town of more than 30,000 to flee their homes.  Today, the Tawergha-Misrata case remains a particularly sensitive one in post-Gaddafi Libya. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94455/LIBYA-Rocky-road-ahead-for-Libya-s-Tawergha-minority ]

Until recently, the dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - lived in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of Tripoli. With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. The sign leading to their city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return. 

Needs and security

According to UNHCR, an estimated 100-150,000 people were displaced in October 2011, but that number has reduced progressively with many returning to their communities, including in Bani Walid and Sirte. 

Camp managers at Sidi Slim say conditions are difficult, and the monthly supply of food delivered by agencies and Libaid, the humanitarian arm of the Libyan government, is not enough for each family. 

“In our opinion, food is not a problem,” Muftah M Etwilb, the Chief Executive Officer of Libaid, told IRIN. “There are other needs like education, health and protection. Health is free of charge for all Libyans, but still some people in the camp need immediate services from a dispensary. The other issue is proper housing. We are trying to get the government to provide alternative housing since some of these camps are owned by international companies.” 

Providing protection for the displaced communities, particularly from armed militias still roaming the main cities, remains one of the biggest challenges to date for the transitional government. 

“Since August 2011, we have been subjected to arbitrary attacks and detention,” Abdelrahman Mahmoud, head of the Local Council of the Tawergha in Tripoli, told IRIN. “If Tripoli is safe, then the camps are safe, but if it is not, then we are not safe,” 

In February, militias raided the Marine Academy where about 2,000 Tawergha had taken shelter, killing seven people and abducting three men. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/05/libya-bolster-security-tawergha-camps ] Witnesses claim the militias were from Misrata. 

“The guards from the Marine Academy didn’t have any weapons. When the Misrata brigades came in with weapons, they just moved aside,” Emmanuel Gignac, UNHCR head of mission told IRIN. “What you see now is individual cases inside or outside camps, for instance the Tawergha, including kidnapping for ransom. You can attack people from Tawergha and there is total impunity.”

Amnesty International and other groups have also documented testimonies from among the Mshashiya and Qawalish in Tripoli, who say they were detained and tortured by militias.

Responsibility 

A common refrain heard among agencies and ordinary Libyans is that the government needs to assume responsibility for a host of problems, and internal displacement is no exception. To address the humanitarian needs of IDPs across the country, Libaid is organizing a national conference in May involving government ministries, agencies and representatives of the displaced.  

“It is not exactly a neglected issue, but it’s not the number one priority in Libya. People also have to deal with security, and with the upcoming elections,” said Etwilb. “But we want to make the IDP issue visible on the day-to-day agenda of the government.” 

Contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Social Affairs said:  “We have made available a fund of 400 dinar [US$ 320] a month for people who wish to rent a house outside the camps,” Naima Etaher said. “Concerning the non-Tawergha people, a lot of their houses were not destroyed, and it’s safe to go back, but they just stay in these camps to take advantage of the government.” 

But families in Sidi Slim camp saw things differently. 

In the sweltering heat of a room occupied by a Mshashiya family, people gather to look at footage on a mobile phone which they claim is of destroyed buildings in their home town. “I want to go back. We have been in Mshashiya for over 1,200 years,” said Khalifa Saad Mabrouk, tracing on the floor with his finger what his farm looks like. “I have my trees there, and my houses, my land.” 

When asked if remaining in Tripoli or moving elsewhere would be a solution, Mabrouk and his family were unequivocal. “Absolutely not. Even if conditions here are okay, we want to go home.” 

Reconciliation

What has still not been addressed, and will determine when people might return to their abandoned homes, are the underlying political tensions fueling animosity between different groups and deterring reconciliation, say observers. 

The upcoming conference organized by Libaid is aimed at dealing with the short-term humanitarian needs of displaced populations, but not the political issues. “We try not to politicize the conference,” said Etwilb. “There is a risk if we just make it very open.” 

Likewise, the “Reconciliation committees”, set up by recently by the government to restore relations between different communities, can only deal with minor disputes. “We are trying to get people out of prison, but we are not able to do much for people who killed, raped or stole,” Naji Regebi, a member of one of the committees, told IRIN. “The more serious issues will have to go to the justice system.” 

Some Tawergha like Ismael Shaaban, an elder in Fallah Ladco camp in Tripoli, believe both sides should go to court.  “We will hand over anyone who is guilty to the Libyan government, but we also want people torturing and abusing Tawerghans to be brought to justice,”  he said.

Others like Khadija Absalaam (not real name), whose three sons she claims were detained in Misrata, are more skeptical. “We don’t want peace with the Misratans, we just want a wall between our two cities," she said. "We can live without communicating.” 

The Misratan Local Council, in response to concerns raised by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/11/misrata-local-council-response-human-rights-watch ] about widespread torture and crimes committed in detention centres and toward the Tawergha, denied responsibility saying: “Treatment in the city’s prisons is good….many accusations have been wrongly and falsely attributed to Misrata revolutionaries.”

For the Tawergha and Misratans, long-term reconciliation will need a fully functional formal justice process. But, given that the government is still “settling down” in the words of one official, that is not likely to occur until after the elections, scheduled to take place in June. And even then, true reconciliation on the ground is likely to take time. 

“Even if the humanitarian issues are dealt with by organisations, it is not enough,” said Gignac. “It is about coming to terms with the past and it is going to be a long process.” 

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95389</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95237</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISASTERS: Over 50 million affected in Muslim world in 2011</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.  

In 2011, 38 of the 57 OIC member countries and 55 million people were affected by “disasters and chronic emergencies”, Atta Elmanan Bakhit, OIC assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition. [ http://www.dihad.org/ ] Disasters brought a total financial loss of US$68 billion in those Muslim countries, he said, quoting figures that will be published in OIC’s annual report, to be released later this month.  

These numbers do not include political crises, namely the Arab Spring, and are tabulated based on information from member states. They are up from 2010 when 36 countries and 48 million people were affected, with $53 billion in losses, according to an OIC survey.  

“In the Muslim world now, we have regularly a lot of disasters,” Bakhit said, adding that the OIC has had no choice but to start playing a larger role in humanitarian affairs. The OIC is active in coordinating humanitarian assistance in Somalia, where it has access [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=91&reportid=94010 ] in many areas Western aid workers do not; and along with the UN, the OIC accompanied the government in the first humanitarian assessment [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95102/SYRIA-Aid-workers-give-cautious-welcome-to-start-of-humanitarian-assessment ] of areas affected by the unrest in Syria.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95226</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110191145450734t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Muslim world is increasingly in the “eye of the cyclone”, with disasters and crises affecting tens of millions of people in Muslim countries last year, a senior official with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) told a humanitarian conference in Dubai.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Call for educational reform to create &quot;knowledge society&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 
 
"[Arab countries] will have no alternative but to tackle this issue," said Amat Al Alim Alsoswa, assistant secretary-general and director of the Regional Bureau for Arab States at the UN Development Programme (UNDP). "If you talk about any kind of reform - political, judicial - education is an integral part of it. Otherwise, it will be an artificial reform," she told IRIN at the sidelines of the event in Dubai. 
 
The Arab Knowledge Report (AKR), published by UNDP and the UAE-based Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation, called for action to better enable the region's youth to participate in the so-called "knowledge society" and move beyond the poverty and unemployment that led to mass demonstrations and the toppling of several governments last year.
 
According to some estimates, more than 60 percent of the population of Arab countries is under the age of 25. 
 
But the potential of Arab youth has so far been limited by weak corporate governance, high rates of corruption, weak indicators of freedom, absence of democracy, increasing rates of poverty and unemployment, restrictions on women's freedom and the failure of economic reforms to achieve social justice and provide youth employment opportunities, the report said.
 
The report found that the Arab world continues to lag behind, with a "sharp drop" in cognitive skills among youth, including problem-solving, written communication, use of technology, and the ability to search for information. The average student scored 33 out of 100 in these areas. 
 
Other statistics are equally scathing: In 2007, 29 percent of Arabs above the age of 15 were illiterate, compared to 16 percent globally; in 2010, 19 percent of Arab children under 6 had access to public childcare centres, compared to 41 percent globally; and Arab students continued to rank poorly in international exams. The region has seen an exponential growth in internet use, but remains below the global average in terms of its exploitation. 
 
The Arab Spring changed some of that - youth clearly used technology to communicate their message, and in many countries their protests have led to a freer and more democratic environment. (Broadening freedom of thought was one of the main recommendations of the 2009 Arab Knowledge Report. [ http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2009/october/the-arab-knowledge-report-2009-towards-productive-intercommunication-for-knowledge.en ]) But this year's report warns that Arab countries need to do more to take advantage of the openings provided by the Arab Spring. 
 
The Arab world must develop the infrastructure for information technology; encourage innovation; create an investment-friendly environment; focus on social, political and economic reforms; and improve education. 
 
Education neglected intentionally?
 
For a long time, observers say, many Arab governments intentionally neglected education because they thought that an uneducated public would be less likely to rebel. 
 
Shortcomings in the education system were also due to a "culture of silence", Hassan El Bilawi, professor of the sociology of education at Helwan Unviersity in Cairo, told the audience at the launch. "We have before us a cultural challenge - we are suffering from cultural backwardness. Many changes took place in the Arab world but they have not been related to the methodology of teaching or the culture of schools. We have to make sweeping reforms," he said. 
 
Past reforms have been seen as a "technical task" entrusted to bureaucrats in Arab ministries of education, without the support of state policies or civil society, said Moudi Al Homud, former minister of education of Kuwait. "Consequently, we have failed." She urged governments to move beyond the "cosmetics" of educational reform. 
 
But Ghaith Fariz, director of the report, said the knowledge gap is due to more than just poor education. 
 
"It's an issue that involves all sectors of the society. It's much beyond education. Civil society has a role. Family has a role," he told IRIN. Intellectual property rights is another area, for instance, in which "we, as Arabs, are basically absent." 
 
Participants at the report's launch also highlighted the importance of youth being involved in finding solutions. 
 
"If we take the lead, we will destroy what the youth have done," said one participant from Jordan. "The youth have to define the next steps." 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95075</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103151326060715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - If the Arab Spring is to have any lasting impact, education must top the priority list of post-revolutionary reforms in the Arab world, experts said yesterday at the launch of the 2010-2011 Arab Knowledge Report in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: What the analysts are saying*</title><pubDate>Wed, 29 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112090747280343t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - One year after a popular uprising toppled its former dictator, Libya’s new transitional government has failed to provide coherent state leadership and control, analysts say.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - One year after a popular uprising toppled its former dictator, Libya’s new transitional government has failed to provide coherent state leadership and control, analysts say.
 
A continuing power struggle with hundreds of militias [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] threatens Libya’s transition towards a secure and democratic state. In the absence of national institutions, rebels instrumental in overthrowing former leader Muammar Gaddafi now run everything from detention centres to hospitals, but have also engaged in fatal clashes and stand accused of human rights abuses.
 
Recent weeks have seen a rise in inter-militia violence [ http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-16570594 ]; the killing of a member of the former regime; [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/02/02/libya-diplomat-dies-militia-custody ]; and fatal tribal clashes in the south. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/478161 ] Revenge attacks [ http://reliefweb.int/node/475039 ] against the entire community of Tawergha [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94455 ] have allegedly been repeated against others [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/02/21/libya-displaced-people-barred-homes ] accused of fighting alongside Gaddafi during the war.
 
If the transitional government does not succeed in stabilizing state institutions in the coming months, observers fear national elections, scheduled for June 2012, could lead to a further escalation in conflict.
 
Here is a round-up of recent publications by think-tanks, analysts and human rights organizations:
 
A 16 February report by Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=19948 ] accused the ruling National Transitional Council (NTC) of lacking both the authority and the political will to rein in militias, which it described as being “out of control”. The report said militias were committing widespread human rights abuses, including torturing detainees, sometimes to death, during interrogations. Detainees told Amnesty they confessed to rapes and murders they had not committed just to stop the torture. Amnesty said the militias enjoyed “blanket immunity” and that the authorities had done “nothing” to investigate and prosecute war crimes.
 
Médicins Sans Frontières (MSF) suspended its medical operations in the coastal city of Misrata in late January, [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=5744&cat=press-release ] saying it was repeatedly treating patients who suffered injuries as a result of torture during interrogation sessions. Militia requests for MSF to care for detainees to make them fit for further interrogation and torture were “unacceptable”, MSF said.
 
In late November, the UN Secretary-General’s report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/N1159247.pdf ] to the Security Council on the UN Support Mission in Libya cited discrimination against third country nationals and cases of individuals being targeted for the colour of their skin. It said militias had reportedly detained children alongside adults; held women under male supervision; and taken members of the Tawergha ethnic minority, many of whom fought alongside Gaddafi during the war, from their homes by force, abusing or executing them in detention.
 
Militias have become entrenched; they are well organized and have their own procedures for registration of members and weapons, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in December, in its latest report on Libya [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/libya/115-holding-libya-together-security-challenges-after-qadhafi.aspx ], but they are bound together by a quest for power and territorial security rather than a political agenda. “Militias mimic the organization of a regular military… they issue warrants; arrest and detain suspects… sometimes at substantial cost to communities subject to discrimination and collective punishment.” Geographical inequality, power plays and fragmented chains of command have led to armed clashes between them, affecting the country’s ability to develop, but militias should not be forced to disarm until their interests and security fears have been addressed, the ICG said. “Rebuilding Libya requires addressing their fate, yet haste would be as perilous as apathy.”
 
Pushing the militias to disarm too hard or too fast could backfire by provoking resistance, the Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA), agreed [ http://www.inegma.com/?navigation=reports&page=2# ] in November 2011. “Some are predicting that a new conflict may be nearing a 50 percent chance of occurring.” To avoid this, INEGMA research associate Ash Rossiter said the NTC should focus on increasing its own legitimacy and gradually building up national security forces.
 
But left unchecked, militia violence could bring the country back into civil war, the head of the NTC, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, warned [ http://news.yahoo.com/libya-names-head-armed-forces-militias-clash-001332609.html ] in January.
 
The defence and interior ministries will require significant capacity-building in order to transform disparate groups into national military and police forces, Bob Perito, director of the US Institute of Peace’s Security Sector Governance Center of Innovation, wrote in early February, [ http://www.usip.org/publications/reforming-the-security-sector-in-tunisia-and-libya ] after meeting police, military and government officials in Libya.
 
Alina Menocal, a research fellow with the Politics and Governance Programme at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), said the transition to a new Libya would require more than the simple abolition of the militias, but rather a dialogue on how to sustain a political consensus that would make them secure enough to give up their arms and power. “A basic political settlement is missing,” she wrote in a 2 February ODI blog post. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/opinion/details.asp?id=6290&title=libya-transition-state-building-security-elections-strategic-patience ]
 
According to Joost Hiltermann, deputy programme director for the Middle East and North Africa at ICG, who participated in a public discussion [ http://www.odi.org.uk/events/report.asp?id=2785&title=libya-transition-options-future ] on Libya hosted by ODI in late January, it is a bit of a vicious circle: A lack of security slows efforts towards greater rule of law, because without security, people turn to militias and warlords; and yet “until an elected, legitimate government is in place, regional militias will remain across the country and there will be no possibility of demobilization.”
 
Elections in Libya will be “difficult to pull off” in the tight timeline, according to Sean Delly, deputy director of the Post-war Reconstruction and Development Unit (PRDU) at the University of York and former senior recovery adviser to the UN Development Programme (UNDP), who also participated in the event.
 
Ibrahim Sharqieh, a foreign policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, warned [ http://www.brookings.edu/articles/2011/1231_libya_sharqieh.aspx ] in December 2011 that victory should not be confused with legitimacy in post-revolutionary Libya. An expert on conflict resolution in the Arab world, Sharqieh stressed that violence will only come to an end when rebels learn to work together towards national goals in the absence of the war-time unifier: Gaddafi’s regime. Ownership, legitimacy, inclusion, reconciliation, capitalizing on tribalism and leveraging the skills of the rebels are imperatives moving forward, he said. “The reconstruction of Libya will benefit from the diversity of experiences the rebels have, as the process itself is multifaceted.”
 
Because militias have tribal leanings, any moves to ensure stability should also take into account Libya’s tribal political culture, according to Thomas Husken of the University of Bayreuth in Germany. Militias have empowered tribal leaders and led to a heavy tribal influence over the NTC and the current order, he wrote in an article [ http://lcsr-libya.org/documents/completedpapers/Completed%20paper%20by%20thomas.pdf ] published by the Libyan Centre for Studies and Research in January. The tribal structure is not compatible with Western models of democracy and its relationship with youth and urban civil society is “highly problematic”, he said. “In the last months tribal politicians did not hesitate to push liberal groups, the educated urban youth and particularly women out of the political arena in order to gain power.” This tension is likely to continue playing out during the transitional period.
 
The divisions between militias and the government and between the tribal structure and elements of society are two of many. While Libyans share an ownership of the revolution, complexities within that ownership could overrun the sense of unity that the revolution fostered, the United States Institute of Peace said in a January 2012 special report. [ http://www.usip.org/publications/stakeholders-libya-s-february-17-revolution ] Divisions between the youth movement and the NTC; between Libyans who stayed and those from the Diaspora; between secular and religious groups; between tribes and ethnic groups; and of course, between militia groups, have increased tension and could intensify conflict to a point of no return if not addressed. The “swinging nature of rebel groups’ allegiances” will further complicate attempts to re-establish normalcy,” the report said.
 
In a February 2012 two-part series, [ http://www.jamestown.org/programs/gta/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38988&cHash=e0ab882c08ff25f8fe362be5f6a8ba04 ] the Jamestown Foundation said the instability in Libya has transcended borders, leading to security problems in North and West Africa. The availability of looted Libyan arms has emboldened a Tuareg rebellion in Mali and could facilitate the creation of new armed groups in West Africa, the think-tank said. “The West’s poorly considered support of a spontaneous Libyan rebellion lacking common aims, ideology or even basic organization has secured the present reality.”
 
Jamestown also noted calls on social media for the NTC to be overthrown [ http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=38987&tx_ttnews[backPid]=7&cHash=988c9e497bbd23263d7e3ab058ee89eb ] because of a perception that it is working for the “return of the Gaddafi dictatorship”. Its leaders have been subject to verbal abuse and violent attacks by armed militia groups or protesters. “The ability of Libya’s [NTC] to either project or promote conciliation seems to be diminishing rather than increasing,” it said.
 
For more, see an older but comprehensive round-up of analyses entitled Stability in post-Gaddafi Libya by NATO’s Civil-Military Fusion Centre. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/20120125_CFC_Report_Med_Basin_Libya_Lessons_Learned.pdf ]
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94981</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112090747280343t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - One year after a popular uprising toppled its former dictator, Libya’s new transitional government has failed to provide coherent state leadership and control, analysts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Libya’s long road to disarmament</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.
 
 “There is no full trust in the government,” said Adel AbdElmajid Zoubi, 28, who fought in the coastal town of Misrata, besieged for months by troops loyal to former leader Muammar Gaddafi. He spoke to IRIN on 27 December, having just returned from a protest demanding the government cleanse public institutions of remnants of the old regime.
 
 He said he was disappointed the new government did not appear to prioritize revolutionaries and said he would not hand over his weapons until after elections - currently scheduled for June 2012 - and the creation from near-scratch of a new national army, in the wake of the demise of Gaddafi’s military machine.
 
 “The reason people are hanging on is that they see their weapons as the guarantors of the revolution,” said Human Rights Watch (HRW) emergencies director Peter Bouckaert, who was in and out of Libya during the nine-month war. “They want to see the fruits of their revolution before they’re going to give up their weapons.”
 
 On 25 December, the government announced a long-awaited plan to start re-integrating members of hundreds - if not thousands - of disparate militias which fought to displace Gaddafi, many of whom have retained their weapons since the fighting ended in October.
 
 According to Ahmed Safar, undersecretary of the interim Labour Ministry, the hope is to integrate 75,000 fighters during 2012 - in a three-phase programme which will see a third joining the army, a third joining the police force and a third joining the regular labour force. 
 
 The government estimates there are 120,000 armed men who need to be demobilized. Almost every Libyan family has a stockpile of weapons in its home. 
 
 Members of militias - each with diverging loyalties to individual commanders, different cities or different religious agendas - have clashed with each other in recent months, killing several people and feeding fears that Libya could slide back into conflict.
 
 Security vacuum 
 
 At a sleepy checkpoint at the southern entry to Misrata, where fighters see themselves as heroes of the revolution, a handful of former rebels sit under a brightly coloured tent drinking tea, their AK-47s resting beside them. They complain the government has not paid them enough for their services.
 
 “I have kids and a house,” said Ahmed Abdelqadar, 24. “Two hundred dinars a month [US$159] is not enough.” 
 
 Zoubi said revolutionaries had not received “a single cent” from the government or the militia leadership in more than a month. 
 
 “The money is there, but they don’t spend it on us,” said another fighter. “They prioritize the injured and the martyrs’ families, which is normal.” 
 
 Most of the fighters who had jobs or studies to return to have done so, but they still serve in their militias for a day or so a week. Those who do not have alternatives remain in the militias full-time, often unpaid.
 
 Asked why they did not just leave, Abdelqadar answered: “If everyone left, there would be no one to guard the streets. We’d lose what we fought for.”
 
 His words echo a common belief among many of the engineers, doctors and teachers-turned rebels who had never carried weapons before the war. This was not a war of hardened fighters, but rather young boys in flip flops and jean jackets who were thrown off their feet the first time they used a rocket-propelled grenade. They themselves are worried about the proliferation of weapons in their country, but believe they have a crucial role to play until a national force can ensure security. 
 
 In a recent report, [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/libya/115-holding-libya-together-security-challenges-after-qadhafi.aspx ] the International Crisis Group (ICG) said fighters were likely to insist on keeping their weapons and militia structures until the elections.
 
 “To try to force a different outcome would be to play with fire, and with poor odds,” the report said. 
 
 But it is a bit of a catch-22, according to Jason Pack, a researcher of Libyan history at Cambridge University who also spent time in Libya during the war. 
 
 “[The militias say] ‘We can’t give up control because the national authorities can’t do it on their own. But the national authorities won’t be able to consolidate security as long as the militias are running around.” 
 
 Government programme 
 
 Under the new programme, registration of fighters could begin as soon as January, the Labour Ministry’s Safar said, followed by the profiling of registrants, including a psycho-social assessment and identification of post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as a determination of skills and capacity. 
 
 The plan calls for those interested in the security services to receive basic training and for others to have their skills matched to needs in the civilian labour market, with the possibility of additional training abroad and job placements upon return to Libya. The relevant ministries have submitted proposed budgets and plans to the Prime Minister’s Office for approval
 
 “It sounds nice, but it’s all on paper only,” said a skeptical Zoubi.
 
 Safar said a government survey showed that many of the revolutionaries were leaning towards joining the police, but IRIN interviews with fighters suggested the opposite: many of them had no interest in being integrated into the security services. One Misrata militia which surveyed its members found that only three in 100 wanted to join the army. 
 
 Leadership and transparency 
 
 Analysts say the National Transitional Council (NTC), the self-appointed political body which emerged from the revolution and appointed the interim government, lacks strong leadership. It is in a “state of relative paralysis” when it comes to making important decisions, HRW’s Bouckaert said, and does not have a strong hold over the fighters in the country. 
 
 “When the rebels come into town, the [police] move to the side,” said one international security analyst. “They’re little kids sitting in the corner while the adults do their thing.”
 
 The national army has no formal leadership as the NTC has yet to announce a chief of staff. Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, Muammar’s once fugitive son, remains in the custody of a militia in the western mountain town of Zintan and not in the custody of the national government. The main airport remains under the control of a Zintani militia commander, Mokhtar al-Akhdar. 
 
 “If the government has good people to secure the airport, then we will hand it over and go home,” he told the New York Times. [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/21/world/africa/qaddafi-son-seif-al-islam-is-alive-and-held-by-rebels-rights-group-says.html?amp=&pagewanted=all ] “But they cannot even control the border with Tunisia. If we give the government the airport, they will destroy it.”
 
 According to the ICG report, “Libya’s long tradition of local government reinforced this resistance to and suspicion of central authority.”
 
 While some militias from Misrata have very publicly pulled out of Tripoli, the 20 December deadline imposed by police and residents for foreign militia to leave the capital was largely ignored. 
 
 Many Libyans also complain of a lack of transparency in the NTC. Until now, it is not entirely clear who sits on the Council, whose meetings HRW’s Bouckaert described as “completely opaque.”
 
 “Until that changes, it is impossible to have a real demobilization,” he said.
 
 Ticking time bomb? 
 
 But the government says it cannot afford to wait until it has complete credibility to start working on demobilization. 
 
 “People are desperate to see something done about militias,” Safar told IRIN. “Yes, there are issues of transparency… but the vast majority of people that we have been speaking to understand the difficulties under which this government is operating… People want to see us get our hands on things more and more to move on.”
 
 Other critics say that despite the appointment of a revolutionary from Zintan as the interim defence minister, the government has failed to properly consult the revolutionaries as it makes its decisions - a challenging task given the vastness of military formations. 
 
 “There are ad-hoc consultations,” said one senior UN official in Tripoli. “But there is no systematic way of incorporating the revolutionaries in the decision-making process.” 
 
 In recent days, the numbers of weapons and military vehicles on the streets of Tripoli have decreased significantly, and signs reading “The weapons helped us. Don’t let them hurt us” are common. But the clock is ticking. 
 
 With so many weapons floating around, June’s elections could be dangerous.
 
 And already, frustration is mounting, with near-daily demonstrations, protesting among other things against the lack of transparency and rebel representation in government. At one such protest in the eastern town of Benghazi, the country’s interim leaders came under gunfire, according to AFP. [ http://news.yahoo.com/ntc-declares-benghazi-economic-capital-demos-185316338.html ]
 
 Some drunken armed men roam around the streets harassing women or shooting guns in the air. As one resident put it, “anyone who wears fatigues and carries a gun calls himself a revolutionary.” Others engage in vigilante justice. 
 
 Dangerous minority
 
 In the back of Mohammed’s* car sits a set of army fatigues. When he leaves his day job - distributing food to displaced people - he sometimes throws them on to go out with the “Misrata boys” on raids to capture people who fought with Gaddafi and are still in hiding. 
 
 His companions - members of a militia from Misrata - act independently, based on information they receive from neighbours or confessions from detainees, without any specific orders, but under the understanding that there is a “general order” to arrest any members of the fifth column.
 
 The outfit gives Mohammed a thrill and his armed buddies often storm houses “like you see in the movies”, kicking in doors and pushing women and children out of the way to get to the wanted people. The latter sometimes return fire, leading to exchanges of gunfire on residential streets. 
 
 “The vast majority of these militias are not blood-thirsty gunmen,” Bouckaert said. “[But] it’s the small minority of either power hungry or criminal militias that can destabilize the country.” 
 
 That being said, the overall absence of chaos and level of self-organization has been surprising - even to Libyans - given how recently the country came out of war and how little government presence there has been.
 
 “I’ve worked in 23 conflict zones,” said Brian McQuinn, a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford’s Centre for Anthropology and Mind, who has spent months in Misrata interviewing militias. “I’ve never seen militias as disciplined as these ones.” 
 
 In the back office of the camp for the Ard al-Rigal brigade in Misrata, binders line the bookcases and stacks of paper clutter the desks. While revolutionaries play table football into the late hours of the night, the brigade’s administrative leader, Ali Mousa, flips through the files of its members - mostly university-educated - complete with blood type, ID and health certificate. Every weapon and vehicle belonging to the militia is registered on a list and stamped by the local military council. 
 
 Even during the days of the fighting, decisions within the militias were taken by consensus, rather than orders from above. 
 
 “From the outside, it looks like chaos, but there is this underlying structure to it,” the researcher, McQuinn, told IRIN. "When you have a bunch of doctors, engineers and teachers as fighters, they don't follow orders blindly."
 
 City states
 
 But if, for the most part, the militias have not been as big a security threat as they could have been, the real problem, analysts say, is longer term. In the three months between the liberation of Tripoli and the creation of a cabinet, militias consolidated power and became entrenched to the point that they now offer services like other regional militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas, including running hospitals.
 
 At the western entrance to Misrata from the main coastal highway, cars line up before an archway made from stacked shipping containers. Armed men wave through some drivers and check the IDs of others. This is one of a series of militia-controlled and coordinated checkpoints that have earned the city nickname “Republic of Misrata” - for its order and some say autocratic nature. 
 
 Many now see Libya as a country where identity is shaped more than ever by city of residence and wartime allegiance rather than wider national affiliation. 
 
 “If you don’t take steps to build national institutions, these local militia and councils will be difficult to govern later on because they will develop their own identity and start solving their problems at the local levels,” the UN official in Tripoli said. “The longer it takes you to deal with the issue of the revolutionaries, the longer they stay in power. You create new centres of power that will not be easy for them to give up.” 
 
 *not his real name
 
 ha/am/cb
  
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94559</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>TECHNOLOGY: IRIN&apos;s pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting. 
 
 Here is a round-up of IRIN articles on important humanitarian technology in 2011: 
 
 Humanitarians in Libya used the Ushahidi [ http://www.ushahidi.com ] initiative to map the crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92686 ] and plan their interventions. 
 
 An electronic voucher scheme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94024 ] is being used to fight malnutrition by providing nutritious food to HIV-positive Zimbabweans on antiretroviral therapy and their families. 
 
 EpiCollect, [ http://www.epicollect.net ] developed by Imperial College, London, allows the geospatial collation of data [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93675 ] collected by mobile phone; Kenyan vets are using it for disease surveillance, monitoring outbreaks, treatments, vaccinations and animal deaths. 
 
 The Nepalese government and World Health Organization are mapping health facilities using GPS to help the country [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92413 ] plan disaster response in case of a major earthquake. 
 
 Tennis ball-sized mud balls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94224 ] were thrown into flood water in the hope of improving the quality of stagnant water following weeks of flooding in Thailand. 
 
 Using FrontlineSMS [ http://www.frontlinesms.com ] - an open-source software enabling users to send and receive text messages with groups of people - village malaria workers [ http://irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93662 ] in Cambodia can now report, in real time, all malaria cases in their villages to the Malaria Information and Alert System in Phnom Penh with a simple text message, including the patient's name, age, location and type of parasite. 
 
 The "Kenyans for Kenya" [ http://www.kenyans4kenya.co.ke ] initiative used mobile cash transfer services to raise more than US$7 million [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93633 ] during the drought which affected northern and eastern parts of the country. 
 
 Tweetback, an Egyptian fundraising campaign [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93495 ] to help slum-dwellers, raised $218,855 within 10 days of its formation in July. 
 
 In Bangladesh, Airtel, a private mobile operator, has teamed up with the Campaign for Sustainable Rural Livelihoods, the Centre for Global Change and two international NGOs (Oxfam and CARE) to provide early weather warnings [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93914 ] to fishermen at sea using GPS. 
 
 A handheld, battery-powered device [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94483 ] which can take a drop of blood, urine or sputum and tell a community health worker in a remote village whether a feverish child has malaria, dengue or a bacterial infection is in development by Canadian scientists. 
 
 The Burkina Faso Red Cross sends bluntly worded text messages to government officials, employers, traditional leaders, teachers, business owners and housewives several times a year in an effort to reduce the widespread exploitation of domestic workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92708 ] by raising awareness of their rights. 
 
 As part of efforts to reform the mining sector, an initiative in the Democratic Republic of Congo [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94465 ] aims to map artisanal mining sites, transportation routes, and mineral trading points, reflecting the security and human rights situation on the ground, using Geographic Information System (GIS) software. 
 
 The Map Kibera project, [ http://www.mapkibera.org ] which uses hand-held global GPS devices to collect geographic information in Nairobi's largest slum, is providing vital information [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91545 ] on the availability and location of health, security, education and water/sanitation services. 
 
 kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94565</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Rocky road ahead for Libya’s Tawergha minority</title><pubDate>Tue, 13 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112090744360750t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A major challenge facing Libya as it emerges from a nine-month civil war will be reconciling and integrating thousands of Tawergha accused of killing and raping residents of Misrata on behalf of deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A major challenge facing Libya as it emerges from a nine-month civil war will be reconciling and integrating thousands of Tawergha accused of killing and raping residents of Misrata on behalf of deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi.
 
 Theirs is the most extreme test of national reconciliation for a government that will have to integrate several groups of Gaddafi loyalists, including those in the towns of Bani Walid and Sirte, if the revolution is to be successful. 
 
 “The principle is extremely important,” said Emmanuel Gignac, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Libya. “The country will not stand if you have rejected communities within it.” 
  
 The dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - resided until recently in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of the capital Tripoli.
  
 With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. Their town sits empty - doors hanging open and homes burned; the sign leading to the city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return. 
  
 Continued harassment and revenge attacks on this minority threaten to re-ignite conflict, say aid workers.
  
 In an abandoned Turkish company compound on Airport Road in Tripoli, more than 1,500 displaced Tawergha spend their days brushing away flies and watching their children play with toy guns amid piles of rubbish. 
   
 Here, women and children have huddled around on the uncovered mattresses they sleep on, weeping. They arrived in early November after a physically and emotionally draining journey from Tawergha, having been displaced by armed men every time they settled somewhere new.
  
 Every one told of a father, son or brother who is either dead or in jail. 
  
 One of the women had received news from the International Committee of the Red Cross that her son, Ali Bakara Ammar, died in detention - accused of having kidnapped women from Misrata, though she insisted “he can’t even drive a car!” She also said she saw a man hung from the ceiling by his ankles.
  
 Next to her, another woman said her three sons - none of whom fought in the war, she said - have been taken to Misrata for detention. She suspected she would never see them again. 
  
 In the corner of the darkened locker room they were staying in, a young girl, Brega, cried over her dead father, who was beaten before her eyes. 
  
 Another young woman told stories of Tawergha detainees receiving electric shocks, having cold water poured on them and being burned with cigarettes by the revolutionaries from Misrata who were holding them. “This is Abu Ghuraib, not Libya!... We have done nothing wrong. If they continue to beat us and attack us for no reason, it will become a cycle,” she said.
 
 Demonstrations
  
 Several times in November, rebels armed with heavy weapons entered sites for displaced Tawergha in Tripoli and in the eastern city of Benghazi to arrest residents suspected of committing crimes during the war. 
  
 In an attempt to “terrorize” the people, as one aid worker described it, they kicked in doors, fired shots in the air, pulled all the men to one side and uttered “unspeakable” words, according to one Tawergha leader, before hauling several men away.
  
 Aid workers had been unable to stop these incursions because of the vast number of independently-operating brigades and the fragmented military command structure.
  
 In recent days, the situation has improved. There have been no aggressive incursions; some Tawergha prisoners have been released; and the Tripoli Military Council has reportedly agreed with rebels from Misrata that they no longer enter the camps. 
  
 Still, the Tawergha have staged demonstrations in protest at their treatment, and aid workers are worried: "The concern is that marginalized communities like the Tawergha, if driven to the limit, may resort to using force to protect themselves," Samuel Cheung, a senior protection officer with UNHCR, told IRIN. 
  
 Rejection 
  
 Perhaps more worrying than the incursions themselves is a belief among many Libyans that the town of Tawergha - and its population of 35,000 - is simply “getting what it deserves”. Many in Misrata say they can forgive the alleged killings, but not the alleged rape. And many more do not differentiate between fighters and civilians. 
  
 “Those who fled [Tawergha] did something wrong,” said Ali Mousa, a leader of the Ard al-Rijal brigade in Misrata. “Those women and children who fled did so because their husbands or fathers did something wrong.”
  
 The general attitude towards them - even among the most educated and strongest proponents of the rights-based revolution - is one of rejection. 
  
 “We all look negatively upon the Tawergha,” said one Libyan aid worker. “They are not accepted here.”
  
 “It’s easier and better that they go away,” added Abdullah Maiteeg, a fighter from Misrata. 
  
 This simplistic view of just “dumping them” in a village in the south, as one aid worker characterized it, is mirrored by the Tawergha’s insistence that a return to their land is the only available option. 
  
 “A small tent in Tawergha is the highest building in the world to me… better than a palace in Zawiya,” said Mohsen Mohammed*, a supervisor of the Tawergha site in Tripoli. “I swear by God we will not move.” 
  
 Justice
  
 Misratan leaders have softened their original stance that the Tawergha can never return. Ramadan Ali Zarmouh, head of the Misrata Military Council, said they would be free to return as soon as those who allegedly committed crimes were put on trial. 
  
 “If they come back without justice having been done, there will be vigilante justice,” he warned. 
  
 But there is until now no justice system to try the detainees, and according to the UN Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council on Libya, [ http://daccess-ods.un.org/TMP/2832965.85083008.html ] 7,000 prisoners - Tawergha and others - are currently being held in prisons and makeshift detention centres, “with no access to due process”. 
  
 Some observers are skeptical that a return will ever be possible. 
  
 As one foreign researcher who has spent months in Misrata put it: “Tawergha, as it stands now, will never exist again.” 
  
 National reconciliation? 
  
 But officials are less pessimistic. They say with time, heightened emotions and heated passions will simmer. 
  
 “It’s not a question of whether [this issue] can or cannot be resolved. It will have to be resolved,” said Georg Charpentier, UN humanitarian coordinator for Libya. He sees reasons for hope. 
  
 Where people used to get upset at the mere utterance of the word “Tawergha”, the taboo is beginning to subside and people are more willing to discuss the issue, Charpentier told IRIN. Where the government used to rely on the international community to address the needs of displaced Tawergha, it is now increasingly taking on that responsibility, he added. 
  
 But asked if national reconciliation was possible after the killings, the beatings and the torture the Tawergha have endured, [ http://www.amnesty.org.uk/news_details.asp?NewsID=19674 ] women in the camp looked at each other, and then lowered their faces in silence, unable to answer. 
  
 For their part, many of the people of Misrata seem to have a narrow definition of national reconciliation, a process they see as helping those who supported Gaddafi in loyalist strongholds like Sirte and Bani Walid understand what Gaddafi was really like, and bringing them into the revolutionary fold.
  
 “National reconciliation? In general, sure,” said Maiteeg, the Misrata fighter. “But the Tawergha is a totally different subject.” 
  
 Charpentier acknowledged it could take years before transitional justice and national reconciliation were possible.
  
 What actually happened in Misrata?
  
 Part of the problem is that no one really knows what and how much happened in Misrata - estimates of how many people were allegedly involved in crimes range from 1,500 to 9,000 - and for cultural and other reasons, some people are fiercely opposed to any kind of investigation. 
  
 “To have the International Criminal Court come and have doctors investigate the rapes… no way,” Maiteeg said. 
  
 Others say an acknowledgement of crimes committed would go a long way to diffusing Misratan anger. But any such truth and reconciliation process would require “a strong message and vision by the National Transitional Council (NTC) and the government,” according to Ahmed Safar, a junior minister in the new cabinet, originally from Misrata - something that has so far been absent.
 
 On 10 December, the NTC held its first national reconciliation conference, in which interim Prime Minister Abdel Rahim al-Kib said the future “cannot be built with revenge as a base,” Agence France-Presse reported. [ http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iqBr1PwDEATyCPfpDUg3wAQzUp7Q?docId=CNG.4df034a80725d0c44da18538105d6420.1e1] 
  
 But among the interim government’s competing priorities are recuperating millions of dollars in frozen funds to rebuild the country; preparing elections in eight months’ time; collecting weapons which have spread across the country; and providing alternatives to the young men who fought during the war. 
  
 “The NTC doesn’t have a plan for the Tawergha,” one aid worker said. “The sensitivities of it are such that no single leader in the NTC can handle this issue without taking some significant political heat from their constituencies.” So far, Safar added, initiatives towards national reconciliation have been piecemeal, lacking a “dedicated effort”.
  
 In the meantime?
  
 In the interim, high level aid officials advocate a temporary solution that would improve the living conditions of the Tawergha.
  
 “Return is not possible at the moment. So we must prepare a plan B,” said Khaled Ben-Ali, chairman of the Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency (LibAid). “If it’s going to be a long-term wait, you cannot have these people living in public houses or tents or in an inhumane manner.”
  
 The NTC has asked him to study the feasibility of building “a whole city for Tawergha” until national reconciliation becomes possible. Sites near the southern oasis town of Jalo, or Sirte, Gaddafi’s hometown, are under consideration, he said. 
  
 But this plan, too, will face resistance. 
  
 “We will not leave Tripoli unless it’s for Tawergha,” said Mohammed, the supervisor of the Tawergha site in Tripoli. This stems, in part, from the fear of an existential threat. “Some people will try to disperse us all around, like the Jews… We have to stay put together… If we go elsewhere, they will kill us slowly.”
  
 He said he had hope that the new government would fix the problem - one he characterized as a national issue, not a Misrata-Tawergha issue - and arrange for the Tawergha to eventually return home. 
  
 “But if the new government refuses, we will take up arms and take it back by force.” 
  
 *not his real name
  
 ha/am/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94455</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112090744360750t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 13 December 2011 (IRIN) - A major challenge facing Libya as it emerges from a nine-month civil war will be reconciling and integrating thousands of Tawergha accused of killing and raping residents of Misrata on behalf of deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: The funding dilemma</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051316180409t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Residual humanitarian needs in Libya have not been fully funded because of confusion over whether unfrozen Libyan assets are available, donors, aid workers and government officials said.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Residual humanitarian needs in Libya have not been fully funded because of confusion over whether unfrozen Libyan assets are available, donors, aid workers and government officials said. 

Donors have been reluctant to hand over more money knowing that the Libyan government has access to millions of dollars in unfrozen funds. But the Libyans say this money has not yet trickled down - and caught in the middle are life-saving activities such as de-mining. 

"The Libyan money is not yet liquid and useable. The donors don't want to give more. Are we going to wait three months to deal with these emergencies?" Georg Charpentier, UN Humanitarian Coordinator, posited at a meeting of heads of agencies in Tripoli in November. 

"The result is that children are getting their arms blown off picking up unexploded ordnance in Sirte, Bani Walid and other places, because we cannot scale up these operations," he told IRIN in a separate interview. 

The UN says it still needs about US$60 million [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/OS/HQ_Branches_Offices/CRD/Libya/Humanitarian%20Affairs/Common%20Humanitarian%20Action%20Plan%20for%20Residual%20Humanitarian%20Needs%20in%20Libya%20-%201%20October%20to%2031%20December%202011%20-%20FINAL%20VERSION.pdf ] to address acute targeted needs during the rest of this year, including de-mining in towns to which displaced people are returning; repatriating migrants who have been at risk; helping sensitive groups of displaced Libyans, such as the Tawergha minority; and assisting the displaced and returnees to the town of Sirte, which experienced some of the heaviest fighting. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 

Aid agencies have appealed for a total $334 million since March - when a popular uprising to oust Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi turned into a civil war - of which 82 percent has been contributed or committed. 

But traditional donors - namely the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO), the UK Department for International Development (DfID) and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) - have been reluctant to pay the remaining 18 percent, saying other donors should pick up the slack. 

"We're slightly out of breath," one traditional donor said, calling the funding of this operation a complex and unusual "adventure", which left many donors in limbo - wondering if and when the unfrozen Libyan assets would materialize. 

"It's a very difficult call for us to make to decide to support emergency humanitarian activities while there is so much money that is just waiting to be allocated, and is not being allocated for political reasons," Bruno Rotival, head of the Libyan office of ECHO, told IRIN.

Unfrozen assets

In late August, the US announced it would release $1.5 billion in assets - formerly belonging to Qaddafi and frozen under sanctions - to Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC). Of this sum, $500 million was earmarked for humanitarian aid. The first instalment was to be $100 million. 

Donors operated under that assumption, and agencies planned their programmes accordingly. 

But the money never came. 

The UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS), for example, was promised $21.6 million to clear unexploded ordnance, mines and unsecured arms depots, according to Sarah Marshall, deputy programme manager for Libya. 

Instead, UNMAS was forced to take out a loan from the UN's Central Emergency Response Fund to continue operations. It is barely paying salaries to its staff, and was forced to choose between clearing residential areas in one contaminated city over another, because it could not afford to do both. 

It says the demining operation requires $25.6 million over the next six months. UNMAS will cease operating by February if more funds are not allocated, Marshall said. 

"The donors see this as a Libyan problem - that the Libyans have to pay for," she told IRIN. "But the longer you leave [these dangerous remnants], the more looting, the more unstable they become over time, the more accidents there will be. If we don't act quickly in these town and cities, more people are going to die."

Is the money available? 

There are conflicting explanations as to why the money has not arrived. Some say the Libyan government simply does not have the capacity to quickly disburse the funds it is receiving. 

"The structure is not there such that you can turn the key and start again," Emmanuel Gignac, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Libya, told IRIN. 

Others say the NTC was not willing to make a decision on funding, until the new government was established. 

"It was a political problem for the Libyan government. No one wanted to make the decision to allocate large amounts of money without having the proper mandate," ECHO's Rotival said. 

But the government says it has not received much of the money. 

"Numbers have been announced of money flowing into Libya and unfrozen assets, but unfortunately, we have not received them," Abdul Hafiz Ghoga, NTC vice-chairman, said at a press conference in November. 

He said the Libyan government was "well aware" that international humanitarian aid would not go on for ever.

"When we are able to obtain our frozen assets and our own resources, we will be able to take care of this on our own." 

Confusion 

The Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency, or LibAid, has received just $10 million from the NTC since the conflict began, according to chairman Khaled Ben-Ali.

He said a lack of funds was the agency's major challenge. 

"If I ask for $20 million, I usually receive $3 million and a bit late," he told IRIN. "Just the other day, I asked them for more emergency funding, and they said, 'Believe me, we don't have that much to give'." 

But some aid workers are sceptical. As one senior UN official put it, "The question is more: has the government made a decision to fund or not fund humanitarian activities?

"The Libyans have access to unfrozen assets," the official continued. "They have paid salaries; they have sent people on the Hajj [pilgrimage]. If they wanted, they could fund these unmet needs. It's a matter of priorities. 

"$20 million [for de-mining] is nothing. How many days' oil production is that?"

In September, aid agencies presented their plans to Mazin Ramadan, director of the Temporary Financing Mechanism (TFM), set up to meet the requirements needed to receive unfrozen funds - but he did not agree to many proposals. 

"Some of them were fluff," Ramadan told IRIN. "There were a lot of redundancies..." 

Asked if funding humanitarian work was a priority for the government, he answered: "We don't have the crisis that everyone predicted." Still, he said some needs were clearly legitimate. The $21.6 million he allocated to the de-mining sector was more money than it had requested and he lobbied the government to make it happen.

But contrary to popular perception, not all money given to the NTC was channelled through the TFM, especially after the fall of Tripoli. About $2.5 billion is sitting in the Central Bank, Ramadan said, and oil revenue is channelled through other avenues. 

The TFM did have access to money, unfrozen, lent or contributed by Canada, US, Germany, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait. It has spent about $1.662 billion on fuel, treating injured fighters abroad, relief for families in the Western Mountains, office costs, and most of all, salaries. And more than $530 million remains in the TFM's account, according to its website [ http://www.tfmlibya.org/en/ ], although that money has now been transferred to the new government. 

But the $500 million allocated for international aid agencies was not under the TFM's control, Ramadan said, and it is now sitting in the US Treasury's Federal Reserve, essentially waiting for a signature.

As he walked into a handover meeting with the new finance minister on 4 December, Ramadan blamed the delay on the creation of a new government, which he said needed to approve the allocation of the money. 

"I don't make the decision. It's not in my hands. I understand the frustration on the part of the NGOs, but the [delay] is due to confusion because of the new government rather than any intent by someone to drag their feet." 

Renewed push

Regardless of the reasons, the reality has forced Charpentier to press donors to remain engaged, and some of his efforts seem to have paid off. 

ECHO recently decided to give de-mining operations $500,000 - "we cannot wait for the government to make up its mind" - and is considering more funding for UNHCR to deal with sensitive caseloads of displaced people loyal to Qaddafi. 

The Italian Development Cooperation has also stepped in with 1.1 million euro ($1.5 million) for UNMAS. 

But DfID and USAID have already decided to stop funding the humanitarian operation in Libya, sources said. They have been under pressure from headquarters to cut back on funding, given the global recession and the competing emergency in the Horn of Africa. 

But after all the debate, some - even in the international aid community - are sceptical about the need for more funds. 

"We're all still here. Programming is continuing. Where is that money coming from?" the UN official said. "Could the international organizations absorb and spend $60 million in four weeks? Probably not." 

They say the Common Humanitarian Action Plan was based on a perception that the needs were greater than they were and a lack of appreciation for Libyans' ability to bounce back. The money already received will probably be spent well into 2012, they say. 

ha/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94394</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051316180409t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - Residual humanitarian needs in Libya have not been fully funded because of confusion over whether unfrozen Libyan assets are available, donors, aid workers and government officials said.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Mixed report on mine action progress</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100834330375t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four – deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four –  deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.

In addition, Kasia Derlicka, director of the 90-plus country network, the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, said money for survivors was still insufficient. 

“The movement has come a long way over the past 20 years in stigmatizing landmine use and creating an international mine ban norm, even among non-signatories… but the way ahead is still long.”

She spoke to IRIN from the ongoing Meeting of States Parties in Phnom Penh, Cambodia to assess progress on wiping out cluster munitions and anti-personnel mines [ http://www.icbl.org/index.php/icbl/content/view/full/26014 ]

From contamination to clearance, highlights from the meeting and the Landmine Monitor 2011 report [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2011/ ] include:

* A total of 159 governments – 80 percent of the world’s nations – have signed the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty. Finland is the newest signatory as of 28 November. Thirty-seven states, including China and the United States, have not joined.

* Landmine action attracted record monies in 2010 – US$637 million – but the percentage allocated to survivor assistance has stagnated over the past decade at 9 percent;

* Annual total clearance of mined areas reached a record high in 2010 - at least 200sqkm - resulting in the destruction of more than 388,000 anti-personnel mines and over 27,000 anti-vehicle mines, mostly in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia, Iraq and Sri Lanka;

* Israel, Libya and Myanmar have laid antipersonnel mines thus far in 2011. Syria laid new mines along the Lebanese border in October 2011, after the Landmine Monitor 2011 report went to print. None of these countries has joined the treaty;

* Non-state armed groups in Afghanistan, Colombia, Myanmar and Pakistan laid new mines in 2010 – down from six countries in 2009;

* Requests for landmine clearance deadline extensions “have become the norm rather than an exception”, the report says. Requests must be submitted to a committee of members of the Mine Ban Treaty before the annual meeting. Twenty-seven countries - half of the most affected member states - have thus far requested extensions. None have been denied;

* Eighty-seven states have completely destroyed their landmine stockpiles, including Iraq as of June 2011. Belarus, Greece, Turkey and Ukraine failed to meet the four-year deadline in 2010 to destroy their stockpiles as set by the Mine Ban Treaty;

* Myanmar addressed the meeting for the first time as an observer on 29 November, saying landmine use deserved “careful consideration” , while defending the country’s right to mine;

* A total of 4,191 new casualties - 75 percent civilian - was recorded in 2010, a 5 percent increase from 2009. Half the reported casualties occurred in the Asia-Pacific region, with Afghanistan being the most mine-affected country worldwide;

* More attention has been given to survivors’ access to health and rehabilitation services, but such improvements were partly offset in places where armed conflict made it more difficult for survivors to access those services.

sh/pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94366</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110100834330375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Landmine clearance and donor support for mine action reached an all-time high in 2010, but more countries – four – deployed antipersonnel mines than in any year since 2004, according to NGOs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Uncertain future for returnees in Gaddafi’s hometown</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111290923150751t.jpg" />]]>SIRTE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sirte, the final battleground between rebels and fighters loyal to former Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi, is a broken city.</description><body><![CDATA[SIRTE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sirte, the final battleground between rebels and fighters loyal to former Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi, is a broken city. 
 
More than a month after the fighting ended in this coastal town – Qaddafi’s birthplace and the last to be liberated from his rule, or defeated, as the people here see it – many of its streets are no more than piles of rubble and burned buildings sprayed with bullet and rocket holes – up to 1m in diameter. Broken lampposts hang precariously over the roads. “Even the trees are wounded,” one aid worker noted.
 
Schools are closed. There is no mobile phone network. Very few shops are open. Most of the population of some 65,000 was displaced. 
 
With the return of water and electricity in many parts of the city in recent days, people are slowly, but increasingly, returning.

But aid workers admit the dynamic here is not yet well understood, and the return of residents could be very destabilizing if not handled carefully.  
 
In a town destroyed as much by rockets as by the highly politicized divisions between many of its residents and the rest of the country, their return raises many questions about the new Libya’s capacity and willingness to re-integrate residents who continue to support their fallen leader.
 
Returns
 
Estimates of the number of returnees to Sirte vary wildly. Abdeljalil Abdelsalam Al-Shawif, vice-chairman of Sirte’s military council, said recently that three-quarters of the population had returned to the city, but this claim is disputed by aid agencies, which put the figure closer to 25 percent.  
 
Shuttered windows, closed storefronts, and empty neighbourhoods also seem to suggest lower rates of return. Khaled Ben-Ali, head of the Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency, or LibAid, has said it will take months for people to return to Sirte.
 
Still, aid agencies are seeing decreasing numbers of displaced people. 
 
“Every day, the security situation is improving,” said Al-Shawif. Water and electricity have returned to 90 percent of the city, he added, though it is not clear if it is yet potable.  
 
This too, is disputed by aid agencies, especially in the areas most damaged by the fighting, including Zone 2 and Area 700, where, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), only 5 percent of homes have either of the basic services. 
 
Faisel Mohamed Jelwal, chief of planning at the Libya Electrical Company, told IRIN it would be “a long time” before electricity returned to Zone 2, given the damage it sustained. 
 
Aid workers warn that a delay in basic services, and any perception of discrimination, could lead to increased tensions. 
 
The big clean-up
 
Marwa* opens the door to her home in Zone 2 with a facemask around her neck. She returned to her home a month ago, and has been cleaning it ever since. 
 
Some of the fiercest resistance in the country came from her pro-Qaddafi neighbourhood, and she came back to find her home turned upside down. 
 
She blamed rebels for the mess, saying they went into every home looking for weapons or pro-Qaddafi fighters. 
 
She found bullet holes in the strangest places, rubble all over her bed, books thrown all over the floor; a mattress ripped apart seemingly by gunfire, and a gaping hole in her roof. She has gathered into a pile the mortar and rocket tailfins she collected.  
 
A few doors down, her neighbour’s truck has a shattered windshield and the garage door is sprayed with bullet holes. 
 
“They say things are better now,” she said. “Things are not better.” 
 
The banks have been destroyed and she says there is no money for rebuilding.
 
“Coping mechanisms have undoubtedly been stretched as families have had property destroyed due to the fighting,” Karim Khalil, country director of ACTED, told IRIN.
 
But aid agencies are focused on more strictly humanitarian issues, such as providing food and healthcare to displaced and returning families, and say reconstruction of homes should be the government’s responsibility. They say some residents have complained that those who destroyed their homes should fix them. So far, the rebel-led local and military councils have presented no plan. 
 
There has also been no presence of the National Transitional Council here, something that “would be a good way to heal and to build the trust”, Yahia Alibi, head of the ICRC office in the area, told IRIN. 
 
Politicized aid? 
 
Here in Zone 2, support remains firmly with Qaddafi. In these dusty streets, his fifth son, Mu’tassim, used to play with the local children. Green flags flew from every household. The new revolutionary flag is nowhere to be seen.  
 
According to the military council’s Al-Shawif, a local relief committee has been established in each area of Sirte to help the needy, but the heads of committees are appointed by the anti-Qaddafi military council. 
 
“How consistently they provide assistance is subject to political sensitivities, but also to capacity,” one aid worker said. 
 
Marwa said she had received some food and a hygiene kit from the Libyan Red Crescent recently, but she believed that assistance was prioritized for residents known to have supported the revolutionaries during the war. 
 
Aid delivery from local agencies has been tricky, given the bad blood between the residents of Sirte and the rebels from Misrata, the closest big city, who eventually stamped out Qaddafi fighters. 
 
LibAid’s office in Misrata delivered food to returnees in Sirte at the end of October, but “because of the sensitivities between Sirte and Misrata”, one volunteer said, LibAid asked its Benghazi branch to take over deliveries to the area. 
 
Volunteers with the Libyan Red Crescent in Misrata – many of whom were among the revolutionaries or lost family members at the hands of Qaddafi’s troops – faced insults from others in Misrata when they helped pick up dead bodies in Sirte for proper identification, Alibi said.
 
“It wasn’t easy for them to be as neutral as possible. [But] they did it”.  
 
New rulers 
 
But the tensions in Sirte go beyond aid. 
 
The city is controlled from the outside by brigades – units of rebels who now provide security in the absence of government services – from the neighbouring revolutionary cities of Benghazi and Misrata. Al-Shawif, like many of the members of the military council, is originally from Sirte but lived in Misrata and is a member of one of its brigades. 
 
In essence, “the population is coming back to a power that is not representative of them”, one aid worker said. “This will undermine the return.” 
 
“The people are not necessarily accepting the new rule, the new regime that easily,” Emmanuel Gignac, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Libya, told IRIN. “There is a sense of bitterness, probably, among the population. This will take a while.” 
 
Even in her own home, Marwa lowers her voice when she speaks about her loyalties. She is afraid to speak up against the new rulers – a collection of rebel brigades that can be seen driving around in trucks mounted with machine guns. 
 
“We’re all worried,” she said. “I don’t know what tomorrow will hold. For now, we’re just going to clean up our lives.” 
 
A neighbour said there was little interaction between the residents and the rebels who now run the town. 
 
“One day, we’ll kick them out of here,” she told IRIN, “because this is Qaddafi territory, after all.”
 
While most of the weapons in the area were cleared by rebels, Marwa said, some residents still had guns in their homes. 
 
Members of brigades still come to take away people they believe to have fought alongside Qaddafi, Marwa added. Her uncle, a university professor from the UK, who she said was a vocal supporter of Qaddafi but not a fighter, was among them, she said. 
 
In October, Human Rights Watch warned of the “apparent execution” of 53 Qaddafi supporters in Sirte after it found bodies – some with their hands tied behind their backs – decomposing in a hotel in the city. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/24/libya-apparent-execution-53-gaddafi-supporters ]
 
Al-Shawif acknowledged that some of the brigades from Misrata had committed some violations, but said they had been ordered to leave the city now that Sirte had its own political and military structure. 
 
“Everyone from the city is free to return, except for those who were leaders in the fighting,” he added.  
 
Asked how they would be identified and whether a justice system was in place to try them, he answered: “We know who they are.” 
 
Warning
 
After an inter-agency visit to Sirte and the surrounding areas in October, the UN said “there is a high risk that frustration and resentment among the long-term displaced may contribute to instability”.
 
UNHCR’s Gignac said the treatment of people who supported Qaddafi would be an important sign in the next weeks and months. “If you are not able to bring them back into the new social fabric of Libya, then [the revolution] failed.”  
 
*Not her real name
 
ha/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94332</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111290923150751t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SIRTE 29 November 2011 (IRIN) - Sirte, the final battleground between rebels and fighters loyal to former Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi, is a broken city.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT-LIBYA: Returnees struggle to survive</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020952550235t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Months after he left Tripoli because of civil unrest in Libya, El Badri Mahrous Mohammed still finds himself struggling to make ends meet in his native Egypt.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Months after he left Tripoli because of civil unrest in Libya, El Badri Mahrous Mohammed still finds himself struggling to make ends meet in his native Egypt.

"I knew from the beginning that it would be difficult to find work, so I started growing vegetables," he said. 

Somebody in his village of Saad Allah, just north of Sohag in Upper Egypt, gave him a small loan to buy a motorized tricycle so he could deliver his produce to customers and bring more vegetables from the Sohag market and sell them at his own stand in Saad Allah. 

Mohammed told IRIN business keeps him busy, but the profits are not enough to provide for his wife and two children, compared with his earnings as a tiler in Tripoli for 10 years. 

Galal Muawwad Ali has had even less luck since his return last March. "Job opportunities are limited," he said. He had been a contractor for four years in Tripoli but his subsequent job search in Alexandria, Cairo, Asyut, and Qena proved fruitless. 

"I feel desperate. I have lots of time but I don't know what to do," he said. Ali cares for a wife, child, and both his parents. 

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates 1.5 million Egyptian migrants were working in Libya before a popular armed uprising against Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi began in February. About 200,000 fled the mounting turmoil there, returning to a homeland itself in chaos and an economy severely weakened by the political and social instability created by a separate revolution in Egypt that ousted then President Hosni Mubarak in February. 

Economy in doldrums

Tourism revenues, which account for 11 percent of Egypt's GDP, have halved since the protests began in January 2011. Inflation stands at 13.3 percent. Figures released by the Egyptian Ministry of Planning in June showed that private sector investment had fallen by 33 percent and public sector investment by 17 percent in the first quarter of 2011.

"Whether they are returnees or not, Egyptians have problems finding jobs," said Yasmine Fahim, researcher at the Economic Research Forum in Cairo. The last published unemployment rate in March stood at 11.8 percent, but this does not take under-employment into account.

A survey conducted in the first quarter by the IOM at the Egyptian-Libyan border, where migrants were stranded, found that 75 percent of Egyptians intended to remain in Egypt because of the trauma associated with fleeing Libya and hopes that the Egyptian economy would recover soon. Such hopes may have been premature. 

Nowadays, some men in Saad Allah are eager to go back to their life in Libya. "I will return when it's completely calm," Ali the contractor told IRIN on 17 October, three days before Gaddafi was killed. The former rebel National Transitional Council now has full control of the country, and while there are many weapons among militias outside government control, the situation has stabilized since the worst days of fighting.

But the revolution in Libya has changed the game for Egyptian migrants, who are mostly low-skilled construction labourers from the poorest regions of Egypt. Finding work in the new Libya might become a problem because of their skills set, said Pasquale Lupoli, IOM's director for the Middle East and North Africa. 

"Right now, Libya needs specialists, but Egyptians are not qualified," he said. 

The Libyan economy depends mostly on oil revenues, and its infrastructure has been heavily damaged.

Assistance

In March, the Egyptian government asked the UN World Food Programme (WFP) to help in providing assistance to the returnees' families under a food-for-training scheme, where they learn vocational skills, such as plumbing, or business skills.

The operation, which is coming to an end this week, focused on the Upper Egyptian governorates of Beni Suef, Minya, Asyut and Sohag, where most returnees are from, according to Abdallah Alwardat, WFP's programme adviser in Cairo. 

The returnees' situation was complicated by the fact that "Upper Egypt is the most food-insecure area in Egypt", said Alwardat.

The families in Saad Allah received two rounds of food in May and September. They were provided with rice, vegetable oil, date bars, wheat flour, and beans. Upon graduating from the training programme, participants were given another 25kg of wheat flour. 

"It's good quality food, but it's all gone already," said Yasmeen Abu el-Hassan, wife of a returnee, one month after the last donation. In addition to herself and her husband, she is responsible for eight people. 

"We used to cook meat every day. Now, it's chicken once or twice a month," complained Fatma Mohammad Abdel Muattalab, with a family of 12. 

The training, provided by the Egyptian Ministry of Manpower and Emigration, was attended by both returnees and family members. 

"I started to think about how to help the household," said Sabah Mohammad Ahmad, whose brother is one of the 470 men who returned to Saad Allah. After the training, she secured a micro-loan, bought an oven, and started baking cookies that she sells to schoolchildren. "It brings enough money to cover my expenses and my children's, but they are growing and so too are their expenses," she said. Ahmad's sons are in kindergarten and grade 6. 

The 500 Egyptian pounds ($84) her brother used to send from Tripoli every month was enough to provide for the 10-member family. 

Remittances from Libya to Egypt used to account for US$33 million per year, according to the IOM - the Egyptian Labour Ministry puts this figure at about $254 million - and were Egypt's third largest source of foreign currency, after revenues from the Suez Canal and tourism. 

af/ha/eo/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94128</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020952550235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 02 November 2011 (IRIN) - Months after he left Tripoli because of civil unrest in Libya, El Badri Mahrous Mohammed still finds himself struggling to make ends meet in his native Egypt.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Six months into the Syrian uprising</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211236580625t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people in Syria have been killed, injured, displaced or detained in a series of protests against the Syrian government since mid-March which have been ruthlessly quelled by the government. How is this uprising different and where are we now? </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people in Syria have been killed, injured, displaced or detained in a series of protests against the Syrian government since mid-March which have been ruthlessly quelled by the government. How is this uprising different and where are we now? 
  
 Unlike Egypt and Tunisia, Syria is composed of a complicated mix of sects and minority groups. Its ruling elite belongs to the minority Alawi branch of Shia Islam, while most of the population are Sunni Arab Muslims. It is also home to Kurds, Christians, Druze and other Shias.
  
 Whereas what happens in Libya may have relatively little political spillover in the Arab world, much more is at stake in Syria in which numerous foreign entities - from Hezbollah to the USA - stand to be affected.
  
 The crackdown has been more brutal than in Egypt and Tunisia. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says security services have killed more than 2,700 [ http://www.ohchr.org/FR/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=11397&amp;LangID=E ] people, using tactics that may amount to crimes against humanity. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/447571 ] 
  
 Activists and human rights groups put that number as high as 5,300. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] The government says many of those who died were members of the security forces, and Al Jazeera reports a number as high as 700. [ http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/09/2011923115735281764.html ] 
  
 But violence is not as widespread as it may appear on TV. The capital Damascus, and Syria’s second largest city, Aleppo, remain calm, with little sign of instability. 
  
 In those cities, “life continues as normal,” said Ben Negus, a programme officer at the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) who participated in a UN mission to Syria in late August. “Shops are open. Cars are on the street. Kids are going to school. Hospitals are dealing with patients. Life goes on.” 
  
 Nationwide, there are roadblocks on the main arteries into cities and travel between cities is difficult. But within towns or cities, movement is fairly free. 
  
 “It’s easy to assume the problems are widespread,” Negus told IRIN, but “the violence that has been carried out is… more targeted.” Still, he said it is difficult to ascertain the level of insecurity across the country.
  
 The protests are much more localized than they were in Egypt or Tunisia, often composed of just a few hundred people and lasting less than an hour before fizzling out, said one aid worker in Damascus who preferred anonymity. 
  
 “I have seen videos that were shot in certain places that I know did not last for 10 minutes,” he said. This may be in an effort by protesters to evade security services. 
  
 Key players
  
 The Syrian government
  
 President al-Assad was popular when he came to power in 2000, replacing his father, Hafez, who had ruled Syria for three decades. Their Alawi roots are from small villages in the mountains - and when Hafez al-Assad first came to power, he challenged the urban elite of the Ottoman era and the French colonial mandate, representing the marginalized countryside. (Under Ottoman rule, Alawis - like the Druze and the Christians - were rarely given positions of power or influence). But Bashar al-Assad grew up in Damascus and became part of a new, increasingly sectarian urban elite. Still, he seemed to genuinely want reform. 
  
 Even as recently as January, he described the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia as being the result of decades of stagnation in the Middle East. In an interview [ http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703833204576114712441122894.html# ] with the Wall Street Journal, he said: “We have to keep up with this change, as a state and as institutions... When you close your mind as an official you cannot upgrade.” 
  
 One Syrian government official told the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/iraq-syria-lebanon/syria/108-popular-protest-in-north-africa-and-the-middle-east-vi-the-syrian-peoples-slow-motion-revolution.aspx ] in February: “We have been strong in politics but weak on the rule of law, fighting corruption and so on. Many already are opposed to any change, arguing that it would send a signal of weakness. I disagree: it sends a signal of strength. In our meetings, there has been a tendency to merely insist that we are very different from Egypt. But if it is a wake-up call in the region, why not be awoken by it?” 
  
 There are two camps within al-Assad’s government - reformists and conservatives, and analysts say early in his tenure the president became beholden to the conservatives. “People around him with entrenched interests were apprehensive and prevailed upon him and clamped down on [reform],” Jubin Goodarzi, professor of international relations at Webster University in Geneva, told IRIN.
  
 The mostly Alawi security services have been the driving force of the current crackdown. But the ICG said in a July report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/iraq-syria-lebanon/syria/108-popular-protest-in-north-africa-and-the-middle-east-vi-the-syrian-peoples-slow-motion-revolution.aspx ] that even among this elite group, there was frustration with the status quo. 
  
 “There’s been a generalization that because an Alawi elite is in power, all Alawis have done very well for themselves,” Chris Phillips, a Syria analyst with the Economist Intelligence Unit, who lived in Syria for several years, told IRIN. “There are large segments of very poor Alawis in villages in the mountains near Latakia and Banyas who have seen no benefits from 40 years of an Alawi president.”
  
 The government has not deployed the army to the same extent, probably because it cannot trust the mostly Sunni soldiers’ loyalties. 
  
 The opposition
  
 Initially inspired by events in Egypt and Tunisia, protesters wanted reforms that would increase political freedom and move the country towards democracy. The government eventually introduced small reforms, but they were too little too late, and its violent response to the demonstrations galvanized more people to join the protesters, whose goal now appears to be complete regime change. 
  
 Frustration also stemmed from a liberalization process begun by al-Assad that increasingly shifted Syria’s economy away from the socialist model and created an elite class, mostly linked to the regime, which Phillips said began to benefit from cronyism - “people related to the regime would get all the contracts.” 
  
 Most of the opposition are peaceful protesters - mainly young, lower-class Sunni Arab men (about 60 percent of the population are Sunni Arabs, while another 15 percent are Sunni Kurds), though the organizers tend to be better educated and middle class. The opposition has crossed lines of religion, sect and ideology, but for the most part Christians reportedly fear [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/28/world/middleeast/fearing-change-syria-christians-back-bashar-al-assad.html?_r=2&ref=middleeast ] the kind of regime that could replace al-Assad; the Druze are on the fence; while the Kurds support the uprising. [ http://af.reuters.com/article/energyOilNews/idAFL5E7K53U720110906 ]
  
 There are several different opposition groups, from “local coordination committees” and the Syrian Revolution General Commission organizing protests within Syria, to diaspora organizations. But the various groups are not yet united. The Syrian National Council, recently formed in Turkey, is the first major attempt to bring all the opposition under one umbrella, but it has faced some resistance from the grassroots organizations on the ground. Currently, protests in different parts of the country are not coordinated by any central body, though there is communication among activists in different cities and national committees. 
  
 Analysts say government allegations about the opposition - that armed Islamists, criminal traffickers and groups backed by other countries are among the forces opposing al-Assad - are not necessarily false. Others argue the violence is not organized, but rather “locals who were just fed up with the violence being meted out to them by the regime picked up guns that they had stored for years and started shooting back,” as Phillips put it. Part of the armed element is the defectors, but many of them do not have weapons. 
  
 Either way, “there’s more to it than meets the eye,” said Goodarzi. “One cannot just dismiss reports about armed elements… engaging and killing security forces and personnel.”
  
 Activists say soldiers who died were killed by security forces because they refused to shoot protesters - not by armed gangs, as the government alleges. But according to the ICG, many Syrians still mistrust the opposition, which is not growing as fast as it did in Egypt and Tunisia. 
  
 “The number of people participating in the uprising is rather exaggerated,” said Khair El-Din Haseeb, executive committee chairman of the Beirut-based Centre for Arab Unity Studies.
  
 “The opposition lies sometimes even more than the government,” the aid worker in Damascus who preferred anonymity said, adding that the alleged shelling of the western coastal city of Latakia in August [ http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2011/08/201181475734965763.html ] from the sea - trumpeted by the opposition as an example of the regime’s brutality - “was a pile of rubbish. It never really happened.” 
  
 He said people set tyres on fire on top of buildings to create smoke that would suggest a bombing. OCHA’s Negus said there were no craters in Latakia when he visited the city. Other UN officials, including the UN humanitarian coordinator in Syria, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, said there were conflicting reports, but that he himself did not see any evidence of the event having taken place. One UN official suggested the opposition’s version of events could be part of “the whole media side to conflict”. 
  
 Outside forces
  
 In April, Washington said Tehran had been helping Damascus put down the Syrian uprising and has placed sanctions on members of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards for their role in the crackdown. [ http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2011/05/the-impact-of-syrias-unrest-on-iran.html#ixzz1YHnf9GFt ]
  
 “The government in Tehran is going to do everything it can to help support and prop up the Assad regime,” said Goodarzi, author of Syria and Iran: Diplomatic Alliance and Power Politics in the Middle East. That help includes things like riot gear and advice on how to monitor the internet, but nothing more than a few advisers on the ground, he added. 
  
 Activists have similar convictions that Hezbollah, the influential Shia militant group in Lebanon, is supporting the Syrian government, on whom it depends for weapons. 
  
 Other analysts discount this: “Why would the Syrians need snipers from Hezbollah? They trained Hezbollah snipers,” said Timur Goksel, who was a senior adviser to the UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon for many years, before joining the American University of Beirut as an instructor in Middle East conflict. 
  
 Without ruling out the possibility that Israel could be arming the opposition, some analysts argue that the West is actually ambivalent about the situation in Syria. 
  
 “I don’t think the main outside countries, like the US and Israel, would like the fall of the Syrian regime, because they are not sure of the alternative, and they are unduly concerned that it might be an Islamic regime,” said the Beirut-based academic Haseeb. “But at the same time, they want to weaken the present regime so that they can more easily deal with Bashar al-Assad.” 
  
 Radwan Ziadeh, executive director of the Syrian Centre for Political and Strategic Studies and a visiting scholar at The Institute for Middle East Studies at George Washington University, sees the status quo as in Israel’s interest. “The border between Syria and Israel is very peaceful and they don’t want to see any change in Damascus.”
  
 Regional powers, like Turkey and Saudi Arabia, also have stakes in this conflict, preferring a Sunni government in Syria. Syrian communities in Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq and even the Gulf could be involved in funnelling weapons or money into the country to support the opposition, the aid worker said. But both Saudi Arabia and Turkey will be weary to be seen as the cause of a civil war.  
  
 What next? 
  
 The current situation is a bit of a stalemate, and could last for several months. “The opposition cannot bring down the regime and the regime cannot silence the opposition,” Haseeb said. 
  
 What turned the tide in Egypt was the army’s support for the protesters. So far, there have only been low-level individual defections in Syria, and there are no concrete signs of a split in the security services. The regime, at this point, remains firmly in control. 
  
 International intervention
  
 Major powers, like the US, France and Britain, have so far shown no interest in another military intervention. According to the ICG, such intervention “could unleash the very sectarian civil war the international community wishes to avoid, provoke further instability in an already unstable neighbourhood and be a gift to a regime that repeatedly has depicted the uprising as the work of foreign conspirators.” 
  
 Besides, “what would be the nature of the intervention? A no fly zone? There is nothing flying anyway,” said Goksel. “Troops into Syria would be war. I don’t think anyone will do that now.”
  
 Turkey could be the exception, the EIU’s Phillips said. “If Turkey felt there was a civil war on its doorstep, it might be willing to deploy its military to encourage a swift resolution to any conflict.”
  
 Activists are increasingly calling for international observers. The Syrian Revolution General Commission has asked [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0JiRqIgx8Ig ] the UN Security Council to “take all necessary measures to protect the civilian population under threat of attack including the installation, as a matter of urgency, of a UN monitoring mission.” 
  
 More sanctions
  
 The West has instead opted for more sanctions, [ http://reliefweb.int/node/448513 ] which according to Ould Cheikh Ahmed, the top UN official in Syria, are contributing to an already poor economic situation in the country. 
  
 So far, sanctions have not had much impact on the government’s actions. But if the economic situation keeps deteriorating, and better-off communities in Damascus and Aleppo feel they are affected, they could start supporting the uprising. “And then it’s a totally new game after that,” Goksel said. 
  
 Phillips agreed: “The economy is what can crack the regime,” he said, suggesting that an internal coup - backed by a business community that may eventually see al-Assad as an obstruction to a return to normality - is one of the possible scenarios. 
  
 The UN says that despite “pockets of need”, there is no country-wide humanitarian crisis in Syria. However, the conflict has displaced tens of thousands of people, affected livelihoods, and reduced access to health care. Ould Cheikh Ahmed said he was concerned that the humanitarian situation would worsen as the conflict continued. 
  
 Civil war
  
 Analysts say the risk of civil war is increasing. “The people are struggling to keep the peacefulness of their revolution,” Mousab Azzawi, a Syrian human rights activist with the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights [ http://www.syriahr.org/ ], told IRIN. 
  
 Ould Cheikh Ahmed warned, in an interview with IRIN, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ] that civil war was now a real possibility. 
  
 Fears that religious extremists could take over in the event of al-Assad’s fall are likely overblown, according to Haseeb. “The Muslim Brotherhood, at the present moment, is very weak inside Syria.” But the movement is part of the political landscape in Syria and will likely have some role in any new government. 
  
 Spillover in Lebanon
  
 Within Lebanon, there are political parties and armed groups with affiliations to Syria, many of whom are not accountable to any central leadership that can control them.
  
 The UN special coordinator for Lebanon, Michael Williams, urged [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=39473&Cr=lebanon&Cr1= ] Lebanese factions earlier this month not to let events in Syria affect Lebanon. But some on the other side of the border are already preparing for civil war, unsure of how various parties will react to the unfolding events in Syria. 
  
 Lebanese Salafists, angry over the crackdown against fellow Sunnis in Lebanon, could attack Syrian interests in Lebanon, for example, in support of their brethren. 
  
 Weakened by the loss of its ally, al-Assad, Hezbollah could start a civil war or another war with Israel, “as a diversionary move to legitimize itself and to protect its own weapons”, Thanassi Cambanis, author of A Privilege to Die: Inside Hezbollah's Legions and Their Endless War against Israel, told the BBC.
  
 But the days of small border skirmishes are long over, Goksel said. Hezbollah is well-aware that a war with Israel would be very destructive, and that it would be the “biggest loser”. 
  
 More likely, Goksel said, Lebanon will stay quiet, and the Syrian uprising could eventually fizzle out, overwhelmed by the raw power of the regime. 
  
 ha/eo/oa/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93842</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211236580625t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 28 September 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of people in Syria have been killed, injured, displaced or detained in a series of protests against the Syrian government since mid-March which have been ruthlessly quelled by the government. How is this uprising different and where are we now? </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Sub-Saharan migrants keep their heads down</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109191034090703t.jpg" />]]>SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August.</description><body><![CDATA[SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August. 

The migrants see strength in numbers and hope they can escape the arbitrary detentions, arrests and beatings that many of their fellow migrants have been subjected to. 

Racism against blacks has a long history in Libya, but has been a particular problem for sub-Saharan migrants - nationals from countries like Chad, Niger, Sudan, Senegal, Mali and Nigeria - since the uprising began in February. Rebels who fought for Gaddafi’s ouster accused him of using black African mercenaries to help quell the uprising.

Since then, the rebels or their supporters - there's no chain of command or uniform to identify them absolutely - have arbitrarily arrested, robbed and/or beaten hundreds of migrants, according to testimonies from fleeing migrants, and reports by human rights organizations [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE19/025/2011/en ] and journalists. Many migrants have had their money, mobile phones and passports taken. 

Despite urging restraint on the part of its supporters, the rebel movement-turned-incoming-government (the ruling National Transitional Council or NTC) has been criticized for not doing enough to halt incidents of racial violence and arbitrary detention. One rebel told IRIN: “If we see black skin, we’ll arrest them and give them to the NTC."

Seeking refuge

In this camp in Sidi Bilal, 35km west of Tripoli, [ http://www.irinnews.org/photo/Default.aspx?id=31 ] the migrants are seeking shelter in abandoned boats, hanging blankets from the hulls to create makeshift walls. When armed rebels come to the area, the migrants retreat to their improvised homes. They fear rape or more arrests. One migrant told IRIN the armed men “beat the hell out of” them. 

Médecins Sans Frontières brings fresh water to the camp. Some locals donate food for the migrants to cook; local children sell them chickens and cigarettes. There is just one toilet in a nearby building.

This is just one of several camps made up of migrants who do not have the means to go back home, despite a hostile environment here. Some of those who are able to return have faced their own difficulties in their home countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] Others are still trying to get out of Libya, in what the International Organization for Migration (IOM) still considers an emergency situation.

Having already helped with the evacuation of thousands of migrants, the IOM is still looking to reach vulnerable communities in areas like Sebha, 650km southwest of Tripoli, still reportedly controlled by Gaddafi loyalists.

According to the IOM, Chadians, Nigeriens, Nigerians and others have sought protection at the IOM centre in Sebha, but with no electricity, fuel, and little food or water, the situation is becoming increasingly difficult. "The migrants are very scared and threatened,” said IOM Chief of Mission for Chad Qasim Sufi in a communiqué.

Racism past and present

Concern over violence and discrimination towards darker-skinned Libyans and sub-Saharan African migrants has been mounting since the early stages of the conflict in Libya. 

While Col Gaddafi and his loyalists were accused early on of pushing a xenophobic message, accusing rebels from the outset of being controlled by “non-Libyan” elements and religious extremists, the reputation of the NTC has been badly tainted by charges of racism.

Well before the outbreak of hostilities in Libya in February 2011, there were long-standing reports of Gaddafi’s use of Chadian soldiers, Tuareg warriors from northwest Africa, and other non-Libyan combatants, within the Libyan military, notably the Khamis Brigade, fronted by one of Gaddafi’s sons. There have also been reports of over 500 soldiers from the Western Saharan Frente Popular de Liberación de Saguía el Hamra y Río de Oro (POLISARIO) being detained by the NTC, accused of being mercenaries in the pay of Gaddafi. NTC supporters have persistently maintained that such elements played a leading role in checking the rebel advance, providing Gaddafi with a last line of defence. 

Human rights campaigners and media commentators in sub-Saharan Africa have pointed out that incidents of extreme racism are nothing new in Libya. The testimonies of prisoners and fleeing migrants carry strong echoes of those who fled Libya in 2000 after over 130 people, mainly from West African countries, were killed in outbreaks of what appeared to be ethnically-motivated violence. Gaddafi’s administration was accused of being at best negligent, at worst complicit, while Gaddafi himself was denounced for preaching pan-African brotherhood abroad while presiding over racial pogroms at home.

Since the early 1980s, large migrant populations from both Libya’s immediate neighbours, Chad and Niger, have been joined in Libya by thousands more from countries like Senegal, Mali, Niger and Ghana.

The influx coincided with a period of international isolation, Gaddafi playing his self-created role as a champion of African unity against a background of sanctions and strained relations with many of his Arab counterparts. Libya was heavily involved in the Community of Sahel-Saharan states (CEN-SAD), which preached regional solidarity and stressed a commitment to the free movement of persons and goods. Libya became both a crucial stepping-off point for migrants heading to southern Europe, notably Italy, but also a destination in its own right, particularly for those seeking job opportunities in a fast-expanding economy, taking on both mainly unskilled jobs or finding openings in the informal sector.

According to Jen-Philippe Chauzy, spokesman for the IOM, migrant workers were drawn to Libya for economic reasons, but tended to live on the margins. “The migrants faced enormous difficulties in Libya prior to the crisis,” Chauzy told IRIN. He pointed out that the vast majority of sub-Saharan Africans were in Libya as undocumented migrants. “They were hired and fired by the day, trying their best to survive economically.” Most immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa were smuggled into Libya illegally, not registering with their embassies, inevitably vulnerable to exploitation, said Chauzy.

The clampdown climate

While the Libyan authorities were fairly lax on definitions of legal and illegal immigration, there were several waves of deportations. In both 1995 and 2008, the Libyan government announced its intention to expel one million immigrants. While those targets were not reached, Libya faced mounting criticism for its treatment of refugees. In its World Refugee Survey for 2009, the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants noted the existence of 10 detention camps for illegal migrants.

Libya was accused by human rights organizations of currying favour with Italy and other European states in clamping down on illegal immigration, often using brutal methods. Concerns were also raised about growing racism and the stigmatization of immigrant communities accused of involvement in crime and spreading HIV/AIDS.

Chauzy said much more needed to be done to support reintegration programmes for migrants returning to countries like Niger and Chad in the current context, noting that families were now adapting to living without remittances sent from Libya, which played a key role in sustaining family budgets. “These countries are being left alone to bear the burden of the Libyan crisis,” Chauzy warned.

jr/cs/ha/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109191034090703t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SIDI BILAL 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - In an abandoned port on the outskirts of Tripoli, a young woman timidly peeks out from behind the blanket that forms a wall in her improvised home. She is one of hundreds of migrants who have gathered in this makeshift camp since a popular uprising to overthrow dictator Muammar Gaddafi spread to the Libyan capital in August.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CHAD-NIGER: Lean season awaits migrants escaping Libya</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103110800450965t.jpg" />]]>AGADEZ/NIAMEY/DAKAR 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - While the world’s politicians conjure up fears of a “tsunami of migrants” flooding Europe, in reality it is Libya’s economically vulnerable and chronically food-insecure neighbours Niger and Chad that are struggling to cope with an influx of returning migrants, says spokesperson of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Jean Philippe Chauzy.</description><body><![CDATA[AGADEZ/NIAMEY/DAKAR 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - While the world’s politicians conjure up fears of a “tsunami of migrants” flooding Europe, in reality it is Libya’s economically vulnerable and chronically food-insecure neighbours Niger and Chad that are struggling to cope with an influx of returning migrants, says spokesperson of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Jean Philippe Chauzy. 

Since April 2011, some 80,000 people have fled Libya to Chad, and 75,000 to Niger - many of them returning to communities already struggling with severe food insecurity, economic crisis, or cholera. [ http://www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/shared/shared/mainsite/media/docs/reports/IOM-sitrep-MENA.pdf ]

“Our biggest concern is that these returns are happening in countries that are already economically very fragile, and at least one of the lifelines for families - remittances - is now completely cut off at the very worst time,” said Chauzy. July to October is the lean season in northern Niger and Chad when food prices are generally at their highest and food availability at its lowest. 

In addition to the migrants, some 5,000 third-country nationals (TCNs) have been registered by IOM in Niger, and 800 in Chad, most originally from Sudan, Mali, Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Migrants who had left home to work in Libya tended to come from communities in already vulnerable areas, said IOM head in Niger Abibatou Wane - in Niger’s case Agadez in the northeast, Tillabéry in the east, Zinder in the south and Tahoua in central Niger. 

US government food security analysts FEWS NET predicted parts of these regions, as well as Maradi in the south, would reach food insecurity “crisis phase” in August and September. Most vulnerable in terms of food security are households living in Bilma in Agadez region, Tahoua as well as Tanout and Gouré in Zinder, says FEWS NET. 

In the transit town of Dirkou in Agadez, the price of basic grains, oil and fuel has risen since May 2011 when migrants started arriving in large numbers, say residents. Ousmane Ibrahim, a trader in Agadez, told IRIN: “It is difficult to find even the most basic foods as they are too expensive.”

Several traders told IRIN they have sent their families to the capital, Niamey, until the situation improves. 

Many Nigeriens IRIN spoke to were angry the government is not doing more to help them. Ahmed Zargaw, 26, returned to Agadez where he is now unemployed. Like many migrants, en route to Niger he was beaten by bandits who also stole his phone and all of his money. “The government is doing nothing for us. It doesn’t even want to acknowledge our presence… They would prefer to look after the Libyans who have fled, and who have a bit of money on them.”

Mohamed Annacko, president of the regional council for Agadez, told IRIN the government is “taking all the necessary steps to ensure stability and to secure people’s basic needs”, without spelling out what that meant. But he admits the authorities do not have enough resources to deal with the situation, even with assistance from NGOs and UN agencies: “We are fighting on two fronts. The situation is alarming both in terms of the humanitarian [food security] situation, and security.”

International agencies are also struggling: IOM’s transit centre in Dirkou is “overrun” said Chauzy, and high fuel prices linked to the Libya conflict make it difficult to shift people to Agadez and Niamey quickly enough.

Cholera in Chad

While the Chadian authorities have responded “quickly, and have been excellent at allowing IOM and humanitarian actors to provide assistance”, according to IOM programme officer Craig Murphy, the biggest concern is that cholera has broken out in areas with high migrant return rates in western Chad, including Mao, capital of Kanem region.

Since the beginning of the year 11,000 people have contracted cholera in Chad, and 340 have died, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. [ http://ochaonline.un.org/Default.aspx?alias=ochaonline.un.org/chad ] Aid agencies are running cholera awareness campaigns for migrants and residents to try to stop the disease spreading further. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93617 ]

In northern transit areas, food insecurity is not currently a big problem, said Murphy. The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has been delivering basic food rations to IOM transit sites, the Faya hospital, Mourdi and Zouarke, and will soon do so in Ounianga-Kebir. 

For Félix Leger, head of the International Rescue Committee in Chad, which is helping the government give good health care to returnees and host communities in the transit town of Faya, there are two scare scenarios: Libyan refugees start to flee to Chad in large numbers; or a second wave of migrants who have hitherto stayed in the Libyan capital Tripoli, start to cross the border.

Thousands of sub-Saharan African migrants are either stuck or have decided to stay in Libya. Aid agencies are particularly concerned about the 2,500 migrants - among them Chadians, Somalis and Eritreans - who are stuck in Sebha, southwestern Libya, where battles are still raging between the rebel movement-turned-incoming-government (ruling National Transitional Council) and forces fighting for Muammar Gaddafi.

While migrant numbers diminished in August and September from high levels in May and June, the number of Libyans among them rose, according to IOM. 

Libyan refugee Mohamed Halil, 42, a former businessman in Tripoli who fled to Agadez, told IRIN: “I fled because Gaddafi’s men wanted to kill me as I have family in Benghazi. I was living a peaceful life in Tripoli before this mess started. I don’t understand what is happening to my country.”

“Before the war we wanted for nothing: water, electricity, gas, housing, free health care… Now I am living in exile and I am suffering a lot. How will I get out? Who will help me?” 

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been helping with the Chad response, and has sent a protection officer to assess the situation in Niger, said UNHCR spokesperson Fatimata Lejeune-Kaba.

The cycle of vulnerability is likely to continue once security eventually returns to Libya, predicts IOM’s Chauzy. New groups of Nigerien and Chadian migrants will try to head to Libya, since recent returnees will need more time to accumulate enough money to pay for another trip. “The demand for services in Libya will soon start to feed those smuggling networks again and migrants will no doubt once again head straight into situations of vulnerability in Libya.” 

aj/bb/id/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93769</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103110800450965t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AGADEZ/NIAMEY/DAKAR 20 September 2011 (IRIN) - While the world’s politicians conjure up fears of a “tsunami of migrants” flooding Europe, in reality it is Libya’s economically vulnerable and chronically food-insecure neighbours Niger and Chad that are struggling to cope with an influx of returning migrants, says spokesperson of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Jean Philippe Chauzy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Overstretched health service needs sustained support</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131056310074t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - Recent fighting in Libya, especially in the capital Tripoli, has taken a toll on medical services with overstretched personnel working under very difficult conditions, and seriously ill and injured patients unable to reach hospitals and clinics, health workers say.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 01 September 2011 (IRIN) -  Recent fighting in Libya, especially in the capital Tripoli, has taken a toll on medical services with overstretched personnel working under very difficult conditions, and seriously ill and injured patients unable to reach hospitals and clinics, health workers say.
 
 "No matter how mighty a health system, nobody can deal with this huge influx of injured patients," said Khalid Shibib, head of the World Health Organization (WHO) in Libya. 
 
 Emphasizing the importance of strong international support for Libya’s embattled health system as the country’s internal conflict looks to be moving towards a conclusion, Shibid told IRIN from Benghazi on 31 August: "This is not about politics, it is about health needs.”
 
 The interim administration led by the National Transitional Council, he added, now had its health officials in Tripoli and so had a responsibility to take charge, but international help was vital, particularly given critical shortages of supplies and the heavy casualty rates from recent clashes. 
 
 Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said that in the past few days there has been an improvement in the situation in Tripoli. Speaking from Brussels, MSF Emergency Coordinator Rosa Crestani told IRIN: “One week ago, the hospitals were overwhelmed and some were not accessible. Now the situation is calming down and the majority of hospitals are running at capacity.”
 
 Crestani said local Libyan volunteers had played a vital role in cleaning up badly damaged facilities, enabling medical personnel to extend their activities and treat more patients in hospitals and clinics that had previously been off-limits. 
 
 “This doesn’t mean everything is fine,” Crestani emphasized, noting that MSF was running mobile clinics to help treat a large, vulnerable migrant population, living in what she described as “appalling conditions”. 
 
 Apart from understaffing, and shortages of medical supplies for treatment of the war-wounded and those with chronic diseases in Tripoli, other reports speak of the failure to remove waste from health facilities and the shortage of water. On 26 August, there were reports of at least 200 decomposing bodies at Abu Salim hospital. 
 
 Outside Tripoli, there is still major concern about health needs in areas like Misrata and Zlitan, which were badly affected by the conflict and the breakdown in medical supplies. Crestani said it was important to provide psychological support services to populations who had lived through the fighting.
 
 Changing priorities
 
 A recurring theme since the outbreak of hostilities in February [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93297 ] has been the strain the crisis has placed on both ordinary Libyans and medical practitioners unfamiliar with the realities of war. As a middle-income country with very little past experience of internal conflict, Libya had little prior experience of treating the war wounded or coping with the psychological trauma of those affected by war. 
 
 That has changed. The scale of war-related injuries has inevitably meant a change in medical priorities, diverting resources from more routine, non-emergency health care. "War injuries have heavy implications for the health system because they are very difficult to treat,” Shibib of WHO told IRIN. “They block hospital beds; they displace other patients, and they take enormous amounts of supplies and working hours from health providers.”
 
 In normal circumstances, he added, Libya’s health care system was more than capable of covering the needs of the population, with over 100 hospitals spread across the country. Along with advances in areas like ante-natal health care, it has been successful in past vaccination campaigns against measles, tetanus and whooping cough. Polio, for example was eliminated in 1991. 
 
 “In other countries, the Ministry of Health and other organizations have to run after the population and promote the vaccination of children, engaging community leaders and so on," Shibib added. "This is not needed in Libya because the population is very aware of the importance of vaccination.” 
 
 Medical experts warn that this progress must be consolidated because six months of crisis and division have inevitably had an impact. For example, Libya has witnessed the flight of thousands of medical personnel at all levels, many of them third-country nationals from Asia or sub-Saharan Africa. Hospitals and clinics have faced highly damaging fuel shortages and power cuts.
 
 Working in a heavily centralized system, where procurement was done from Tripoli with huge consignments of drugs ordered every year, health officials in areas like Benghazi have warned of the struggle to keep supply lines open, particularly in maintaining access to more specialized drugs required to treat conditions like cancer or diabetes. 
 
 Rural areas vulnerable
 
 “There is a compromise in the quality of health care,” warned Sammeh Youssef, health adviser with Save the Children. “You see the problems much more in the rural areas.” There was extreme vulnerability of rural clinics and other health facilities, he added, particularly with the exodus of third-country nationals. 
 
 Other experts talk of an inevitable “shrinkage” of the whole health sector, from primary to tertiary.
 
 Chrestani of MSF said her organization had yet to come to a clear decision on how long it will stay in Libya, waiting to see how the scenario unfolds. Shibib warned the international community not to think simply of giving a “one-off” donation and walking way, stressing the need for a flexible approach, based on changing needs. 
 
 “The world sees Libya as a rich country and it is,” Shibib told IRIN. “But this rich country is in a crisis now.” 
 
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93627</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131056310074t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 01 September 2011 (IRIN) - Recent fighting in Libya, especially in the capital Tripoli, has taken a toll on medical services with overstretched personnel working under very difficult conditions, and seriously ill and injured patients unable to reach hospitals and clinics, health workers say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: A protection challenge for the opposition</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105130758020592t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 24 August 2011 (IRIN) - The entry by Libyan opposition fighters into Tripoli clearly marks a turning point for the Libyan opposition after six months of fighting  against Col Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 24 August 2011 (IRIN) - The entry by Libyan opposition fighters into Tripoli clearly marks a turning point for the Libyan opposition after six months of fighting  against Col Muammar Gaddafi's government. 

But while the balance of power appears to have shifted decisively in Libya, some observers are raising strong concerns over the protection of civilians as Gaddafi's successors prepare to take over. 

"We fear that those who have suffered under Gaddafi will now seek revenge and that will set Libya off on a downward spiral away from the stated objectives of this uprising, which are: justice, human rights, the rule of law and protected freedoms," said Human Rights Watch (HRW) adviser Jerry Abrahams.

"The NTC [National Transitional Council - i.e. the emerging rebel government] right now should focus on protecting vulnerable groups," Abrahams told IRIN. "At the top of that list are dark-skinned Libyans and sub-Saharan Africans, who have frequently been accused of serving Gaddafi as foreign mercenaries and have come under violent attack. We hope the NTC will take measures to call for people not to harm them and will show that Libya is breaking from the past."

The rebels entered Tripoli and overran parts of the presidential compound on 23 August, as fighting continued in various towns and villages between opposition and pro-Gaddafi fighters. In Tripoli, fighting prompted the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to charter a boat to carry 300 migrants out of the city, but security conditions at the port delayed docking.

"We urgently call on all parties to allow IOM to carry out its humanitarian work in safety and begin evacuating the many thousands of migrants who want to leave Tripoli," said William Lacy Swing, IOM director-general. "We have seen with our Misrata operations at the height of the conflict there that migrants were often the innocent victims of the violence. This must not be the case again."

While there are no clear numbers of migrants still in Tripoli, several thousand have registered with the IOM for assistance in recent days. Continuing fighting in Tripoli's residential areas, amid celebratory gunfire, also raised fears for civilians living there.

"I am disturbed by reports of forced displacement and prevention of movement in areas where there is fighting," Valerie Amos, the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, warned. "We need to be able to bring in and replenish relief supplies and provide support to people in need in Tripoli and in the areas where people have fled."

Difficulties in response

Going back six months, the plight of the displaced was a major concern for humanitarian actors at the start of the crisis. The IOM and UNHCR both had an established presence in Libya, dealing with refugees and migrant worker populations. When fighting broke out in February, it was the mass displacement and outflow of these communities that featured most strongly in the first international appeals, focusing on transportation needs and transit camps, with thousands fleeing west into Tunisia and east into Egypt; others heading south to Niger and Chad; Bangladeshis, Filipinos and others returning to Asia.

While the fiercest fighting during the crisis has been confined to limited areas of Libya, humanitarian organisations have admitted to difficulties in responding throughout to shifting fronts and territorial gains, dealing with new waves of displaced. Problems of access and the on-off nature of the fighting made it difficult to raise protection issues and get commitments from both sides to adhere to international humanitarian law, particularly as the conflict worsened and was marked by often indiscriminate assaults with heavy civilian casualties. 

There were other complications. The de facto partition of the country into rebel and Gaddafi-held territory made countrywide operations extremely difficult, even for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) which established a delegation in Tripoli in April. There were also concerns about making a clear separation between military and humanitarian objectives. Some of the high profile aid operators in Libya are based in countries strongly identified with NATO's offensive against Gaddafi and publicly aligned with the NTC.

Aid delegates on a recent mission to Tripoli fielded a series of complaints from health officials and ministers over the international community's alleged neglect of humanitarian needs outside rebel-controlled territory and on the humanitarian consequences of air raids and sanctions.

NGOs, UN agencies and other Libya watchers over the past six months have talked repeatedly of working in a situation that was, in many ways, far removed from "a traditional humanitarian emergency". As a major oil producer with a pre-war national gross domestic product of over $150 billion, Libya had rarely been seen as a candidate for foreign aid, more as a potential donor. The Red Crescent was long established, but most of Libya's own, modest network of relief and welfare organizations was tied to the state and Gaddafi's own family and entourage.

The Libyan leader's international rehabilitation, recast in recent years as a Middle East moderate, had led to closer ties with the European Union and hints of joint projects and new trade agreements.

Post-crisis NGO influx

The crisis in 2011 triggered a substantial influx of international NGOs. Most had little or no experience of Libya, but many of the problems encountered were familiar from other contexts. There were difficulties in getting access to frontline areas against a background of ongoing fighting and security concerns. 

NGOs were dealing with a deeply traumatized population, unfamiliar with civil war and the deprivation and loss it brings in its wake. There was also the deadly impact of war materiel to contend with, particularly unexploded bombs and mortars.
 
Even in areas like Benghazi which stabilized after the violence in  February and March, large parts of the population faced serious disruption. Despite Libya's strong record in the past on health and education, the war had a damaging impact on both sectors, with schools and hospitals heavily dependent on local volunteers after the huge exodus of third-country nationals.

Ordinary civilians also had to contend with water treatment and sanitation problems, oil shortages and power cuts. Bank closures led inevitably to liquidity problems. 

Now NGO leaders warn that donors must stay the course. "There are still needs to be addressed," ICRC spokesman Steven Anderson told IRIN. While the focus would soon switch "from emergency to early recovery", a key priority for the ICRC at the current time was getting access to casualties in Tripoli, Anderson added.

The NTC and its own aid officials say they want to lead now and avoid a culture of dependency. "We can take care of things 100 percent," a senior Libyan humanitarian activist in Benghazi told IRIN recently. "We have the qualifications, we have the manpower and we have the capability. What we don't have is the funding."

NTC role critical

With the 42-year rule of Gaddafi on the verge of collapse, observers have warned that the NTC and its affiliates will face a major challenge administering the whole of Libya. Much of the initial speculation on the identity and orientation of a post-Gaddafi Libya had focused on the country's oil wealth, the potential gains for new investors, the interest in major infrastructural development, and a diversified private sector.

But the NTC, a hastily formed coalition whose key constituent elements included both former Gaddafi ministerial heavyweights and US-based academics, has stressed the need for substantial external support in areas like health and education, hinting that outside organizations that came in to tackle an emergency triggered by a bitter domestic conflict have both an interest in and an obligation to help Libya through a tough, complicated period of reconstruction, reconciliation and recovery.

"The challenge for [the NTC] as well as for international actors who enabled its drive into Tripoli, is threefold: to establish a broadly inclusive and representative transitional governing body; address immediate security risks; and find an appropriate balance between, on the one hand, the search for accountability and justice and, on the other, the imperative of avoiding arbitrary score-settling and revenge," the International Crisis Group said. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2011/libya-ensuring-a-smooth-and-peaceful-transition-into-the-post-qaddafi-era.aspx ]

Abrahams of the HRW said the rapid emergence of focused civil society organisations was a source of encouragement, but warned of the need for vigilance". 

"The NTC must be watched, encouraged and cajoled," Abrahams said. "We don't want a victor's justice here."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93577</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105130758020592t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 24 August 2011 (IRIN) - The entry by Libyan opposition fighters into Tripoli clearly marks a turning point for the Libyan opposition after six months of fighting  against Col Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Volunteers helping Benghazi’s vulnerable to cope</title><pubDate>Thu, 18 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108181329150218t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 18 August 2011 (IRIN) - As conflicting reports come in of rebel advances on the Libyan capital Tripoli, civil society organizations and international NGOs in the rebel capital, Benghazi, are trying to help vulnerable people cope with difficult conditions.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 18 August 2011 (IRIN) - As conflicting reports come in of rebel advances on the Libyan capital Tripoli, civil society organizations and international NGOs in the rebel capital, Benghazi, are trying to help vulnerable people cope with difficult conditions.

At dusk, a group of uniformed Libyan Scouts works discreetly, arranging tables and chairs, putting out trays of pre-packaged meals, rice, meat, milk, fruit, dates, juice and water. The guests arrive, quickly filling up the square: families with children, groups of friends, men sitting quietly on their own. The meal is rapidly consumed. Prayers are said. People leave quickly and the Scouts are put to work again, removing the debris, clearing the tables.

The food is free, its distribution organized by the Scouts in partnership with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international NGO Mercy Corps. “This is a difficult month for people, particularly in terms of finding food and money,” said Tarek, a mechanical engineer and scout leader, supervising the meals. “We are still a long way behind on salaries and the banks are reluctant to pay out much. Everyone’s hope is that the money we have outside Libya will come and we can live normally again. Inshallah.”

Meanwhile, in a compound next to Benghazi’s Garyounis University a volunteer helper takes the microphone and starts organizing the evening’s games, choosing participants, appealing for calm, breaking out into song. Fellow-helper Salwa, a cashier at the university, said the children here have mostly come from conflict-affected parts of Libya, towns like Brega, Ajdabiyah and Ras Lanuf, all to the west of Benghazi. 

“These children have bad memories and we want them to forget the war,” Salwa explained. “Here they can relax, but we don’t want them to forget about school. They are learning Arabic and Mathematics. They are keen to learn anything.” 

Working closely with local partners, international NGO Save the Children (SCF) has helped create “child-friendly spaces” around the city, play and study areas, as well as dormitories. “Children need routine,” explained Jenny Humphries from SCF. “They need a sense of normality in their lives that has been missing since the conflict began.” 

Parents and teachers have been told that a full schools programme will get under way once Ramadan is over. But people in Benghazi are wary about raised expectations and false promises. 

Aid workers are calling for an expansion of child protection programmes to other areas as well like Misrata and Nafusa Mountains. A recent assessment in Benghazi [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_2065.pdf ] found limited capacity to deal with child protection issues, that the children had been exposed to violence due to the conflict and suffered widespread psychosocial distress.

Playing down the problems

Students, shop-keepers, fish vendors, laid-off workers all admit a certain frustration at current conditions, but tend to play down the problems, the loss of revenue, the problems of liquidity and the frequent power cuts. “Sure, orders are down, I am only selling four pairs of trainers when I would have been selling twice that a while back,” said Ashraf, a shoe shop owner. “But in terms of things that matter to me, a drop in income is about third or fourth on my list of concerns.” 

The graffiti and murals in the city’s renamed Tahrir Square depict Libyan leader Col Muammar Gaddafi as a traitor to the Libyan people and Islam. People talk passionately about the inequities Libya experienced under his rule. Walid, a geologist with an oil company, said the government had thrown away the goodwill it had generated at the start of Gaddafi’s rule, alienating ordinary Libyans by sidelining the Koran in favour of his own Green Book. 

Walid talked angrily of reports of past human rights abuses. As with many others in Benghazi, he singled out the Abu-Salim massacre at the high security prison in Tripoli in 1996 as the worst episode of Gaddafi’s 42-year rule, arguing that a routine protest over conditions had ended with the needless slaughter of hundreds.

Najib, a car mechanic, and Abdul Nasser, an oil company employee, talked of years of neglect, with eastern cities like Benghazi deprived of investment and infrastructure. They mocked the government record on health care and education. They railed against the futility of the war with neighbouring Chad, fought off and on between 1978 and 1987. “People died for nothing and the truth was never told,” said Najib.

Relying on rumours 
 
Benghazi residents follow the conflict in Libya closely, both through the government media and the international TV chains. But they admit difficulty in getting a clear picture, trying to make sense of the shifting fronts and the competing claims from both sides. News of the death of Gaddafi’s son, Khamis, reportedly killed by an air strike, ran strongly on both local and international media, but the story turned out to be false. 

“We suffer from too many rumours,” Walid acknowledged, stressing how difficult it had been to talk freely in the past, how ordinary people had suffered from a debilitating lack of trust, worn down by the pro-Gaddafi People’s Revolutionary Committees. Even now, in “liberated Benghazi”, there are frequent references to fifth columnists and saboteurs. 

But life goes on. Watching an impatient queue of bank customers in the Garyoun district of the city, electrical engineer Omar Ramadan said people were not yet desperate, but tired of waiting for change. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93534</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108181329150218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 18 August 2011 (IRIN) - As conflicting reports come in of rebel advances on the Libyan capital Tripoli, civil society organizations and international NGOs in the rebel capital, Benghazi, are trying to help vulnerable people cope with difficult conditions.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Civil society breaks through</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104180822360296t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 16 August 2011 (IRIN) - Sidelined under Muammar Gaddafi, Libyan civil society organizations are beginning to assume an important role in helping the most vulnerable in “liberated” areas.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 16 August 2011 (IRIN) - Sidelined under Muammar Gaddafi, Libyan civil society organizations are beginning to assume an important role in helping the most vulnerable in “liberated” areas.
 
 "After 42 years of doing the wrong things, people are now doing the right things,” said Khaled Ben-Ali, head of the Libyan Committee for Humanitarian Aid & Relief (LibyanAid). 
 
 Speaking from Benghazi Ben-Ali said he had been overwhelmed by ordinary Libyans’ ability to mobilize and organize, starting new organizations from scratch. 
 
 International NGOs, too, speak with admiration of the “volunteering spirit” shown in Benghazi and other areas administered by the rebel Transitional Council. “I have seen this in other conflicts, but never with this kind of dimension,” a senior health official who preferred anonymity told IRIN.
 
 “Even if we wanted to put on a children’s fair, we had to associate it with something political, related to one of Gaddafi’s claimed achievements,” said Amina Megheirbi, looking back at the attempts by fledgling Libyan civil society organizations to get their own activities off the ground prior to the events of 2011.
  
 After an academic career in the USA and United Arab Emirates (UAE), Megheirbi now works as an English lecturer at Benghazi’s Garyounis University. But she has long combined academic duties with community work, trying to identify needs and provide assistance to the more vulnerable members of society. 
  
 Trying to operate independently under Gaddafi meant dealing with a heavily centralized system, in which Gaddafi’s own famous Green Book was meant to be a sacred text and principal point of reference. 
  
 Even the Scouts, active in Libya since the 1950s, had to tread carefully, said scouting veteran Tarek Alzletny, noting that it was Gaddafi’s own organizations that had the state’s support.
  
 Megheirbi and others endured lengthy battles to get registered by the authorities, and a climate of suspicion where individuals were constantly being vetted and quizzed on their intentions. Why did they want to help impoverished communities in a society “where there were officially no poor people”? A low profile was often essential. There was constant pressure on new groups to work under the umbrella of organizations created by the state or members of the ruling family, notably the Waatasemu Charity Association established by Gaddafi’s daughter, Ayesha. 
  
 Finding a voice
  
 Megheirbi never had any doubt that Libyan civil society would find its voice if conditions changed. “It was a lack of freedom, not a lack of confidence,” she explained. “We always had this Libyan spirit of getting close to each other, helping each other. I thought we had lost this, but it is stronger than before. This is the time to do it.” 
  
 The stand-off in February between demonstrators marching against Gaddafi and security forces trying to keep the lid on protest in Benghazi ended with heavy human casualties, but a dramatic shift in the balance of power. “There was no chaos,” Megheirbi emphasized. “And it was civil society that helped maintain stability.”
  
 In the months since the first mass protests, dozens of organizations and networks have sprung up, often operating in parallel with new, fiercely anti-Gaddafi media outlets, radio and TV stations, newspapers and simple newsletters. 
  
 The phenomenon has not been confined to Benghazi. Reports from Darnah to the east point to a strong mobilization of both secular and religious groups, all strongly committed to a post-Gaddafi Libya. Megheirbi says activists in Benghazi are linking up with colleagues in Misrata to the west, while there are reports of other groups emerging in the Nafusa mountains.
  
 The Attawasul approach
  
 Megheirbi now heads the Attawasul Association. Attawasul, loosely translated as “connect”, or “reach out”, operates as both a media house, putting out newspaper and radio programmes, and a training organization, working within targeted communities and giving young people technical guidance and leadership skills. 
  
 Megheirbi said Attawasul was originally conceived as a women’s organization, but the obvious enthusiasm of young male activists in the early stages of the revolution, and their keenness to make a contribution, forced a rethink. 
  
 Attawasul now has over 150 volunteers, but only a couple of salaried staff. On a Saturday afternoon, a small group of women are at their desktop computers, poring over data, swapping ideas, inputting new information. Their brief is to update records on thousands of families in Benghazi that need some kind assistance, passing on the details to partner organizations in the hope that they can get food to the most vulnerable.
  
 While Benghazi has generally been free from fighting since March, Megheirbi says the needs of ordinary civilians still need to be highlighted, despite their own reluctance to call for assistance. Many foreign companies have suspended their activities, shedding a large workforce, now deprived of its regular income. Small businesses have been badly hit. The banking system is way below par. “In general, everyone in Benghazi is suffering,” Megheirbi told IRIN. 
  
 Megheirbi accepts that many of the more than 200 new organizations started up since February may not outlive the revolutionary period in Benghazi. She sees Attawasul and others playing a critical long-term role, but only with stronger funding that can pay for offices, professional staff and ensure Attawasul’s ability to deliver on serious projects. At present, Attawasul depends on money generated within Libya, and would-be backers in the diaspora struggling to get cash transfers through.
  
 “Excitement”
  
 As local NGO adviser for the international relief organization Mercy Corps, Stephen Allen has watched a wide range of civil society actors come to the fore. “I think there is a lot of excitement,” Allen told IRIN. “In a time of excitement people may over-extend themselves, they may overstretch. But what we want to do, and our Libyan counterparts want to do, is to channel that enthusiasm and use it in positive ways. It’s more of an asset than a hindrance.”
  
 Allen notes the influence of Libyans returning from exile, particularly in areas like human rights and women’s issues and points to a growing professionalism among the newer organizations. 
  
 He concedes that the emergence of civil society in Benghazi and other areas outside Gaddafi’s control is inevitably tied up with the fortunes of the revolution. 
  
 “A lot of organizations see what they are doing as a service to the revolution. That doesn’t mean they’re behaving improperly or breaking international norms, but there is certainly a long way to go in terms of realizing real neutrality and real impartiality.”
  
 Allen acknowledges that there is no fixed template for helping create civil society structures. “Each context is different. Libya is not south Sudan, but nor is it Egypt or Tunisia. It has its own unique political climate and cultural nuances.” But there are universal guidelines that can be transferred from one situation to another: civil society organizations need financial transparency, clear, well defined objectives and leaders who can account for themselves. “Above all, they need to be able to answer the question: why are we doing this?”
  
 cs/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93513</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104180822360296t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 16 August 2011 (IRIN) - Sidelined under Muammar Gaddafi, Libyan civil society organizations are beginning to assume an important role in helping the most vulnerable in “liberated” areas.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA-CHAD: Stranded migrants airlifted home</title><pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106290950050232t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 03 August 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of stranded Chadian migrants have been airlifted home from southern Libya, the International Organization for Migration said in Geneva on 2 August.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 03 August 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of stranded Chadian migrants have been airlifted home from southern Libya, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said in Geneva on 2 August. 
 
 "The operation, which ended on 30 July, provided evacuation assistance to 1,398 vulnerable Chadian migrants and other third-country nationals, including many women, children and [the] elderly, who fled areas around Tripoli, Misrata, Benghazi and Sebha,” IOM spokesman Jean-Philippe Chauzy told journalists. 
 
 The migrants were taken to a transit centre in Sebha and then flown to Ndjamena, where they were helped to return to their towns and villages. War-wounded returnees were referred to the International Committee of the Red Cross in the Chadian capital. 
 
 "The migrants we found just over a month ago were exhausted after having spent weeks wandering and living in the open with limited access to food, water and health services," said IOM’s Qasim Suffi, who oversaw the 10 flights. 
 
 "This humanitarian airlift provided a way out for all those who simply didn’t have the means or the strength to return home," he said. "We shall continue to regularly monitor the situation in Sebha to find out if more migrants request evacuation assistance over the coming weeks." 
 
 More than 78,000 Chadians have returned home over the past few months, most of them empty-handed, according to IOM. 
 
 Many of their families had relied on the remittances [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93098 ] they had been sending back from Libya. Now that these funds have dried up, their families will be even more vulnerable at a time of worsening food insecurity. 
 
 Close to 200,000 West Africans have returned to their home countries from Libya, since fighting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93297 ] erupted between Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and rebels trying to oust him. 
 
 In addition, thousands of migrants, most of them from sub-Saharan Africa, seek to flee across the Mediterranean in rickety, overcrowded boats [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93196 ]. Hundreds are believed to have died in recent months as they sought to make their way to Italy. 
 
 On 1 July, Italian media reported that more than two dozen African migrants died in the hold of a crowded boat that made the crossing from Libya to the Italian island of Lampedusa. The 15m boat was reportedly carrying 296 people. Survivors were taken ashore and moved to an refugee shelter. 
 
 In April, a boat believed to be carrying up to 300 migrants from Libya capsized, leaving 250 people feared dead. 
 
 pfm/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93406</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106290950050232t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 03 August 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of stranded Chadian migrants have been airlifted home from southern Libya, the International Organization for Migration said in Geneva on 2 August.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
