<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Libya</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 10:30:51 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Syrians seeking refuge in Libya</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war. 
  
Since then the tables have turned, and many of those same families find themselves in Libya after fleeing the Syrian conflict, which has left an estimated 6.8 million people (around a third of the population) in need of urgent humanitarian assistance [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20-%20Issue%20%2324.pdf ].
  
Most of the Syrian community in Libya, estimated at around 110,000 by government officials, are believed to have arrived over the past 18 months after having fled the Syrian conflict. 
  
Shavan, a Syrian ethnic Kurd, arrived in Libya in January. "Alone, I left Syria at the end of 2011 leaving my wife and my daughter. I was looking for a place to live far away from the hell of conflict," Shevan said. 
  
After what he says was a difficult year in Lebanon, where he struggled to pay his living costs, he went back into Syria to pick up his family and then left for Libya. 
  
The flow of Syrians to Libya, while far lower than the numbers seen arriving in Syria's neighbours, started almost as soon as the Libyan revolution ended in October 2011. 
  
Some come by air from Lebanon or Turkey, but most have arrived by road, heading through Jordan and then across the Sinai to the Libyan-Egyptian border town of El Salloum (in Egypt). 
  
In the initial stages, Syrians with a passport could enter without a visa, but the rules have been tightened since the attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi in September 2012, after which only families, not single men, were allowed in. 
  
Visa-less travel 
  
From January this year, the coastal border crossing from El-Salloum to Musaid (Libya) has been closed to all non-Libyans without a visa, according to information from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
  
Alongside this measure, the Libyan minister of interior invited his "Syrian brothers" who had previously entered the country without a visa, to register at any passport office to get a government letter confirming their asylum seeker status. 
  
But it is still possible to get across the border without a visa. One Syrian who had recently entered Libya near El Salloum, and asked not to be named, told IRIN: "Smugglers charge US$500 to take Syrians across the border to Libya. I also saw some Syrian women who were using sex work to pay for their transit." 
  
Local NGOs in Libya run by Syrians were the first to provide relief, but many Syrian refugees have been reluctant to receive such aid. 
  
"Suspicions about Syrian secret service infiltrations led the majority away from the operational centres managed by Syrian charities," the head of the UNHCR in Libya, Emmanuel Gignac, told IRIN. 
  
UNHCR registration 
  
After an initial delay, UNHCR started formally registering Syrian asylum seekers and refugees in September 2012. 
  
By the end of April 2013, around 8,000 Syrians were registered with UNHCR as asylum seekers, though because of UNHCR's lack of a formal legal agreement with the government, the asylum seekers cannot advance to the agency's refugee status determination (RSD) process. 
  
The majority of Syrian asylum seekers in Libya are in the second city, Benghazi, due to its proximity to the Egyptian border. 
  
Large Syrian communities are also in Tripoli, mainly in the Suq Al Jumua, Janzoor and Hasham areas, while ethnic Kurdish Syrians in the capital have established a base on the outskirts in Ben Ghashir. 
  
Syrian charities provide support and some aid. "You can ask their help to register your kids in the local schools or to get medical assistance," Bilal*, originally from the Syrian town of Hama, told IRIN. 
  
The delivery of items such as blankets, mattresses and kitchen cooking sets is carried out regularly by Syrian organizations along with the Libyan organization Al Wafa and international agencies like UNHCR, the Danish Refugee Council and the Italian NGO CESVI. 
  
Visiting UNHCR teams also assist the Syrians in Tripoli and Benghazi. The agency has opened a Centre for Community Development for vulnerable cases, and set up a hotline for Syrian asylum seekers. 
  
The call centre receives around 40 phone calls a day - often appeals for medical or cash assistance, according to UNHCR associate RSD officer Valda Kelly. 
  
The presence of Syrians in Benghazi has created some tension, and recently the city's commission in charge of regulating foreign labour, immigrants and refugees called on the national government and congress to reduce the number of people coming into the country to avoid security, economic, political and social risks. 
  
Why Libya? 
  
Despite the distance from their home country, many Syrians cited a lower cost of living and greater job opportunities as the reason for travelling to Libya, rather than the more common Syrian refugee hubs like Jordan and Lebanon. Some also had spent time in Libya before the Arab Spring, when most foreign nationals were evacuated. 
  
But living costs remain a challenge for many in the Syrian community: "I pay 600 dinars (US$465) a month for an apartment and I barely earn 900," Ali who had fled from Duma, on the outskirts of Damascus, told IRIN. 
  
The poverty of many has given rise to practices seen elsewhere in the region: "Syrian women have been offering themselves as brides to the Libyans because they have no alternative for their survival," said Mohamed, a Syrian refugee living in the coastal town of Misrata. 
  
Other Syrians in Misrata confirmed this was happening. "In Benghazi Syrian girls are called `sheep' for their low price. Even regular men already with one wife can afford a new young wife," another Syrian told IRIN. 
  
Shiite fears 
  
Many Syrians told IRIN the Libyans had been welcoming. Ahmad, a Libyan civil engineer working for an Italian company in Misrata, told IRIN: "They are our brothers as they still suffer what we have experienced. They have every right to remain in Misrata." 
  
Local officials in Misrata told IRIN there are about 5,000 Syrian refugees in the town. 
  
Misrata, known as a base for anti-Gaddafi militia activity, is awash with Gaddafi-era weapons, and locals say a blind eye is turned to Syrians buying the weapons for export. 
  
Some local reports in Libya say former revolutionary fighters in Libya, particularly from Benghazi and Misrata, have been travelling in the opposite direction to join the anti-government forces in Syria. 
  
Not everyone is welcoming though. "Because of my Kurdish name, I was threatened often at ordinary checkpoints because Libyans thought I was not a Sunni Syrian but a Shiite," said Shavan. 
  
Syria's now two-year conflict began when people, largely of the Sunni majority, began protesting on masse against President Bashar al-Assad, of the minority Alawite sect (Shia), and has become increasingly sectarian as the violence has increased.  
  
*not a real name 
  
np/jj/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98085/Syrians-seeking-refuge-in-Libya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305230831020195t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA 23 May 2013 (IRIN) - Two years ago Syrians in the relative security of their own country watched the unfolding crisis in Libya descend into a devastating civil war.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Libyans in North Africa scared to return home</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.

But after two weeks of imprisonment and torture, the 68-year-old former contractor fled.

“They accused me of supporting [former ruler Muammar] Gaddafi during the revolution, which is not true at all,” Warfella told IRIN in Cairo. “These people have turned life into hell for people, not just in Bani Walid, but everywhere in Libya.”

Warfella is one of tens of thousands of Libyans who have fled to Egypt. Many are accused, often falsely they say, of having fought in pro-Gaddafi forces in 2011, or having publicly expressed support for him.

Far from home, many struggle to find employment and affordable accommodation, and lack almost any formal support. But they fear revenge attacks should they return home.

“There is a persistent desire inside Libya now for taking revenge on whoever took sides with Gaddafi against the revolutionaries, even if these people who took sides with Gaddafi were not influential people or fighters themselves,” said Salah Al Turki, a senior executive from the Cairo-based NGO Libyan Foundation for Human Rights (LFHR).

“Some of Gaddafi's supporters who initially left Libya in the wake of the downfall of the Libyan dictator and then returned to their home towns faced problems. Gaddafi's supporters in other countries watch all this and are filled with fear to return, lest they should meet the same fate.”

The number of Libyans who have fled the country is not clear as very few register with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

A source in the Libyan Ministry of Social Affairs said there were 430,000-530,000 Libyans in Tunisia. LFHR estimates the number of Libyans who had come to Egypt after the demise of Gaddafi's regime at 750,000, although the Libyan Embassy in Cairo told IRIN the number is not more than 30,000. Algeria is also thought to shelter tens of thousands of Libyans.

Despite, its geographical size, the Libyan population is only around six million, and government officials say that having such large numbers of citizens outside Libyan borders is a humanitarian and security concern for the government.

Some Libyans in Egypt were formerly high-ranking figures, like Ahmed Gaddaf Al Dam, a cousin of Gaddafi and a close associate who is now at the centre of a legal tussle [ http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/2010/17/The-price-of-extradition.aspx ] in Cairo, aimed at paving the way for his extradition to Libya. 

But most lacked senior roles in the Gaddafi administration, and say they feel under threat because of their previous public support for Gaddafi, or for simply belonging to a tribe or town judged “pro-Gaddafi”.

Safe haven?

Though many Libyans who have fled to Egypt told IRIN they thought it was not yet safe to return, life in Egypt is far from easy and they say they continue to live in fear.

“Most of these people, particularly those who had committed crimes in Libya before coming here, think that state institutions or even international organizations will spy on them for the sake of the new government in Libya,” Omar Mohamed Al Ogaly, a plenipotentiary minister at the Libyan Foreign Ministry, told IRIN.

“They have this general fear of state or official agencies and this is why they stay away from these agencies.”

Egypt is undergoing economic and political strife of its own after the Arab Spring, and Libyans abroad are struggling with rising food prices and a lack of work.

Mohamed Al Salak, a TV host from the Libyan channel Libya TV, describes meeting one Libyan family living in a cemetery west of Cairo.

“Despite this, the members of this family are afraid to approach the Libyan Embassy for help,” Al Salak said. “Some of them have medical problems, but they are even afraid to go to the hospital, lest their whereabouts are known to the government in Libya.” 

LFHR tries to find ways of reducing the suffering of Libyan refugees in Egypt. Organization staff meet these refugees, try to give some financial support and present their plight to the Libyan government.

Division 

The current debate [ http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-05-05/world/39048298_1_islamists-militias-parliament ] within Libya about what sort of role ex-Gaddafi supporters should have in the new administration is a subject that also divides Libyans in Egypt. 

In Cairo, fights have taken place in public areas like shopping centres between Libyans who used to support Gaddafi and others who detested his rule and rose up against him.

“We all had to keep silent under Gaddafi even as we did not like the man or his rule,” said Fawzi Al Trapolsi (not his real name), who worked for years as plenipotentiary minister under Gaddafi.

“There must be some forgiveness. Libya will not move a step forward if this desire for revenge continues to control everything.” 

On the other side of the political debate are Libyans like Adel Abdel Kafi, an ex-Libyan fighter pilot who flew his military plane from Tripoli to Cairo in the early 1980s and applied for political asylum in protest against what he called “Gaddafi's despotism”.

“Forgiveness?” he said to IRIN. “How can we forgive the people who either participated in killing innocent Libyans or who kept silent while the Libyans were being humiliated for more than 40 years?” 

Building trust

The Libyan government is taking some steps towards reconciliation. In Tunisia, Naema M. Elhammi, the deputy head of the General National Congress, told IRIN she had met Libyans living in poverty but not yet willing to return.

“They are all afraid,” Elhammi told IRIN. “They think they will face many troubles when they go back. The fact is that some Libyans do nothing but settle old scores with their compatriots. This makes everybody afraid.” 

A group of parliament members, including Elhammi herself, are paying visits to neighbouring countries to talk to the Libyan refugees and convince them to go back. But they still have to build trust. 

In Cairo, the Libyan Embassy has opened a separate office in a different part of the city to the embassy to listen to the problems of the refugees and try to convince them to go back.

Mabrouk Raheel, an embassy official responsible for the office, says 5-7 Libyans visit the office every day to demand help either to continue living in Egypt or to go back to Libya.

“People who did not commit crimes during the revolution have no problem in going back,” Raheel said. “Those who committed crimes, however, must go to court.” 

Al Ogaly, the plenipotentiary minister, says if some Libyans are not able to go to Libya at present, at least Libya must go to them.

“We want these people back,” Al Ogaly said. “They must return to their country. Why should they stay abroad?” 

He says Libya's revolutionaries are now more receptive than ever before to the idea of the return of their compatriots who supported Gaddafi.

Warfella from Bani Walid, whose son is currently in jail in Libya accused of fighting the anti-Gaddafi revolutionaries, says he is not yet convinced.

“We need a justice system that guarantees that nobody will be put in jail unjustly,” Warfella said. “We need security and assurances that nobody will come out, of his own will, and attack us or accuse us of imaginary things. We want Libya to be for all Libyans.”

When asked, however, whether he thinks these conditions can be met in the near future so he can return and see his children and wife, he sighs wearily: “I have hope in God.”

ae/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98045/Libyans-in-North-Africa-scared-to-return-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305160746270426t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Until government and revolutionary forces attacked the Libyan town of Bani Walid, about 170km southeast of the capital Tripoli in October last year, Abdullah Warfella had been determined never to leave.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

jj/cb


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Thousands of Libyan families displaced in the Nafusa Mountains</title><pubDate>Tue, 02 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021435030371t.jpg" />]]>MIZDAH 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - Relations between ethnic groups in Libya’s northwestern Nafusa Mountains remain tense several weeks after renewed clashes in the town of Mizdah.</description><body><![CDATA[MIZDAH 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - Relations between ethnic groups in Libya’s northwestern Nafusa Mountains remain tense several weeks after renewed clashes in the town of Mizdah.

Around 1,500 families fled their homes in March when heavily armed fighters from the Qantrar and Meshashya communities clashed in early March. The fight lasted five days, killing nine people, according to the head of the town’s local council, Abdel Hakim Bedran.

Humanitarian agencies have been providing displaced persons, some of them still in Mizdah, with food, medical supplies and non-food packs, including blankets and cooking equipment.

“We had no water or electricity for two weeks,” Mizdah resident Mohamed Hussein said, collecting a piece of pipe perforated by a bullet. “Meshashya fired on the water pipes on purpose to vex our people and make them go away.”

Hussein is a member of the Qantrar, one of the two major communities that have lived together in the town for around a century. 

The National Mobile Force, a unit of the Libyan army, has taken control of the town, 180km south of Tripoli, to put a stop to the fighting, but residents told IRIN that they felt the situation was precarious and that around half the population had fled.

A divided town

The town centre has become a front in the ethnic conflict, in which around 400 homes from both sides have been looted and burned, according to Bedran.

Before the March clashes, the town was already split - Qantrar living in the south and west, and Meshashya families living in the neighbourhoods to the east and north.

“My parents and my brothers and sisters now live in our relatives’ place in Janzoor, in Tripoli,” Hussein told IRIN, looking at debris of his home, which is located exactly on the boundary line between Qantrar and Meshashya neighbourhoods.

In June 2012, the second floor of his house was hit by mortars during an earlier bout of interethnic fighting; in March’s fighting, the ground floor was completely destroyed.

“Today, two of my brothers and I are here just to watch the house and to prevent looting,” he said.

The town’s general hospital is located in a Meshashya area, making access difficult for Qantrar people. The building is frequently without water, and many of the doctors have fled.

“Before the revolution both tribes could receive assistance at the public hospital, but now the Qantrar cannot reach the place,” Aisha Ibrahim, a resident from the Meshashya clan, told IRIN.

The hospital cannot guarantee treatment despite receiving some supplies from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Wounded people have been transferred to the larger hospital facilities elsewhere in the region, according to Mohmmed Alsweii, head of the Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency (LibAid).

Education has also taken a hit: “The schools are frequently stopped because it is dangerous to go around in the city,” said Aisha, who fled her home in June 2012.

While there are primary schools functioning in both communities’ neighbourhoods, secondary schools have been closed since June, and Aisha’s eldest daughter can no longer attend school. Her husband has also been unable to get to his office in a Qantrar part of town.

Delivering aid

Although the ICRC, LibAid, Mercy Corps, Libyan Red Crescent and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have delivered hundreds of food rations, blankets and other items in Mizdah and nearby villages, many of the displaced told IRIN that they had not received any assistance apart from that provided by host communities.

“The Red Cross distributed humanitarian aid only during the fighting,” Nasra Musbah told IRIN. She is a member of the Meshashya community and has lived in the nearby town of Shgiga since Qantrar militia destroyed her house in Mizdah in June.

She lives in a makeshift shelter with her husband and her 16-month old child. She is also pregnant and says she had no money to buy the medicine she needs.

“The distribution of aid is a delicate operation. It is not easy to reach all the people in need. We try to pay attention to people with special needs, such as widows and war invalids, who are not personally able to withdraw [from] aid,” Asma Awan Khalik of ICRC told IRIN.

But many of the displaced told IRIN they felt abandoned.

On 14 June 2012, Ramadan left Mizdah with his family, his parents and his sister’s family after their house was destroyed. “We spent a night in the desert, south of Mizdah. We went there because we had nowhere else to go.”

Ramadan now lives with his family in a compound on the outskirts of Tripoli, in the district of Gyps. The compound consists of 10 apartments, all inhabited by Qantrar families.

“So far, we have only received food aid from some good-hearted people. Obviously, I would not call it humanitarian aid.”

LibAid told IRIN that it was difficult reaching all the IDPs because they are not concentrated in one area.

A need for reconciliation

The tension between the two communities goes back far beyond the recent civil war.

Qantrar leaders say their presence in the mountains long pre-dates the arrival of the Meshashya, who some Qantrar leaders accuse of illegally occupying their land. “[Former Libyan leader Mummar] Gaddafi gave the land to Meshashya, known in Libya as his historical supporters,” said Hussein.

According to members of the Qantrar community, Meshashya were settled in the area by the Italian colonial authorities, and their status was reinforced during Gaddafi’s 42-year rule, as part of an attempt to undermine the influence of the Qantrar. 

For their part, Meshashya leaders say the Qantrar community wrongly accuses them of being Gaddafi supporters. They say the Qantrar have unfairly seized their land.

“We were with them to fight during the revolution. But now they want to get rid of us,” said Muna, from the Meshashya community. She has been living with relatives since her home was destroyed in clashes in June 2012.

Five elders from the National Reconciliation Committee, appointed from the city of Tobruk, which is seen as neutral, have been seeking to calm tensions in the Nafusa Mountains since July.

“We delayed our engagement in the Mizdah crisis, but since the recent clashes we have started enacting a series of proposals,” committee member Hussein Al Habbani told IRIN.

Following last month’s violence, the National Reconciliation Committee set up an arbitration committee made up of five retired judges with the power to help solve legal problems related to housing, land and property disputes - widely seen as the underlying causes of the ethnic tension.

Property rights are complex in Libya because of resettlements, nationalization and land redistribution policies from the colonial and Gaddafi eras, and also because the latter oversaw the public destruction of property records in 1986.

Al Habbani says they will try to resolve disputes amicably: “No one will be evicted by force. The first option is to compensate the legitimate owner and to let families live where they have been living in the last decades.”

But he said the recent violence was about more than property rights.

“If the crisis in Mizdah is related only to property issue, it will be very easy to be solved. But there are other elements.”

He said that pro-Gaddafi fighters were still active in the Meshashya community, and added that the reconciliation committee had reported the names of alleged fighters to the Ministry of Defence.

np/jj/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97772/Thousands-of-Libyan-families-displaced-in-the-Nafusa-Mountains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021435030371t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MIZDAH 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - Relations between ethnic groups in Libya’s northwestern Nafusa Mountains remain tense several weeks after renewed clashes in the town of Mizdah.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Security of Christian communities “precarious” in Libya - archbishop</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303141431380034t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Various Christian communities in Libya, as well as some Muslim groups, have been feeling increasingly under pressure from hardline Islamist groups since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Various Christian communities in Libya, as well as some Muslim groups, have been feeling increasingly under pressure from hardline Islamist groups since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011.

“The level of security remains precarious for all foreigners, especially for Christians, because of the presence of some fundamentalist Islamic groups,” Giovanni Martinelli, the Roman Catholic archbishop of Tripoli, told IRIN.

“It is a new phenomenon that emerged during elections last July,” he said.

Nearly all Libyans are Sunni Muslims; members of other religious groups tend to be foreign residents, though Christianity has maintained a presence since Roman times.

“I think the [recent] arrests of Egyptian Christians do certainly seem to highlight a mounting issue,” said Joe Stork, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Middle East and North Africa division.

“There are different things going on and underlying this are two problems; firstly a problem of lawlessness and the absence of a well-functioning law-enforcement or justice system, and secondly I think there’s a real order problem with the militias.”

The UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) issued a statement last week saying it deeply concerned by recent incidents, including violence against a Coptic Christian church and other religious buildings, as well as attacks on the media [ http://unsmil.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=3561&ctl=Details&mid=8549&ItemID=1115583&language=en-US ].

“The universal values of tolerance, moderation, and respect for differences are deeply rooted in Libyan society’s religious and cultural heritage,” said Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General Tarek Mitri.

“These values should be the foundation upon which the new Libya is built.”

During Gaddafi’s 41-year rule the government’s surveillance network kept a tight lid on religious extremism and thousands of radical Muslims were imprisoned, but many helped overthrow Gaddafi, forming armed militia groups across the country.

Since the end of the fighting, some Salafists, who favour a literalist interpretation of Islam, have carried out hundreds of attacks on the mosques, tombs and shrines of other sects of Islam, particularly Sufis.

In the centre of the Libyan capital Tripoli the Sha'ab ad-Dahman mosque was demolished in August along with around 50 Sufi graves, including the tombs of Libyan Muslim scholar Abdullah al-Sha'ab.

Social media footage shows Libyan security forces present during the destructions without intervening. The Libyan Herald news site reported that three journalists from the Al-Assema television station were detained by security forces as they tried to cover the destruction.

The Libyan interim interior minister Fawzi Abdelaei resigned after the incident and the President of Libyan National Congress Mohamed Magarief said “The people responsible for those attacks are unfortunately aligned The SSC was created at the end of the civil war in October 2011 by the National Transitional Council as a way to provide more centralized security in the capital Tripoli.

Most Libyan experts and media blame the coordinated destructions of mosques and shrines on the Libyan Salafi network Ansar al-Sharia.

In Salafi perspective, the destructions are necessary in order “to avoid idolatry”, prevent “religious corruption” and prohibit the spread of other religious deviations such as “black magic”.  

Insecurity is one of the key concerns of the new government, which is still in the process of setting up a modern police force and national army.

Spate of attacks on Christians

The last few weeks have seen a number of attacks on Christian communities including an incident in Tripoli when an armed man entered San Francesco Catholic Church in Dahara and opened fire on the priest.

“He wanted to kill him as he opened fire with an AK-47 some 2-3 metres away,” said Archbishop Martinelli, explaining that the incident is under investigation.

The church gates have now been reinforced, but churchgoers are not feeling very reassured. “I continue to hold tightly the cross on my chest. But I'm afraid,” said Sonia (she only gave one name), who originally comes from Aleppo in Syria but has lived in Libya for 35 years. “I am Armenian, one of the few dozen Armenians left in the country since the beginning of the revolution in Libya. We are very concerned about security.”

Eastern parts of the country appear to be the worst affected by threats against, and attacks on, Christians.

On 3 March, extremist group Ansar Al Sahri'a (allegedly involved in the attack on the US consulate on 11 September 2012) surrounded the Benghazi European School (BES), and accused the teachers of promoting pornography: Sex education materials given to the students were deemed unacceptable.

On 28 February a gunman attacked a Coptic Orthodox church in Benghazi, assaulting two priests, though they were not injured.

Around the same time, 50-100 Copts in the city (Egyptian workers in Libya) were detained on charges of “spreading Christianity”.  According to the authorities, they were in possession of bibles, Christian books and sacred images.

On 17 February (two-year anniversary of the revolution) four Christians - a Swedish-American, an Egyptian, a South African and a South Korean - were arrested by a “Preventive Security” unit on charges of proselytizing and distributing religious literature. The four missionaries are awaiting trial and could face the death penalty.

Salafist militias have a strong presence in the city, and Ansar Al Shari'a enjoys widespread support in the region, according to the spokesperson of Local Council in Benghazi, Osama Al Sherif.

The first attack on the Christian community in Libya since the revolution was in September 2012 in the western province of Misrata when four men broke into the Greek Orthodox Church of St. Giorgio Dafniya, burning three icons and Greek and Cypriot flags.

Three months later, on 29 December, grenades were thrown at the same church, killing two Egyptian Copts. The attack was carried out by an Egyptian fundamentalist group allegedly enraged by a controversial film about the Prophet.

Modus vivendi?

There are no official figures on religious communities in Libya. Of the estimated 1.5 million foreigners, about 100,000 are Christians, according to local Christian authorities - mainly Copts and Roman Catholics, with some Greek Orthodox, Anglicans and Protestants.

According to Bishop Timotheus Adla Bishara, head of the Orthodox Church in Tripoli, those Copts who fled during the nine months of fighting in 2011 have returned.

“We Copts live peacefully in Libya. After the attack on the Coptic church near Misrata, the local council and the government have given us full support and are committed to guaranteeing greater security to our community,” Bishop Adla Bishara told IRIN, adding: “The Copts are safer in Libya than in Egypt nowadays and the authorities are investigating the latest threats.”

Immediately after the end of February assault on Coptic orthodox priests in Benghazi, the Libyan foreign ministry condemned the aggression by what it called “irresponsible armed men”, and said the action went against the teachings of Islam and basic rights [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201303070570.html ].

“During the Gaddafi era, the authorities did not issue any restriction on religious minorities as there was a tacit agreement on the ban on proselytizing,” said Roman Catholic Reverend Vasihar Baskaran in a sermon following the arrest of four Catholics in Benghazi.

np/jj/cb


----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Timeline: Attacks on mosques and Muslim shrines since the revolution

October 2011
The mosque at the town of Sidi Masri was vandalized and the remains of two historic Muslim scholars removed. In the same month, the cemetery in Gargaresh, in Tripoli, was ransacked.

November 2011

In Tripoli, Sidi Nasr mosque was desecrated.

January 2012

The cemetery of Sidi Ubaid in Benghazi was attacked and 31 corpses were stolen.

March 2012

The shrine of the fifteenth/sixteenth-century Sufi, Sidi Abdul-Salam Al-Asmar Al-Fituri, at Zliten in western Libya, was targeted by a large group of armed religious extremists, but defended by local residents.

July 2012

A bomb exploded at the Sahaba Mosque in Derna and the shrine of Zuhayr Ibn Qais Al-Balawi, companion of Prophet Muhammad and Muslim military leader, was demolished. In the same month in El-Tag near Kufra, Salafi activists removed the body of Sidi Muhammad Al-Mahdi Es-Senussi, a supreme sheikh of the Senussi Sufi order, from his mausoleum.

August 2012

On 25th August, in the centre of Tripoli, the Sha'ab ad-Dahman mosque was demolished along with around 50 Sufi graves, including the tombs of Libyan Muslim scholar Abdullah al-Sha'ab. The next day in Misrata, extremists removed the body of famous Muslim scholar Ahmad Zarruq and destroyed the Mosque with bulldozers.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97653/Security-of-Christian-communities-precarious-in-Libya-archbishop</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303141431380034t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Various Christian communities in Libya, as well as some Muslim groups, have been feeling increasingly under pressure from hardline Islamist groups since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Towards security and good governance in Libya</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111290923150751t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - While the main phase of humanitarian operations in Libya closed at the end of 2011, a number of challenges remain: Sixty thousand internally displaced persons (IDPs) await an eventual return home, thousands are still being detained in prisons outside government control, and Libyans in the southern deserts frequently lack access to many basic services.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - In Libya you see constant reminders of the Arab Spring and the violent end to Col Gaddafi’s 42-year rule - from the bullet holes at the airport, posters of revolutionary martyrs, to the thousands of national flags on buildings.

The graffiti shows a flowering - at least in some quarters - of a new national pride, with statements like “We’re proud to be Libyan.” But the conflict has also given rise to strong expectations that reconstruction and rebirth will quickly improve the lives of ordinary people.

“Expectations are very high. Some people say the government has done nothing. But actually the government has done a lot of work on security. But not everyone is aware of this,” Essam Garbaa, a senior official at the Ministry of Planning, told IRIN.

“People are not being reasonable - we need time to organize ourselves.”

Despite being one of the most violent Arab Spring revolutions, Libya two years after the first protests has yet to witness the demonstrations seen in recent weeks in neighbouring Egypt and Tunisia.

But that does not mean the current peace is secure, and humanitarian issues remain.

Sixty thousand internally displaced persons (IDPs) await an eventual return home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97504/Libya-s-displaced-Tawergha-threaten-unilateral-return ], thousands are still being detained in prisons outside government control, and Libyans in the southern deserts frequently lack access to many basic services.

The main phase of humanitarian operations was closed at the end of 2011, and agencies like the World Food Programme (WFP), donor organizations like European aid body ECHO and international NGOs like Save the Children have pulled out.

They have left behind a country which continues to face humanitarian issues, many linked to the post-conflict environment, but which has the potential to support itself.

“The humanitarian situation doesn’t require a typical kind of logistical humanitarian support,” said Georg Charpentier, UN deputy special representative and resident coordinator in Libya.

“Toxic combination”

In an environment with high expectations, an inexperienced government and tens of thousands of armed fighters on the streets, the focus of the UN and donors is on supporting the transition process to avoid another breakdown in law and order.

“Most Libyan people have guns now and we will move very soon over these challenges. Most Libyan people want a peaceful, well-organized country - they want a return to stability,” said Garbaa.

The return to pre-conflict oil production levels of around 1.5 million barrels a day means there is money available for the country’s six million people. But that also puts pressure on those in charge.

“We have very little time,” Carel de Rooy from the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) told IRIN. “This toxic combination of very high expectations, loads of money and institutions inexperienced in delivering rapid results is a dangerous combination, and time is not a luxury with should count on.”

LibAid’s role

Capacity-building in the humanitarian sector has focused on LibAid, set-up in 2006 when Gaddafi was still in charge, and run as a semi-autonomous government humanitarian operation.

With UN support, it runs the main database of IDPs and carries out food distributions to the 10,000 IDP families.

“Libya is a very rich country but we need to build capacity, we need expertise on how to build things and advice. Actually, we have enough resources but we need international capacity-building support, and we can share experiences,” said Mohamed Al Sweii, an adviser on international cooperation and coordination with LibAid.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) remains on the ground with a small team, although they do not have a formal agreement with the government.

Last month it delivered winter supplies of blankets, hygiene kits, plastic sheeting and shoes to detention centres in Sabrata and Surman, as well as to centres in the south.

They still work on monitoring conditions at IDP camps and, despite the work of LibAid, they have found they have had to stay involved longer than planned.

“I thought we would disengage much quicker. We had in mind June 2012 for an end of assistance and then a kind of phasing out from July onwards to December… We’re readjusting now,” said head of mission Emmanuel Gignac.

“The problems aren’t solved and it’s taken more time. We thought Libya, as an oil-producing country - of course a rich country - would very quickly be able to kick in and take over and not need any support. Why would they need support with all the money they have? But actually you realize that this isn’t the case.”

DDR

Money can certainly be a help in avoiding the biggest danger for post-conflict countries - slipping back into violence: The government has the means to pay the assortment of fighters who helped overthrow Gaddafi.

But insecurity remains a concern in many places, and this month militia roadblocks returned to Tripoli. Gunfire is regularly heard, even if it seems in many cases guns may only be fired in celebration.

An international conference in Paris earlier in February between officials from around 10 countries including France, Germany, USA, Qatar and Turkey, as well as representatives from organizations like the EU, UN, Arab League and African Union, and the Libyan government, put security and justice high on the agenda - “it’s really the two areas where this sort of shift from this revolutionary state of mind to one of building new institutions and moving forward has to really take place,” said Charpentier.

A widespread reorganization of militia forces remains for the future, but the importance of reintegration and demobilization is emphasized by donors.

“In every post-conflict situation, I think the international community has learned about the importance of integrating ex-fighters to avoid the negative impact of having militia groups and paramilitaries. If we can help in this regard, we will do what we can”, Peter Stano, spokesperson for Štefan Füle, Commissioner in charge of Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy at the European Commission (EC), told IRIN.

The EC has a 25 million euro aid programme this year to support the democratic transition; to improve security and the rule of law, education and health care, including a vocational programme that aims to reduce youth unemployment and contribute to integrating ex-fighters.

For its part, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is running programmes for military officers, including former revolutionaries, on the importance of international humanitarian law.

The last 12 months have seen several incidents of insecurity, provoking temporary surges in the number of IDPs, such as renewed fighting in October around the town of Bani Walid.

Humanitarian agencies say further incidents are likely, particularly before any widespread disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), and reconciliation projects are realized.

These areas can be sensitive ones for international organizations, but some low-level work has been carried out to improve community relations.

With Mercy Corps, UNHCR has been carrying out negotiating training with IDP community leaders, “basically to give them skills and tools to enable them to talk to each other, and of course when these events were organized it involved the different parties, so already the workshops themselves were an opportunity for them to see each other too in a neutral place, in more of a learning atmosphere,” said Gignac.

Improving governance

“The primary risks we’re facing are related to security and the overall post-conflict setting, but also the weak administration that’s a legacy of the Gaddafi era and the lack of a public sector culture of running a state for its citizens,” said Stano.

The underlying message from the aid community is that a key challenge for sustainable peace is an effective government, equipped and resourced to improve the conditions of its citizens.

“The revolution brought a lot of challenges - no-one senior in the government has any experience in governing at this high level even if they are highly qualified. Previously it was just Gaddafi and his inner circle. We can see the same thing in Tunisia and Egypt - the new ministers don’t have experience at this level,” said the Planning Ministry’s Garbaa.

The government has shown itself open to outside technical support, providing such expertise is suited to the context.

“If one brings in the right expertise - high-level, fluent Arabic speaking, one can have an important impact… The situation now has moved quite clearly and dramatically from an array of humanitarian interventions to a developmental agenda, much more upstream work,” said UNICEF’s de Rooy.

Capacity-building, aid workers say, is the key to building a sustainable peace.

“For those who are here, the international community who are here in the country, that’s very well understood, but I’m not sure that donors out there, or the donor community, or even within our own agencies - that there is a full understanding that what this country needs in the short to medium term is high level technical assistance to respond to their specific challenges and achieve rapid tangible results.”

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97554/Analysis-Towards-security-and-good-governance-in-Libya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111290923150751t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - While the main phase of humanitarian operations in Libya closed at the end of 2011, a number of challenges remain: Sixty thousand internally displaced persons (IDPs) await an eventual return home, thousands are still being detained in prisons outside government control, and Libyans in the southern deserts frequently lack access to many basic services.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Libya’s displaced Tawergha threaten unilateral return</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302190854470474t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Two years on from the start of the Libyan revolution, one major humanitarian issue awaits resolution: the internal displacement of around 60,000 Libyans accused of close ties to the Gaddafi regime and committing abuses during the nine-month conflict.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Two years on from the start of the Libyan revolution, one major humanitarian issue awaits resolution: the internal displacement of around 60,000 Libyans accused of close ties to the Gaddafi regime and committing abuses during the nine-month conflict.
 
Around half of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) are ethnic Tawergha, according to the Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency (LibAid) - driven from their home town of the same name to the east of Tripoli.
 
Now Tawergha community leaders say they are fed up waiting for reconciliation to start, and in June this year say they will leave their 20-odd camps - mainly in Tripoli and Benghazi - to return home.
 
“The life which we live now, it is no different from dying, and so we prefer to die at home,” Abdelrahman Mahmoud, head of the Local Council of the Tawergha in Tripoli, told IRIN.
 
“This is our final decision. We tried with all sides. We are weak, what can we do? What threat are we to anyone? We are normal people and we want to live our lives.”
 
Informal settlements
 
At the Felallah IDP camp in Tripoli around 1,000 Tawergha live in temporary cabins next to a large construction site, crammed into dormitory rooms and supported by food supplies from LibAid and with monitoring support from the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
 
Eviction from similar sites and student dormitories is a frequent threat.
 
“If any camps are evicted this will create a big crisis - it will be very difficult to find a place for them,” said Mohamed Al Sweii, an adviser on international cooperation and coordination with LibAid.
 
As the Libyan economy picks up and international companies start to return, displaced people find their informal settlements under pressure.
 
LibAid, the government’s humanitarian arm set-up in 2006 and under the responsibility of a deputy prime minister, tries to negotiate with companies where possible, and coordinates with international agencies and local NGOs to provide material support.

The UN has been providing humanitarian support with a special focus over the past year on helping LibAid set-up a database to track IDPs for Tawerghas, and also, other ethnic groups such as the Mshashiya and Qawalish.

“There have been improvements… but even today the conditions in which they are living are not really acceptable,” said Georg Charpentier, UN deputy special representative and resident coordinator in Libya.
 
“From a humanitarian point of view, it is not right that a resourceful country like Libya has a number of its own citizens living under those conditions.”
 
What happened?
 
The town of Tawergha and its population of around 35,000 were attacked by anti-Gaddafi brigades during the 2011 conflict, mainly from the nearby town of Misrata, 40km to the north.
 
An estimated 550,000 people were displaced by the fighting in Libya, according to UNHCR, though most have now returned.
 
But the Tawergha remain displaced. They live in camps and with host families, though some are held in detention, often still under the authority of local militias.
 
About 1,300 people from Tawergha are detained, missing, or dead, according to Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/06/libya-slow-pace-reform-harms-rights ], which said earlier this month that crimes committed against the Tawerghans “may amount to crimes against humanity and could be prosecuted by the ICC”.
 
The generally dark-skinned Tawergha were accused by the brigades of siding with Qaddafi and of killing and raping residents of Misrata during the revolution
 
Among the missing Tawergha is the husband of Aicha*, an IDP living at the Felallah camp. A mother of three, she has not heard from her husband for 18 months since he was taken by armed men along with their car in downtown Tripoli.
 
“I don’t want anything from the government - just my husband and the chance to hear his voice,” she told IRIN. “They said his identity papers were fake but that was just an excuse. I’ve had no news since.”
 
Such stories are widespread in the camps.
 
Improvements
 
Despite the lack of resolution to the Libyan IDP problem, the last 12 months have seen a number of improvements, including a reduction in incursions by armed fighters into the camps.
 
“Today the environment for a dialogue and reconciliation process is much more conducive than it was, say, one year ago. It’s quite natural. Emotions are decreasing and people tend to look at things more rationally than emotionally,” Charpentier told IRIN.
 
The predicament of the Tawergha is now far more openly discussed in Libya, including in the local media.
 
“In the beginning there were so many lies about the Tawergha - people had the wrong image of us and what we had done in the war. Now people are becoming better informed,” said Mahmoud.
 
But these changes have not yet translated into a durable long-term solution, even if IDP access to government services has improved.
 
“It’s less desperate than it was but these are fairly temporary arrangements. The longer they stay there the more it impacts psychologically, and also on their welfare, with the children not really being in a real home or village,” said Emmanuel Gignac, head of UNHCR in Libya.
 
Plans to return
 
While IDP numbers are fairly stable and the government has the finances to support them, the return of IDPs is closely tied to the success of any reconciliation process.
 
“The key issue is not so much responding to their humanitarian needs for ever; the key issue is to encourage and trigger a dialogue and a reconciliation process that will lead to a durable solution for them,” said Charpentier.
 
UN officials have held regular meetings with politicians, and local and military councils in Misrata to try to chart a path forward.
 
As part of a roadmap for a return, Tawergha community leaders issued an official apology to the residents of Misrata and the nation in February 2012 and say they will surrender anyone accused of committing abuses, and help the judicial authorities.
 
LibAid officials say they are hopeful they can organize a long-delayed IDP conference in mid-March, though there remains a degree of uncertainty over whether the government or the General National Congress should lead reconciliation efforts.
 
“There are negotiations going on at the moment concerning the return but nothing concrete - there seems to be a lack of interest,” said Mahmoud, and the community has now unilaterally decided to move back home on 1 June.
 
They say politicians will never speak out on the IDP issue because of the risk of undermining their support ahead of constitutional debates.
 
“It’s good, it’s the right approach, but I just feel that June is a bit early. But again, it’s fair play to use this as a way to put pressure because you can’t just wait for the process to be addressed,” said Gignac.
 
“The later you deal with difficult issues that require reconciliation, the more difficult it is. The message is not that you have to deal with it as quickly as possible; the message is that you have to start dealing with it as quickly as possible because you may need several years to deal with it, even decades.”
 
The idea of a June return has increased discussions of an eventual return - but such a move is unlikely to be successful without support to rebuild a heavily looted town.
 
“I hope the IDP situation can be sorted out in 2013 - but for close to two years they are still in the camps. Most of them didn’t do anything during the revolution - they are women and children,” Al Sweii from LibAid told IRIN.
 
“We need all Libya to enjoy the revolution and its anniversary. We don’t want people in the camps to hate the revolution. But it’s very difficult if some are celebrating the revolution while others are living in camps and have a miserable life.”
 
*not her real name
 
jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97504/Libya-s-displaced-Tawergha-threaten-unilateral-return</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302190854470474t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 19 February 2013 (IRIN) - Two years on from the start of the Libyan revolution, one major humanitarian issue awaits resolution: the internal displacement of around 60,000 Libyans accused of close ties to the Gaddafi regime and committing abuses during the nine-month conflict.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Hundreds in limbo at camp on the Tunisian-Libyan border</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301160916470074t.jpg" />]]>ZARZIS 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - The last refugee camp for the tens of thousands who fled the Libyan civil war is due to close, but hundreds face an uncertain future.</description><body><![CDATA[ZARZIS 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - Two years after fleeing the civil war in Libya, hundreds of sub-Saharan African and Arab refugees, most of them ex-migrant workers in Libya, are still holed up in a camp on the Tunisian side of the border.

Choucha camp, 5km inside Tunisia, is run by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and at one time had nearly 20,000 residents, around half of them were Bangladeshis who had been working in Libya when the war started and fled to Tunisia on the way home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92186/TUNISIA-Migrant-workers-from-Libya-face-long-wait-in-border-transit-camp ].

Several thousand residents though were from East Africa, and had no wish to return home. In 2011 and 2012 UNHCR processed 3,543 asylum claims in Choucha; of these, 3,009 persons were recognized as refugees.
 
The camp now has 1,357 residents (1,145 refugees and asylum seekers, plus 212 classed as migrants after their asylum applications were rejected) from 13 different countries - mainly Somalia, Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Chad - and is set to close in June.

Some 890 camp refugees have already been accepted for resettlement by 14 countries (USA and Norway are the leading hosts) as part of a Global Resettlement Solidarity Initiative launched in 2011 and are awaiting their departure date.

But around 400 refugees from the camp, a few of whom now live in nearby towns, have not yet been accepted by any country and are in limbo [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/HCR_Tunisie_Bulletin_dinfos_décembre_2012.pdf ] - (in French).

Choucha has seen violent protests by residents waiting for resettlement [ http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/search?page=search&docid=4ddf97119&query=choucha ].

When IRIN tried to visit the camp on 11 January, the road from Zarzis to Ben Gardane (the town on the way to Choucha) was blocked.

The Tunisian army was sent to the area in December after a wave of protests relating to the closure of the border with Libya. The Libyan government decided to close the border after receiving complaints that its citizens were being attacked in Tunisia.

According to local authorities and residents, a large part of the cross-border smuggling trade is run from Ben Gardane, which is close to the camp. Basic products, such as milk, are in high demand in Libya and locals say the trafficking of goods from Tunisia is on the rise.

The border was reopened last week but insecurity in the region makes it a difficult place for refugees to live and humanitarian agencies to work. Aid workers say tension is high.

The recent disturbances blocked UNHCR access to the camp for nearly a week at the beginning of January, with only medical teams being allowed in.

Since the camp was set up in 2011, it has seen protests, fires and two cases of refugees arrested for smuggling arms. 

A French researcher who recently visited told IRIN the refugees were living in difficult conditions. 

“Security is terrible here, the refugees are not happy”, said a young Chadian man who used to live in the camp. 

Closing the camp

The challenge UNHCR faces is closing the camp while not abandoning the remaining 400 residents, most of them young male migrants formerly in Libya who fear that if they return they will be accused of having been pro-Gaddafi mercenaries.

Some of those refugees rejected for resettlement will be integrated locally; first, they will receive financial help for moving, and renting flats in urban areas (Zarzis, Ben Gardeme, Medenine), then vocational training will be offered and microcredit for enterprises, according to Elizabeth Eyster, UNHCR's deputy representative in Tunis.

“We received a big donation [600,000 euros] from the German government to assist with the local settlement of these 400 refugees in Tunisia”, said Eyster

Their legal status in Tunisia, however, will remain uncertain. They will not be able to have formal jobs or receive any welfare benefits. 

Youth employment for Tunisians is already an issue, and those with UNHCR refugee status face uncertain rights because of the lack of a national asylum system - something absent in every country in North Africa.

“Our biggest challenge is the legal status now. A new asylum law was drafted, but it requires political will to be approved and implemented by the government,” said Eyster.

The new Tunisian government, elected in December 2011, is drafting the constitution and only recently scheduled presidential and parliamentary elections for June 2013, after two previous postponements.

There is even less provision for camp residents who have not received refugee status - 214 who saw their asylum applications rejected, and 45 whose asylum applications are still being processed.

The European dream

While the chapter on Libyan civil war refugees may be drawing to a close, the challenge of migration and refugee provision remains an issue for the Tunisian government.

Aid workers say those refugees from Choucha who have not been resettled may try and illegally cross the Mediterranean Sea.

Close to the Italian coast, Tunisia is a traditional gateway for Africans to Europe.

“My destination was Europe. I thought I was in Italy when we got here in Tunisia,” said Rahel*, a refugee from Eritrea, who lives near Choucha camp in Zarzis.

Rahel was recognized as a refugee by UNHCR in Tunisia, but she does not want to stay in the country. “I’m finding difficulty to find a job here. People are not bad, but I want to keep [going on] my journey and go to Europe. I want to make money there, have a better life and bring my other children there too,” she explained. 

“Boat arrivals are a huge challenge. We are setting up a partnership with the Tunisian Red Crescent for a reception centre and screening of people coming to Tunisia,” Mathilde Tiberghien, a protection officer with UNHCR in Zarzis, told IRIN. 

In September, a boat with 154 passengers was rescued by the Tunisian coastguard and 50 people claimed they were refugees. “They were hosted in Zarzis and then moved to Medenine. We didn’t want to take them to Choucha because this was supposed to be a transit camp,” said Tiberghien.

*not her real name

cm/jj/cb


Read more

LIBYA-TUNISIA: Growing frustration in Choucha transit camp
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92802/LIBYA-TUNISIA-Growing-frustration-in-Choucha-transit-camp ]

TUNISIA: Migrant workers from Libya face long wait in border transit camp
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92186/TUNISIA-Migrant-workers-from-Libya-face-long-wait-in-border-transit-camp ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97254/Hundreds-in-limbo-at-camp-on-the-Tunisian-Libyan-border</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301160916470074t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZARZIS 16 January 2013 (IRIN) - The last refugee camp for the tens of thousands who fled the Libyan civil war is due to close, but hundreds face an uncertain future.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: 2012 - a year of continuing turmoil</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - The Middle East continued to boil in Year 2 of what was once an Arab “Spring” with the ever-worsening conflict in Syria, toxic spillover into Lebanon, deadly clashes in Egypt, proliferation of weapons in Libya, assassinations and bomb blasts in Yemen, emboldened insurgents in Iraq and continued protests in Jordan. 

While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the region, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface - and sometimes in plain - but neglected - view. 

Here are 10 of the main issues IRIN highlighted this year: 

Syria’s refugee crisis: The number of Syrians registered as refugees in neighbourhing countries skyrocketed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96136/Briefing-The-mounting-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] from 10,000 at the beginning of the year, to half a million today, despite some borders being less than open [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees ]. The UN has launched appeal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] after appeal to help the refugees living in basic conditions in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, even Iraq, and increasingly Egypt, but funding has consistently been insufficient to meet the rising needs - largely due to politics and donor fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ]. In the meantime, refugees have been vulnerable to harsh winters, labour exploitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ]; child work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97062/JORDAN-Syrian-child-refugees-who-work-culture-or-coping-mechanism ]; early marriage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ] and political tensions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96232/LEBANON-SYRIA-The-refugee-minefield ].

The humanitarian toll in Syria: Syria has made the headlines daily in the past year, but most news reports have focused on rebel advances or diplomatic efforts to end the nearly two-year conflict. Meanwhile, the quality of daily life inside the country has spiralled downwards - and fast. In early 2012, alarm bells [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94914/Analysis-Worrying-signs-for-food-security-in-Syria ] rang over food security; by year end, even in the capital Damascus people were having a hard time finding bread [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ]. Farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94888/SYRIA-Insecurity-makes-drought-hit-farmers-even-more-vulnerable ] have been especially hard-hit. At least two million people are now internally displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97126/SYRIA-Nowhere-to-run ], and the problem was exacerbated in July when fighting hit Damascus [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95914/SYRIA-Fighting-in-capital-adds-to-growing-displacement-challenge ]. Winter [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] has brought a whole new series of challenges for the displaced. Healthcare is hard to access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. Many people forget that Syria was home to more than 1.5 million refugees - mostly Palestinians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] and Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] - who have become more vulnerable because of the crisis. With millions of people affected, the aid operation has struggled to keep up with the quick increase in needs because of insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96952/SYRIA-UN-shrinks-staff-and-movement-amid-insecurity ], a lack of funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ], drawn-out initial negotiations with the government over access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95606/Analysis-Principles-or-pragmatism-Negotiating-access-in-Syria ], and questions around the capacity and impartiality of the major player in the response, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]. The result is a new kind of humanitarianism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] - through local activists and illegal cross-border aid, which has raised some eyebrows in the aid community.

Regional spillover: The Syrian crisis took on regional implications this year, as Lebanese sects with Syrian alliances shot at each other [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95724/Analysis-Bound-by-conflict-the-Syrian-Lebanon-crisis ]; Kurds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96007/IRAQ-SYRIA-As-Kurds-enter-the-fray-risk-of-conflict-grows ] in Turkey, Iraq and Syria sought a piece of the pie; and Syrian shells hit southern Turkey. The US military even sent troops to Jordan to prepare for a possible widening of the conflict. The Iraqi government says the conflict in Syria has emboldened insurgents at home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ]; increased the flow of weapons across the border; and heightened sectarian tensions. Some analysts have predicted a Sunni-Shia war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94633/Analysis-2012-The-Year-of-Crisis-in-the-Middle-East ] that would draw in Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, armed groups in the occupied Palestinian territory and engulf the entire region. 

A forgotten crisis in Yemen: Meanwhile, the poorest country in the Arab world slid further into crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95429/YEMEN-Alarm-bells-over-worsening-humanitarian-crisis ] this year. A crumbling economy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95499/YEMEN-Struggling-to-get-by ] has driven more and more people to the point of desperation [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen ]. If they were not already, the numbers are now staggering: The UN estimates that more than 13 million people - over half the population of 24 million - need humanitarian assistance. More than 10 million people do not have secure access to food; 13 million do not have access to safe water [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96093/YEMEN-Time-running-out-for-solution-to-water-crisis ] and sanitation; and nearly one million children are acutely malnourished. After Arab Spring protests in 2011, a new government was born in 2012, ending the 22-year-rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, but many complain of little change in Yemen. The new government has faced innumerable challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94956/YEMEN-Challenges-aplenty-for-new-president ] in its first year, including the demands of minority groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95324/YEMEN-Akhdam-community-angered-by-government-neglect ], lingering corruption [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ], and political divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ], as remnants of the old regime try to cling to power [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ].

These more recent challenges add to Yemen’s long-standing threats: Houthi rebels in the north, al-Qaeda-linked militants in the south [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95176/YEMEN-Behind-militia-lines-in-Jaar ] and a southern secessionist movement. Despite these deterrents, 2012 saw record numbers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ] of refugees and migrants head to Yemen, where - rather than refuge - they often found more trouble [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ].

Sectarian clashes in the north [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94763/YEMEN-Fighting-in-north-leads-to-fresh-displacements ] and military operations in the south brought the number of internally displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] to nearly half a million. The government declared in June that it had rooted out militants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ] who had taken control of parts of the south, but people have struggled to return to their homes due to landmines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ], limited basic services, including health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ], and continued insecurity. Access for aid workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security ] to former conflict areas has increased, but funding is not yet fully secured [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ]. Yemen is in desperate need of immediate assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/2013_Yemen_Humanitarian_Response_Plan.pdf ] to avoid becoming the next Somalia.

Continued violence in Iraq: Iraq slipped out of the headlines as the US pulled out its troops at the end of 2011, ending a nearly nine-year occupation. But 2012 was no less violent [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/database/ ] for civilians. A surge of violence in January, in the weeks after the withdrawal, had many Iraqis reconsidering their options [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ]. Insurgent dynamics have changed post-withdrawal; Shia groups have become less active, while Sunni groups appear to have resurged, with several high-profile coordinated bombings across the country throughout the year. But the main driver of violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] continues to be dysfunctional and polarized politics. The situation is likely to get worse in the lead-up to elections in 2013 and 2014, and as the situation in neighbouring Syria deteriorates further. Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96240/IRAQ-Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ] by the war, and tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees returning from Syria could further destabilize [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95964/IRAQ-Returnees-from-Syria-a-humanitarian-crisis-in-the-making ] the country. 

The stalling of Libya’s transition: Libya held its first democratic elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections ] since the ousting of former leader Muammar Gaddafi, but a power struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94981/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying ] between Libya’s budding new government and a web of revolution-era militias continued to plague Libya’s transition to stability after the toppling of Gaddafi in late 2011. Tens of thousands of Libyans remained displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home ] months after the fighting ended, afraid to return home because of lingering ethnic tensions. Clashes in southern tribal areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes ] rocked the country in the early months of the year; and many minorities were unsure if the revolution would finally bring them more rights [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads ]. Libya’s policy towards migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo ], who were violently targeted in the months following the revolution, remained harsh. Many of them, along with Libyan refugees and failed asylum seekers, are still stranded on the Egyptian border [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees ].

The price of Egypt’s revolution: It has been another gripping year in Egyptian politics, as debate and controversy surrounded the withdrawal from power of the ruling military council; the election of a new president [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95729/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-undone ], the disbanding of parliament, and the drafting of a new constitution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96045/Briefing-What-is-at-stake-in-Egypt-s-upcoming-constitution ]. Increased polarization within Egyptian society led once more to a series of fatal clashes on the streets throughout the year. The political turmoil has prevented the much-hoped-for economic revival, with foreign currency reserves dropping by more than half, unemployment rising, poverty increasing, and the budget deficit at US$27.5 billion and growing. The poor have been the hardest hit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/EGYPT-Poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ]. In the short term, the revolution has yet to bring tangible gains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94836/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-one-year-on ]; on the contrary, it has led to fears of rising malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ]; fuel shortages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95222/EGYPT-Fuel-shortage-threatens-bread-supplies ]; child abductions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95271/EGYPT-Rising-tide-of-child-abductions ]; and a rise in religious extremism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97033/EGYPT-Fresh-worries-for-religious-minorities ]. The new constitution was passed in a referendum at the end of the year, but opposition remains high. Next year is likely to be as unpredictable as the past two. 

Never-ending challenges for Palestinians: Changes in Egyptian politics raised hopes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza ] in the Gaza Strip that a five-year blockade by Egypt and Israel would be eased. (New Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood movement is close to the Islamist rulers of Gaza, Hamas). But significant changes have yet to take effect, with Gazans continuing to depend on underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96734/OPT-Tunnel-closures-exacerbate-Gaza-housing-crisis ] to smuggle in supplies. This has left Palestinians continuing to face food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94740/OPT-Boosting-protection-and-tackling-food-insecurity ], an aid-dependent economy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94606/Analysis-Visions-for-a-healthier-West-Bank-economy ], and Israeli settlement expansions in the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95445/Analysis-Israeli-government-challenges-the-law-to-embrace-illegal-settler-outposts ]. This year, Gaza had the added misery of a severe fuel shortage and related energy crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ], with the UN predicting in August that Gaza could be uninhabitable by 2016 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96209/OPT-Gaza-s-water-could-be-undrinkable-by-2016 ]. It was in this context that in November, Israel launched (with the stated aim of halting rocket-fire from Gaza into Israel) large-scale air attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96814/OPT-In-the-line-of-fire ] which killed dozens of civilians, displaced thousands [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains ] of others, and left communities on both sides of the border reeling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst ]. The legacy of the eight-day military operation is still not clear [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea ]; at the end of December, Israeli officials said they would start allowing construction materials to enter Gaza daily via the Kerem Shalom crossing. Despite the high needs, aid agencies have traditionally struggled to provide aid amid tight Israeli restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94750/AID-POLICY-Islamic-agencies-battle-the-odds-in-Gaza ]; but this year, aid agencies in oPt began resisting the status quo [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95954/OPT-EU-pressure-for-aid-change-in-Area-C ].

Migrants in Israel: Throughout 2012, Israel hardened its stance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard ] towards migrants. In January, it introduced a new law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ] designed to stop what it calls “infiltrators” and by spring, public opinion had significantly shifted against migrants, leading to attacks involving Molotov cocktails [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ], mob beatings [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go ] and police crackdowns [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ]. In April, Israel began deporting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ] South Sudanese asylum seekers who previously had protected status in Israel. 

The coordination of humanitarian aid: When Valerie Amos became UN under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs in 2010, one of her priorities was to increase partnerships between the UN and other players in the field. After years of mistrust between the mainstream humanitarian system and aid agencies in the Arab and Muslim worlds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ], the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in 2012 signed memorandums of understanding with Qatar and Kuwait. OCHA’s liaison office in the Gulf has set up a new web portal [ http://www.arabhum.net/ ] as a link between Gulf donors and the UN, and Gulf countries are moving towards increased coordination [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96352/Analysis-Towards-more-coordination-of-aid-in-the-Gulf ] in aid and emergency preparedness among themselves. Aid agencies in the Muslim world are also trying to make better use [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] of the billions of dollars [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] given in alms and charity every year. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97155/MIDDLE-EAST-2012-a-year-of-continuing-turmoil</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: In the Arab world, building fridges to live in an oven</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

The disasters of the last three decades have cost at least US$12 billion, according to the report. “This number does not really account for other enormous losses which unfold over a period of time,” said Junaid Kamal Ahmad, the World Bank’s sustainable development head.

And even this could be a gross underestimate. “The costs of damages are reported for only 17 percent of disasters and rarely capture the suffering that follows the loss of lives and livelihoods,” Ahmad said. 

Drought and flood victims account for 98 percent of all people affected by climate-related disasters in the region, according to the report. 

Dire predictions

The long-term climate-change trends are foreboding, according to the report. Temperatures are projected to rise by three to four degrees Celsius in the Arab world - which includes countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa - by the end of the century. Such an increase would be 1.5 times faster than the global average, meaning people in the region would be regularly living with temperatures around of 54 to 55 degrees Celsius.

2010 was already the warmest year since records began in the late 1800s, with 19 countries setting new highs. Five of these were Arab countries, including Kuwait, which set a new record at 52.6 degrees Celsius that year; it was topped by 2011’s high of 53.5 degrees Celsius. 

The region is home to the world's biggest per capita emitters of greenhouse gas: Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

“Someone mentioned we will have to build fridges to live in the oven,” quipped Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice president for sustainable development, during the Doha press conference announcing the report’s release. 

Authors of the report - a scientific study with input from academics in the region - hope it informs the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment of climate change science, which is expected to be released in 2013-14. 

Kyte said they hope the report also informs discussions on losses and damages caused by climate change. Such discussions have stalled at the current UN climate change talks taking place in Doha; the issue being left for political leaders, who arrived on 4 December, to resolve [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96867/CLIMATE-CHANGE-When-the-damage-is-done ].

Agriculture and water

Rising temperatures are bad news for agriculture, and the nearly 40 percent of employed people with agriculture-related jobs. 

The region is already extremely water stressed, but with higher temperatures, the amount of water available for irrigation will to drop dramatically. By 2050, water runoff from rains, which feed rivers, is expected to decrease by 10 percent. The gains in agricultural productivity made over the past two decades may slow, or even decline, after about 2050. 

Regional agricultural production comes largely from the 10 percent of the land with a Mediterranean climate. Irrigation is the only option for growing crops in some countries; this irrigated land covers only 2 percent of the region’s land but provides 17 percent of the production. 

Urbanization

Currently, 56 percent of Arab people live in urban centres. But by 2050, this proportion is expected to increase to 75 percent, due in part to droughts, which have been shown to increase rural-to-urban migration in the region.

A recent multi-year drought in Syria is estimated to have led to the migration of about one million people to informal settlements around the major cities.

Flash floods

Not only will the region’s people have to contend with high temperatures, they will also have to brace themselves against the increasing threat of flash floods. Contributing to this risk are more intense rainfall events; ubiquitous concrete surfaces, which that do not absorb water; inadequate and blocked drainage systems; and increased construction in low-lying areas and wadis.

The impact of flash floods is already increasing. In the decade starting from 2000, the number of people in the region affected by flash floods rose to half a million, compared to only 100,000 in the previous decade.

If no measures to build resilience are taken in the next 30 to 40 years, climate change could lead to a cumulative reduction in household incomes of about 7 percent in Syria and Tunisia, the report indicates. Yemen - because of the expected the declines in agriculture - could suffer an income reduction of 24 percent. 

“While not addressed directly in this report, the impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria would likely add greater welfare losses and make the adaptation process even more difficult,” said the report.

Building resilience

World Bank’s Ahmad told IRIN that governments in the region have begun to ask the right questions about identifying vulnerable populations and regions and have begun talking about resilience. He also said that improving people’s adaptive capacity does not always involve money; governments need to educate people about the problems ahead. They also needed to invest in more social protection measures.

The necessity of such measures was already on display. At an earlier press briefing by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Mohammed Mukhier, head of community preparedness and disaster response, said the group would be unable to raise adequate funding to keep up with the number of frequent and intense natural disasters unfolding.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96974/CLIMATE-CHANGE-In-the-Arab-world-building-fridges-to-live-in-an-oven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD SECURITY: Locust warning for northwest Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 25 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206261218110864t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 25 October 2012 (IRIN) - Swarms of desert locusts are likely to migrate to Algeria, Libya, Mauritania and Morocco in the coming weeks from West Africa and the Sahel region, says the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which urges the four countries to prepare for pest control.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 25 October 2012 (IRIN) - Swarms of desert locusts are likely to migrate to Algeria, Libya, Mauritania and Morocco in the coming weeks from West Africa and the Sahel region, says the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) [ http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/162964/icode/ ], which urges the four countries to prepare for pest control.

Clouds of adult locusts are developing in Chad and are about to form in Mali and Niger after plentiful rains during the June-September rainy season favoured the breeding of two generations [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95938/MALI-NIGER-Locusts-spawning-disaster ] of locusts and increased their population 250 times.

When they migrate to northwestern African countries, they are “expected to arrive in areas where there has been recent rainfall and with green vegetation… there could be impacts on associated livelihoods,” Keith Cressman, FAO’s senior locust forecasting officer, told IRIN.

Prevailing winds and past trends make it likely that the swarms, once formed, will fly to Algeria, Libya, southern Morocco and northwestern Mauritania, he said in a statement on 23 October.

The insects initially migrated to northern Mali and Niger in June from Algeria and Libya. Insecurity in northern Mali, a region overran by Islamist rebels, has made assessments difficult. In Chad, ground teams began spraying the insects in October, and Niger, where pest control teams have to be accompanied by the military, has recently begun spraying.

“The control operations are reducing locust numbers and infestations in both Niger and Chad. This will in turn reduce the scale of migration, but migration is still expected to occur since it is difficult to find and control all locust infestations in the large expanses of northern Niger and Chad,” Cressman said.

Swarms of tens of millions of locusts can fly up to 150km a day with the wind. Female locusts can lay 300 eggs in their lifetime and an adult desert locust can eat food about its own weight every day (around two grams). A very small swarm eats the same amount of food in one day as about 35,000 people, says FAO.

In 2004 swarms of locusts up to 20km long and 5km wide devastated pastures, crops and vegetation across the Sahel from Dakar, the capital of Senegal on the Atlantic coast, to N’djamena, the capital of Chad, half a continent away.

ob/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96635/FOOD-SECURITY-Locust-warning-for-northwest-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206261218110864t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 25 October 2012 (IRIN) - Swarms of desert locusts are likely to migrate to Algeria, Libya, Mauritania and Morocco in the coming weeks from West Africa and the Sahel region, says the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which urges the four countries to prepare for pest control.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Not-so-open borders for Syrian refugees?</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210241311370293t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), local authorities in Turkey report that more than 10,000 Syrians [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/syria-situation-regional-roundup ] are located at various points on the Syrian side of the border, many of them waiting to enter Turkey. 

Except for medical emergencies, the border crossing between Syria and Iraq’s border district of al-Qa’im has been closed since 21 October, according to an Iraqi deputy minister, a district official and a UNHCR representative stationed at the border. 

Syrian activist Rima Flihan, a member of the local coordination committees (LCC) who now lives in Jordan, told IRIN Syrian civilians have also been turned back by Jordanian authorities at the border and at the airport. She said Syrians have had similar trouble entering Libya. 

“There are many countries preventing Syrian people from entering their countries,” she said.

In some countries on the Eastern edge of the European Union (EU), rejection rates for Syrians turning up at their borders are more than 50 per cent, according to UNHCR.

“In addition, some countries are more likely to give Syrians a tolerated stay rather than actual protection,” spokesperson Adrian Edwards told a press briefing [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/syria-crisis-continues-unhcr-urges-eu-states-uphold-common-asylum-system ] in Geneva on 16 October. “There is therefore a risk that people in need of protection will be denied the rights to which they are entitled under EU or international law.”

Limited capacity

Turkey is already home to more than 100,000 Syrian refugees in camps and an estimated 70,000 elsewhere in the country. Iraq is struggling to contain violence on its own territory, as it recovers from civil war. Both governments say they are restricting the number of refugees they admit every day because of limited capacity to host them. 

Some 7,600 refugees are living in two refugee camps in Iraq’s al-Qa’im District, in addition to public buildings, including schools. 

“But both camps are totally over-capacity,” said Haider Al-Fahad, officer-in-charge for UNHCR in al-Qa’im. UNHCR is currently levelling the ground for a third camp, which will have an initial capacity of 5,000 and eventually 20,000 people, but Al-Fahad said it would likely be three weeks before it could begin welcoming people. 

In the meantime, the government is only allowing what it calls emergency or “humanitarian cases”: people who are sick, elderly or injured. But Iraqi deputy minister for migration and the displaced, Salam Dawood Al Khafagy, insisted to IRIN that, subject to cabinet approval, "the Iraqi government will open the border for everyone in case of an emergency to save their lives.” 

Even before the recent closure, Iraq admitted only 100-120 refugees a day because it “makes it easier for us to control the situation and to make sure each of them receives the needed support,” Al Khafagy said. The Iraqi cabinet has ordered that Syrian men aged 15-50 not be allowed in “for security reasons”, he added. 

Mahmoud Shakir, al-Qaim District’s deputy director of Syrian refugee affairs, estimates there are about 1,000 displaced Syrians in the closest Syrian village of Albu Kamal, wanting to cross into Iraq, but currently living with relatives or out in the open. (Observers question whether they are displaced Syrians or simply residents of Albu Kamal who want to re-unite with relatives belonging to the same tribe on the other side of the border.) 

Al-Fahad said community and religious leaders used to organize lists of 120 candidates to cross every day, in accordance with the government limit. But in recent days, he said, people have stopped approaching the border because they know it is now closed. 

The presence of people at the border also fluctuates based on the situation in Syria: “People appear when there is shelling,” said Niyazi Maharramov, operations manager for UNHCR in Iraq. “When there is no shelling, there are no people.” He said he was at the border on 22 October and found “nobody” on the other side. 

In Turkey, which had previously referred to 100,000 as a psychological limit on the number of refugees it can accept, the government has been admitting an average of about 500 new arrivals a day, according to UN updates [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/documents_search.php?Page=1&Country=224&Region=&Settlement=0&Category=2 ].

In addition to 14 Turkish camps already up and running in seven provinces, a new camp in Sanliurfa Province is opening soon with a capacity of 11,000. In the meantime, the Turkish Red Crescent Society began dropping off [ http://www.afetacil.gov.tr/Ingilizce_Site/haber_ing/haber_detay.asp?haberID=254 ] basic assistance at the demarcation line dividing Turkey and Syria in August. 

Protection

The delay in admitting the asylum seekers has prompted protests from various sides.

A 14 October report [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/10/14/iraqturkey-open-borders-all-syrian-refugees-0 ] by Human Rights Watch (HRW) called on the Iraqi and Turkish governments to immediately open their border crossings to those waiting, saying failure to do so was a breach of international law.

“Over 10,000 desperate Syrians fleeing the terror of aerial bombardment and shelling are stuck on the Iraqi and Turkish borders, many living in miserable conditions,” Gerry Simpson, senior refugees researcher at Human Rights Watch, said in the statement. 

HRW said some Syrians have been staying in an olive grove near the Bab-al-Hawa crossing (leading to Turkey’s Hatay Province) for weeks, at times under heavy rain. At the Bab al-Salam crossing (into Turkey’s Kilis Province), Syrians told HRW they have regularly protested at the border fence, begging to enter Turkey. 

“We should find a solution to the number of people waiting on the border,” said Idil Eser, the coordinator of psychological support projects to refugees in Turkey through the Helsinki Citizens Assembly, an Istanbul-based human rights organization. “It looks as if the number of people will increase… Winter is coming. Those people waiting on the border are getting weaker and weaker. They are not as well-nourished as the [ones who arrived before them].”

She suggested some kind of buffer zone was necessary to give aid workers the safety and security needed to assist those on the other side of the border. But some aid groups are already crossing the border to help people on the other side.

The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (IHH), a Turkish aid group, has been providing food and medical aid to Syrians waiting at Bab-al-Hawa and Bab-al-Salam, where cholera and other diseases were on the verge of breaking out, according to Durmus Aydin, IHH vice-president for communications. 

But the UN says some of those on the Syrian side have no desire to enter Turkey: “They find the border areas safer than their villages and because of the assistance provided at zero point they prefer to travel back and forth between the borders and their villages,” a 6 October update [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/download.php?id=869 ] said. Dozens of refugees in Turkey, sometimes more than 200, return to Syria voluntarily every day. 

Funding 

Shakir, the local official at al-Qaim, said the Iraqi government’s policy raised concerns.

“We hear the sound of bombs very clearly every day,” he told IRIN. He said there was bombardment in Albu Kamal, 15-20km from the Iraqi border, on 23 October, but others at the border said there had been no sound of shelling that day. 

"An urgent solution must be found quickly to save Syrian refugees who are still on the other side. Otherwise more people will be killed because of the bombs,” Shakir said. 

Maharramov, of UNHCR Iraq, said people may be at risk of shelling in Syrian villages, but that there was no shelling of people gathered at the border. Still, he said UNHCR plans to raise the issue of limited admissions at the highest levels of the Iraqi government. 

UNHCR spokesperson Ron Redmond said neighbouring countries, which he said have already been extremely generous in welcoming refugees, have a right to ensure the safety of their borders, by conducting detailed interviews and screening measures which may slow the admission process. But those measures, he insisted, must be consistent with international law. 

“The security situation in the region is certainly not optimal. They have to watch their borders. It’s their right,” he told IRIN. “But we want to work with them in seeking the kinds of solutions that ensure that everyone in need of protection gets it, while also meeting their legitimate security concerns. Our priority is keeping borders open.” 

He urged more funding to support neighbouring countries in taking in Syrian refugees. The UN appeal for US$488 million to help Syrian refugees is about one third funded. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210241311370293t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: What the analysts are saying post-elections*</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207180313530675t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 17 July 2012 (IRIN) - The recently reported abduction of the president of Libya’s Olympic Committee, Nabil Elalem, highlights the wobbly security situation in a country awash with arms and where a number of militias still appear to be above the law, but slowly, steps towards stability are being taken.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 17 July 2012 (IRIN) - The recently reported abduction of the president of Libya’s Olympic Committee, Nabil Elalem, highlights the wobbly security situation in a country awash with arms and where a number of militias still appear to be above the law, but slowly, steps towards stability are being taken. 

Delayed by a month, Libya’s first free elections to the transitional 200 member General National Congress (GNC) went off relatively smoothly, with only isolated cases of violence and plundered polling stations.

Only 80 of the 200 seats in the GNC are allocated for political parties, with the remaining 120 reserved for independents. 

The National Forces Alliance (NFA) led by Mahmoud Jibril (described by the Economist as “a sensible modernizing reformer who claims to be something between a secular liberal and a mild Islamist”) won 41 seats of the 80 seats, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) Justice and Construction Party (JCP) 16, with the remaining 23 seats going to a host of smaller parties.

It is unclear which party or parties the 120 independents will tend to support. The GNC will choose a prime minister ahead of general elections scheduled for next year.

Observers reported a high voter turn-out; [ http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/07/world/africa/libya-election/index.html ] about 60 percent of the electorate voted, according to the Libyan state news agency. 

"Nobody saw this [the size of the NFA victory] coming," [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/14/libya-jibril-coalition-election-victory?newsfeed=true ] said Dirk Vandewalle, a US academic and former adviser to the UN special envoy for Libya, while the MB leadership felt they fell “below expectations”. [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/10/muslim-brotherhood-expectations-libyan-election ]

Many voters appear to have viewed Jibril, who was one of the prominent faces of the rebel leadership, as a safe pair of hands who can rebuild the economy, [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/10/us-libya-elections-islamists-idUSBRE86910O20120710 ] commented Marie-Louise Gumuchian and Hadeel al-Shalchi for Reuters. They believe that Islamist parties did not do well because Libyan society is already familiar with conservative Islam and asks itself what more they could offer.

In Libya for the 7 July elections, French pundit Gilles Kepel [ http://www.marianne2.fr/Libye-les-barbus-n-ont-pas-gagne-mais-ne-rendent-pas-les-armes_a220653.html ] said: “Islam is so constituent of the social fabric that it seemed difficult to vote for Islamist candidates that advocated more religion. And Libyans have largely voted for the candidates they were seeing on TV, something Jibril has widely taken advantage of.”

Frederic Wehrey, a research fellow with the Carnegie Endowment, views the ideological spectrum between Islamists and Jibril’s NFA as “quite narrow” [ http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/07/02/electing-new-libya/chk3 ] - the Islamists trumpeting their nationalist credentials and the nationalists making frequent references to Islam as a basis for law and governance. Jibril declared himself a devout, practising Muslim and said sharia was a guiding principle of the NFA.

"The people saw in Jibril an openness to the rest of the world and they craved this openness after being closed off by Gaddafi," said Libyan political analyst Nasser Ahdash. [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/12/us-libya-elections-idUSBRE86B0JI20120712 ]

MB’s deals with Gaddafi might have frightened off some Libyans, said Mustafa Fetouri, a journalist with Al-Monitor. [ http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2012/al-monitor/four-reasons-the-islamists-lost.html ]

According to Imed Lamloum, [ http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5g541ry9sbS7ppe56o2qMDkysfoRg?docId=CNG.34ae9044ca522ccec11ac9e3a3fb0511.1c1 ] Libya bureau chief for AFP, MB is counting on independents to bring it a majority.

“We do not know how the independents will organize their ranks,” said Hanan Salah [ http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2012/07/libya-expectations-of-a-sweeping.html ] from Human Rights Watch.

Fadel Lamen, president of the American Libyan Council, noted [ http://www.acus.org/event/libyas-first-elections-preliminary-look-results-and-outlook ] that whoever wins the party vote will not have a majority and will have to appeal to all the independent candidates to form a governing coalition. He expressed concerns about Jibril’s ability to keep his alliance of various parties and civil society groups together in a highly contested political environment - a view supported by Essam Omeish, director of the Libyan Emergency Taskforce, a Libyan-US NGO-cum-think-tank.

He also said [ http://www.acus.org/event/libyas-first-elections-preliminary-look-results-and-outlook ] it was doubtful that a coalition of 40 parties and over 100 civil society groups could remain a coherent political force. While MB might come in a distant second in the party vote, it could still take advantage of the system to carve out an alliance with independent candidates, especially if the NFA succumbs to infighting. MB might be able to articulate a better and more cohesive platform and national agenda - and if it does, people will flock to them, says Omeish.

Who will create the new constitution?

After a constitutional amendment made by the transitional government last week, the new parliament will no longer be responsible for naming the panel that will draft Libya's new constitution. A 60-member committee will instead be elected directly by Libyan voters later in a separate vote; each of the three historic regions of Libya will get 20 seats on the committee. 

According to the spokesperson of Mahmoud Jibril’s coalition, Hamuda Siala, the GNC should “revoke the amendment”. [ http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20120712-elections-libyennes-coalition-mahmoud-jibril-conforte-avance-cnt ] "The GNC will have the right to cancel this decision. The National Transitional Council adopted the amendment at the last minute at the end of its term, when it had almost no legitimacy. This is unacceptable."

A two-thirds majority will be necessary in the new parliament to repeal the change. 

Wolfram Lacher, a Libya expert from the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin, told IRIN he believes the extent to which the constitution excludes supporters of the former regime from participating in politics will affect the state’s future stability. 

How much decentralization will there be?

The role of minorities will be a bone of contention, as the citizenship status of the Imazighen (Tuaregs) and the Tubu in the south, and the right to use their own language, are highly contested. Which level of the administration has what control over budget allocations will feed into the debate on decentralization, Lacher believes.

Local governance will play a much larger role in the new Libya and local interest is what might also overshadow the activities of the new parliament. Lacher has argued [ http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/03/21/is-autonomy-for-northeastern-libya-realistic/chk0 ] that autonomy for the east is only supported by a small minority of Libyans, a view that is supported [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/03/20/federalism_and_fragmentation_in_libya_not_so_fast ] by Sean Kane, deputy team leader for Libya at the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, who argues that more regional independence would nevertheless play a role. 

George Grant reports in the Libya Herald that the leadership of the eastern federalism movement looks forward to "constructive dialogue" [ http://www.libyaherald.com/federalists-welcome-jibril-victory-hint-at-dissolution-if-dialogue-successful/ ] with the NFA after the elections, viewing Jibril as the closest to them. 

“What this ultimately comes down to is decentralization, and we support that. Some taxes raised locally should be spent locally, for example. The central government must control those issues of concern to the whole nation, such as foreign policy and the central bank, but other things such as harbours, health care and education should be controlled by the districts. It is ludicrous that someone wanting permission to build a school in Kufra should first have to get permission from Tripoli,” Faisal Krekshi, the NFA’s general secretary, told the Libya Herald.

Human rights and democracy

Human Rights Watch in a recent statement [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/06/18/libya-candidates-should-address-torture-illegal-detention ] says the new government will need to tackle the widespread issue of the unlawful detention and torture of those suspected of having supported Gaddafi. Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE19/012/2012/en/f2d36090-5716-4ef1-81a7-f4b1ebd082fc/mde190122012en.pdf ] warned in May that the unchecked power of armed militias was endangering human rights and the rule of law.

Meanwhile, research [ http://www.ox.ac.uk/media/news_releases_for_journalists/120215.html ] conducted in winter 2011 by Oxford University suggests that only 15 percent of Libyans said they wanted some form of democracy in the next year, while 42 percent expressed hope that a new strongman would emerge - perhaps not surprising after 42 years of one-man rule. 

ag/kb/cb

*This is an edited version of the original posting from 17 July 2012

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207180313530675t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 17 July 2012 (IRIN) - The recently reported abduction of the president of Libya’s Olympic Committee, Nabil Elalem, highlights the wobbly security situation in a country awash with arms and where a number of militias still appear to be above the law, but slowly, steps towards stability are being taken.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT-LIBYA: Misery for stranded refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207101600300035t.jpg" />]]>SALLOUM 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - Salloum camp in western Egypt about 5km from the Libyan border is home to about 2,000 refugees, failed asylum seekers and third country nationals who fled Libya in 2011 and cannot return to their countries of origin.</description><body><![CDATA[SALLOUM 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - Salloum camp in western Egypt about 5km from the Libyan border is home to about 2,000 refugees, failed asylum seekers and third country nationals who fled Libya in 2011 and cannot return to their countries of origin.

“The situation here is so miserable,” said Al-Hag Al-Hassan Jabir, a North Darfuri engineer who worked in Libya for 25 years before fleeing to Salloum with his wife and two young children in May 2011. “But staying here is better than going back home.”

Community leader Elham Mohamed Garelnabe said the camp faces a security threat from Libyans across the border despite being built in an area controlled by the Egyptian military. “Sometimes, there are clashes between Libyans and the refugees… Libyans have threatened to burn the camp,” said Garelnabe, adding that refugees have set up committees to provide security around the camp.

Others complain of the desert heat. “It is too hot, even in the night, so you can’t sleep,” said Abu Bakr Huuti Othman, a Somali labourer who arrived at the camp last October.

Apart from latrines, the camp boasts two portable toilets, some tanks of drinking water, a space large enough to play football, and the shelter area itself. Low-hanging electric cables criss-cross the camp and people cook with gas cylinders inside their tents, something which has already led to several fires, one of which destroyed 50 structures in March.

However, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the Egyptian army have agreed to set up a new fenced camp closer to the Libyan border, administered solely by UNHCR, and due to open in early August 2012.

According to Gaston Nteziriba, the UNHCR head in Salloum, sanitation will be improved at the new site and refugees will live in new tents, though fresh drinking water will continue to be a problem: “The water comes from only one desalination plant in Mersa Matruh [200km to the east],” he told IRIN. “When it faces any problem, distribution is disrupted, affecting the camp.”

Provision of health care will also remain a challenge. Residents currently need permission from the military to leave the camp, said Garelnabe.

Limited options

Adam Issa Izzaddin, originally from Chad, lived in Benghazi for years. He remembers fleeing Libya with his wife and two children: “We were not even able to take our clothes… It was raining bullets in Libya when we left.”

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) offered to repatriate Izzaddin and his family, but Izzaddin refused: “I can go anywhere, but I cannot go back to Chad,” he said, explaining that he was a wanted man.

Izzaddin and his family are among a few hundred people in the camp who do not qualify as refugees and refuse to leave the camp.

Ashenafi Geberu, who is originally from Eritrea and used to work as a labourer in Benghazi, said there was no way he could return to Libya: “Any black, they’ll kill… If I had a good family and a good country, I’d go back home… I’m tired of [Sallum]. I’d be the first to leave.”

According to a 2012 report by Human Rights Watch, thousands of Eritreans flee the country because of the harsh conditions of military service. Last June, the International Federation for Human Rights described the treatment of black Africans in Libya as “alarming”.

Resettlement is a priority so the camp can be closed by the end of 2013, said Nteziriba. “Unless there are unforeseen or exceptional circumstances, it won’t be longer than that,” he said. About 300 people have been resettled since February 2011.

ah/eo/cb

EGYPT-LIBYA: Stranded at the border - and frustrated [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92398/EGYPT-LIBYA-Stranded-at-the-border-and-frustrated ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207101600300035t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SALLOUM 11 July 2012 (IRIN) - Salloum camp in western Egypt about 5km from the Libyan border is home to about 2,000 refugees, failed asylum seekers and third country nationals who fled Libya in 2011 and cannot return to their countries of origin.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Accountability in Islam</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021143420685t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.

“When we [in the international community] started thinking differently about relief, and talking about a rights-based approach, it was very easy to equate and put this within the Islamic perspective,” said Khaled Khalifa, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the Gulf Region. “It was there, but we didn’t know about it.”

Despite an increased focus on accountability in recent years and a growing role for aid agencies from the Muslim world [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] in mainstream humanitarian aid operations, few analysts or academics - neither in humanitarian thought nor in Islamic jurisprudence - have asked the question: What does accountability look like in the Islamic context?

The answer can be contradictory.

On the one hand, the Muslim Holy book, the Koran refers to the “known right” of the petitioner and the deprived to the wealth of observant Muslims: “Give to your relatives, to the poor and to the traveller their right, and do not spend wastefully [on yourself],” it says in verse 26, surah 17.

Islamic scripture requires Muslims to give 2.5 percent of their wealth in `zakat’, or mandatory alms, to specific categories of people in need.

“`Zakat’ is not charity,” says Tariq Cheema, president of the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists (WCMP). “`Zakat’ is an obligation. `Zakat’ is a mandatory discharge of duty. It’s not your money. It belongs to the poor.”

As such, billions of dollars are spent each year in helping those in need.

On the other hand, aid in the Muslim world is understood to have more than one purpose.

Fulfilling a religious obligation

Part of it is fulfilling a religious obligation, which means that Muslims should see themselves as first and foremost accountable to God. This can lead to what Marie Juul Petersen, a researcher in politics and development at the Danish Institute for International Studies, calls “the invisibility of the recipient”.

“The provision of aid is a way to gain religious rewards and a place in Paradise,” she wrote in her PhD thesis, For humanity or for the umma?, [ http://www.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/mape/Marie%20Juul%20Petersen%20%20For%20humanity%20or%20for%20the%20umma%20.pdf ] a study of four transnational Muslim NGOs’ ideologies of aid. “If the purpose of aid is to ensure rewards for the donor, the recipient easily becomes irrelevant as anything but an instrument to obtain these rewards…

“What the donor gives is not important; what is important is the intention. This is perhaps most clearly expressed in the frequently mentioned saying, ‘If you save one person it is as if you saved all of humankind.’ It is not important whether you save one or 100 people, but that you save - in other words, it is not the result of the action, but the action itself (and the underlying intention) that matters.”

Some Muslim NGOs complain of the challenges of raising funds for certain activities, because some donors give based on what they believe they will be rewarded for in heaven - building mosques or sponsoring orphans - rather than what may be most needed on the ground.

“Even though donors are becoming more aware of the need to donate toward sustainable development projects, a great deal of raising awareness is still required, especially amongst the first generation of immigrants in the EU and America, about the obligations Islam places on its adherence to help community and eradicating poverty,” said Inlia Aziz, of MuslimAid, a UK-based international NGO.

During many humanitarian crises in the Muslim world - from Somalia to Syria - some Muslim donors have simply sent whatever they have to offer, instead of assessing the true needs of people affected.

“If you are doing charity simply to fulfil your own requirement, then accountability is not there,” Cheema told IRIN. “Accountability is going to come when you are thinking from the perspective of the beneficiary.”

But increasingly, civil society within the Muslim world is realizing the potential of `zakat’ [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] being spent more effectively and calling for a more needs-based and sustainable approach.

Strengthening the `ummah’

Another perceived purpose of aid in the Muslim world, according to Juul Petersen, is strengthening the `ummah’, or global Muslim community, “as a response to problems of spiritual poverty” - meaning that recipients of Muslim aid are primarily Muslim.

Some see nothing wrong with this approach, pointing to other examples of the same: Australian aid focuses on the Pacific region; Belgium focuses on the Great Lakes; increasingly, other donors are targeting their aid by reducing the number of recipients and the scope of work.

“A number of donors’ aid allocation is based on historical, regional, religious, cultural and language ties - should Arab donors be any different?” asks Kerry Smith, programme officer with Development Initiatives, a research and advocacy organization. “Aren’t they best placed to understand the needs of Muslim countries in their region?”

Some Muslim aid workers believe this solidarity between the “sons of the ummah” makes them more accountable, because of their close ties to the people they are trying to help.

“[Other aid workers] don’t have the same feeling of family as we have, that the orphans are a part of our family, that it’s about humanity, family, about making the orphans feel important. For them, it’s routine, it’s just a job they need to do, it’s about finishing work to get home to your own family,” one employee of the Kuwait-based International Islamic Charitable Organization told Juul Petersen.

But the approach has also garnered criticism from secular, Western NGOs, claiming that they discriminate among recipients, thus violating principles of universalism and neutrality so tied to accountability.

In any case, many of the Muslim aid agencies working in the world’s major emergency zones have long worked in the international system and have adopted mainstream development practices. But that too raises questions of accountability.

According to a study [ http://www.developmentinpractice.org/journals/analysing-cultural-proximity-islamic-relief-worldwide-and-rohingya-refugees-bangladesh ] of Islamic Relief’s work in Bangladesh, religious leaders in a refugee camp complained that the NGO was not meeting their religious needs because it had not built enough religious schools, mosques and graveyards.

“We can live without food but we can’t live without our religion,” the refugees reportedly said.

For more stories on humanitarian accountability, please visit our In-Depth [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/95731/97/Are-they-listening-Aid-and-humanitarian-accountability ]

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95742/AID-POLICY-Accountability-in-Islam</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021143420685t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: A faith-based aid revolution in the Muslim world?</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2773t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate. 

At the low end of the estimate, this is 15 times more than global humanitarian aid contributions* [ http://fts.unocha.org/reports/daily/ocha_R18_Y2011___1205310203.pdf ] in 2011.

With aid from traditional Western donors decreasing in the wake of a global recession, and with about a quarter of the Muslim world living on less than $1.25 a day**, this represents a huge pool of potential in the world of aid funding. 

But Islamic finance experts, researchers and development workers say much of the money spent in `zakat’ (mandatory alms) and `sadaqa’ (charity) is mismanaged, wasted or ineffective. 

“Wealth is growing in the Muslim world. So is the poverty. Where have we gone wrong?” asks Tariq Cheema, president of the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists (WCMP), an organization which advises Muslim donors - including some of the thousands of millionaires living in the Gulf - on how to increase sustainability and accountability in their donations. 

Islam requires Muslims to give 2.5 percent of their wealth and assets to the poor every year. Much more is given in voluntary `sadaqa’. But that money is usually donated in small amounts at local levels to feed the poor, help orphans, or build mosques. Muslims say many of them give, almost without thinking, to fulfil a religious obligation. “Our rituals are there, but often they lack the spirit,” Cheema told IRIN. “We just give the money and forget.”

Very little of the money goes towards sustainable development.

“Billions of dollars worth of giving in `zakat’ and `sadaqa’ are unfortunately ineffective by and large,” he said. “Our giving shouldn’t be driven by our desire to prove that we are good people… Our giving should be smart and effective.” 

“We are here to bring that shift in the culture: the paradigm shift from conventional and generous giving to strategic giving… There is a lot of money around that needs to be channelled towards development.” 

Huge potential 

In the early years of Islam, `zakat’, `sadaqa’ and `awqaf’( religious endowments) played a large role in society - not only in poverty alleviation, but in the building of infrastructure and provision of social services. In Ottoman times, some Turkish towns were almost entirely based on religious endowments - the real estate donated, with the rent going towards charitable or social ends: educational and health facilities, research institutes, even the lighting of streets. The endowments are credited as one of the reasons for the “Golden Age” of Islamic civilization from the eighth to the 13th centuries.

But due to colonization, the stagnation of Muslim institutions, mismanagement of `awqaf’ and the inability of their laws to adapt to changing times, these charitable traditions lost their central place in the organization of society. 

Cheema said many Muslims today do not know how to calculate the amount of `zakat’ they should pay and do not have the channels through which to pay it. Governments collect a very small percentage of what they could. 

In 2004, economist Habib Ahmed calculated [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Role_of_Awqaf_and_`zakat’.pdf ] that if all potential `zakat’ were collected in Muslim countries, between a third and half of them could move their poor out of poverty.*** 

“The potential is tremendous,” Ahmed, now chair in Islamic Law and Finance at the Institute of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at Durham University, told IRIN. “But in most countries, it is not being used to the potential.”

Among the reasons, he said, are that people do not trust governments, who have a history of mismanagement, and prefer to give their money to people they know are in need. 

Syed Wafa is a former professor who headed a research group that advised the Malaysian government on distributing `zakat’ funds. He said even Malaysia - one of the most advanced countries in `zakat’ collection - is not strategic in its disbursement of funds. 

“The `zakat’ authority does not have a long-term investment plan,” he told IRIN. “They depend on the yearly collection… Their mindset is: We get the funds; we try to disburse them as fast as possible.” 

Wafa’s recommendation to the government that it disburse `zakat’ funds through loans or micro-credit financing was rejected based on the perception that `zakat’ should, according to religious edict, be owned by the poor, and thus given in the form of direct assistance. In the Malaysian state of Johor, however, the `zakat’ authority allows funds to be spent on student loans for tertiary education.

Feeding the poor and helping orphans are encouraged repeatedly in the Koran and have thus become preferred forms of `zakat’. Building mosques has been a popular form of `sadaqa’, largely due to the Prophet Muhammad’s saying that he who helps build a mosque will have a castle built for him in heaven. 

Muslim NGOs have at times struggled to convince donors to support “intangible” activities like capacity-building or empowerment, over these more tangible causes, according to Marie Juul Peterson, a researcher in politics and development at the Danish Institute for International Studies, who wrote her PhD thesis [ http://www.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/mape/Marie%20Juul%20Petersen%20%20For%20humanity%20or%20for%20the%20umma%20.pdf ] about transnational Muslim NGOs.

“One thing is clear,” said Cheema of WCMP. “Around the Muslim world, there is an increased awareness that if `zakat’ distribution and management is made effective, we can bring revolutions in terms of development - not only for the Muslims, but people around the world.”

Role of government 

Many countries have entire ministries of `zakat’ and `awqaf’, but they are mistrusted, ineffective and badly managed, Ahmed said. But as they wake up to the potential of proper `zakat’ management, some governments are making efforts to centralize the process, either directly through government, through non-profit corporations created by the government; or through hybrid systems, where NGOs also play a role in collecting `zakat’. 

Malaysia has made great strides: in 2010 it collected 1.4 billion Malaysian ringgit (US$443 million) in `zakat’, up from about $95 million 10 years ago, said Wafa, now head of a Shariah-compliant financial institution called KOPSYA, which finances cooperatives through no-interest loans. 

Malaysians who give `zakat’ are given a tax credit. In Pakistan the government deducts `zakat’ on certain categories of assets, with bank account deductions on the first day of Ramadan every year directly deposited in the Central Zakat Fund maintained by the State Bank of Pakistan.

In 2010 the Egyptian government measured, [ http://www.idsc.gov.eg/Upload/Documents/262/charity1.pdf ] for the first time, the amount of money Egyptians donate to charity, estimating it at about 4.5 billion Egyptian pounds ($745 million) in 2009. Others have made estimates two to four times higher. In strictly financial terms, this government estimate would be enough to pull nearly all of Egypt’s poor out of poverty.****

Donor culture built on religion 

Others are also targeting the “charity mentality” at the state level - lobbying governments in the Muslim world, especially the Gulf, to be more strategic with their aid. 

“Our [Muslims’] whole donorship was built on religious charity,” said Ibrahim Osman, director of the Middle East and North Africa region for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). “That has infiltrated even governments and public institutions… Most Muslim countries do handouts, even with international organizations. 

“The Arab world has to change from a charity culture to a humanitarian action business,” he told IRIN. “This is what is missing. It’s always charity.”

But observers say that apart from a few notable exceptions, major reform at the government level is unlikely. 

“We academics talk about the role of `zakat’, but ultimately, if there is no political will at the level of the government, there will not be a structural change which can bring this about,” Habib said. 

“It needs a different mindset,” Wafa added. “The ideas have to come from the public.” 

Increasingly, it is civil society filling the gap. See IRIN’s list of efforts to make Muslim aid more effective. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ]

The role of NGOs

In Egypt, a start-up social business called Madad [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] is trying to shift the billions of pounds spent in Egypt every year in donations and charity by highlighting those NGOs working towards sustainable development. 

“As Muslims, we are raised that you have to pay `zakat’,” said Sameh Awad, head of Madad. “People just go to the poor people and give them money and they feel that they’re fulfilled. 

“We are trying to change the culture of giving among the donors,” he told IRIN, encouraging them to take more interest in how the money they give is spent and whether it creates any lasting change. 

Muslim NGOs, some of whom get up to 80 percent of their funding from `zakat’ and `sadaqa’, are increasingly turning to sustainable development projects like Islamic (interest-free) micro-finance and livelihood support.

Instead of giving money to individual orphans, some NGOs have tried to support them in more strategic ways, introducing human rights, empowerment and “mainstream aid activities”, Juul Peterson, the researcher, said. Other projects have included developing sermons for imams on children’s rights or training them in disaster preparedness.

“You have these new ideas of how good aid should be,” she told IRIN. 

In Egypt, a non-profit organization called Misr al-Kheir, led by the Grand Mufti of Egypt, the highest religious authority in the country, and funded by `zakat’ and `sadaqa’, has been a pioneer in the use of `zakat’ for sustainable ends. Leading by example, the Mufti has made it religiously acceptable to invest `zakat’ in Islamic micro-finance projects and scientific research aimed at improving human development. 

Al-Rajhi Bank and Yousef Abdullatif Jameel Co. in Saudi Arabia and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) are Muslim lending institutions which have attempted to replicate the successes of Grameen bank in Bangladesh.

Several people are also trying to involve the $1 trillion Islamic finance industry in the financing of development, by encouraging Islamic financial institutions to transfer a percentage of their capital towards sustainable livelihoods for the poor, or using Islamic capital market instruments to create `awqaf’. 

Sustainable forms of Muslim aid 

Historically, `awaqf’ have contributed to sustainable development much more than `zakat’; and Muslims are increasing finding innovative and modern versions of the old tradition, including collective and corporate religious endowments.

In 2009, the Organization for Islamic Cooperation’s Fikh Academy, charged with setting religious laws, passed a resolution evolving the rules around `awaqf’ to make them more flexible, allowing temporary `awaqf’, corporate `awaqf’ (through shares of a company) and `awaqf’ in cash - but regulation is still up to the government in most countries. 

NGOs have lobbied Muslim scholars to issue fatwas making it easier for Muslims to give their faith-based charity in non-traditional ways, expanding the forms of acceptable religious charity, reducing waste and increasing sustainability and impact. 

In 2007, Egypt’s Grand Mufti pronounced that contributions to a civil society campaign - including fundraising by text message - to open a new children’s cancer hospital would constitute legitimate `zakat’. The hospital, financed completely through donations, is now the second largest in the world dedicated to paediatric cancer care.

Muslim scholars have also allowed `zakat’ to be given towards relief operations, which has made a big difference in responding to humanitarian disasters. 

Making the most of Eid

One source of waste, historically, has been during the Eid al-Adha holiday, in which Muslims are encouraged to slaughter an animal and donate the meat to the poor - another industry worth millions, if not billions, of dollars. As a result, millions of sheep are estimated to be slaughtered every year in a span of a few days. On such a scale, the meat cannot always be distributed quickly and efficiently enough. 

In 2011, well-known Muslim scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi approved [ http://qaradawi.net/component/content/article/5323.html ] the canning of meat for distribution abroad at a later point. 

Other NGOs, like Muslim Aid and Awqaf New Zealand [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ], are combining the ritual, known as `qurbani’ or `udheya’, with livelihood activities, in which poor farmers rear the animals and sell them to the NGOs during Eid or use other parts of the animal to create revenue. 

“We maximize the donation for the best interest of the poor,” said Husain Benyounis, secretary-general of Awqaf New Zealand. “We turn something out of everything they throw away.”

The Koran says the one of the ways in which you can continue being rewarded for your good deeds after you die is by leaving a form of continuous `sadaqa’, a gift that keeps giving. In a Muslim version of “teaching someone how to fish”, the Prophet Muhammad is said to have helped a beggar find a sustainable income, instead of giving him money. 

“You find very different interpretations of `zakat’ and `sadaqa’,” Peterson said. “[But] people are increasingly using Islamic discourses to argue for sustainability.”

Still, though the Arab Spring may speed up the process, most observers say it will be years before there is any significant shift.

Awad, the young Egyptian social entrepreneur, believes Egypt’s revolution needs to spread to the civil society sector. 

“We need a revolution in all the sectors,” he said. “We need a revolution, not only in leaders, but in the mindset itself.” 

But many continue to have hope in the potential offered through `zakat’, `sadaqa’, `awqaf’ and `qurbani’, especially as social media helps raise awareness and change the feedback loop. Sami Yusuf, a Muslim musician whose involvement in the LiveFeed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] campaign helped raise funds for the World Food Programme, says people just need the right channels to give.

“I think we’re going to be really surprised in the years to come in this part of the world.”

ha/cb

*According to the UN’s Financial Tracking System, global humanitarian funding in 2011 totalled just over $13 billion.

**Calculated by IRIN as an average of the percentage of population living under $1.25 a day in the 40 member countries of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) for which there was data in the 2011 Human Development Index. 

***See page 69 of the link. Calculated by Habib Ahmed using the upper limit (4.3 percent of GDP) of a model used to measure the impact of full `zakat’ collection in IDB countries. (The lower end of the model is 1.8 percent) 
 
****Calculated by IRIN based on an Egyptian population of 85 million - about 2 percent of which live below the poverty line, according to the Human Development Index of 2011. At today’s exchange rate, 4.5 billion pounds works out to about $1.19 dollars per day per person living under the poverty line. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2773t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Making Muslim aid more effective</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206010824150579t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.

But players in Muslim aid say much of the money spent on aid and charity here is mismanaged, wasted, lacking in strategy or ineffective. (See IRIN’s in-depth article on this) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ]

Here are a few new attempts to change that: 

Madad: Created by a 30-year-old Egyptian activist who participated in the 2011 uprising against former president Hosni Mubarak, Madad is a private, social start-up business which aims to shift some of the estimated 5-20 billion Egyptian pounds (US$825 million - $3.3 billion; statistics are not consistent) spent by ordinary people on charity every year towards more sustainable development. The idea is to scour Egypt’s governorates and estimated 40,000 NGOs, and identify those which run successful, sustainable projects that support livelihoods and work towards the Millennium Development Goals. Madad would then highlight those projects through online platforms, so that donors can make more educated decisions about how to spend their money and track the funds once spent. It will start small with a few projects it has already identified, and expand its coverage as its networks grow, with the aim that NGOs will eventually come forward themselves, looking for exposure. The word `madad’ in Arabic means supply; its CEO, Samed Awad, sees it as the supply not only of money, but of resources, visibility, awareness and knowledge, to both donors and NGOs. The commercial launch is scheduled for the beginning of 2013. 

The International Waqf and Zakat Organization [ http://www.worldzakatfoundation.org/ ]: A concept first introduced to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) by the Malaysian government in 2005, the International Waqf and Zakat Organization is meant to become a global fund where `zakat’ (mandatory alms) could be pooled and spent more strategically on long-term objectives. Still in the making, the project does not yet have buy-in from many countries which see `zakat’ management as a sovereign responsibility. 

The Hasanah Trust Fund: Created by the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists last month, the Hassanah Trust Fund hopes to become a sustainable mechanism through which money can be collected from governments and the private sector and then linked with UN agencies or NGOs with a strong track record in poverty reduction, sustainable livelihoods and food security.

Awqaf New Zealand: Millions of sheep are estimated to be slaughtered every year during the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha. Instead of simply distributing their meat to the poor, Awqaf New Zealand, [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Awqaf_New_Zealand_Short%20_Profile.pdf ] an NGO set up in 2011, aims to create a sustainable cycle out of the process by using all parts of the animal to produce revenue that goes back to the poor. Some of the meat is canned for future distribution by aid agencies. The wool and skin go to refugees (along with training, sewing machines and medical insurance) to make relief blankets (sold back to aid agencies at low cost), or items like moccasins that help refugees in the West preserve their heritage. In the future, Awqaf New Zealand plans to use the bones to make Halal gelatin and, possibly, the blood for fertilizer. 

Care by Air: An initiative of Maximus Air Cargo, based in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Care by Air [ http://www.carebyair.aero/ ] is a not-for-profit collection of airways and transport companies which have agreed to give empty space to humanitarian organizations and charities at cost. According to the International Air Transport Association, there are four million tons of empty space on aeroplanes every week. Filling 0.0003 percent of that space would provide meals for five million people, Care by Air says. 

LiveFeed: Using the popularity of musician Sami Yusuf to raise awareness among a younger generation of Muslims, the LiveFeed [ http://livefeedafrica.org/ ] campaign, launched in December 2011, continues to raise money for the World Food Programme to respond to the drought in the Horn of Africa. The video of his single, “Forgotten Promises”, has been viewed by more than one million people on YouTube and has reached at least another 1.5 million through his Facebook and Twitter feeds. “People in the Middle East really want to do good,” Yusuf told IRIN. “They just need an opportunity and a means.”

Corporate `waqf’: In Malaysia, Johor State’s investment corporation, Johor Corporation, has partnered with the state’s Islamic Religious Council to manage a corporate waqf (religious endowment), to which all of its members can contribute a certain percentage of the shares or equity of their company. The returns fund hundreds of thousands of medical treatments for poor people at Waqaf An-Nur Hospital [ http://www.jcorp.com.my/waqaf-an-nur-hospital-clinic-35.aspx ] and its corresponding clinics. According to one local expert, the fund has more than doubled to over 500 million Malaysian ringgits ($157 million) in the last 10 years. 

Collective `waqf’: Another new innovation in the age-old tradition of religious endowments is collective `waqf’, in which several people’s contributions are pooled together to create a single `waqf’. British NGO Muslim Aid is in the process of launching a legacy-giving scheme which will allow people to give a portion of their wealth in their wills to charitable causes to be managed by Muslim Aid. 

Variations on Islamic microfinance: Muslim NGOs like Islamic Relief, Muslim Aid, Misr al-Kheir and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia have been using no-interest microfinance for several years now, but others are now experimenting with micro-loans (as little as $20) and group-lending, in which a loan is given to several people who are equally responsible for paying it back, increasing the peer pressure and thus improving the pay-back rate. 

Office for the Coordination of Foreign Aid (OCFA), UAE: Operational since 2009, the Office for the Coordination of Foreign Aid [ http://ocfa.gov.ae/EN/pages/Home.aspx ] has been tracking the flow of aid out of the United Arab Emirates. The first of its kind in the region, the office is leading the way in aid transparency among Gulf donors and providing information with which to set policy. It is also training other donors in the region to do the same. “Muslim countries should really focus more on sustainable development projects, rather than being reactive to humanitarian crises,” OCFA Director-General Hazza Alqahtani told IRIN, insisting that the Muslim world needs to deliver more “efficient aid”. 

Muslim aid structures: Several groups have emerged in the last few years helping to represent Muslim organizations working in aid. Founder of Islamic Relief Hany El Banna created both the Humanitarian Forum, which encourages dialogue and coordination between aid agencies from the Muslim world and the wider humanitarian system; and the Muslim Charities Forum, which has played a large role in lobbying Muslim scholars to expand definitions of Islam-acceptable charity. The OIC in 2008 created a Humanitarian Affairs department which is increasingly playing a role in coordinating aid among member countries, especially in disaster zones where Muslim aid workers may have better access. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206010824150579t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Libyan minority rights at a crossroads</title><pubDate>Thu, 24 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205230559140092t.jpg" />]]>SEBHA/OUBARI/MURZUQ 24 May 2012 (IRIN) - Since Muammar Gaddafi’s fall seven months ago, Libya’s non-Arab minorities, including an estimated 250,000 Tuaregs, have begun more vehemently to insist on their rights.</description><body><![CDATA[SEBHA/OUBARI/MURZUQ 24 May 2012 (IRIN) - Since Muammar Gaddafi’s fall seven months ago, Libya’s non-Arab minorities, including an estimated 250,000 Tuaregs, have begun more vehemently to insist on their rights. 

“Gaddafi’s policy was ‘keep your dog hungry so that he follows you’,” said one Tuareg activist, al-Hafiz Mohamed Sheikh. “This means keeping people in need. With Tuaregs, he said many times that we would have our rights, but he never fulfilled his promises. Sometimes he would favour some individuals, but not whole communities.”
 
Flying over the ramshackle houses in Tayuri settlement in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha are the blue, green and yellow flags of the Imazighen (non-Arab minorities). During Gaddafi’s time, the Imazighen, including the Tuaregs, experienced cultural and political marginalization, with the regime instituting an all-encompassing pan-Arabic ideology and refusing to recognize them as a distinct ethnic group indigenous to the country and the region. 

Since Gaddafi’s fall, nine new local associations have emerged in Tayuri promoting the rights of Tuaregs. 

According to the International Crisis Group, [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/libya/107-popular-protest-in-north-africa-and-the-middle-east-v-making-sense-of-libya.aspx ] the Arabization of Imazighen communities, “advanced more rapidly and completely in Libya than in any other Maghreb country”. 

Law 24 forbids the Imazighen, including Tuaregs, from giving their children non-Arab names, and those who attended cultural celebrations in neighbouring countries were arrested upon their return to Libya. 

While Gaddafi absorbed a large number of Tuaregs into his army and is said to have used a number of them as mercenaries during the uprising, many suffered from the same historic marginalization as other minority groups.

Nine-tenths of Libyans live along the Mediterranean coast, and many see non-Arab southerners as belonging more to “Africa” than Libya. Tuaregs, a nomadic pastoralist group, are also found in Algeria, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso.
 
“Unacceptable” conditions

Some Tuaregs are optimistic about the future, but despite the renewed sense of freedom, those living in Tayuri say the conditions in which they live are “unacceptable”. By comparison with other neighbourhoods in Sebha, homes in Tayuri are arranged haphazardly; the communities here say they receive little assistance from the state; and there is no proper sewage or refuse disposal system.
 
“There is no infrastructure here at all,” said Mohamed Ahmad Othman, walking gingerly around electric cables scattered across the ground in between the houses. “The electricity here is not organized according to the laws and sometimes the kids that run around die from electric shocks,” he said.
 
According to UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) Chief of Mission Emmanuel Gignac, levels of poverty in Tayuri and other Tuareg neighbourhoods exceed those of other areas in Libya. “They have built the houses themselves, and malnourishment is probably more widespread,” he told IRIN. “Also there is a problem with education since many can’t register their children in schools. It is not a humanitarian crisis, but more of a structural problem.”
 
Without access to the same services and opportunities as other Libyans, the future for many Tuareg youth is difficult. Those that manage to continue studying to university level are often later denied access to good jobs. “At the end of the day, the ones who are literate are in the same position as the ones who are illiterate, so they often get demoralized and there is no motivation to study or to do anything. Everywhere there is an obstacle,” said Sheikh.

Citizenship and statelessness
 
Thousands of non-Arabs like Tuaregs have no official documentation attesting to their citizenship. In Libya, the main proof of citizenship is the family booklet, in which all members of the family are listed and which is presented when applying for jobs, university studies and scholarships, or when taking out a loan from the bank. 

Tuaregs who have been in Libya for 100 years have managed to obtain these documents, but those who settled in the country 40 or 50 years ago were denied a family booklet and possess neither Libyan nor any other citizenship.
 
“This camp is a result of a political problem, not an economic problem. Very few of us have nationality or passports, only identity cards,” said Issa Azaoui, a member of the Toumast Association in Tayuri. “We cannot travel for study or for medical treatment outside Libya, and we cannot even become a high-ranking officer in the army, or a minister, or buy property of our own.”
 
In Oubari, a predominantly Tuareg region about 120km outside Sebha, Abdulsamad Mohamed, 60, told IRIN he is an original Libyan, but cannot apply for a passport or a family booklet. He pulls out the only two documents he has - one a piece of paper on which is listed the members of his family, the other a national ID card which he says he received after returning from a visit to Algeria. Under “nationality” is written “returnee”. “What does this mean? If someone asks which country I come from, do I say `returnee’?” he said.
 
UNCHR’s Gignac said the Tuaregs are essentially stateless. “Under the former regime, there was no process to get nationality. Now it’s a legal and also an administrative issue, but you will need a system in future to apply the law," he said.
 
According to the activists in Tayuri, community members approached Libya’s National Transition Council (NTC) chairperson Mustafa Abdel Jalil to grant citizenship to those who have Libyan origins but were told that this would only happen after the 19 June elections. As a result, determining who has Libyan origins remains a challenge, especially for those who do not have any documents.
 
And in a place like Sebha where porous borders to the south have exacerbated xenophobic fears of the country being infiltrated by foreigners, and already existing prejudices against communities like the Tuaregs, the question of who is truly Libyan might become a highly explosive issue in future.
 
“The term `Libyan origins’ is unclear. If you look at the history, the Imazighen are the original people of Libya. But for the government, the original Libyan is one who speaks Arabic. It's a kind of racism,” said Khamena, a Tuareg elder in Tayuri.
 
Political representation
 
Ahead of the June elections, the absence of family booklets among large numbers of minority communities in the south threatens to exclude them from registering as voters. To circumvent the problem, the government has allowed those with an alternative family document, as well as a driver’s license or national ID card, to register.
 
Voting in the elections, however, constitutes only one aspect of wider political participation. Some are afraid that when they are eventually given documents, these will not be the same as the ones held by other Libyans, continuing the ongoing cycle of discrimination. Another concern is that those without documents cannot run for political office.
 
In Murzuq, an area said to be currently controlled by the minority Tubu community, a large percentage of the population do not have documents. “Elections here are based on tribal affiliations. In some countries minorities have some kind of representation, but we are afraid that we will have no parliamentary representation at all,” said Yusuf Soghi, the outreach coordinator for the local council in Murzuq.
 
The NTC had one Tuareg member from Oubari, Mossa Elkony, but he resigned over frustrations concerning the way Tuareg communities in Ghadamis have been treated by the central government.
 
He told IRIN he is not optimistic about the future, but said whoever takes his place following the elections will have to work very hard. “There are even some people who think the Tuaregs should have all their documents removed and be sent out of Libya,” he said. “And now, it seems like a minor problem, but it could spiral into something bigger, like in Mali. The Tuaregs there have established their own country, Azawad.”

Those living in Oubari concur that Libya will pay the price if minority communities are not given their full rights like other Libyan citizens. “It’s a strategic and a security problem for Libya. If the Tuaregs are given full rights, they know this area and they can bring stability against trafficking and illegal immigration. The government does not realize this,” said Mohamed Abselwelik al-Ansari, head of the al-Ansar Tuareg community sub-tribe. 

“Otherwise, the suffering of the Tuaregs in each country can become a major threat to the stability of the region.”
 
zm/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205230559140092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SEBHA/OUBARI/MURZUQ 24 May 2012 (IRIN) - Since Muammar Gaddafi’s fall seven months ago, Libya’s non-Arab minorities, including an estimated 250,000 Tuaregs, have begun more vehemently to insist on their rights.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Uneasy calm in Sebha after clashes</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg" />]]>SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</description><body><![CDATA[SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.

“You see that place?” Adoum Abaka, a Tubu from Tayuri, a poor neighbourhood of Sebha inhabited mainly by Tubu and Tuareg families, told IRIN, pointing to a nearby building on a hill with gaping holes where the walls used to be. “That is where some of us hid when Tayuri was under attack by the Awlad Sulayman [tribe]. We were fighting with Kalashnikovs. One person was killed there.”

The latest clashes erupted in March between the Tubu ethnic group and the Arab Awlad Sulayman and Awlad Abu Seif tribes. The clashes are said to have begun after a man belonging to the Abu Seif family was killed allegedly by the Tubu. But other narratives suggest the conflict followed a dispute over several million dollars which the ruling Transitional National Council (TNC) was planning to spend in Sebha. The violence went on for six days until the TNC brought in forces from the north to quell it. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ].

The same communities clashed in February in the oasis of Kufra.

TNC forces have brought some semblance of peace to Sebha, but most tribal groups still have their own militias. Wanees Abu Khamada, head of the Special Forces and military governor of southern Libya, told IRIN the military recently banned people from carrying weapons at night. However, no process has yet been established to take back the weapons.

When asked if the army lacked the ability to bring the region under control, he said: “We are still trying. The army is not weak, but it is restricted by law. The militias on the other hand can just go and attack a place on their own.”

Despite the presence of the military, residents of Sebha are apprehensive. Adam Ahmad of Tayuri said the ceasefire between the two groups was an “obligation”, and many were afraid of what would happen if the army pulled out.

“Fighting has ceased, but we don’t know for how long,” said Al-Zarooq from the local council.  

Outside the camp council of Tayuri, an assortment of weapons, including mortars, rockets, artillery and unexploded munitions lie scattered on the ground.

In nearby Al-Hijara, charred remains of abandoned houses and cars stand testimony to the destruction wrought on the neighbourhood. Ali Mohamed Boubacar Julwar, a teacher who fled Sebha for the southern town of al-Qatroun, came back to find his family gone and his house destroyed.

“I found my neighbours outside, no shelter, their property stolen," he said. "They said Awlad Sulayman did it, and some Sebha families.”

Identities and allegiances

The Tubu, an indigenous black African tribe, live in southern Libya, along the Tibesti mountain range, and in Chad and Niger. While some Tubu from Chad were encouraged to migrate north to work in the oil industry under former president Muammar Gaddafi, many indigenous to Libya experienced marginalization and exclusion by the same regime and took up arms on the rebel side during the 2011 uprising. Those living in Kufra in the southeast had their identity cards and passports withdrawn under a 2007 policy aimed at deterring more of them from entering Libya and authorities in the area were told to treat them as foreigners. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/North%20Africa/107%20-%20Popular%20Protest%20in%20North%20Africa%20and%20the%20Middle%20East%20V%20-%20Making%20Sense%20of%20Libya.pdf ]

“The nomadic nature of the Sahara desert tribes and the fact that they have extensions in neighbouring countries were reasons for the previous regime to deny them their rights,” Adam Ahmad, a Tubu leader and head of Tayuri camp council, told IRIN.

During recent clashes, local perceptions of the Tubu as outsiders fuelled the violence, as residents in Sebha unrelated to the initial disputes were urged to take up arms against them.

“The Awlad Sulayman told the people of Sebha that the Tubu want to control the city,” Omar, a resident of Sebha who preferred not to give his full name, told IRIN. “So the people of Sebha, who have always been prejudiced against the Tubu, attacked their areas.”

The discourse over who is truly Libyan and who is an outsider underlies multiple conflicting accounts of the Sebha clashes and larger identity politics in the region.

The city, home [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ] to about 210,000 people, has long served as a hub and transit point for migrants entering the southern borders, often illegally, from Niger, Chad and other countries. As increasing numbers of Tubu arrived in Sebha to support their people during the clashes, the conflict escalated, and xenophobic fears of foreigners led to some cases of arbitrary arrests of African migrants from neighbouring countries like Chad.

“Not all the Tubu are Libyan. Libyans are welcome here, but outsiders are not,” said Mohamed Shahhat, a member of the local council in Sebha, from the Awlad Sulayman tribe. “There are rumours around that Tubu have their nation in the south of Libya. We are afraid of a situation similar to what is happening in Mali where the Tuareg are trying to establish their country. The Tubu are not just a tribe, they are a nation.”

While the Awlad Sulayman express fears of a Tubu takeover, the Qaddadfa and Awlad Sulayman are among the most prominent tribes in Sebha. [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4f8550982.html ] Many of the latter were allied to the Gaddafi regime, while others fought on the rebel side during the uprising. In the four months after Sebha was liberated, residents of Sebha allege that Awlad Sulayman militias took control of the city and that crimes were committed.

Members of the Awlad Sulayman were reluctant to talk to IRIN about their involvement in the conflict or to give interviews with those whose relatives were killed.

Ayoub al-Zarooq said the Awlad Sulayman may have their own ambitions to assume control of the area around Sebha. “Many of the militias are from Awlad Sulayman. The street talk is that they want to control the city and perhaps even the south of Libya,” he said.

It is difficult to say who truly holds power here, according to Bill Lawrence, director of the North Africa Project of International Crisis Group (ICG). "Certain districts in and around Sebha are controlled more by one group or another, and certainly Awlad Sulayman have had the upper hand, but I would not say that one or another group truly holds power, especially after the revolution which made things murkier," he said.

Security south of the city

Both the Tubu and the Awlad Sulayman have lived side by side for decades and both inhabit regions that extend beyond Libya’s borders. It is in these border regions where migrants and smuggled goods make their way north that the conflict which spread to Sebha is said to have originated. “They say the fight started here in Sebha, but in fact, trafficking and smuggling routes are in control of these two groups,” said Omar. “And each one pays the other. This is where the fight actually began, on the border.”

Ahmad Naas Mohamed, a member of the local council from the Abu Seif tribe, denied these claims. “Awlad Sulayman are not controlling the border areas, they are just doing some commerce there," he said. "It is the Tubu who are in control.”

Adam Ahmad of Tayuri local council said much of the southern border region is controlled by the Tubu, but that the Awlad Sulayman may also have their own trafficking routes. Al-Zarooq said the borders presented the greatest security challenge to the southern region, and stability in Sebha would largely depend on securing these regions.

"Stability depends in part on dialogue between the communities and the ability of leaders to avert the worst," ICG's Lawrence said. "Eventually, the overall stability of Libya and these regions will depend on issues of legitimacy and governance and service delivery."

The government has said it will investigate the Sebha clashes, but military governor Abu Khamada said it will take time and facts are hard to gather.

Meanwhile, the residents of Al-Hijara are still waiting for justice. Yusuf Said, a young Tubu who said his mother was killed in the local hospital during the conflict, believes the Tubu must be ready to defend themselves again.

“We consider the war is not over,” he said.

zm/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141142260733t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SEBHA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - A tenuous peace has taken hold in Libya’s southwestern city of Sebha more than a month after tribal clashes killed at least 70 people, with tensions still high between communities living here, many of whom have their own armed militias, according to local residents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Detained migrants face harsh conditions, legal limbo</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg" />]]>BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</description><body><![CDATA[BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.

“I’ve been here for four months,” Mansour told IRIN. “I left Mogadishu in August last year and was arrested in Kufra before they brought me here. Some of us have documents, but they are still being kept in Kufra.” The desert town of Kufra, lies at a point where the borders of Egypt, Chad and Sudan meet.

In another room, 36 men, mainly Egyptians, occupy one room. “We were in Libya even before the revolution, but afterwards, people with and without documents were rounded up,” said one who used to work as a cook in Benghazi before he was detained. Benghazi was a key stronghold of the opposition forces that toppled Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in 2011.

During Libya’s uprising, a number of sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of working as mercenaries for Gaddafi. In the absence of any formal justice system, with militia groups in control of large areas of the country, and with anti-African sentiment pervasive in Libya, many were beaten and detained. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/09/04/libya-stop-arbitrary-arrests-black-africans ]

The authorities at Ganfouda say the migrants currently being held were not accused of being mercenaries, but were locked up for having no documents, or expired papers and fake visas. There are around 400 people in the centre, including 150 Somalis, 100 Bangladeshis and others from Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Nigeria, Ghana, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The conditions are harsh. Garbage lies scattered in the hallways of one of the buildings; detainees eat, sleep and use the toilet all in the same room. The food, which authorities say is provided three times a day, consists of one large bowl of spaghetti shared between groups of five people.

“The policy that they are applying is to round people up whether here in Benghazi or in Kufra and to put them in detention, sometimes even up to 1,800 people, that the centre cannot cope with it,” Yolande Ditewig, the head of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) sub-office in Benghazi told IRIN. “By putting people in detention, you create a humanitarian situation if you don’t have the funds to take care of people. Many countries put migrants in detention, but here there are no facilities to provide for them, for the food and bringing the sanitation up to standards.”

The number of detention centres before the uprising was estimated at between 18 and 24 according to Samuel Cheung, Senior Protection Officer for UNHCR. Current figures are unknown. The Ganfouda authorities complained that the government is not providing any assistance. “We have no support. These computers are from my own house. I have not been paid since October 2011, but I do this as a volunteer, because I love Libya,” said Ahmad Mansour Shekey, a guard at the centre.

Part of the problem is that the Ministry of Interior has not been able to take control of the centres. They are managed by groups of individuals whose allegiance is often unknown. According to UNHCR, the management of Ganfouda has changed four times in the past six months and is not under any particular government unit.

Lack of Legal Framework

It also appears to work as a local labour office, with some migrants allowed out to work, despite the fact that under Article 3 of Libya’s law on illegal migration dating back to the period before the uprising, anyone who employs an illegal migrant is liable to a one thousand dinar (US$800) fine.

“People sometimes ask us to work on their farms, and we do for a few months. But then we are taken back to the detention centre,” Hassan,* an Egyptian migrant told IRIN. “I was taken to work as an agricultural labourer for about 300 dinars a month ($240). If we go out to work, why can’t we just be released? Why do we have to come back here again to the centre?”

A Somali migrant, Abdul Mahmoud,* also said he had been taken out to work on a construction site and then brought back to the centre. Another said he had worked on a farm and was paid 200 dinars a month ($160).

“We are certainly concerned about labour exploitation, and abuse,” said Cheung. “There are some unconfirmed reports of migrants not receiving their wages, or their wages used for the upkeep of the centre. But then at times, detention centres also do release people to work and give them the chance to get regularized.”

In the 1990s, Libya encouraged migration from sub-Saharan Africa to fill a need for unskilled labour in the country.  But subsequent years saw an increase in domestic anti-immigrant sentiment, leading to widespread attacks on sub-Saharan African migrants and intermittent forced repatriation to their countries of origin. Under Gadaffi there was also growing cooperation with the EU to stem migration into Europe.  

There is currently no legal framework to differentiate between economic migrants and asylum seekers. And as the country grapples with consolidating a formal government structure, there appears to be no clear plan on the issue of the migrants.

“There is no asylum framework, no legal system to deal with this problem,” said Ditewig. “If you arrest someone, you need to sort out whether he is a migrant or an asylum seeker. If it is determined that he is a refugee, then it’s better to give him documents and let him go. And if not, then you decide whether you want to give him a work permit, or deport him.”

Those manning the Ganfouda centre say the primary objective of detaining migrants is to prevent them from crossing the sea to Europe. While Libya is well known as a transit route, it has also for a long time been a destination country for economic migrants, and many in Ganfouda say they want to stay in Libya to work.

“I paid US$300 to come across the desert through Niger. Many died on the way from thirst,” Fever Okoro, a Nigerian detainee, told IRIN. “I want to stay here and practice my profession as a welder. Here there are opportunities.”

Government officials, however, do not believe that illegal migrants are coming to Libya for employment. “We want them to work, but they don’t want to. They just want a chance to get to Europe,” General Issa Hammad, head of the Security and Immigration section of the Interior Ministry told IRIN. “Even the Ghanaians and Nigerians, they often stay here for a while, but eventually they too want to go to Europe.”

As for migrants seeking refuge from political upheavals, Hammad thinks solutions must be found in their countries of origin. “For nationalities like the Somalis, a solution must be found so that they can stay in their own countries,” he said, “Otherwise, the best solution is to keep them in the centres. If not, we have to keep rescuing them from the sea.”

He appeared to be unaware that migrants in Ganfouda were being employed locally. “That is illegal. Under Libyan laws, you cannot have contracts with people who are arrested,” he said. “Maybe they are accepting to work for low wages, just to get out of the centre, and then run away.”

In all of Libya’s major cities, migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Bangladesh, Egypt and other countries were employed as cleaners, construction and agricultural labourers and domestic workers, professions that Libyans are reluctant to take up. The violence and upheaval triggered by the 2011 uprising forced 790,000 home, representing what the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) describes as “one of the largest migration crises in modern history”.

A recent report [ http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/index.php?main_page=product_info&cPath=41_7&products_id=785 ] by IOM concludes that “Libya may encounter serious economic and social problems if it cannot attract both skilled and low-skilled migrants to help rebuild the country.”

Libya is going through a time of redefining itself,” said Cheung. “The new government is still looking at its labour market rules. Some readjustments will certainly take place on migration policies.”

*Not their real names

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205021356150034t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BENGHAZI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - In one of the many rooms where detainees are held at Ganfouda detention centre in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi, Suleiman Mansour*, a young Somali from Mogadishu, spends his days locked up along with 15 other migrants. They lie on mattresses propped against the walls, which are scribbled with names and slogans: one says “I love Somalia”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Thousands still afraid to return home</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi's government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.

“We want to go back but cannot,” said Abdul Aziz al-Irwi, who lives in Sidi Slim camp in the capital, Tripoli.  "Some people from another camp tried to return about two months ago, but about seven of them were captured by forces from Zintan and imprisoned.”

Al-Irwi is from the Mshashiya community, an ethnic group from the Nefusa Mountains in Western Libya who were targeted during the uprising by opposition fighters from Zintan, allegedly for being allied with pro-Gaddafi forces. Zintan is a small city also located in the Nefusa Mountains area.

“I am here because Gaddafi’s forces came to the town of Mshashya, so we had to leave," he told IRIN. "They used our town to bomb other areas. We went to Gharyan, and then came to Tripoli.” 

Records from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, show that an estimated 14,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were living in Tripoli as of March. Across Libya, the total number of those still displaced is estimated at 70,000.

Apart from the Mshashiya, others included the Qawalish, also from the Nefusa Mountains, the Tawergha, a group of Touareg families from the west, and those perceived as being loyal to the previous regime from al-Zawiya, Bani Walid and Sirte. 

A sizeable group of the displaced living in Tripoli and Benghazi cities were Tawergha. They were accused of participating in Gaddafi’s assault on Misrata, murdering and raping thousands of people. Reprisal attacks ensued, forcing their entire town of more than 30,000 to flee their homes.  Today, the Tawergha-Misrata case remains a particularly sensitive one in post-Gaddafi Libya. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94455/LIBYA-Rocky-road-ahead-for-Libya-s-Tawergha-minority ]

Until recently, the dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - lived in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of Tripoli. With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. The sign leading to their city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return. 

Needs and security

According to UNHCR, an estimated 100-150,000 people were displaced in October 2011, but that number has reduced progressively with many returning to their communities, including in Bani Walid and Sirte. 

Camp managers at Sidi Slim say conditions are difficult, and the monthly supply of food delivered by agencies and Libaid, the humanitarian arm of the Libyan government, is not enough for each family. 

“In our opinion, food is not a problem,” Muftah M Etwilb, the Chief Executive Officer of Libaid, told IRIN. “There are other needs like education, health and protection. Health is free of charge for all Libyans, but still some people in the camp need immediate services from a dispensary. The other issue is proper housing. We are trying to get the government to provide alternative housing since some of these camps are owned by international companies.” 

Providing protection for the displaced communities, particularly from armed militias still roaming the main cities, remains one of the biggest challenges to date for the transitional government. 

“Since August 2011, we have been subjected to arbitrary attacks and detention,” Abdelrahman Mahmoud, head of the Local Council of the Tawergha in Tripoli, told IRIN. “If Tripoli is safe, then the camps are safe, but if it is not, then we are not safe,” 

In February, militias raided the Marine Academy where about 2,000 Tawergha had taken shelter, killing seven people and abducting three men. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/05/libya-bolster-security-tawergha-camps ] Witnesses claim the militias were from Misrata. 

“The guards from the Marine Academy didn’t have any weapons. When the Misrata brigades came in with weapons, they just moved aside,” Emmanuel Gignac, UNHCR head of mission told IRIN. “What you see now is individual cases inside or outside camps, for instance the Tawergha, including kidnapping for ransom. You can attack people from Tawergha and there is total impunity.”

Amnesty International and other groups have also documented testimonies from among the Mshashiya and Qawalish in Tripoli, who say they were detained and tortured by militias.

Responsibility 

A common refrain heard among agencies and ordinary Libyans is that the government needs to assume responsibility for a host of problems, and internal displacement is no exception. To address the humanitarian needs of IDPs across the country, Libaid is organizing a national conference in May involving government ministries, agencies and representatives of the displaced.  

“It is not exactly a neglected issue, but it’s not the number one priority in Libya. People also have to deal with security, and with the upcoming elections,” said Etwilb. “But we want to make the IDP issue visible on the day-to-day agenda of the government.” 

Contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Social Affairs said:  “We have made available a fund of 400 dinar [US$ 320] a month for people who wish to rent a house outside the camps,” Naima Etaher said. “Concerning the non-Tawergha people, a lot of their houses were not destroyed, and it’s safe to go back, but they just stay in these camps to take advantage of the government.” 

But families in Sidi Slim camp saw things differently. 

In the sweltering heat of a room occupied by a Mshashiya family, people gather to look at footage on a mobile phone which they claim is of destroyed buildings in their home town. “I want to go back. We have been in Mshashiya for over 1,200 years,” said Khalifa Saad Mabrouk, tracing on the floor with his finger what his farm looks like. “I have my trees there, and my houses, my land.” 

When asked if remaining in Tripoli or moving elsewhere would be a solution, Mabrouk and his family were unequivocal. “Absolutely not. Even if conditions here are okay, we want to go home.” 

Reconciliation

What has still not been addressed, and will determine when people might return to their abandoned homes, are the underlying political tensions fueling animosity between different groups and deterring reconciliation, say observers. 

The upcoming conference organized by Libaid is aimed at dealing with the short-term humanitarian needs of displaced populations, but not the political issues. “We try not to politicize the conference,” said Etwilb. “There is a risk if we just make it very open.” 

Likewise, the “Reconciliation committees”, set up by recently by the government to restore relations between different communities, can only deal with minor disputes. “We are trying to get people out of prison, but we are not able to do much for people who killed, raped or stole,” Naji Regebi, a member of one of the committees, told IRIN. “The more serious issues will have to go to the justice system.” 

Some Tawergha like Ismael Shaaban, an elder in Fallah Ladco camp in Tripoli, believe both sides should go to court.  “We will hand over anyone who is guilty to the Libyan government, but we also want people torturing and abusing Tawerghans to be brought to justice,”  he said.

Others like Khadija Absalaam (not real name), whose three sons she claims were detained in Misrata, are more skeptical. “We don’t want peace with the Misratans, we just want a wall between our two cities," she said. "We can live without communicating.” 

The Misratan Local Council, in response to concerns raised by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/11/misrata-local-council-response-human-rights-watch ] about widespread torture and crimes committed in detention centres and toward the Tawergha, denied responsibility saying: “Treatment in the city’s prisons is good….many accusations have been wrongly and falsely attributed to Misrata revolutionaries.”

For the Tawergha and Misratans, long-term reconciliation will need a fully functional formal justice process. But, given that the government is still “settling down” in the words of one official, that is not likely to occur until after the elections, scheduled to take place in June. And even then, true reconciliation on the ground is likely to take time. 

“Even if the humanitarian issues are dealt with by organisations, it is not enough,” said Gignac. “It is about coming to terms with the past and it is going to be a long process.” 

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95237/AID-POLICY-Humanitarianism-in-a-changing-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>