<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Liberia</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 17:30:53 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SIERRA LEONE: &quot;Now we can move on&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110241139480298t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sierra Leoneans are relieved that former warlord and President of Liberia Charles Taylor has been convicted by the Special Court of Sierra Leone on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sierra Leoneans are relieved that former warlord and President of Liberia Charles Taylor has been convicted by the Special Court of Sierra Leone on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.  

Taylor was convicted today by the UN-backed court in The Hague, capital of The Netherlands, of acts of terrorism, murder, violence to life, rape, sexual slavery, outrages to personal dignity, cruel treatment, the use of child soldiers, enslavement and pillage. He has denied the charges.  

President of Liberia from 1997 to 2003, Taylor was accused of supporting the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) who killed, raped and injured tens of thousands of people during Sierra Leone’s 1991-2002 civil war.  

Abioseh, 31, who was used as a sexual slave or “wife” of an RUF commander during the conflict, told IRIN from Makeni, central Sierra Leone, that “Taylor got what he was due - now we have seen justice and can move on.”  

The verdict will not make her daily life or that of other survivors any easier. The father of one of her three children is an ex-RUF commander, and the associated stigma means she has never married and now struggles to provide for her children.  

The RUF were known for their brutal violence, using machetes to cut off people’s limbs, training and coercing thousands of children to injure and kill civilians, and perpetrating widespread sexual violence and rape. An estimated 27,000 Sierra Leoneans were disabled or had one or more of their limbs amputated during the conflict. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94037/SIERRA-LEONE-Amputees-still-waiting-for-reparations-almost-10-years-on ]

The verdict “marks a watershed for efforts to hold the highest level leaders accountable for the greatest crimes, and for the victims of Sierra Leone’s brutal armed conflict”, Annie Gell, an attorney at the Human Rights Watch International Justice Programme, told IRIN.  

This is the first time since the Nuremburg trials in 1947, after World War II, that a former head of state has faced a judgement in an international court, and should be a “wake-up call to leaders everywhere that those in power can be held to account for their crimes”, said Gell.  

Many Sierra Leoneans see Taylor as accountable for atrocities committed during the civil war. His trial, held in The Hague due to stability concerns in Sierra Leone, has taken almost five years. So far eight more people associated with the three main warring factions have been tried and convicted by the court in Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone, and are serving sentences in Rwanda.  

Reactions to the verdict in Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, have been mixed, with some Taylor supporters angry that he has been singled out.  

Though only on trial for his actions relating to the violence in Sierra Leone, Taylor also played a key role in bringing neighbouring Liberia into the civil war in the late 1980s, but no such judicial process has taken place there. Instead, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was rolled out but its recommendations have not been implemented, partly because some of them are so controversial. Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was one of 50 Liberians recommended for subjection to public sanctions - in her case for providing financial support to Charles Taylor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/85158/LIBERIA-Opinion-divided-on-Truth-and-Reconciliation-findings ]  

While the survivors of the violence in Sierra Leone maybe pleased with the verdict, many also stress that practical assistance to help them rebuild their lives is just as important. Those who were sexually abused, wounded or injured during the war were promised reparations to help them move on, but many have yet to receive help, and the amounts are too small to make any significant difference, survivors have told IRIN.  

James Kpomgbo, whose arm was cut off during the war, told a reporter in Freetown after the verdict had been announced: "I will reflect on the suffering we suffered today, but I want to forget - we have known all along Charles Taylor is guilty. Today is just another day where we must find food."

aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95368</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110241139480298t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - Sierra Leoneans are relieved that former warlord and President of Liberia Charles Taylor has been convicted by the Special Court of Sierra Leone on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA: Land grab or development opportunity?</title><pubDate>Fri, 17 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202160755020019t.jpg" />]]>MONROVIA 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of villagers and town residents of Liberia’s Grand Cape Mount Country have attracted nationwide attention in their bid to recover what they say is land seized from them and turned over to a Malaysian agro-industrial concern.</description><body><![CDATA[MONROVIA 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of villagers and town residents of Liberia’s Grand Cape Mount Country have attracted nationwide attention in their bid to recover what they say is land seized from them and turned over to a Malaysian agro-industrial concern. 

A petition sent to President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s office in January by the aggrieved people’s political representatives demanded the return of their land.

“This is unbearable,” Mary Freeman, 42, of Sinje Town said. “Our government must care for us and don’t allow these people to kill us silently. What have we done to go through all of these sufferings? This land belongs to us. We were born here and we give birth to our children here too. This is the only place we know.”

Malaysian company Sime Darby Plantations was granted a permit on 21 April 2010 to cultivate 10,000 hectares of palm oil in Bomi and Grand Cape Mount counties. Now, the company has applied for an additional 15,000 hectares for palm oil cultivation in Garwular and Gola Konneh districts, in the Grand Cape Mount County, and another 20,000 hectares in Gbarpolu County. 

The attorney representing the aggrieved parties of Cape Mount County, Alfred Brownel, has asked the Environmental Protection Agency to reject these additional requests. He vowed his rights group, Green Advocates, would continue to support those who had lost their land.

“These things must stop,” he said. “Our people deserve the right to survive. They shouldn’t be denied their land. We will not stop until their lives are transformed and the situation changed.”

Critics say the concession is a land grab [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94680 ]. When unresolved, land disputes could plunge the country into “serious chaos”, said Jerry Lomah, president of Lomah National Law Firm in Monrovia. 

“The government must set up an active land commission to keep eyes on these issues,” Lomah added. 

Liberia has a history of land conflicts, especially since the end of the civil war in 2003. In the northeastern town of Ganta there is a long-running conflict over land between the Mandingo and Mano people. Lomah said a land commission could speed up resolution of such disputes and the Sime Darby case.

Mistakes made

A seemingly receptive two-term president reacted immediately to the Grand Cape Mount County concerns by visiting the area and meeting residents of Kon Town, Garwula District. She admitted the government should have gone about the negotiations differently. 

“Everybody made mistakes on this one,” she told villagers, “but the thing to do is to correct the mistakes. Now, something could have been done better when it comes to Sime Darby. More consultations and more talks with the people should have taken place.”

She told them that before the government signs an agreement, the legislature conducts public hearings so that views and objections can be raised before an agreement is concluded. However, the residents said they were unaware of any such hearings. 

Johnson Sirleaf said the government would now correct this oversight and seek the views of county residents. 

“I've come to start the process,” she said. “I came with the ministers of justice, internal affairs, labour, and agriculture because all of them have [a] part to play in the process.”

However, she also told residents of Grand Cape Mount County that when government, including legislators, signed documents with foreign companies or countries, these could not be changed. She said the constitution gave government the authority to sign agreements on behalf of the country, and people should not be directing their frustrations at Sime Darby. 

“So, if your government made a mistake, that’s your government. You have to come back to it so we can settle it,” she said. 

She said the citizens’ concerns, especially those about jobs and land-grabbing, would be addressed. She said government would ensure locals were given preference when it came to employment with Sime Darby in Grand Cape Mount County.

The president has set up a committee, co-chaired by officials from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Justice, to look into the citizens’ complaints in an effort to resolve the dispute with Sime Darby. 

Most of those who lost their land have relocated to nearby villages and towns unaffected by the concession. Most are unskilled labourers. 

Sime Darby responds

Meanwhile, Sime Darby has denied seizing land. It said it paid fairly for the land and that it had not used force to evict anyone, as landholders had earlier contended.

Sime Darby Board Chairman Tun Hitam said the company had been serious about being part of the community in Grand Cape Mount County since it came to Liberia in 2010. The firm said it expected to invest US$3.1 billion in its Liberian estates by 2025.

In addition, so far, it has rebuilt and refurnished 15 primary schools, and paid teachers the government rate. Sime Darby said it had also refurbished three new school buses, bought one ambulance and expanded hospital wards in its estates.

Sime Darby plantation senior vice-president of the agribusiness division, Helmy Basha, said the firm had already established four plots of nurseries that would generate 780,000 oil palm seedlings. These would kick-start the first planting of 5,200 hectares at Grand Cape Mount County. He said that by 2025, the firm would have planted up to 170,000 hectares with oil palms in the counties of Grand Cape Mount, Bomi, Bong and Gbarpolu.

"For the next 15 years, we're scheduled to invest in infrastructure like roads, bridges, electricity and piped water. We'll also put up the mills," he said.

Basha said Sime Darby would undertake social and environmental impact assessments before the start of any development. For example, it would maintain riparian buffer zones between water bodies and planted areas.

By 2015, the group would start to put up 15 mills - one for every 10,000 hectares. They would extract crude palm oil, be fuelled by biomass, and be self-sustaining, he said.

The firm expects its business in Liberia to be fully-operational by 2035; 35,000 jobs would be created. 

“There will also be spillover impacts in uplifting the livelihoods of surrounding communities of the estates," Basha said.

Liberians use palm oil to prepare meals. “If Sime Darby supplies some of the oil to the Liberian market, it will reduce the price of palm oil locally,” said Monrovia businesswoman Sarah Sando.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94882</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202160755020019t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MONROVIA 17 February 2012 (IRIN) - Hundreds of villagers and town residents of Liberia’s Grand Cape Mount Country have attracted nationwide attention in their bid to recover what they say is land seized from them and turned over to a Malaysian agro-industrial concern.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Spotlight on New Deal for fragile states</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4/ ] in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.
  
 The New Deal will be piloted in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste, with help from Australia, Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. 
  
 It identifies five peace- and state-building goals as prerequisites for development without which “no MDG [Millenium Development Goals] will be met”, said Marcus Manuel, director of the Budget Strengthening Initiative at the UK’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI), one of the architects of the New Deal. 
  
 The goals include legitimate politics, security, justice, economic foundations and revenues and services. “If you don’t sort them [these criteria] out, no matter how many schools you build, if you haven’t figured out the payroll, you won’t be able to move forward,” Manuel told IRIN. 
  
 For years donor governments have struggled with how to approach development support to fragile states, which lack the systems or resources to process aid effectively, and often have high levels of corruption leading to low value-for-money. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93402 ] 
  
 Aid to fragile states has often propped up corruption, rather than weakened it, says the World Bank. 
  
 Some 1.5 billion people live in conflict-affected and fragile states, most of which are not on track to meet a single MDG. 
  
 However, the recognition that fragile states need a different approach to aid altogether, has gradually turned from policy and discussion - at the Paris and Accra aid fora [ http://www.oecd.org/document/18/0,3343,en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1,00.html ] and declarations for action - into a more concrete action plan, said Manuel. 
  
 New approach
  
 Under the proposed changes (to be presented to member states at the UN General Assembly in September 2012 ) “compacts” with countries will be agreed, i.e. there will be a shared understanding of aid modalities and priorities drawn up by donors, recipient governments and civil society.
  
 Rather than each donor assessing a recipient’s fragility, countries will be encouraged to carry out their own fragility assessments, which should create more apt solutions, Manuel told IRIN. For instance, the government of Timor-Leste deemed the need to re-house internally displaced people as a security priority once the conflict was over, and proposed giving each displaced family significant cash sums to do so. Donors said this approach was too expensive and would not work, but it did, and paid off, says the ODI. 
  
 With country ownership at the heart of aid efforts, donors should not shy away from direct budget support to fragile governments early on, if the right safeguards are set up first, says the ODI in a briefing paper. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=5961&title=budget-strengthening-fragile-states-conflict-g7 ] Donors waited five years after the conflict to invest in government structures in South Sudan, versus two years in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, and just a few months in Afghanistan, and in each example the early support was “critical” to rebuilding state structures, says the ODI. 
  
 In Guinea, deemed by many to be a fragile state, the health and public hygiene minister, Naman Kéita, told IRIN donor hesitancy to fund ministries directly, hampered their chances of setting ambitious agendas. 
  
 However, supporting national auditing systems, and strict financial safeguards come with this approach, stress aid analysts. 
  
 In other proposed shifts, donors will agree to streamline aid flows and their administration under the New Deal, for instance by setting up just one programme management and monitoring unit in each ministry rather than the current practice, where each donor may have its own. When the Rwandan government insisted on this approach, the capacity of its ministries started to increase rather than be over-stretched.
  
 Practical things, such as caps on pay rates also need to be introduced, say the G7+, though the modalities are yet to be worked out. In Liberia, the UN was hiring well-qualified professionals at the same time as the government was, but the UN hired 10 times as many staff, and could pay them two to three times more, constraining the government's ability to hire. 
  
 Critics
  
 However, some practitioners with long experience of working in fragile states, say country ownership and dismantling corruption may not always be a priority for governments. 
  
 John Morlu, ex-auditor-general in Liberia, who some say was pushed out of the job because his anti-corruption probes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93431 ] threatened high-level government officials, was skeptical. “I think we have to be very careful. We talk about countries taking ownership, but do they want to take ownership? I can think of cases in Liberia where it’s much easier to say, `This is UN driven, this is IMF [International Monetary Fund] driven’ because that gives you the political cover you need.” 
  
 Furthermore, local citizens may have priorities other than greater transparency and less corruption, Guinean and Sierra Leonean youths told IRIN: they want jobs more than anything else. 
  
 Manuel hopes that as country systems strengthen, development progress will also speed up - for now, patience is still required: a 2011 World Bank report estimates it takes 20-30 years to dismantle corrupt systems in a government. [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ]
  
 aj/cb
  
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94502</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Sub-Saharan sanitation targets “two centuries away”</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290759390875t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector. [ http://www.wateraid.org/ ]
 
 Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) are being sidelined as governments concentrate on health and education, says the WaterAid report. Meanwhile, people’s lack of access to clean water and basic sanitation services is holding back social and economic development in the region, costing around 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) every year. 
  
 Loss higher than development aid
 
 Inadequate WASH services cost sub-Saharan Africa more than the whole continent receives in development aid - US$47.6 billion in 2009 - according to WaterAid. 
  
 The World Health Organization (WHO) estimated the financial impact of inadequate WASH facilities by looking at the health issues linked to poor hygiene, child mortality, waterborne tropical diseases, the time people spend collecting water; and reductions in educational achievement due to illness and girls’ attendance rates at schools. 
  
 “Diarrhoea, 90 percent of which is attributable to inadequate sanitation and dirty water, is the single biggest killer of children in Africa, and yet sanitation targets are off-track,” Tom Slaymaker, one of the report’s authors, told IRIN.
 
 Every day, 2,000 children die from diarrhoea in sub-Saharan Africa. Four out of 10 people do not have access to safe water, while seven out of 10 do not have appropriate sanitation facilities. 
  
 The disparity between rich and poor is stark. Poor people in sub-Saharan Africa are more than 15 times more likely to practice open defecation due to inadequate or poorly maintained toilets. 
  
 “Unless this changes, we won't see educational progress and it will hold back progress on child health. If you look at development in industrialized countries, sanitation has been key to enabling economic growth and achieving acceptable living standards,” said Slaymaker.
 
 Ministries not powerful
 
 Progress has been slow partly because WASH is not “sexy”, he commented. “On one level it's just a question of political will. Sanitation is not a sexy topic - politicians much prefer to say they're opening a hospital or school, rather than building some toilets.” 
  
 Most policy-makers in charge of WASH “have access to clean water and good sanitation, so they may not be motivated to address it in a distant rural part of the country,” said WaterAid senior policy analyst John Garret. 
  
 Slaymaker noted that “The water ministry is generally less powerful relative to the education and health ministries - which [tend to] have more civil servants and more leverage with the ministry of finance during and after the budget process - [so] in the scramble for funds, the water ministry and sanitation organizations lose out. This all contributes to the sector being a low priority."
 
 Water and sanitation is not an easy sector to reform, given it is usually spread across different ministries, and there is often “no single unified voice in the national budget process for sanitation”, he added.
 
 “Last chance”
 
 WaterAid calls on donors to double the global aid flow to WASH with an additional $10 billion per year in the run-up to 2015, the deadline for achieving the MDGs.  
  
 African governments need to commit at least 3.5 percent of GDP to sanitation and water to get back on track, Slaymaker told IRIN. Only Lesotho, Kenya, Niger and Tanzania are currently spending more than 0.9 percent of GDP on WASH. In Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Liberia, Madagascar, Nigeria, Uganda and Zambia, the most recent expenditure figures fall well below the original 2009 commitment of 0.5 percent of GDP. 
  
 “Despite all the political commitments, we haven't seen the finances to back it up,” Slaymaker told IRIN. African heads of state met in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, earlier in 2011, and although many of their governments had made a commitment in 2009 to spend 0.5 percent of the annual budget on sanitation, “only one or two countries… realized that,” he said. 
  
 Despite this challenge, Slaymaker still thinks the MDG goal can be met if politicians drastically change course. “This is the last chance to make an effort to get back on track,” he told IRIN. “It's a question of… concerted partnership between donors, governments and the private sector. What's lacking at the moment is that concerted drive.”
 
 jl/aj/he 
  
  
 FACT BOX
 
 Over one billion people will miss the global MDG sanitation target if things continue unchanged 
  
 In Asia, India will not reach its MDG on sanitation before 2047, while Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal will not achieve the target before 2028. 
  
 Lack of access to water and sanitation costs African and Asian countries up to 6 percent of their gross domestic product (GDP) each year. 
  
 In India the shortfall in water and sanitation services cost the economy around 6.4 percent of GDP - the equivalent of US$53.8 billion in 2006, according to the World Bank.
 
 In Ethiopia, 193,000 deaths per year are WASH-related, and 71.4 million people have no access to sanitation facilities.
  
 Similar figures apply to Mali, Niger, Benin, Ghana and Congo, where 194,000 deaths a year are WASH-related and 49.5 million people have no access to sanitation facilities. 
  
 According to WaterAid, the Côte d'Ivoire administration targeted 0.06 percent of its GDP to water and sanitation, Ghana spent 0.29 percent, Liberia 0.28 percent, Madagascar 0.28 percent, Nigeria 0.18 percent, Uganda 0.41 percent and Zambia 0.56 percent.
 
 (Sources: World Bank; WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme, 2010; national government documents 2008-2010; WaterAid) 
  
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94241</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009290759390875t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - It will take two centuries for sub-Saharan Africa to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, according to NGO WaterAid, which calls on national leaders to commit 3.5 percent of their annual budget to the sector.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Sahel the danger zone for food insecurity</title><pubDate>Thu, 27 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109241342030732t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.
 
“We are definitely going to have a difficult year,” said Patricia Hoorelbeke, West Africa head of NGO Action Against Hunger (ACF), adding that the NGO is considering expanding its food and nutrition programmes in the region.
 
Food production
 
Food production is expected to be lower than usual in parts of western Niger, Chad’s Sahelian zone, southern Mauritania, western Mali, eastern Burkina Faso, northern Senegal and Nigeria, according to a report by the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and a separate assessment by USAID’s food security monitor FEWS NET. [ http://www.fews.net/Pages/region.aspx?gb=r1&l=en ]
 
Tahoua and Tillabéry in central and northwestern Niger respectively are expected to see significantly reduced outputs, according to FEWS NET.
 
In most of the above-affected areas the rains either started too late or too early, or were unevenly distributed.
 
Cereal production is expected to reach 43-52 million tons for the region, near the 2009 average, according to FEWS NET. More precise figures will be known in mid-November once the harvest is collected.
 
Pastoralists
 
Pastoralists are expected to fare better than they did last year, when hit by drought in the Sahel, but in some agro-pastoralist zones, rains have been delayed, which could lead to poor pasture levels, according to the WFP/FAO report. 
 
“We are worried because these irregular rainfalls have occurred in very vulnerable areas where people’s resilience is already very weakened,” said livelihoods specialist at WFP Jean-Martin Bauer. Many Sahelian households live in a state of chronic food insecurity, he said. “They are the ones with no access to land, lost livestock, without able-bodied men who can find work in cities - they are particularly affected by a decrease in production.” 
 
A government-NGO April 2011 study in 14 agro-pastoral departments of Niger noted that pastoralists with small herds lost on average 90 percent of their livestock in the 2009-2010 drought, while those with large herds lost one quarter. Those who had lost the bulk of their assets have already reduced the quality and quantity of food they are consuming. 
 
The Niger government and partners are currently studying the food insecurity situation, so more will be known soon, he said, adding that it is clear the government will need to carry out some kind of emergency food distributions and food subsidies imminently. 
 
Nutrition
 
Parts of the Sahel year-on-year experience global acute malnutrition rates that surpass emergency thresholds. A third of the population of Chad is chronically undernourished, regardless of the rains or size of the harvest; and more than 50 percent of the population in Niger suffers from food insecurity, with 22 percent extremely food insecure, according to the World Bank in 2009.
 
Global acute malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93701 ] in parts of the Sahelian zone of Chad was on average 15-20 percent over the past five years, and could reach 25 percent this year, according to ACF’s Hoorelbeke.
 
Returnees from Libya
 
The return to Niger and Chad of migrants from Libya who previously sent money home to help mitigate crop deficit is already pushing some families into further food insecurity, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). “These returns have aggravated extreme poverty and hunger which is affecting more than half of Niger's 2.5 million people threatened with food insecurity this year,” said IOM.
 
While international attention and government involvement has been relatively high in Niger compared to the devastating drought of 2005, Oumarou Lalo Keita, principal adviser to the prime minister, said international agencies have been slow to respond to government appeals for increased aid over recent months as a result of the return of some 90,000 migrants from Libya. “There is clearly cause for concern,” he said. Following the 2009-2010 drought, the country does not have sufficient emergency food stocks, he said. “We experience difficulties year-on-year, and there is still a gap between needs and the support we receive.”
 
While governments and aid agencies in West Africa are for the most part well-versed in responding to food insecurity, readiness and capacity is still low in some areas. 
 
Part of the Chadian Sahel and eastern Burkina Faso are not receiving as much international attention, said ACF’s Hoorelbeke. “Chadian Sahel is hardly covered - there are not enough agencies there… If there is a situation that we hear very little about, it is eastern Burkina Faso, where we are likely to see a real problem this year,” she told IRIN. 
 
However, even were more money available, many Sahelian governments lack the capacity to absorb it, notes a report just out by the Sahel Working Group entitled Escaping the Hunger Cycle: Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.groundswellinternational.org/wp-content/uploads/Pathways-to-Resilience-in-the-Sahel.pdf ]
 
Some Sahelian countries, such as Mali, have built up decent emergency buffer stocks following a good 2010 harvest, according to food security analysts. But region-wide, more food security stocks are needed as promised in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) agricultural policy, says the Sahel Working Group.
 
Some governments, such as Senegal, are trying to reduce dependency on international rice markets by boosting their own self-sufficiency. However, boosting agricultural production is only one of many interventions required to boost food-security. Intervening to improve access to food, is equally important, particularly for those who do not work in agriculture - the very poor, pastoralists, urban dwellers and others.
 
Costly food imports
 
Some 40 percent of West Africa’s rice consumption is imported, according to WFP’s Bauer. The Thai government’s recently-issued policy to raise the minimum price guaranteed to farmers has produced tensions on the international rice market. One ton of top quality Thai rice, which is a reference on the food market, has already gone up from US$380 dollars in September 2010 to $495 in September 2011. With the terrible floods currently affecting Thailand, prices should continue to rise, say experts. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94021 ]
 
Most likely to be affected in West Africa are Senegal, Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau and other coastal states. 
 
International wheat prices have also risen since June 2011 because of poor wheat prospects in the USA. The cost of US wheat was up 24 percent in August 2011 from its August 2010 level, according to FAO’s September Global Food Price Monitor. [ http://www.fao.org/giews/english/gfpm/ ]
 
Imported wheat counts for two-thirds of grain consumption in Mauritania: in the capital, Nouakchott, prices have risen by 50 percent since this time last year; while in the desert town of Ouadane in the central-north, wheat prices are at record highs. Even before wheat prices shot up, one in five households was food-insecure in the south, according to the Commission for Food Security and humanitarian partners, and 8 percent had already reduced the amount of food they were eating.
 
Regional markets also require close monitoring, say market analysts. High rice prices in Guinea this year, for instance, drew many of Liberia’s and Sierra Leone’s rice producers to export there, leaving significant grain deficits in Liberia, and a 38 percent price rice since 2010 in urban areas. 
 
The Niger government is working hard to ensure that its local harvest stays predominantly in-country so as not to repeat the problems faced in 2005 when the strength of the Nigerian currency (the naira) against the CFA franc meant Niger and Chad sold more cereals to Nigeria. The naira rose against the CFA in September. However, government interventions to protect markets are also a “double-edged sword”, said adviser to Niger’s prime minister Keita, as it encouraged neighbouring states to do the same, stagnating the market. 
 
Existing safety nets and food aid are inadequate to cope with the spikes in food prices caused by droughts or international markets that the region has experienced in recent months, says the Sahel Working Group. A far more robust regulatory framework is needed to help protect food security, despite market volatility.
 
cb/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94081</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109241342030732t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE-LIBERIA: Shoring up border security</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108051417570668t.jpg" />]]>ZWEDRU 06 September 2011 (IRIN) - With fear still rife among the Ivoirian refugees remaining in eastern Liberia, NGO the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which is managing refugee camps in Grand Gedeh County, is working to ensure refugee camps are apolitical and weapon-free.</description><body><![CDATA[ZWEDRU 06 September 2011 (IRIN) - With fear still rife among the Ivoirian refugees remaining in eastern Liberia, NGO the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which is managing refugee camps in Grand Gedeh County, is working to ensure refugee camps are apolitical and weapon-free.
 
 “This cannot become a political environment… it is the only way to make sure people are safe,” said Steve Anyia, NRC’s manager of Solo refugee camp, 25km from Zwedru, in Grand Gedeh County, eastern Liberia. Several of the refugees milling around Solo camp wore Gbagbo victory T-shirts. “I do not like these T-shirts,” Anyia said angrily as he accompanied IRIN through the camp.
 
 The wearing of these T-shirts was banned by the Liberian Refugee Repatriation and Resettlement Commission at the opening of PTP camp [on the former site of the Prime Timber Company], the latest to be opened in Grand Gedeh on 1 September. 
 
 But Anyia recognizes that creating a neutral, apolitical zone is tough when so many refugees remain angry. Most of the Ivoirians IRIN spoke to in Solo came from parts of western Côte d’Ivoire, including Toulépleu, Guiglo and Bloléquin, where the Guéré ethnic group - known as the Krahn in Liberia - were allegedly targeted by pro-Ouattara militia due to their real or imputed support for ex-President Gbagbo. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92914 ]
 
 “Threat letters”
 
 In June, a number of “threat letters” circulated in Solo camp, talking of revenge and reprisals. The Liberian police were called in to make arrests, easing tensions slightly, according to Anyia. The police have regularly monitored developments since the letters were issued. Anyia asks officers to hide their arms or leave them behind before entering: “We will have no arms in this camp,” he told IRIN.
 
 NRC has appointed dozens of Ivoirians into responsible roles - coordinating food and water distributions, managing cleaning committees - partly to give them ownership over the running of Solo camp and partly to implicate them in keeping it safe.
 
 Refugees IRIN spoke to in Solo said they felt safer in a camp than in a village. “We want to be further from the border so we are less likely to meet more trouble. We do not want to see more violence,” a man, who gave his name only as Celestine, from Guiglo, told IRIN. He said he had seen no indication of arms in the camp. 
 
 Geoffrey Carliez, a UN Refugee Agency field officer, told IRIN political tension in the camps is not a big issue.
 
 UN operations in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire (UNMIL and UNOCI) are working with the Ivoirian and Liberian government security agencies, including the Liberian National Police and the Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization (BIN) to shore up border security in a bid to stop arms being transported to and from Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire, and to try to ensure refugees’ safe passage. 
 
 UNMIL patrols
 
 UNMIL has significantly increased its patrols along the 700km-long border, including by using air patrols in inaccessible areas; while the governments of Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire alongside UNMIL and UNOCI, launched a joint cross-border strategy in mid-August. 
 
 Surveillance has worked in some cases. Intelligence-gathering led BIN to seize large arms caches in River Gee, Maryland, Grand Gedeh and Nimba counties in early August, including machine guns, rockets, and assault rifles.
 
 Prior to that, in June some 36 alleged Ivoirian mercenaries were arrested by the Liberian police’s Emergency Response Unit and BIN in River Gee County in a process supported by the UN Police, according to Yasmina Bouziene, spokesperson for the UN peacekeeping mission in Liberia (UNMIL). These men are now being held in a correctional facility in Zwedru, waiting for their cases to be transferred to one of the country’s 16 judicial courts, according to the UN.
 
 However, “the difficulty in monitoring all border areas all the time should be appreciated,” said Bouziene. Given the porous border, and the constant movement of refugees between villages, camps and across the border, monitoring precisely who or what is crossing back and forth is nearly impossible, an experienced aid worker in Zwedru, told IRIN.
 
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93663</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108051417570668t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZWEDRU 06 September 2011 (IRIN) - With fear still rife among the Ivoirian refugees remaining in eastern Liberia, NGO the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which is managing refugee camps in Grand Gedeh County, is working to ensure refugee camps are apolitical and weapon-free.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Smoothing the way for more pit latrines</title><pubDate>Wed, 31 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108311221160968t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 31 August 2011 (IRIN) - The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and NGOs operating in West Africa say the main barrier to more pit latrines in rural areas is not poverty or lack of resources, but a lack of understanding about costs and benefits.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 31 August 2011 (IRIN) - The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and NGOs operating in West Africa say the main barrier to more pit latrines in rural areas is not poverty or lack of resources, but a lack of understanding about costs and benefits.
 
Building and using latrines is one of the most effective ways to combat diarrhoea, which kills 1.5 million under-five children globally each year [ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs330/en/index.html ]. Poor sanitation is also responsible for spreading cholera and worm infestations.
 
Plan International, WaterAid and UNICEF programmes all encourage communities to recognize the need for better sanitation, and to build latrines themselves. Generally this leads to the construction of basic pit latrines, which can be built for little or no cost if people work together.
 
Villages have advantages over urban areas when it comes to building pit latrines. Aside from access to free natural resources for building, there is more space to install latrines than in urban areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93479 ] and populations are less transient so there is not the same concern people will move on after construction. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87110 ]
 
1. Shift attitudes 
 
Building latrines starts with talking not digging, as education is the first step to sanitation. In the community-led total sanitation (CLTS) approach which aims to change social norms about sanitation, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92015 ] an initial community meeting encourages people to recognize the need to build latrines. 
 
“One of the most effective tools is called `Shit and Food’,” said Jane Bevan, UNICEF water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) specialist. This involves taking a piece of excrement from where people usually relieve themselves and placing it beside a plate of freshly prepared food. People clearly see the flies cross from one to the other and realize what this means if they defecate in the open.
 
Yunusa Duhuwa from Duhuwa village in Jigawa State, northern Nigeria, said an exercise he participated in calculated the amount of excrement produced by the community. “We could not explain where all the excreta had gone,” Duhuwa said. “Then we realized we might have consumed a significant portion of it. At this point we decided to build latrines.”
 
Faison Hilda Ntabe, who works with Plan International in Cameroon, said a current sanitation programme in Bafut, a village in northwestern Cameroon, to stop the spread of cholera began slightly differently as it was implemented in the context of a disaster situation. Plan staff liaised directly with health services in the area and community leaders to build demonstration latrines and deliver community education on hygiene, Ntabe said.
 
While this approach skipped the CLTS-style community meetings, it still relied heavily on education and prompted people to build latrines themselves.
 
2. Make it affordable
 
Another obstacle to latrines is perceived expense. Valentine Manah, a demonstration latrine coordinator with Plan, said in Bafut people initially “didn’t want to construct latrines because according to them latrines are very costly… They didn’t see any reason as they have bushes and a stream nearby.”
 
But if village members do the physical labour themselves and use local materials for construction, latrines are “almost free of charge to construct”, Manah said. “Now about 116 new toilets have been built.”
 
Ada Oko-Williams of WaterAid in Nigeria said their latrine programmes aim to have “all materials locally sourced and at zero cost”. 
 
3. Develop a community plan
 
For toilets to effectively improve sanitation, everyone needs to use them. Villages have an advantage over urban areas here, as close ties mean social pressure can ensure all people follow suit, Bevan said. 
 
When the decision to build latrines is made, the community is supported to develop a plan with an agreed timeframe. On occasions when communities give long timeframes, the facilitator will nudge them with questions such as “You want to wait a year? You want to continue to eat your excrement?” Oko-Williams said. “Normally they reduce the time.”
 
Oko-Williams said in the planning stage vulnerable people who need assistance to construct a latrine are identified. “Normally the young people volunteer to construct latrines for widows and old people.”
 
4. The community builds the latrines
 
Pit latrines are surprisingly straightforward to build. 
 
Firstly a hole needs to be dug - usually the depth of a man’s height, UNICEF’s Bevan said. Then the slab, with a drop hole, is put at the top. This can be made of reinforced concrete if people have the means, or it can be made from wood, mud and other local materials which are usually available for free in rural areas. A cover for the drop hole is needed to prevent flies getting in. After that it is just a matter of erecting walls - from whatever materials are available - to preserve modesty.
 
Duhuwa said each latrine usually took a few days to build, though it was 6-7 months before everyone in his village had one.
 
“We used logs of wood cut from the bushes to create the platforms over the pits that we dug ourselves. Corn stalks are used to build fences around the latrine for privacy. We also use broken earthenware pots to define the drop hole and wooden planks or old enamel plate covers to cover the drop holes,” Duhuwa said 
 
Models vary depending on the country and the materials available. “In Mali they make these nice mud walls,” Bevan said. “In Sierra Leone they have huts with thatched roofs.” 
 
Having people build their own toilets also circumvents issues of appropriate location and design of toilets because people make these decisions themselves. “Why should you build people’s latrines for them? They know what they want,” Bevan said.
 
5. Certify and celebrate
 
The CLTS approach involves certifying villages once they become open-defection-free (ODF) and continuing to monitor hygiene. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83127 ]
 
The idea of ODF certification is common in the developing world, though the rules vary slightly from country to country, Bevan said. For example, some countries include hand-washing facilities at latrines in the criteria for certification.
 
Across West and Central Africa about two and a half million people now live in certified ODF communities and these figures are constantly increasing, Bevan said. In Sierra Leone, two of the country’s 14 districts are aiming to be completely ODF by next year, and several African countries are aiming to become fully ODF in the next few years. 
 
Community celebrations are often used to consolidate commitment to an ODF future. “It’s a bit like a marriage,” Bevan said. “If you’ve had a celebration and someone from the government has come to witness this, you are less likely to go back on your behaviour change.”
 
6. Monitor sanitation
 
Part of the CLTS process involves enlisting the aid of “natural leaders” who emerge in communities to monitor the progress. These leaders are also able to work with local governments or NGOs to begin the CLTS process in neighbouring communities,” Oko-Williams said. “It becomes a ripple effect.”
 
And when the latrine is full - which usually takes two or three years with a family of five or six people - “You plant a fruit tree and build another one,” Bevan said. 
 
wb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93621</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108311221160968t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 31 August 2011 (IRIN) - The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and NGOs operating in West Africa say the main barrier to more pit latrines in rural areas is not poverty or lack of resources, but a lack of understanding about costs and benefits.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Civil society studies West Africa &quot;counter-terrorism plan&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/1181t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar. [ http://www.ecowas.int/ ]
 
 Main issues that emerged were the need to strengthen regional cooperation and to address root causes of terrorism - poverty and lack of education, said Biram Diop, director of the African Institute for Security Sector Transformation, who facilitated discussions. “If people are poor and cannot satisfy their basic needs they are fragile and easy to recruit,” he told IRIN. “Teaching literacy [is important] so people are empowered to think independently.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90703 ]
 
 “It’s important to have media and civil society involved because they play a more and more important role in our countries’ stability,” Diop said, adding that these institutions can “serve as a bridge” to communicate information to the public, and “pressure politicians to make the right decisions at a national and district level”. 
 
 Issues discussed at the meeting are to be incorporated into the plan, which ECOWAS is to present to member countries. Experts say “terrorist” activities and organizations know no borders and a regional approach is needed. 
 
 wb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93458</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/1181t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Do Liberians know what they&apos;re voting for?</title><pubDate>Fri, 05 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108051107050465t.jpg" />]]>MONROVIA 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - In two weeks Liberians will vote in a referendum to change four aspects of the constitution, following which they will vote in presidential and legislative elections in October or November, depending on the outcome of the referendum.</description><body><![CDATA[MONROVIA 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - In two weeks Liberians will vote in a referendum to change four aspects of the constitution, following which they will vote in presidential and legislative elections in October or November, depending on the outcome of the referendum.
 
 Speaking to Liberian market-sellers, students, politicians, governance experts, corruption-fighters, and civil society representatives, it is clear that while most support free, fair and transparent elections, many Liberians are yet to experience the dividends of peace: better education, running water, affordable food are out of reach for many - and politicians need to listen to their needs.
 
 The issues to be addressed in the 23 August referendum are: pushing national elections from October to November 2011; shortening the residency requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates from 10 to five years; shifting the requirement for election for all candidates other than the president from an absolute to a simple majority; increasing the mandatory retirement age for all justices from 70 to 75.
 
 Critics say voters have not been sufficiently informed of what the referendum is all about, and that it is overly ambitious to hold one in an election year. Jerome Verdier, chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee, told IRIN: “You are holding two elections - because the referendum is like an election - just about the same time under an institution that doesn't seem to have the full capacity to conduct these processes, especially almost simultaneously. That is a recipe for conflict, for confusion, for chaos.” 
 
 Opposition parties have voiced concerns over the past few months that clauses in the referendum are designed to favour the ruling Unity Party and sideline some contenders. 
 
 Compelling people to vote for issues rather than people, is always a challenge, says Joe Pemagbi, Liberia coordinator for civil society research group the Open Society Institute (OSIWA). This is particularly the case when 40 percent of citizens are illiterate, and the average adult has had just four years of schooling, according to the UN.
 
 Jackson Speare, head of peace-building organization International Alert, in Monrovia, told IRIN: “It is difficult to explain the proposals, even to the educated… Even in Monrovia, I don't think many persons know about the referendum… What is it? What are the positions?... Why is this referendum important before the election? People need answers to all those questions.”
 
 National Elections Commission chairman James Fromayan admitted it would be hard for some Liberians to engage in the referendum process, but civic education teams are doing as much as they can to inform the electorate. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) just contributed $500,000 towards this, he said.
 
 Civic education is equally needed to engage Liberians in the subsequent elections, said Eddie Jarwolo, head of civil society group National Youth Movement for Transparent Elections (NAYMOTE). “People are not linked to development issues in this country; they feel it’s a waste of time for them,” he said. NAYMOTE is trying to raise awareness of who is who and what is what, in the elections, using local radio to spread the word. 
 The presidential contest is currently personality rather than issues-driven, he said, and that needs to change. 
 
 Electoral contenders
 
 President Sirleaf’s main contenders are the Congress for Democratic Change (CDC) made up of Winston Tubman (nephew to William Tubman, Liberia’s longest-serving president) and ex-FIFA footballer of the year George Weah, who lost out to President Sirleaf in 2005. 
 
 Also gaining strength are Liberty Party candidates: politician and attorney Charles Brumskine, and Bong County Senator Franklin Siakor. 
 
 Notable among other contenders is former rebel leader and warlord Prince Johnson, who was listed as requiring trial for war crimes in the controversial 2009 Truth and Reconciliation (TRC) report. The report also recommended President Sirleaf be barred from future office given her alleged early financial support of Charles Taylor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85215 ]
 President Sirleaf will be running for the Unity Party alongside vice-presidential candidate Joseph Boakai.
 Chelsea Payne, head of human rights and democracy-building non-profit The Carter Center in Liberia, told IRIN: “The best way to get people involved is to go out and tell them what this election is all about. But that is hard - in the southeast there is hardly any radio, even. Some people see their vote as being more useful to people in power than to themselves.”
 
 Liberians need to be made aware that this election is about them, and the issues that they care about, said International Alert’s Speare. Youths need to be engaged in national debates, rather than manipulated by political parties to wreak havoc during voting procedures, as has often been the case in the past, he said.
 
 Too few women running
 
 Women too, feel sidelined from the election process, said Speare. Of 64 MPs in the country, 14 are women, most of them in the Monrovia area. Despite having a woman as president, many women face cultural obstacles from putting their names forward. “For the very few who have come out to put their hands up, they are under threat maybe by the community or from their male counterparts,” Korto Jallah Socree, legislative candidate for the National Democratic Party of Liberia in Montserrado County, told IRIN.
 
 National Elections Commission chairman James Fromayan told IRIN they are trying to appeal to political parties to encourage women to put their names forward. “You can't have an executive committee of sometimes 30 persons and just about two women. That is just not proper,” he told IRIN. Political parties should put their resources behind female candidates, he added.
 
 The perception that women can be leaders is gradually growing, said Speare, but practical impediments such as lack of resources still slow their progress. “The main obstacle to female candidates is money. We can’t give them resources but we are trying to teach them how to mobilize their own.” 
 
 International Alert has trained 490 people across the country in how to run for political office - some 60 women are vying for spots in the southeast, he said. 
 
 Jobs, healthcare, schools, corruption
 
 The priorities for most women and youths IRIN spoke to were education and jobs. 
 Ezekiel Yalliah, who sells beauty products at Nancy B. Doe market in Monrovia, told IRIN: “Education is the most important thing. The president needs to work on that one. If you are young it is very difficult to get a job - with no experience how will you do it? We depend on our parents.” 
 
 Acarous Gray, secretary-general of the CDC, told IRIN: “A lot of companies have been coming but employment has not really been created to a high extent… We believe that jobs must not only be created for white-collar workers. We have a responsibility to provide jobs for unskilled labourers also.”
 
 The unemployment rate in Liberia is estimated to be around 80 percent.
 
 Political parties must make more of an effort to reach out to Liberians living outside of the capital, analysts told IRIN. A US-based Berkeley University study [ http://www.peacebuildingdata.org/liberia ] on Liberians’ priorities for peace and development, conducted in late 2010 found a high degree of socio-economic inequality between Greater Monrovia and the rest of the country: with non-Monrovians two to three times more likely to have no education and belong to the poorest asset group. 
 
 “Beyond Monrovia, you don't have much information on electoral activities, and that is extremely risky because when people don't feel that they are up to date on issues, then you have chaos when people don't feel that they are part of a process, a national process as elections,” said Speare.
 
 Investment up, infrastructure still poor
 
 After five years under President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, foreign investment in Liberia is significantly up: Six iron-ore deals have been signed; steel company ArcelorMittal is investing US$1.6 billion in building a railway from the Guinea border to Buchanan port; while oil giant Chevron plans to start exploratory drilling for oil at the end of 2011.
 
 But the country’s infrastructure is still in pieces - some roads have been improved in Monrovia and en route from the capital to Zwedru with the help of the World Bank, the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and the European Commission, but still just 7 percent of the country’s roads are paved, according to Sirleaf.
 
 Electricity supply has incrementally improved in Monrovia, and a few principal roads are lit by solar-powered street-lamps, but the majority of Liberians still live without light or running water. Those who can afford to, run diesel generators and most businesses get their water delivered by truck.
 
 Just over half of children are currently in school; 38 percent of the population is under-nourished; and the average per capita income is just over $1 per day. While development indicators are up since the war, Liberia ranks 162 out of 169 countries on the UN Human Development Index. [ http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/indicators/22406.html ] 
 
 The performance of some sectors has improved - notably the health sector, the ministry for which has been reorganized and divested of many ghost workers. Health clinic facilities have improved across the country - many now run on solar power - and additional nurses have been trained and added to the workforce. But still, just 2.8 percent of gross domestic product was spent on health, according to the most-recently available statistics (2007), and maternal and child mortality are among the world’s highest.
 
 However, building the capacity of fragile ministries, and witnessing development progress, takes several decades, EU humanitarian aid (ECHO) head in Liberia Koen Henckaerts stressed, and no one can expect sudden results. 
 
 People should focus more on what the president has achieved, says Monrovia market-seller Annie Wilson. “The government has done well. We see good roads and the justice system has improved overwhelmingly. Everybody is involved in decision-making. Our international relations are on course. So I say bravo to President Sirleaf. I will vote for her.”
 
 Fighting corruption
 
 President Sirleaf made fighting corruption one of her administration’s priorities, launching a war against it in her 2006 inaugural address. 
 
 But while significant progress has been made, says Liberia Anti-Corruption Committee (LACC) Chairwoman Frances Johnson-Allison, corruption is still culturally endemic, and only a minority of institutional leaders is concerned.
 
 “There are three wings of government - legislative, executive and judiciary - and we need all three to want to fight corruption... Only one has done this so far... A lot has been achieved, but corruption is still thriving,” she told IRIN.
 
 The president has shown commitment, setting up an autonomous General Auditing Commission (GAC) to audit several ministries, the result of which was widespread naming and shaming of high-level officials, and a spotlight on the existence of ghost-workers and inappropriate procurement practices. The LACC was also set up to investigate acts of corruption found in GAC reports. 
 
 An ongoing case in the courts involves the Liberia Telecom Authority whose ex-chair is accused of plundering fund.
 
 But the LACC has no prosecution or subpoena powers, and GAC head John Morlu resigned earlier this year - some speculated he was doing his job a little too well. “I met a lot of resistance to begin with and many MPs were just not interested, although the auditor is there to support the constitutional oversight role of parliament,” Morlu told IRIN at an aid effectiveness conference in London last week. 
 
 The LACC’s Johnson-Allison told IRIN: “We’re at the mercy of our custodians giving us information, but we can’t go to court and undertake investigation.” Local courts are too strained to take on anti-corruption cases, and do not prioritize those that come their way, seriously constraining the LACC’s abilities, she added, calling for a special anti-corruption court to be set up. 
 
 OSIWA’s Pemagbi told IRIN: “I think they [LACC] need to be a lot more proactive and a lot more aggressive…. in the anti-corruption fight… For the public nothing has been done until they see some level of prosecution, especially with the big guys.”
 
 Leaders must set an example, said Johnson-Allison, but corruption must be fought at every level. “I don’t know if they [people] are ready to fight corruption. I see ambivalence,” she said.
 
 A vegetable-seller at Nancy B Doe market in Sinkor, Monrovia, Patience Cooper, agrees: “Everyone is corrupt. Because even in your home when your husband gives you your money to go and buy food, you sometimes steal some. So when you talk about corruption, everyone is corrupt.”
 
 However, fighting corruption too, takes time - a 2011 study put it at 30 years with high-level commitment. [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ] 
 
 Reconciliation
 
 Liberians have made strides to reconcile and move on following the brutal 13 years of conflict (1989-1996 and 1999-2003), civil society representatives told IRIN.
 
 In her 26 July Independence Day message to the nation, President Sirleaf said: “Our process of national healing and reconciliation is neither perfect nor complete, but we know we have made the necessary first step on this long journey.”
 
 Some 78 percent of Liberians considered themselves a victim of conflict - having been displaced; experiencing physical violence; or by having their property, land or belongings destroyed, according to the Berkeley University study.
 Liberians feel safer now than they have in recent years: two-thirds of Liberians said they felt safe and most said security had improved in the last 12 months, according to the Berkeley University study. Most too, were positive about the country’s prospects for peace, stressing that educating youths, reducing poverty and addressing land ownership issues [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89149 ] need to be priorities to sustain it. Ethnic divisions while one of the principal causes of the civil war, were not identified as major causes of instability, they said. 
 
 However, the sticky issue of how to take forward the Truth and Reconciliation Committee’s controversial findings [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85215 ] remains unanswered. Since they were announced in 2009, there has been little parliamentary activity to address them.
 
 TRC Chair Jerome Verdier is frustrated: “It is very unfortunate that up to present and on the eve of elections, no meaningful efforts have been initiated to ensure the systematic, strategic, and orderly implementation of the TRC recommendations.”
 
 The result of this impasse is that some important reconciliation processes addressed by the TRC, such as the Palava huts [ http://trcofliberia.org/resources/reports/final/volume-three-12_layout-1.pdf ] designed to boost national dialogue, are not being given enough weight, said Speare. Instead of a national commission being set up to address all aspects of the TRC, these are relegated to over-strained bodies such as the Human Rights Commission to take forward, he said. Rather than sweeping all of the findings under the carpet, the nation needs to start a national debate to address them, he told IRIN.
 
 “We need to ensure that all we do has reconciliation involved as part of it.” 
 
 Post-war tensions between the people of Nimba and Grand Gedeh counties in the southeast - now home to some 162,000 Ivoirian refugees - are still there, said Speare, and cannot be ignored. 
 
 “We have not done much in terms of reconciliation, especially in the southeast.... If you talk to the people of Grand Gedeh, traditionally as Liberians they say, 'Well, everything is OK'. But it is not OK. “People should not pretend about this… We need to talk about this. We need to settle it.”
 
 For Verdier, going into elections with unresolved tensions “raises the possibility of reigniting this latent conflict in our community and in the country. An entire generation has known nothing but conflict and war. And these are the masterminds; these are the organizers… of the war. And to perpetuate their rule and their participation at the highest level of governance doesn't set any example for the new generation.”
 
 It is against this mixed picture that elections are going ahead: the NEC is packaging up materials to send around the country, and aims to train 23,000 volunteers to help manage the elections. 
 
 Local groups and the Carter Center are preparing to monitor the elections. ECOWAS may also send a team. 
 
 Liberians must build on the efforts to improve governance and boost development that they themselves and their government have made, said OSIWA’s Pemagbi. “This country can't afford to go back to where it came from. So much has been achieved… People have invested so much time, energy, and resources into rebuilding and promoting democracy.”
 
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93431</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108051107050465t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MONROVIA 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - In two weeks Liberians will vote in a referendum to change four aspects of the constitution, following which they will vote in presidential and legislative elections in October or November, depending on the outcome of the referendum.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA-COTE D’IVOIRE: “I really miss my mother - and my bicycle”</title><pubDate>Fri, 05 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041006510418t.jpg" />]]>JANZON AXIS, GRAND GEDEH COUNTY 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - When Ivoirian villages were attacked during the post-election violence, causing hundreds of thousands to flee, many children were separated from their parents.</description><body><![CDATA[JANZON AXIS, GRAND GEDEH COUNTY 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - When Ivoirian villages were attacked during the post-election violence, causing hundreds of thousands to flee, many children were separated from their parents. 
 
 “I fled with my older brother into the forest. I couldn’t find my parents. I had nothing with me - no shoes, no clothes, nothing,” said Julius, 13, from Bangolo in western Côte d’Ivoire, who is now living in a host village in Liberia, Janzon Axis, 24 KM from the Ivoirian border, with a caregiver called Isabelle Baglé.
 
 Some children ran home from their schools when they heard gunfire - only to find their village abandoned. Others fled directly into the forest from wherever they were; while yet others lost their parents or relatives en route. Most are young children, though some babies were also left stranded.
 
 “Babies may just be left behind when people flee quickly - and by the time you go back for them, it may be too late,” said Celestine Guèye, a refugee living next-door to Baglé.
 
 Since the beginning of the year the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has registered 400 unaccompanied and separated children in Nimba and Grand Gedeh counties in southeastern Liberia. These are either children who are separated from their parents but accompanied by a relative, or children who are unaccompanied by any family members. 
 
 Save the Children child protection manager Iris Knuppel estimates there may be as many as 450 separated and unaccompanied children in Grand Gedeh, adding that the number could be higher given that only about 70 percent of the refugee child population has been screened so far. The NGO registers children to try to find them foster families en route to being reunited with their families by ICRC.
 
 Julius’s older brother abandoned him in a village en route to the Liberian side of the border, leaving him alone. “Then we found each other,” he said, referring to Baglé, also a refugee with three children of her own, one of them a six-month baby. Together they reached Janzon Axis which was once home to 11,000 Liberians and now hosts an additional 27,000 Ivoirians, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
 
 Julius is starting to feel at home here, said Baglé. When IRIN approached, he was helping to thatch the roof of what will soon be his new house, with palm fronds. The house is some 10 metres away from the home of Thomas Roo who has given them the land and permission to build. 
 
 “This is my new family,” said Julius, who looked down, and then said quietly, “but I really miss my mother - and my bicycle.”
 
 Finding families
 
 Thus far ICRC has restored contact between 100 children and their families, according to ICRC. A further 65 families in Côte d’Ivoire have requested ICRC to find their children. ICRC teams are currently working to reunite the families of 15 children, said protection field officer William Monde De Zeade.
 
 Finding a parent is always the first option. If that does not work out, then they identify other close relatives. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92203 ]
 
 Tracing delays partly come down to lingering instability in western Côte d’Ivoire which makes it difficult to send out teams, said Knuppel. But identifying children in the first place has been much more time-consuming here than in many crises because refugees are spread out over some 50 villages in Grand Gedeh alone, and are constantly on the move.  
 
 “People are so spread out that logistics is a nightmare. It takes more money, is much more time-consuming and it takes much, much more effort,” Knuppel told IRIN. “We have to use two and half times the number of staff that we’d need elsewhere, to look for these children. It’s a headache.” 
 
 In the town of Zwedru, capital of Grand Gedeh, it took Save the Children over two months to identify 35 separated children. “There are 4,000 refugees amid a population of 29,000 - it is so hard to find them,” said Knuppel. 
 
 Often hardest of all to trace are the families of babies, said the ICRC’s De Zeade. “We take a photo and try to figure out where they might have come from by talking to the people who picked them up along the way. That’s all we have to go on.”
 
 On the move
 
 Many refugees go back and forth across the border to tend to their farms, or in and out of the town of Zwedru looking for work, according to aid agency staff. These fluid movements have made it very difficult to get accurate numbers on registration across Maryland, Nimba and Grand Gedeh counties.
 
 ICRC and Save the Children have geographically mapped out different areas to screen children, and then try to refer cases to each other to ensure there is no duplication. All tracing cases are referred to ICRC, while training caregivers and foster families is left to Save the Children.
 
 Particularly vulnerable children -for instance those who are being taken care of by teenage mothers, single parents, or by parents who already have many children, must be prioritized in the tracing process, said Knuppel. 
 
 Julius is slowly settling in, but he has not forgotten home. “As soon as the war is over, I want to go home and find my family,” he told IRIN.
 
 Despite huge challenges, agencies do not give up on separated children, said Knuppel. Only this year, ICRC reunited an Ivoirian child who had been separated from his parents since 2004. “You don’t give up until you find a solution,” she said.
 
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93419</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041006510418t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JANZON AXIS, GRAND GEDEH COUNTY 05 August 2011 (IRIN) - When Ivoirian villages were attacked during the post-election violence, causing hundreds of thousands to flee, many children were separated from their parents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA-COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Refugees look for long-term solutions</title><pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041004220293t.jpg" />]]>ZWEDRU 04 August 2011 (IRIN) - As refugees look set to stay in eastern Liberia for some time to come, they are starting to lay the foundations of new lives in their temporary home, while aid agencies and donors try to revamp their aid responses to address longer-term needs.</description><body><![CDATA[ZWEDRU 04 August 2011 (IRIN) - As refugees look set to stay in eastern Liberia for some time to come, they are starting to lay the foundations of new lives in their temporary home, while aid agencies and donors try to revamp their aid responses to address longer-term needs.
 
The vast majority of refugees say they cannot envisage returning home within the next six months - many IRIN spoke to said they could not imagine returning within the year - unless a clear plan to improve security in western Côte d’Ivoire is put in place.
 
All over Janzon Axis, a village some 20km from Zwedru, capital of Grand Geddeh County, Ivoirians are busy building simple wooden houses. Some 29,000 Ivoirians have settled here in recent months, quadrupling the village’s population. 
 
Parts of the village are starting to look crowded. But with forest surrounding them, land is not an issue, said Thomas Roo, who has helped two refugee families build houses on his plot of land. “We have plenty of land for houses here,” he told IRIN. “We were all refugees with these same people once,” he said. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92914 ]
 
Village chief James Moroo is hosting the same Ivoirian family who hosted him for 14 years in their village across the border, during Liberia’s civil war. Most of the refugees here are from the Guéré community, closely connected to the Krahn in Liberia.
 
While some facilities in the village, like latrines, and the local school are stretched - the school now runs two daily sessions, one for Liberians, one for Ivoirians - some local villagers say life has improved since the refugees arrived. Food aid is being delivered to refugee and host families by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the World Food Programme; free health services at the local clinic - provided by NGO Merlin - have been stepped up; and a play area for children has been set up by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and Save the Children.
 
A move into camps
 
But UNHCR wants to move the bulk of the refugee population into camps by the end of the year. The plan is to settle 80,000 people across four camps; while 30,000 will remain in villages, and a predicted 30,000 will return to Cote d’Ivoire.
 
Several Ivoirians in Janzon Axis told IRIN they did not want to move to a camp. “Here, we can cross the border to check our land... and here we can live in our own houses,” said Georgette Blo.
 
Refugees want to be self-sufficient said Marselline Blé, who arrived in March, but to do that they need some basics. “We still have no cooking pots and don’t have enough plates to serve food from,” she said. “We don’t have enough clothes to put on.” Most Ivoirians lack sufficient clothing and many arrived without shoes. 
 
A Liberian used clothing market salesman pours clothing onto mats at the entrance to the village, but most refugees cannot afford to buy his wares. 
 
Driving to Janzon, it is clear why UNHCR hopes people move to camps - the mud road became virtually impassable after one moderate rain - and responding to needs in these conditions, across 50 villages in Grand Geddeh, is slow and difficult.
 
But in the long-term, it might be easier for agencies if people stay in villages, said Koen Henckaerts, head of EU humanitarian aid agency ECHO, as they will take more ownership in rebuilding their lives, rebuilding their own houses and producing some of their own food, if they keep their farms going. 
 
UNHCR has recently shifted the status of Solo and Duogee refugee camps in Grand Geddeh from transitional to more permanent status, which means the tents each family was given will be replaced by semi-permanent shelters made out of bamboo, mud and plastic sheeting, according to UNHCR spokesperson Geoffrey Carliez. “As semi-permanent structures take up more land than tents, land-clearing is an operational priority,” he told IRIN.
 
In Solo refugee camp, some 15km from Zwedru, where 6,090 Ivoirians are sheltering, those who have been appointed jobs are pleased. Justin is a refugee coordinator who worked for NGO Caritas in Côte d’Ivoire. “I am happy to be working, though it would be nice to earn some small money,” he told IRIN.
 
Sitting beside him, Yvonne Shion told IRIN she used to work as a tailor in Guiglo. “If I could just get hold of a machine, I could start working again.”
 
Most refugees here have nothing but the food they are given - rice, oil and beans. Those who arrived with modest resources have set up stalls selling condiments in short supply - salt, sugar and pepper sauce.
 
Education
 
In one corner of the camp, youths are playing football. In another, young children are in class. UNICEF and Save the Children have recently set up a temporary school in the camp, and are currently clearing a patch of forest to build a more permanent structure. 
 
“When children have experienced trauma, school can bring them together and de-stress them, and help them to develop and return to normalcy,” education coordinator for Save the Children Khrishnakumer Palanisamy told IRIN. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82272 ]
 
Some 447 children are now enrolled in six primary grades. Justin Pouho was a retired teacher in Toulepleu but is now trying to control a class of around 30 rambunctious nine-year-olds. “We have to continue working. We are qualified. We saw the children suffering and we didn’t want them to live without learning,” he told IRIN. 
 
“They are now adapting. At first many of the children were sitting around, looking pensive, stuck in their thoughts... Some were violent with their friends. Now they are starting to talk to us. We are seeing them start to play... They seem happier here.” 
 
Many donors see education as lying outside of the traditional humanitarian response. ECHO, for instance, funds health, food and shelter support for refugees, but not education - but in surveys many refugees stress education as one of their top priorities, according to Save the Children.
 
Here, children learn the Ivoirian curriculum which the government sent to UNICEF. The school will run through the holidays to help children who missed school during the violence, to catch up.
 
No secondary school
 
But there is no funding as yet for a secondary school, leaving teenagers and youths with little to do. Michael Manhan, 18, who came to Solo with his aunt (he does not know where his parents are), told IRIN: “I try to find some small work to feed my aunt, but I have nothing else to do all day,” he told IRIN. “I’d like to study for my bac [the baccalaureate education qualification].”
 
Save the Children is asking the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and other funders if they would consider funding secondary schools, but it looks “unlikely” that they would be able to set one up very soon, said Save the Children’s Palanisamy.
 
Aid agencies and donors now need to work out their longer-term strategies carefully, UNHCR protection associate Sianie Kolubah told IRIN. “The aid response has started to pick up and improve over the past two months. If this pace continues, some donors might see a reason to keep on assisting for some time.” UNHCR has submitted its plans and requests for funding to support refugees until the end of 2013, said Carliez. “We are currently finding medium to long-term solutions for the majority of refugees,” he told IRIN. 
 
In the meantime, teachers at Solo camp’s school look forward to their first pay cheque, which is to arrive this month. As of 1 August they are to be paid Liberian teacher salaries - currently US$75-120 per month, though the government may soon raise this to $135.
 
“We have all been made equal here [in Solo],” said teacher, Bah. “We have all been lowered to the same level. Even government officials and people with important jobs are living in the same way, with the same-sized tent, using the same latrines.”
 
What helps each as they prepare to rebuild their lives, is the “warm welcome of their Liberian brothers and sisters”, and “the mutual respect that we all have for one another”, he said. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93417</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108041004220293t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZWEDRU 04 August 2011 (IRIN) - As refugees look set to stay in eastern Liberia for some time to come, they are starting to lay the foundations of new lives in their temporary home, while aid agencies and donors try to revamp their aid responses to address longer-term needs.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: The conundrum of achieving “value for money” in fragile states</title><pubDate>Tue, 02 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107211153100092t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - When the fourth high-level forum on aid effectiveness holds its next session in the South Korean port town of Busan in November, the issue of how successfully development aid can, and should, be assessed will be high on the agenda. Aid measurements cannot be “dumbed down”, say analysts, particularly in fragile states.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - When the fourth high-level forum on aid effectiveness [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4 ] holds its next session in the South Korean port town of Busan in November, the issue of how successfully development aid can, and should, be discussed will be high on the agenda. Aid measurements cannot be “dumbed down”, say analysts, particularly in fragile states.
 
The aid effectiveness debate is high on many donor radar and is particularly lively in the UK where the government promised to maintain its level of development aid, despite the economic recession. 
 
At a meeting on aid effectiveness in London on 25 July, Sarah Cliffe, World Bank director responsible for the World Development Report, [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/ ] said that on recent visits to the rest of Europe she had found what she called “a sense of amazement” that the UK had maintained its commitment to aid levels through the financial crisis.
 
Aid budgets of the Netherlands, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Korea, Portugal and Ireland all shrunk for the second year running in 2011. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ]
 
Value for money
 
The UK government’s answer has been to stress how determined it is to get “Value for Money” from the assistance it gives, making this the main criterion for judging aid programmes. 
 
It is a demand that weighs heavily on developing country partners, which are constantly under pressure to demonstrate that the donor is getting full value from every penny spent, however difficult the circumstances.
 
John Morlu, until recently Liberia’s auditor general, is despairing about the “Value for Money” agenda when it is applied to countries like his. “I am the auditor general of a fragile state and you are asking me to do `Value for Money’? There are no criteria. South Africa can do `Value for Money’; they have national accounts. We don’t. It all comes down to understanding local realities.”
 
Sue Unsworth, formerly with the UK Department for International Development, now a principal with advisory group The Policy Practice, talks of the fundamental dishonesty of presenting everything in terms of measurable results and the inherent assumption that development challenges are simply about lack of finance and skill and so something which external donors can deal with.
 
“Dumbed down” aid?
 
She was particularly scathing about a June 2011 speech by Andrew Mitchell,  the UK development minister, and his examples of effective aid. “One of them was about vaccination, which is a case with an unusually strong causal link between specific monitorable actions and outcomes,” said Unsworth. “And the other examples were about specific projects, and as we all know, you can get great results in the micro-environment of a project. The problem is how you sustain them over time and how you scale them up.”
 
Her sentiments were echoed by UK Overseas Development Institute researcher Alina Rocha Menocal, who condemned what she called the “dumbing down” of aid, including the much praised campaign to Make Poverty History, [ http://www.makepovertyhistory.org/ ] with its suggestion that all people in countries like Britain need to do is give money, and they will be able to solve poverty.
 
The real world is complicated and things take time, especially in fragile states and states emerging from conflict. Providing aid to such countries can often be more expensive, technically giving less “value for money” if viewed that way, but this does not negate the importance of helping them, Karin Christiansin, head of Publish What You Fund, told IRIN at an aid transparency conference last year. 
 
Corruption - a 30-year battle
 
A 2011 study [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ] of countries which had successfully brought corruption down to a tolerable level showed that it had taken 20-30 years, according to the World Bank’s Cliffe. “This contrasts markedly with the expectations of taxpayers, or the press or the policy debate in donor countries, where the expectation is of zero tolerance for corruption, and they expect it straight away.”
 
Although there is currently a lot of talk about the need for developing countries to `own’ the aid agenda, Morlu (Liberia’s auditor general) says there are times when the imposition of strict spending criteria by donors can strengthen the hand of those within the country [government].
 
“I think we have to be very careful. We talk about countries taking ownership, but do they want to take ownership? I can think of cases in Liberia where it’s much easier to say, `This is UN driven, this is IMF [International Monetary Fund] driven’ because that gives you the political cover you need.”
 
But most Liberian ministries lack the human resources to absorb, process, spend and account for large amounts of bilateral funding, meaning donors work through intermediaries, Koen Henckaerts, head of European Union humanitarian aid fund ECHO, told IRIN in Monrovia this week.
 
Differing priorities
 
In many fragile states, politicians, press and voters in donor countries often demand greater transparency and less corruption as part of their aid criteria. But local citizens may prioritize other things: jobs for instance, or better health services. 
 
Cliffe sees the Busan meeting as a chance to look at new ways of measuring results in countries affected by conflict and fragility, using criteria more relevant to the populations of the countries concerned. 
 
One of the most highly-valued outcomes in such countries is peace and security, she stressed. 
 
She cited the example of Timor-Leste, which succeeded in restoring peace after several years of conflict in the 1990s - resettling most of its displaced population and holding a successful election - but was judged not to have qualified for US Millennium Challenge funding because all this progress was in areas which the MCC did not measure. [ http://www.mcc.gov/ ]
 
Arab states, India, China
 
She also sees an opportunity in the presence at the meeting of some of the increasingly important `non-traditional’ donors of development assistance, such as China, India and the Arab states which may have different criteria of effectiveness from the traditional aid-givers. 
 
She looks to a more fruitful division of labour. “There are some donors where their own constituencies of taxpayers are prepared to see them be fast, even when that means taking some risks with corruption and wastage, and there are other donors where their political environment is such that that would be a disaster.”
 
“I would hazard a guess that it’s easier for China to invest in job creation on a very large scale in developing countries, than it is for some OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] donors to do that.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93402</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107211153100092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 02 August 2011 (IRIN) - When the fourth high-level forum on aid effectiveness holds its next session in the South Korean port town of Busan in November, the issue of how successfully development aid can, and should, be assessed will be high on the agenda. Aid measurements cannot be “dumbed down”, say analysts, particularly in fragile states.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: How best to remove guns from post-conflict zones?</title><pubDate>Thu, 28 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20052235t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 28 July 2011 (IRIN) - Cash for guns or buy-back programmes in post-conflict states have fallen out of favour as a method of ridding a society of weapons, and have been replaced by often elaborate schemes designed to remove money from the equation, but the debate continues as to the best way forward.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 28 July 2011 (IRIN) - Cash for guns or buy-back programmes in post-conflict states have fallen out of favour as a method of ridding a society of weapons, and have been replaced by often elaborate schemes designed to remove money from the equation, but the debate continues as to the best way forward. 
 
 The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) community has grappled for years with buy-back practices and acknowledges they can have a profound effect on the nature of peace and even encourage a return to conflict. However, sometimes they can be “good practice”. 
 
 Nelson Alusala, author of a monograph published recently by the South Africa-based Institute for Security Studies - entitled Reintegrating ex-Combatants in the Great Lakes Region, and charting the largest DDR programme ever undertaken to support about 400,000 ex-combatants in nine countries - outlines the dangers of buy-back. 
 
 A buy-back scheme by the UN Mission in Liberia “led to a near disaster” at Camp Schieffellen, about 35km east of the capital Monrovia, when former warring parties of the country’s more than decade-long conflict gathered to exchange weapons for cash. 
 
 On 7 December 2003 international peacekeepers were overwhelmed when more than four times the expected 250 people arrived at the camp, carrying weapons from AK-47 assault rifles to mortars, under the impression they would walk away with US$300 for each weapon surrendered. 
 
 “The riot began when they found out they would receive only $150 and the other $150 at the end of a three-week demobilization course,” Alusala said. In the ensuing pandemonium, as weapons were discharged in frustration, nine people were killed. 
 
 Alusala told IRIN he was doubtful about the benefits of cash incentives, as the cash was often spent by beneficiaries within a few days on “alcohol, drugs and sex workers”. 
 
 Apart from buy-backs raising expectations, other shortcomings were the practice of “double dipping” - where beneficiaries assume different identities to benefit from cash rewards multiple times - a malpractice “most common at the disarmament stage during the buy-back events, when cash is normally exchanged for weapons,” he said. 
 
 Inherent dangers 
 
 Andreas Mehler of the Institute of African Studies at the German Institute of Global and Area Studies, told IRIN: “Cash payments have shown their limits in several cases. In West Africa former commanders were gate-keepers and got part of the money when they selected the ex-combatants to be disarmed - a perverse effect prolonging authority patterns from times of war. There might be `good practice’ out there, but [also] inherent grave dangers… My gut feeling is that there is no universal solution.” 
 
 Danny Hoffman of Duke University’s Department of Anthropology, in his 2003 study entitled Like Beasts in the Bush: Synonyms of Childhood and Youth in Sierra Leone, recounts the disarmament process supervised by peacekeepers which attracted the surrender of weapons for blankets, buckets, slippers, soap and a small cash payment. 
 
 The problem was that the Kamajors militia structures meant that commanders held onto the weapons of the rank and file, and sought to profit from them. 
 
 “As Ali [a military commander] told me, if a commander held four or five firearms, maybe he would ask for a little something in return for giving them out to a few of his men,” Hoffman said in his study. 
 
 Hoffman told IRIN the goal of DDR in Sierra Leone was primarily to remove weapons in circulation, but it was a “losing proposition” considering how effective the arms trade was in supplying light weapons to conflict zones. 
 
 “The more serious problem is that the DDR model as it stands treats combatants as individuals, when any real `demobilization’ and `reintegration’ needs to deal with the networks that armed, mobilized and controlled these fighters in the first place. 
 
 “At least in Sierra Leone and Liberia, these networks continued to control ex-combatants very effectively after the war,” he said. 
 
 “I know a number of critics of the DDR process have argued that all that money should be going to fighters' home communities and the war's victims. I am sympathetic to that view, though I think it’s a little simplistic. If I had to make one concrete reform, it would be to use the funds available to enrol fighters in well-structured and relevant jobs training and public works projects, and to do so as entire units,” Hoffman said. 
 
 The UN DDR Resource Centre [ http://www.unddr.org/ ] is cautious about buy-back practices and says on its website: “Incentives may be directly linked to the disarmament, demobilization or reintegration components of DDR, although care should be taken to avoid the perception of `cash for weapons’ or weapons buy-back programmes when these are linked to the disarmament component. If used, incentives should be taken into consideration in the design of the overall programme strategy.” 
 
 The UN’s aversion to cash payments for weapons, DDR specialist Wolf-Christian Paes told IRIN, was premised, among other things, on the argument it can create demand and “contribute to the cross-border proliferation of weapons”. The UN promotes programmes either dealing with collective incentives, such as arms-for-development “or more rarely non-cash individual incentives, `goods-for-guns’, for example in the Balkans”, he said. 
 
 Low overheads 
 
 Paes said where other incentives were used in the place of cash, such as lottery tickets in Macedonia, or tools in Mozambique, these essentially became “proxies for cash”, where people simply sold the supplied goods. “I think we need to have another look at cash incentives in the context of post-conflict stabilization.” 
 
 A paper published by York University’s Post-war Reconstruction and Development Unit entitled Guns, Camps and Cash: Disarmament, Demobilization and Reinsertion of Former Combatants in Transitions from War to Peace, by Mark Knight and Alpaslan Özerdem, said the incomplete Mozambican disarmament process contributed “to the proliferation of weapons, not only throughout that country, but also in neighbouring countries such as South Africa, Zambia and Malawi. By 1998, Mozambique constituted the single largest source of small arms to the South African domestic market.” 
 
 “Cash payments require comparatively low overheads compared with other interventions, which make them popular with some donors but not with the UN Development Programme, are easily understood by all actors and most importantly actually work. Personally, I'm in favour of using them under some circumstances,” Paes said. 
 
 Cash sometimes appropriate 
 
 DDR specialist and a consultant with the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey Lydia Stone told IRIN: “The arguments against using cash in DDR programmes are many and well documented. However, we should not throw the baby out with the bath water - even though many dismiss the practice as open to corruption and abuse and creating the impression among affected communities of rewarding people who have committed terrible acts.” 
 
 She recommends a more nuanced approach to cash rewards, but sees the money incentive “solely for the disarmament phase” as “a bad idea”. 
 
 DDR planners in newly independent South Sudan have limited cash payments in their reinsertion package to $287 for ex-combatants, but the scheme also provides non-food items (NFIs) such as plastic sheeting and buckets, and a food ration for a family of five for three months. 
 
 Stone said the NFIs were “often inappropriate and many of the participants have simply sold the items on the local market,” and the food items were often expensive to transport home. 
 
 As an alternative it would have been better to provide DDR beneficiaries with the equivalent in cash, thereby stimulating the local market, and this would have translated “into tremendous costs savings for the participants and the programme since money would not be wasted on logistics and transporting huge quantities of commodities over vast distances… 
 
 “It's about considering the specific context of the DDR programme. While cash might be a terrible idea in one country, it might be very appropriate and even necessary in another. We need to be open-minded and consider those options which may instinctively appear to be wrong.” 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20052235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 28 July 2011 (IRIN) - Cash for guns or buy-back programmes in post-conflict states have fallen out of favour as a method of ridding a society of weapons, and have been replaced by often elaborate schemes designed to remove money from the equation, but the debate continues as to the best way forward.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA: Debunking diabetes myths</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281910060031t.jpg" />]]>NIMBA COUNTY 15 July 2011 (IRIN) - Lucy Dollokieh, a mother of four from Liberia’s Nimba County, developed severe pains when urinating and thought she had been cursed by a witch, but when a volunteer came to her village describing diabetes symptoms she recognized them, went to a nearby hospital and was diagnosed with diabetes. She now injects herself daily with insulin.</description><body><![CDATA[NIMBA COUNTY 15 July 2011 (IRIN) - Lucy Dollokieh, a mother of four from Liberia’s Nimba County, developed severe pains when urinating and thought she had been cursed by a witch, but when a volunteer came to her village describing diabetes symptoms she recognized them, went to a nearby hospital and was diagnosed with diabetes. She now injects herself daily with insulin. 
 
 With low awareness of the disease’s symptoms and only one hospital in the country that can diagnose it  - Ganta Methodist Hospital in Nimba County - the vast majority of the estimated 50,000 cases in Liberia go undiagnosed, according to the World Diabetes Foundation (WDF). [ http://www.worlddiabetesfoundation.org/ ] Many sufferers who seek treatment do so when the disease is well developed and they are already losing their eyesight or limbs, staff at Ganta Methodist Hospital, where Lucy was diagnosed, told IRIN. 
 
 John Dowee, a diabetes victim, 45, told IRIN he had no idea he was suffering from diabetes until he was told by a doctor at the hospital. “I suffered a lot. Whenever I urinate I go through severe pain. It hurt me a lot, but I never knew I was infected.” 
 
 Many diabetes sufferers think they have been cursed by a witch, said Viktor Tayror, an administrator at the hospital. They visit witch doctors, offering them kola nuts to decipher the curse, he said. Many are instructed to sacrifice animals to get better. One patient recently treated at Ganta hospital went into a diabetes coma that she thought had been inflicted by witches. 
 
 Misdiagnosis in clinics compounded these beliefs, said Tayror. “If they come to a clinic they may get treatment for different things - for a UTI [urinary tract infection] or something else. So people don’t get better and they consider it to be a witch,” he told IRIN. “They don’t know what to do.”
 
 Diabetes, which the UN World Health Organization says causes about 6 percent of deaths worldwide every year, is a chronic condition that occurs when the pancreas does not produce enough insulin or when the body cannot effectively use the insulin it produces. (See WDF’s diabetes facts). [ http://www.worlddiabetesfoundation.org/composite-35.htm ]
 
 While infectious diseases are the biggest killers in the developing world, non-communicable diseases, including diabetes, will become the biggest killers in the next 25 years, according to the World Health Organization.
 
 “Sugar sickness” radio messages
 
 To raise awareness of diabetes, WDF-trained practitioners run regular radio shows on local radio stations on what they call the “sugar sickness”, said Nora Keah, a nurse and diabetes supervisor at the hospital. 
 
 Health staff keep the message simple: “We tell them,` this is what happens, and we can help you’,” added Tayror.
 
 WDF also trains nurses and midwives at Ganta Hospital in proper diabetes care, including running regular screenings at the hospital and around the county to teach them how to manage the disease, including injecting themselves with insulin, and taking their own blood tests. Taking a train-the-trainers approach, practitioners teach community volunteers to encourage people to get tested.
 
 All testing is free, but patients must pay for treatment: US$3 for a vial of insulin, to be injected daily, versus the $20 market rate. Most patients use one vial a day.
 
 Some 200 people have been diagnosed and treated in the two months since the programme began, far higher than previous numbers, said nurse Keah. 
 
 Low on the agenda
 
 While WDF covers training it does not finance staff salaries or drug supply, to try to encourage the project to be sustainable, according to Hanne Strandgaard, programme coordinator at WDF. The Ganta Hospital runs a revolving fund for drug purchase - “people have to get used to buying,” said Tayror - “but $3 per day is still a lot for many Liberians.” Some 83 percent of Liberians earn less than $1.25 a day according to the World Bank’s most recent statistics. 
 
 Insulin supplies are limited, said Strandgaard. 
 
 To move forward, the government needs to subsidize diabetes treatment - it currently gives the disease no support because it is low on the health agenda, said Strandgaard. All diabetes care is currently funded by two donors: the WDF and Insulin for Life though Ganta Hospital staff are trying to encourage the US Agency for International Development to come on board. 
 
 It is now up to the hospital to persuade the government to adopt the project’s model and to show that it is working, to try to elicit some longer-term funding, Strandgaard told IRIN.
 
 Tayror said hospital staff plan to extend the project further into communities, even into schools, if they can secure more funding, which officially runs out at the end of the year. 
 
 While many patients were grateful to finally receive relief from their suffering, some are not optimistic they will be able to keep up treatment. “My condition is very critical,” said patient Zokeh Suah. “I would prefer to die and stop suffering from this disease. I sometimes wonder how my life will turn out.”
 
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93239</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281910060031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIMBA COUNTY 15 July 2011 (IRIN) - Lucy Dollokieh, a mother of four from Liberia’s Nimba County, developed severe pains when urinating and thought she had been cursed by a witch, but when a volunteer came to her village describing diabetes symptoms she recognized them, went to a nearby hospital and was diagnosed with diabetes. She now injects herself daily with insulin.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA: Refugees watch and wait</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106071142080723t.jpg" />]]>NIMBA COUNTY 07 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian officials at Bahn refugee camp - set up by the government and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) to shelter Ivoirians fleeing violence - prefer residents to play down their political affiliations, and discourage the wearing of partisan T-shirts or the holding of political meetings.</description><body><![CDATA[NIMBA COUNTY 07 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian officials at Bahn refugee camp - set up by the government and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) to shelter Ivoirians fleeing violence - prefer residents to play down their political affiliations, and discourage the wearing of partisan T-shirts or the holding of political meetings. 

But late on a Saturday afternoon, with little to do and much to discuss, Ivoirian refugees talked with anger and concern about their future, while ruefully reviewing the events of the past six months in their country just across the border. 

"I don't want to be here, but what choice does a refugee have?" asked Sandigui Lacinje Traoré, who previously worked for the Ivoirian state media in Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire’s administrative capital. "The war is not over yet as far as I am concerned," Traoré told IRIN. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92879 ]

Like many in the camp, and in surrounding villages, Traoré fled the Ivoirian border town of Toulepleu, the scene of heavy fighting, and ongoing insecurity. He talked angrily of water shortages and boredom in the camp, complaining: "I don't even have a radio to follow what is going on," [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92711 ] but he was adamant that a return home was out of the question for now. “How do they expect me to go back when my house has been burned?”

Déhi Etienne, made no secret of his political allegiance. “I worked as the head of the youth movement in Bin-Houyé [in Dix-huit Montagnes region in the west], running information campaigns for the cause of President Laurent Gbagbo.” 

As the fighting intensified in western Côte d’Ivoire and it became clear that the Forces Républicaines de Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI) backing Alasanne Ouattara were gaining ground, Etienne said he had no option but to flee. “My life was in danger. The rebels were going after anyone identified as a Gbagbo supporter.”

Targeting has also been ethnically driven, as political affiliations largely fall along ethnic lines - with the Guéré in western Cote d’Ivoire largely supporting Laurent Gbagbo, and the Malinké and Burkinabé, backing President Ouattara. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?reportID=92872 ]

Another refugee who presented himself as Ouyabi, said he had heard appeals from Ouattara and other senior figures in the government for refugees to return, but said he remained deeply sceptical. “From what I have heard, they are still stigmatizing and molesting Gbagbo supporters. If I am going to go back, I would want a clear signal from the UNHCR or the Red Cross that things were alright now.”

He continued: “From here, we have no way of knowing how the security situation is.” 

Other refugees talked of the urgent need to restore a proper police and regular national army, warning of the terror wreaked by undisciplined militias.

Making do

In the meantime, Ouyabi said he would stay put with his wife, five children, niece and nephew. The camp authorities could make more of his skills, he added. “I used to organize sporting activities for the youth in the past. You could have football matches and other types of entertainment. There was talk of setting up a sports field here, but nothing has been done so far.”

While acknowledging the efforts made by relief organizations and local Liberian communities in providing food, shelter and basic sanitation, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92811 ] refugees in Bahn were quick to raise complaints about the quality of life: the cramped living conditions, a diet dominated by the highly unpopular bulgur wheat, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92889 ] irregular access to water, and a lack of schools for children. 

“What you have here for the children are only schools in name,” Serge*, a teacher living with a Liberian host community further south in Biétuou, told IRIN. “Liberian children here go to school in the mornings, while we have to improvise in the evenings. Children who don’t go to school can go off the rails and become a danger for everyone.” 

Serge too, is in no hurry to return. He talked warily of the political situation in Côte d’Ivoire: “We can get our own information. I can cross the border by motorbike and go and visit my home region of Bin-Houyé, talk to people there. What I feel at the moment is that the fire has not really gone out.”

Loss of status
 
There is also anger and frustration at the loss of professional status. “I have submitted applications here, but if you do not speak English, you don’t stand a chance of finding work,” said Charles, another primary school teacher. Having worked in the Yopougon neighbourhood of Abidjan, Charles had been seconded to the west in February, leaving his family behind. “I can’t go back to Toulepleu, because the rebels attacked in the night and burned my house,” he explained. “I can’t go back to Yopougon because my house has been destroyed there as well.”

Charles said he was now going through the International Committee of the Red Cross to try to get back in contact with his family, currently based in Boauflé in central Côte d’Ivoire. 

“We have to move on”

In Butuo, a few hours drive south of Bahn, a small group of Ivoirian refugees and Liberians chatted animatedly about the real prospects for peace, swapping anecdotes, discussing relations between the different ethnic groups on both sides of the border. 

Further south, in Grand Geddeh County, most of the refugees are from the Guéré community, closely connected to the Krahn in Liberia. In Nimba, more of the refugees have come from the Yacouba, kinsmen of Liberia’s Gio population. 

There have been concerns about the divisions in Côte d’Ivoire reopening old wounds in Liberia, where a 14-year civil war exacerbated inter-ethnic tensions. The involvement of Liberian mercenaries on both sides of the Ivoirian conflict has brought further complications. 

Seuh Guéhigbeu, originally from Bin-Houyé, has been a refugee in Liberia for over six years, heading over the border after an earlier outbreak of violence. Now the recognized spokesman for refugees in Butuo, Guéhigbeu said Ivoirians had to adapt to new circumstances. “In the past, we lived in peace, but everything got poisoned by politics,” Guéhigbeu explained. “But everyone is equal here as refugees and we have to move on. There will be a minority who will want to resist, who will say ‘if it means becoming Liberian, I will become Liberian’, but it is just a minority. It is difficult to convince everyone.” 

*not his real name

cs/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92914</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106071142080723t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIMBA COUNTY 07 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian officials at Bahn refugee camp - set up by the government and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) to shelter Ivoirians fleeing violence - prefer residents to play down their political affiliations, and discourage the wearing of partisan T-shirts or the holding of political meetings.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA: Food stocks low for hosts and refugees</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105010840350448t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 03 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian host families and the Ivoirian refugees staying with them are resorting to eating rice seeds intended for this year’s crop as food stocks dwindle in eastern Liberia, according to aid agencies.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 03 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian host families and the Ivoirian refugees staying with them are resorting to eating rice seeds intended for this year’s crop as food stocks dwindle in eastern Liberia, according to aid agencies. 
 
 Some 182,000 refugees who fled the violence in Côte d’Ivoire, are registered in Liberia, 90 percent of them staying with host families, rather than in refugee camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 
 
 Liberians and Ivoirians are also having to resort to buying imported rice - a coping mechanism usually exhibited far later in the lean season, according to a recent Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) assessment. 
 
 Rice prices are 20-25 percent higher than in April 2010, according to the US Agency for International Development’s FEWSNET, further straining budgets in this chronically food-insecure region. [ http://www.fews.net/ ] 
 
 In the first few months of the refugee influx, food distributions were “patchy or nonexistent”, Susan Sandars, Oxfam’s communications and advocacy officer in Liberia, told IRIN; and now, “considerable gaps in the response remain,” she said. 
 Supply chain problems early on led to cereal shortages, meaning the World Food Programme (WFP) had to lower ration size per family, its emergency coordinator, Jerry Bailey, told IRIN. 
 
 Aid agencies underestimated by about one third, the number of refugees who would arrive, said Oxfam’s food security and livelihoods adviser, Nanthilde Kamara; and have not come up with effective ways to deliver to refugees who are so spread out - sheltering across an estimated 90 villages. 
 
 Challenges 
 
 Poor roads, broken bridges, and few available trucks on the commercial market continue to pose problems, said WFP’s Bailey, but response has improved. WFP has bought 10 additional trucks that can navigate difficult terrain, and is making emergency repairs to strategic roads. The organization is also setting up mobile storage units to try to ease distributions. 
 
WFP is distributing regular seed-protection rations to 15,000 Liberians to prevent them from eating their rice seeds, and is delivering general food rations to 100,000 people in Nimba, Maryland and Grand Geddeh counties. Cereal stocks are up - to 2,000 tons - though some say this will not last beyond one month or so. 

 The government, alongside a number of agencies, including FAO and Oxfam, is distributing seeds and tools to thousands of host families so they can boost their harvest in three months time; Oxfam is also figuring out how best to distribute cash. 
 
 Refugees and hosts will need support for a long time to come, estimate aid agencies, as many Ivoirians are still too scared to return home for fear of attacks due to their ethnicity or perceived political affiliation. Many thousands could still be in-country in 2012, according to Bailey. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92811 ]
 
 Given this, they need to shift their responses so they are more appropriate to the context - setting up smaller, nimble, mobile teams who can deliver food village to village, said Oxfam’s Kamara. 

 aj/cb 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92889</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105010840350448t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 03 June 2011 (IRIN) - Liberian host families and the Ivoirian refugees staying with them are resorting to eating rice seeds intended for this year’s crop as food stocks dwindle in eastern Liberia, according to aid agencies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBERIA-COTE D’IVOIRE: Hope, hardship and hospitality</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103021048280099t.jpg" />]]>BUTUO 25 May 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of refugees from Côte d’Ivoire have found a modest sanctuary in Butuo, Nimba County, in eastern Liberia, where they share land and lodgings with a local population of around 3,000.</description><body><![CDATA[BUTUO 25 May 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of refugees from Côte d’Ivoire have found a modest sanctuary in Butuo, Nimba County, in eastern Liberia, where they share land and lodgings with a local population of around 3,000. 
 
According to local officials, the influx began in earnest in December, in the immediate aftermath of the Ivoirian elections, as Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara contested the results and formed rival administrations.
 
First, the refugees were mainly women and children, the men staying behind to protect property and see out the troubles. "They were coming plenty", recalls Butuo women's leader Annie Quale. "At that time guns were not shooting. Our leaders asked them: `What happened?’ They said they had two presidents in the country after the voting; there was confusion, they wanted to be rescued in time." 
 
Quale confirmed that as the violence worsened and gunfire could be heard across the border, more male refugees appeared. "We are a border town, so we are used to this," Quale pointed out, recalling similar patterns of migration after earlier outbreaks of violence in 2003 and 2004. 
 
She said people immediately started to share food and lodgings, while schools closed for a fortnight as refugees slept where they could.
 
Five months since the crisis began and Ivoirians are still crossing over from places like Toulepleu and Bin-houyé, part of a still-volatile swathe of Ivoirian territory that lies adjacent to Butuo. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92800 ]
 
While Nimba County still has the largest number of refugees, Grand Geddeh and Maryland to the south have also taken in large populations, reflecting the continuing tensions in the southwest of Côte d'Ivoire. 
 
Family meets family
 
Butuo’s superintendent, Albert Farnga, says the host community has done what it can to make the newcomers welcome, partly as a gesture of reciprocation for the hospitality extended to Liberians during its civil war. 
 
"Liberia had a problem before and we went into these people’s homes," Farnga told IRIN, emphasizing that both national and local authorities had appealed to Liberians to be open and accommodating. 
 
In Butuo, most of the refugees are from the Yacouba ethnic group, sharing close linguistic and family ties with the Gio in Liberia, which has eased their acceptance. 
 
Local residents have opened their houses, sheltering families at considerable sacrifice. "I am incredibly touched by the simple love and generosity of the people", said David Waines, head of NGO Equip Liberia, which has rapidly expanded health and sanitation programmes in Nimba to help communities cope with the influx. 
 
Government flexible
 
Relief organizations cite the flexibility of the Liberian government and the hospitality of ordinary Liberians as major factors in securing the physical well-being of a huge refugee population, particularly during the long period before international aid arrived.
 
"The Liberian government kept the frontiers open from the beginning of the crisis," UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative Ibrahima Coly told IRIN. 
 
Coly said relief organizations had liaised closely with local authorities throughout, discussing living arrangements for refugees and the location of camp sites, reacting to new priorities. 
 
According to Waines, the combined efforts of local health services and NGOs had prevented major epidemics, "but it's been a never-ending sprint just keeping our head above water." 
 
Local health staff say they have ratcheted up their service as much as possible, although there have been complaints from workers about promised incentives not materializing as the workload expanded. As elsewhere in Liberia, with or without a refugee presence, Butuo’s local health facilities struggle to cope with routine medical challenges, particularly malaria and respiratory infections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=89186 ]
 
More serious complaints are referred to the hospital at Sacleplea, in Nimba County, a few hours drive west. 
 
Health workers talk also of the stress faced by the refugees they are treating, their evident discomfort and anxiety. 
 
Preparing for shortages
 
Butuo’s superintendent, Farnga, acknowledges that Butuo and the surrounding region of Zoe-Geh in Nimba, will struggle to sustain a long-term refugee presence, pointing out there are simply not enough resources for an already impoverished local population. 
 
"Already in March, we were running out of things," Farnga told IRIN. "Firewood was being used for fuel, cassava on the farms was finished; we depleted everything."
 
It is crucial that relief operations targeting refugees also take note of local needs, said Fargna. "We will become slaves of our own goodness," he warned, stressing the need for outside agencies to replenish seeds and food reserves. 
 
Food stocks were relatively high when refugees first arrived from November onwards, but the situation is likely to get much more critical. With Liberia now moving into a six-month rainy season, an already fragile road network will become increasingly treacherous, making it difficult to get supplies through, although a bridge-building programme has brought some improvements. 
 
"When the hunger hits, it's going to be a real catastrophe," Equip Liberia head Waines told IRIN, warning of a possible migration out of parts of eastern Liberia.
 
Coly of the UNHCR acknowledged that the "absorptive capacity" of the more than 200 Liberian villages that had taken in refugees had diminished, but noted that the World Food Programme and other agencies were working on expanding food distribution to both refugees and host communities. Coly said it is vital that seed distribution and planting are given top priority.
 
The onset of the rainy season offers little incentive for refugees to return home. As their Liberian hosts acknowledge, returnees are going back, with no food reserves, to abandoned fields and extremely fragile prospects. 
 
No rapid return
 
Relief organizations and local people are not banking on any large-scale returns in 2011, whatever noises of encouragement come from the new government in Abidjan. 
 
Fargna accepts refugees should not feel compelled either to move into specially-created camps or cross the border. He helped set up the main camp at Bahn, west of Butuo, which can offer residents proper sanitation and security, but most refugees have opted to stay with host families in villages. 
 
Fargna understands the reluctance of refugees to move to Bahn. "There is no way you can force them to go to the camp… If you have got the hope of staying here in this area with the local people, you can stay here."
 
This is a view echoed by Harris Menlore Fray, who heads a local NGO, the Community Humanitarian Assistance Program (CHAP). But he has strong caveats: "We have been very, very receptive," he stressed. But Butuo may have to prepare for a much longer-term integration process. Finding temporary shelter and food for refugees, along with the occasional bit of paid work, does not go far enough, he said.
 
Fray talks of providing counselling, micro-finance schemes and entrepreneurial training - all possible if enough support comes from outside. He has sympathy for those who have taken up residence in Butuo, but not for the political leaders who forced their flight.
 
"Frankly speaking, it’s very pathetic. We thought they would learn some lessons from us, from all the horror, the terror. But to our surprise, they took the wrongful path and emulated what we did here."
 
It was in Butuo where former Liberian President Charles Taylor launched his insurgency in December 1989, marking the beginning of a 14-year civil war, which forced hundreds of thousands of Liberians from their homes, many pouring into Ivoirian towns and villages along the border. 
 
"It is not a political solution that is going to resolve the humanitarian questions. They are separate, albeit linked," Fray added.
 
Coly notes with frustration the dangers of a continuing refugee problem being overlooked as media coverage of Côte d'Ivoire declines amid bland and dangerous assumptions that the key problems have been resolved; donor support remains well below what it should be. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92800 ]
 
cs/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92811</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103021048280099t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUTUO 25 May 2011 (IRIN) - Hundreds of refugees from Côte d’Ivoire have found a modest sanctuary in Butuo, Nimba County, in eastern Liberia, where they share land and lodgings with a local population of around 3,000.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE-LIBERIA: Fighting rumours with fact</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104260634380895t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of refugees in eastern Liberia want to know what has happened to their family members, about the state of their villages, and whether it is safe to go home, said an April assessment by Internews, an NGO working to improve information exchange in disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of refugees in eastern Liberia want to know what has happened to their family members, about the state of their villages, and whether it is safe to go home, said an April assessment by Internews, an NGO working to improve information exchange in disasters. 

“Rumours spread fast”, Internews director Jacobo Quintanilla told IRIN. “There is a massive information vacuum in a crisis…People often run away in the middle of the night. The first thing they do is tune into the radio to find out what is going on - this need must be properly acknowledged.”

Simple solutions like bicycling through villages using a loudhailer to announce the news could help refugees make informed decisions about their lives. 

People who were internally displaced by the violence in Cote d’Ivoire are also left in the dark. Olivier Ziaï, who is sheltering at the Catholic mission in the town of Duékoué [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92491 ], in southwestern Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN the information vacuum was just as big there. 

“These days our source of news is the telephone,” he said, because most IDPs receive news by calling relatives in other parts of Côte d’Ivoire or Europe. 

The Internews report notes that most refugees in Liberia, especially women, have received little or no news about the situation in Côte d’Ivoire. Very few have mobile phones and the popular local radio station in eastern Liberia is “vastly under-utilized, and its potential to support the humanitarian response remains largely untapped”.

Violence in Côte d’Ivoire displaced almost one million people and caused over 100,000 to flee across the border to Liberia [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92417 ]. Many are too afraid to return home. 

Internews has encouraged aid agencies to hand out wind-up radios at schools and clinics frequented by refugees, and distribute shared mobile phones. It also recommends setting up listening stations and loud-speaker systems in the refugee camp at Bahn, 50km from the Côte d’Ivoire border, as well as at transit centres and aid distribution points.

The information NGO suggests that mobile phone operators send text messages with information in French, and that local NGOs use community radio stations to transmit important news, advisories and messages. 

Community radio stations should also broadcast a French version after the news in English.

Pockets of success

Some agencies are serving refugee information needs effectively. Quintanilla said Radio Karnplay in Nimba County, read out announcements by refugees free of charge, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) helped refugees make free phone calls and delivered messages to their families.

The UN Refugee agency (UNHCR), the Liberia Refugee Repatriation and Resettlement Commission, and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), use the NRC’s 135 protection monitors to deliver messages to refugees in villages encouraging them to move to the Bahn refugee camp. 

NRC also has mobile teams of legal advisers to assist refugees in matters of the law, such as how to get a death certificate, legalize a land claim, or inform them of their rights in other situations.

Internews said examples of good information exchange could be found in humanitarian responses in Sudan, Pakistan, Gaza, Chad, Kenya, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka.

Rachel Houghton, who coordinates Communicating with Disaster Affected Communities (CDAC) - a network made up of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the ICRC, international NGO Save the Children, and the Thomson Reuters Foundation - said information exchange should feature at all stages of crisis response, from assessing needs to evaluating performance. 

CDAC aims to guide agencies in how to do this better, but Quintanilla said agencies would have to find the resources to do this.

The BBC World Service Trust and Internews also focus on information as aid by distributing radios and mobile phones, sending out rapid response news teams in crises, and broadcasting crisis-specific information.

Creeping up the agenda

The need for better information exchange is not a new idea. It was the subject of the annual World Disasters Report in 2005, when Markku Niskala, Secretary General of the  International Federation of Red Cross (IFRC) and Red Crescent Societies, pointed out that “People need information as much as water, food, medicine or shelter. Information can save lives, livelihoods and resources. Information bestows power.”

Houghton said the new UN Emergency Response Coordinator, Valerie Amos, was reinvigorating the accountability debate in the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, the humanitarian policy-making forum of the UN, and this would include a fresh look at information flows in disasters. 

While the debate continues, in Côte d’Ivoire, displaced people are still looking to outsiders to fill in the gaps. "You see the worldwide media coverage - what is the take?” an aid worker in western Côte d’Ivoire asked IRIN. “Is Côte d’Ivoire going to be okay?"

aj/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92711</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104260634380895t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 13 May 2011 (IRIN) - Thousands of refugees in eastern Liberia want to know what has happened to their family members, about the state of their villages, and whether it is safe to go home, said an April assessment by Internews, an NGO working to improve information exchange in disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92550</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Opposition building to Great Green Wall</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti. 
 [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] 
 
 An estimated 10 million people faced severe food shortages due to recurrent drought and climate change in the Sahel region last year. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=34840&Cr=Africa&Cr1=hunger ] In Niger alone, the famine in 2010 left half the country’s population needing food aid and one in six children suffering from acute malnutrition. Some villagers in Niger described 2010 as worse than the 1973 drought that killed thousands of people, according to Malek Triki, West African spokesperson for the World Food Programme (WFP). [ http://www.wfp.org/content/aid-workers-warn-famine-disaster-niger ] 
 
 The Great Green Wall (GGW) project, originally proposed by Burkina Faso’s Marxist leader Thomas Sankara in the 1980s, was later resurrected by former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo in 2005 before receiving approval by the African Union in December 2006. In June 2010, 11 countries involved signed a convention in Chad to further the development of the project, but the plan remained on standby until February when it was officially approved at an international summit in Bonn, Germany. 
 
 During the summit, the Global Environment Facility (GEF) [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/whatisgef ] set aside US$115 million to fund the wall. Mohamed I Bakarr, a senior environment specialist with GEF, told IRIN the wall “is in reality a metaphor to reflect the vision of African leaders for an integrated land-use system that addresses environment and development needs across all affected countries”. The GEF foresees the wall adopting a “mosaic” of “sustainable land-management systems with stakeholders, including grassroots communities, in all 11 countries implementing options that are appropriate to the local context”. 
 
 The plan entails each country implementing its own land, water and vegetation-management projects on up to two million hectares of land, under the framework of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] Monique Barbut, CEO of the GEF, said in a statement it would not fund “an all-out tree-funding drive from Dakar to Djibouti”, but rather, would allocate the funding according to national priorities, which have yet to be finalized. In a paper adopted by the Sahara and Sahel Observatory (OSS) in 2008, alleviating poverty is said to be one of the wall’s principal objectives. 
 
 The paper outlines national and regional objectives, including consolidating and expanding existing greenbelts of trees, conserving biodiversity, restoring and conserving soil and promoting income-generating activities, as well as carbon capture and storage of 0.5-3.1 million tons of carbon per year. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/donnees/Concept_Note.pdf ] 
 
 Indigenous communities "threatened" 
 
 The project has faced opposition, despite its stated commitment to combating drought and desertification, which have exacted a heavy toll on the region as a whole. Wally Menne, a member of Timberwatch, the African NGO focal point for the Global Forest Coalition, told IRIN the organization was sceptical. “In our view it seems poorly conceived in terms of both ecological and socio-economic considerations. Its chances of being a success could be limited, and it may even cause more harm to the environment,” he said. The Global Forest Coalition campaigns for the rights of indigenous and forest people and for socially just policies. 
 
 Menne added that the inclusion of carbon sequestration activities and the potential future development of REDD projects (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) as components of the GGW would require converting suitable land within the belt to fast-growing foreign species of monoculture tree plantations and carbon sinks opposed by many indigenous groups in the Sahel. Growing plantations would also require displacing people living on land earmarked for the GGW and would lead to further depletion of scarce water sources. 
 
 A concept paper on the kinds of vegetal species to be included in the GGW states that the wall will run through both inhabited and uninhabited areas, but will be located in areas where the average annual rainfall is higher than 200mm. It also stated that the only species to be adapted to the wall would be "primarily those that are found, live and develop there". [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/donnees/especes_vegetal.pdf ] 
 
 However, in a statement to the Indigenous People’s of Africa Coordinating Committee, IPACC, Sada Albachir, director of Association Tunfa, a Tuareg human rights group in Niger, said that “international agreements in the past introduced alien invasive species into the Sahara, without tackling the root problems of poor governance, dangerous uranium mining, and a failure to conserve biodiversity and water security in the arid region. I think the idea of planting a Green Wall across Africa is not to be entertained by indigenous people living in the proposed sites, unless the project has been studied in collaboration with them and they are also involved in the implementation.” [ http://www.ipacc.org.za/eng/news_details.asp?NID=276 ] 
 
 The programme coordinator for the OSS, Jihed Ghannem, told IRIN such concerns were baseless. “The full participation of communities is essential,” he said. 
 
 Timberwatch’s Menne told IRIN: “In my experience, ‘consulting’ local communities usually means misinforming them about the potential impacts of a project by exaggerating how they will benefit, whilst neglecting to inform them of the negative impacts. When they say that local communities will be an integral part of the project, it normally means that they will be used to provide cheap labour.” 
 
 Part of the GGW concept plan includes a section on “Food for Work” designed to recruit unemployed workers in each country to help with the planting of the greenbelt in the Sahel. According to OSS, under the scheme, “members of the communities assuming responsibilities are paid in part at the time of planting. The remainder is paid two years later on the basis of the plant growth scale.” The plan also indicates that private businesses, including “initiators of safari parks, modern farming, ecotourist sites” will find “some economic opportunities” in the wall. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/objectifs.php ] 
 
 Menne said the wall could be a useful tool to combat desertification only if “viewed as an exercise in adaptation, rather than as an opportunity for climate change mitigation and making money from CDM/REDD carbon offsets as presently envisioned”. 
 
 According to Khadija Hassan*, representative of an indigenous people’s organization, the GGW might also interfere with migration patterns of pastoral communities and instead should incorporate ancestral systems of land management. “It would be best to protect what already exists in the region, stop the felling of trees in valleys and oases, repair damage caused by climate change, educate communities about REDD and restore livestock that has been lost,” she said. “I find the project is good, but too ambitious.” 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 zm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92422</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE-LIBERIA: Refugees report murder, rape, abuse</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103101117040685t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled across the border to Liberia have reported incidents of rape, sexual abuse and murder to NGOs and human rights groups working in Grand Geddeh and Nimba counties.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled across the border to Liberia have reported incidents of rape, sexual abuse and murder to NGOs and human rights groups working in Grand Geddeh and Nimba counties.
  
 Children in villages in Liberia’s Nimba County have told field workers at NGO Equip that they were forced to watch as their mothers were raped and then killed. In several cases, the children themselves were then sexually assaulted.
 
 A woman told Equip staff she was forced to watch while armed men raped her four-year-old daughter. Most attacks have taken place outside villages as people tried to flee, or at checkpoints, refugees said.
 
 Refugees say sexual assaults have been committed by both armed supporters of Laurent Gbagbo and of Alassane Ouattara, as well as militia members at checkpoints, and to a lesser extent, opportunists who have preyed on refugees’ vulnerability. 
  
 Equip is working in 23 clinics in Nimba Country to assist survivors of sexual violence and abuse in getting the medical and psychosocial attention they need.
  
 Sexual violence has become increasingly prevalent in Côte d’Ivoire over the past decade, Human Rights Watch (HRW) senior West Africa researcher, Corinne Dufka told IRIN. 
  “During times of political upheaval sexual violence has a clear political link, but unfortunately the general sense of lawlessness in Côte d’Ivoire for the past decade has led to a disturbing increase in sexual violence countrywide.”
                                                                                    
 HRW has documented over 20 cases of politically motivated rape by pro-Gbagbo military forces in which the ethnic and political element was clearly identifiable, as well as reports of what appear to be politically motivated rape by Ouattara supporters, Dufka told IRIN. The organization has also documented extra-judicial killings perpetrated by supporters on both sides, stating that some incidents “risk becoming a crime against humanity should it become widespread or systematic”.  
 
 Ouattara spokesperson in Paris Sogona Bamba told IRIN impunity would not be accepted. “Ouattara has stressed he does not want to see impunity on our side, or the other side. We do not support ‘selective indignation’.” She went on to say: “We are caught up in a cycle now and we need to break out of that cycle and punish all those who have committed acts of violence, whether from Gbagbo’s side or Ouattara’s side.” 
 
  
 Murder, massacres
  
 Ivoirians who fled to Liberia have also reported having witnessed murders. 
  
 A man in his early thirties who is currently sheltering in Zwedru in Nimba County fled into the bush after seeing 12 people murdered by people who he says were pro-Ouattara militia near the Liberia border, according to Equip country director David Waines. 
  
 Though order has been restored in parts of the country, said Waines - notably in Danané, a town in western Côte d’Ivoire - “there are still degrees of anarchy throughout the country… People are operating with complete impunity… They are getting away with rape, murder and every kind of human rights abuse.” 
  
 Refugees are arriving in Liberia traumatized, exhausted, hungry and often sick, say NGO staff. “All along the Liberia border in Nimba County, I met refugee children who couldn’t smile… They were too shocked by the violence they had seen,” said NGO Plan International’s disaster risk specialist Berenger Berehoudougou in a 6 April statement. Most of the refugees he spoke to came from villages near Duékoué where up to 800 people were allegedly massacred. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92372 ]
  
 “Horrific journey”
  
 One woman, Félicité, from Daloa in western Côte d’Ivoire, arrived in Liberia naked, with three children under six. She had been attacked by bandits in Côte d’Ivoire who stole her clothes and all her possessions. Her sister died en route. “It was a horrific journey… They had to run from gunfire; they saw dead bodies along the road; and they were forced to wade through rivers,” said Berehoudougou.
  
 Many children are arriving without their parents, says Save the Children’s emergency manager in eastern Liberia Rae Mcgrath. “The longer they are separated from their parents, the bigger the chance they won’t be found,” he told IRIN. The organization is placing children with temporary foster families while it traces their relatives.
  
 Most refugees are reporting that the violence is ethnically and politically driven, say NGOs and rights groups. The political fault-lines in this region are largely along ethnic and religious grounds. Violence in the west has also been linked to longstanding clashes over land that have pitted local communities against outsiders. Waines, just back from talking to refugees in Nimba Country, said: “There is a large ethnic dynamic to this violence - targeted ethnic killings and attacks are driving the dynamic.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92332 ] Many of the refugees he spoke to are too nervous to return to Côte d’Ivoire, for fear of reprisal attacks under a change of guard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92385 ]
  
 Human Rights Watch has urged Ouattara and commanders in his military - known as Forces Républicaines de Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI) - to publicly order all members to abide by international human rights law, and investigate cases of extra-judicial killings and other abuses, and hold perpetrators accountable.  
 Ouattara, in a 31 March televized statement, urged FRCI and all military and paramilitary forces who have supported him to refrain from committing atrocities.
  
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92417</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103101117040685t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled across the border to Liberia have reported incidents of rape, sexual abuse and murder to NGOs and human rights groups working in Grand Geddeh and Nimba counties.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE-LIBERIA: Ivoirian refugees hard to reach</title><pubDate>Wed, 06 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012301632100143t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled to eastern and southeastern Liberia are choosing to settle in villages rather than camps and transit centres, making them harder to help, say NGO workers.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled to eastern and southeastern Liberia are choosing to settle in villages rather than camps and transit centres, making them harder to help, say NGO workers.
 
 Most of the 100,000 Ivoirians who have fled into in Liberia since December 2010 are scattered across 90 villages in Nimba and Grand Geddeh counties, according to UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) spokesperson Suleiman Momodu.
  
 Ivoirians feel safest staying with host communities just across the border from their homes, as they may have relatives in these villages or share the same ethnic background, said Anika Krstic, spokesperson with the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) in Liberia’s capital Monrovia. 
 
 As a result, a refugee camp in Bahn in Nimba County, 50km from the border, is sheltering some 2,500 refugees, despite being built to house up to 15,000. 
 
 Many Ivoirians return to their villages by day to keep up their livelihoods, re-crossing into Liberia at night, said Krstic. “With population movements continually shifting, it’s hard to figure out who has already been registered and who is being registered for the first time,” she added. 
 
 Poor roads impede access to many host villages said DRC, which is helping provide water and sanitation in transit centres, where refugees are temporarily housed before finding longer-term shelter.
 
 Refugees who stay near the border, and continually cross back into Côte d’Ivoire put themselves at risk of attack, says DRC. Members of militias allegedly infiltrated border villages housing refugees in the southeast but were subsequently detained by Liberian police.
 
 On 2 April, Valerie Amos, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, warned of the potential for instability to spread across the border. “After years of war, Liberians are finally seeing the benefits of investment in peace, security and stability. We need to maintain that and ensure the country gets the help it needs, even as it welcomes so many refugees.”
 
 Host communities have largely welcomed the refugees thus far, as many of them were displaced during Liberia’s 14-year civil war.  One couple in Puuto, Nimba County, has taken in 75 Ivoirian refugees, giving them all their rice, most of their cassava supply, and whatever clothes they could find, according to David Waines, country director of NGO Equip. The couple just helped a refugee deliver her baby, and is helping another very sick refugee to recover.
 
 However, many villages are becoming strained as new arrivals have caused their populations to double.
 
 The local authorities have also been very responsive to the refugees’ needs, according to Waines. The Liberian government’s Refugee Repatriation and Resettlement Commission is leading the refugee aid response, working alongside UNHCR, the World Food Programme, the UN Children’s Fund, and NGOs, including Equip, DRC, the Norwegian Refugee Council, Save the Children, and Oxfam.
 
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92390</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012301632100143t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians who have fled to eastern and southeastern Liberia are choosing to settle in villages rather than camps and transit centres, making them harder to help, say NGO workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE-LIBERIA: Planning for the refugee influx</title><pubDate>Fri, 14 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012301636560761t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 14 January 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians are still crossing from western Côte d&apos;Ivoire into Liberia at a rate of 400 to 600 a day, according to an &quot;initial refugee assessment&quot; issued by the UN World Food Programme.
</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 14 January 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians are still crossing from the far west of Côte d'Ivoire into Liberia at a rate of 400 to 600 a day, according to an "initial refugee assessment" issued by the UN World Food Programme (WFP). 

Using data drawn from a four-day mission to Liberia border areas earlier this month, the WFP's study on the Ivoirian refugee influx and food security notes that "refugee consumption is inadequate" and highlights the need for refugees to receive either full food rations or partial rations complemented by supplementary feeding. 

WFP also proposes food-for-work schemes for 20 percent of the host community "most exposed to the negative consequences of the refugee influx" and an extension of supplementary feeding activities in the host area. 

Most of the refugee population has been concentrated in Liberia's northeastern Nimba County, with a tiny percentage farther south in Grand Geddeh county. Current estimates put the official refugee population at around 25,000, while the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and partner agencies have made contingency plans for 50,000. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91496 ]

The WFP report notes that ordinary households are often hosting between three and five refugees. In some areas, the refugees outnumber the host population; it cites the example of the border village of Loguato, where 5,307 refugees are living with just 1,743 locals. 

Among the NGOs most active in dealing with the influx has been Equip Liberia, based in Monrovia, but with a longstanding presence in Nimba. The head of Equip Liberia, David Waines, said emergency funding from USAID had enabled it to recruit new staff and rapidly expand its allocation of medicines and general healthcare provided through health clinics in the 23 areas where refugees were entering. 

Improved living conditions 

Waines noted that living conditions for refugees appeared to be improving, with cases of 20 or more people sharing one room becoming rarer and better arrangements being made for safe sleeping quarters for women and children. He praised the Liberian authorities for their "helpful and proactive stance" on dealing with the arrival of the refugees. 

He stressed that the demographic make-up of the refugees had been shifting, with many more men and adolescent boys now crossing over. 

However, males were still being recruited as mercenaries: "Every day I hear another story about somebody who personally knows a family member or friend who is on their way, who has been recruited by the Gbagbo side, or been recruited by the Ouattara side. 

"There are a lot of Liberian ex-fighters who are not engaged at the moment for whom it's an interesting prospect. Everyone is expecting a big blow-up," Waines told IRIN. 

Refugee planning 

He confirmed that about 500 people were still crossing the border every day, but numbers could well rise dramatically once food distribution began in earnest. He said initial food provision had been on a pilot basis, targeting just 8 percent of the refugee population, although 50 percent had received non-food items. 

WFP has stressed the need to monitor changes in the situation, pointing out that the operational context could change as a refugee camp comes into operation and the rainy season sets in (from May). 

Humanitarian agencies in Abidjan and Dakar have identified tackling the refugee problem as one of the main components in their planning for Côte d'Ivoire and neighbouring states while also strongly focused on displacement in the west of Côte d'Ivoire. 

In a statement issued from New York on 13 January, Baroness Valerie Amos, UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, said humanitarian organizations were doing their utmost to ensure that aid reached the needy, especially women, children and the elderly, as quickly as possible, while contingency plans had been extensively revised to ensure the UN and its partners were ready to respond in case a major humanitarian crisis unfolds. 

"A peaceful and rapid solution to the crisis is critical for the people of Côte d'Ivoire and for the region as a whole. It is important that all parties refrain from inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech and incitement to violence to ensure that the situation does not escalate any further." 

cs/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91636</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012301636560761t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 14 January 2011 (IRIN) - Ivoirians are still crossing from western Côte d&apos;Ivoire into Liberia at a rate of 400 to 600 a day, according to an &quot;initial refugee assessment&quot; issued by the UN World Food Programme.
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