<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Israel</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 30 Apr 2013 07:30:55 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>A who’s who of fighters in Gaza</title><pubDate>Mon, 15 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg" />]]>GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - A ceasefire brokered in November to end eight days of conflict between Israel and Hamas-controlled Gaza has been violated several times in recent weeks with renewed rocket fire from Gaza, Israeli air strikes and Israeli tank incursions onto Gazan territory. What are the chances of a lasting peace? IRIN takes a look at the main military actors on the ground.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - This month, tensions have escalated in Gaza following the first Israeli air strikes since a ceasefire was signed in November 2012.

Despite the November ceasefire - which ended eight days of sustained conflict - the past month has seen both rocket fire aimed at Israel by Gazan armed groups and incursions by Israeli tanks into Gazan territory [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2013_04_12_english.pdf ].

Gaza, which has been under a naval and land blockade since 2007, saw these restrictions loosened after the ceasefire. But in recent weeks, in what was called a response to the rocket fire, Israel has four times closed Kerem Shalom crossing - the only crossing for commercial and humanitarian goods from Israel into Gaza - for days at a time. So far in April, the crossing has been closed for seven days and open for six. Israel also halved the distance fisherman are allowed to go out to sea.

Last week, humanitarian coordinator James Rawley said the closures had depleted stocks of essential supplies, including basic foodstuffs and cooking gas, and undermined the livelihoods and rights of many vulnerable Gazan families.

“If these restrictions continue, the effect upon the Gaza population will be serious,” he said.

In addition, over 2,400 people remain displaced by the November 2012 conflict, and more than 10,000 remain displaced from previous rounds of fighting.

So what are the chances for lasting peace? Much will depend on those holding the guns, rockets and bombs.

Israel - as well as rights groups - holds Hamas responsible for any rockets fired from its territory. While Hamas has been able to secure consensus with some of the larger, more moderate groups, it has at times struggled to control other armed groups, which have fired rockets three times since the November ceasefire. Many of these groups see Hamas’ willingness to sign ceasefire agreements with Israel as a sign of its weakness and lack of commitment to the cause of resistance. This month, Hamas police reportedly detained members of one armed groups trying to fire rockets at Israel.

IRIN takes a look at those who can make or break the ceasefire.

Israeli Defense Forces

The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) [ http://www.idf.il ] were created soon after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, combining several Jewish pre-state armed groups, such as Haganah, Palmach, Irgun and Lehi.

According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies [ http://csis.org/files/publication/100629_Arab-IsraeliMilBal.pdf ], in 2010, Israel’s army had 176,500 active troops, with another 633,000 in the reserves; 3,501 tanks; 6,852 armored personnel carriers and other armored fighting vehicles; 461 combat aircraft; 81 attack and armed helicopters; and 67 major combat ships.

The largest recent Israeli army military operation in Gaza began in December 2008 and lasted 23 days. Over 1,400 Palestinians were killed and 5,000 injured, most of them civilians, according to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights [ http://www.pchrgaza.org/files/Reports/English/pdf_spec/23-days.pdf ]; nine Israelis were killed, three of them civilians [ http://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20090909 ].

Over the eight days of hostilities last November, the Israeli army said it attacked more than 1,500 targets in Gaza, including militants, rocket cells and launchers, tunnels and government centres.

During those hostilities, the army said its Iron Dome system, meant to protect populated areas, also intercepted 421 incoming rockets out of 1,506 fired toward Israel, while more than 800 struck Israel and 152 landed in Gaza, according the army website [ http://www.idfblog.com/2012/11/22/operation-pillar-of-defense-summary-of-events ].

At the time, the army’s chief of staff, Lt Gen Benny Gantz, said the operation had accomplished its goal by killing the head of Hamas’ military brigades and several high-level officials, and inflicting damage on their “launching capabilities” [ http://www.idf.il/1283-17724-EN/Dover.aspx"-EN/Dover.aspx ].

He said that, despite the ceasefire, the Israeli Army would continue to thwart attempts to smuggle weapons into the Gaza Strip from Iran or Libya.

Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades

Hamas’ military wing, the Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades [ http://www.qassam.ps ], dates back to the early 1980s, but they were only officially organized after the establishment of Hamas as a Palestinian political and military movement in 1987. The brigades’ website states they aim to "contribute in the effort of liberating Palestine and restoring the rights of the Palestinian people.”

Estimates of the strength of the brigades range between 10,000 and 20,000 members. Details of its organization and recruitment are kept a secret, the Al-Qassam’s English website states [ http://www.qassam.ps/aboutus.html ].

During the hostilities last November, the brigades said it carried out 1,573 rocket attacks, including mortars; locally developed M75 rockets; and more advanced Fajr-5 and Grad rockets, which targeted the large population centres of Tel Aviv (for the first time since the Gulf War) and Jerusalem (for the first time ever). Its members also used homemade projectiles, landmines and anti-tank weapons against Israeli army border patrols.

Hamas significantly increased the number of rockets fired towards Israel after the assassination of its military commander in November [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/6FFA3F199915CD2585257AD9006DD704 ].

As soon as the ceasefire was announced, Al-Qassam said: "While this round has ended, the battle with the enemy [Israel] is not finished, because the occupation is still standing and the enemy is still threatening us.” It added that the "Palestinian resistance" will be always ready.

Al-Quds Brigades

Al-Quds Brigades [ http://www.saraya.ps ], the military wing of Islamic Jihad, was founded in the early 1980s, following the establishment of the political wing of the Islamic Jihad Movement in the late 1970s. Islamic Jihad is a more radical offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood; it has on several occasions used violence when Hamas has refrained, and it has broken ceasefires that Hamas has signed onto and respected.

The second most powerful militant group in Gaza, Al-Quds has the stated goal of leading Islamists to restore their "pioneering role in the Palestinian struggle" against the Israeli "occupation of Palestine", according to its website. It has claimed responsibility for several large-scale attacks since the late 1980s, including bombs on Israeli buses and in restaurants and attacks on Israeli tourists.

During the escalation this past November, it said it fired 620 rockets toward Israeli targets, including anti-ship missiles, Grad rockets, the group’s locally made rockets, C8K missiles and mortars.

In a statement after the ceasefire, Islamic Jihad said: "The battle continues until all of Palestine is liberated,” and that the end of the aggression did not mean the end of the battle. It reiterated that resistance was the only way to confront occupation.

In a new trend, high-level military coordination took place between Hamas and Islamic Jihad during the November escalation, despite their political differences. Islamic Jihad agreed to the ceasefire brokered by Israel and Hamas.

Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades

Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades is the military wing of the Fatah movement, the largest faction of the umbrella Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which was officially founded in 1965.

Led by former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Fatah and its military wing, formerly known as al-Asifa, engaged in military operations against Israel until the early 1990s, when the PLO - led by Fatah - started peace negotiations with Israel. This led to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994.

The group returned to armed struggle during the second intifada in 2000, adopting the name al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades. Al-Aqsa includes several groups that sometimes work separately [ https://www.facebook.com/K6A2BAQSAPS?fref=ts and https://www.facebook.com/ElmaktabEla3lamy ].

Though al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades has been less active in Gaza since the split between Hamas and Fatah in 2007, some of its groups said they fired dozens of rockets toward Israeli targets during the November 2012 hostilities.

The Ayman Jouda Brigades, one of the most active al-Aqsa groups, declared that it fired 81 rockets toward Israel, and that it would continue its “struggle” against the Israeli occupation until the “liberation of Palestine” [ http://www.facebook.com/m.aimnjouda ].

Faris al-Lil [ https://www.facebook.com/KtaybShhdaAlaqsyMjmwatFarsAllylGhzh ], another armed group affiliated with the al-Aqsa Brigades, claimed responsibility for the rocket fired on 26 February toward the Israeli city of Ashkelon, which, according to the group, was in retaliation for the death of a Palestinian prisoner in an Israeli prison in February.

Nasser Salaheddine Brigades

The Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) were established as a coalition of armed Palestinian groups from several factions in the early days of the second intifada. The group later became a separate faction with a political leadership and a military arm - the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades [ http://www.qaweim.com/alhaq ].

Like other groups, the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades fired dozens of rockets towards Israeli areas and Israeli military bases in November, and said that they carried out these attacks as a struggle against occupation, according to their website.

After the ceasefire, the group re-iterated that "the resistance is our only option until Palestine is liberated. This is our people's choice”. It added that weapons were a “right” of protection that could not be limited by a ceasefire.

Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades

The Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades [ http://www.kataebabuali.ps ] belong to the second-strongest PLO faction, the leftist socialist Popular Front for Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The PFLP was established after the 1967 war and was active in military operations against Israel during the next two decades, including during the first intifada, which began in 1987.

The group became more active in armed struggle during the second intifada - which gave several armed groups an opportunity to re-organize - especially after Israel’s assassination of PFLP Secretary General Abu Ali Mustafa in 2001. Named after him, the Brigades retaliated that year by assassinating the Israeli right-wing tourism minister Rechavam Ze'evi.

The Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades took part in 2008-2009 conflict, when its members said they fired dozens of rockets and mortar shells toward Israeli targets.

During the November hostilities last year, the group said it fired 245 rockets and mortars toward Israel. In a statement at the time, the Brigades said: "We will stay in the same trench of resistance to continue the struggle in all forms, and to protect our people, until defeating the occupation. The battle is still ongoing with the enemy."

National Resistance Brigades

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), which holds leftist and socialist ideals, was established in 1969, and its armed groups, which had several names, were active for the next three decades. During the second intifada, the groups reorganized as the National Resistance Brigades [ http://pnrb.info ] and took part in firing rockets and mortars against Israeli areas beyond Gaza’s borders and at Israeli settlements that existed inside Gaza before the 2005 withdrawal.

It continued its activities during the 2008-2009 conflict, when it fired dozens of locally made rockets, Grad rockets and mortars toward Israeli areas.

The brigades said in a statement, after the November ceasefire was announced, that it had fired 150 rockets and mortars toward Israel during the eight-day conflict, and coordinated with other armed groups during the escalation. The coordination and cooperation between groups, it said, was an important factor in the recent battle.

Salafist groups

There are also a handful of armed Salafist groups in Gaza - including the Jaish al-Islam (Army of Islam) - which together are thought to have hundreds of members. Members of the Salafist group Tawhid wal Jihad (Monotheism and Jihad), which is linked to al-Qaeda, killed pro-Palestinian Italian activist Vittorio Arrigoni after Hamas failed to release their detained leader in 2011.

Their role in the November conflict was not clear, though assumed to be minimal. They have appeared more strongly in recent months, however. For example, one Salafist group, Maglis Shura al-Mujahideen (Combatants’ Consultative Council), twice claimed responsibility for firing rockets despite Hamas’ ceasefire in November.

Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch (HRW), criticized the violations against civilians during the latest conflict. HRW said that many militant groups in Gaza - including al-Qassam Brigades, al-Quds Brigades and the Nasser Salaheddine Brigades - have targeted civilians or “sought to justify the attacks by calling them reprisals for Israeli attacks that killed civilians in Gaza.” [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/12/24/gaza-palestinian-rockets-unlawfully-targeted-israeli-civilians ] HRW called on Hamas, as the ruling authority in Gaza, to punish groups that violate international humanitarian law.

In another report, it also criticized Israel for its air strikes and operations in November [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/12/israel-gaza-airstrikes-violated-laws-war ].

ad/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97847/A-who-s-who-of-fighters-in-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211210915140688t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA 15 April 2013 (IRIN) - A ceasefire brokered in November to end eight days of conflict between Israel and Hamas-controlled Gaza has been violated several times in recent weeks with renewed rocket fire from Gaza, Israeli air strikes and Israeli tank incursions onto Gazan territory. What are the chances of a lasting peace? IRIN takes a look at the main military actors on the ground.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Beyond the E-1 Israeli settlement</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709115t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - A controversial Israeli settlement plan, known as E-1, has garnered much attention in the media. But Israel has also been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - Last month, an international fact-finding mission on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council found [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ] that settlements constituted a violation of international human rights and humanitarian law and called on Israel to stop all expansions immediately and withdraw from settlements. 

A controversial Israeli plan, known as E-1, to build thousands of housing units and hotel rooms near the Ma’ale Adummim settlement, has garnered much attention in the media because it would sever Palestinian East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. (See IRIN’s briefing on E-1 here.) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97644/Briefing-Inside-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement ]

But at the same time, Israel has been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. 

As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.

What’s the Giv’at HaMatos plan?

According to Israeli NGO Ir Amim (“City of Nations”), which works to preserve Jerusalem as a home for both Jews and Palestinians, one settlement plan of “critical importance” is Giv’at HaMatos. 

In a sense, Giv’at HaMatos does in the south what E-1 does in the east. The planned large housing and hotel complex at the southern perimeter of Jerusalem would further disrupt the contiguity of land between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank required for a future Palestinian state, seriously impeding a two-state solution, research and rights groups say [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/GivatHamatosEng ]. It would also mark the first new settlement construction in Jerusalem since 1997. 

“All construction is problematic but there are several plans that are, in our view, more dangerous if implemented,” Hagit Ofran, director of the Settlement Watch project at the Israeli NGO Peace Now, told IRIN. “Giv’at HaMatos is the most dangerous plan that is now approved.”

Part of the plan - to build 2,612 units - was approved by the Jerusalem Regional Planning Committee on 19 December. 

Most of Giv’at HaMatos is currently uninhabited, but according to the International Crisis Group (ICG), which recently released a two-part report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/israel-palestine/134-extreme-makeover-i-israels-politics-of-land-and-faith-in-east-jerusalem.aspx ] on the future of East Jerusalem, its build-up would cut off Arab neighbourhoods in southern Jerusalem, like Beit Safafa and Sharafat, rendering them “Palestinian enclaves”. 

Giv’at HaMatos would connect the dots of several other planned or expanding settlements along southern Jerusalem - including Giv’at Yael in the southwest; and Har Homa and East Talpiyot in the southeast - forming “a long Jewish continuum severing Bethlehem’s urban continuum from Palestinian Jerusalem”, ICG said. Last year, the Israeli government also approved more than 2,000 new units in neighbouring Gilo.

This kind of attachment to Jewish expansions could make peace negotiations even harder. 

“From an Israeli public opinion perspective, Giv’at HaMatos is in the municipal border of Jerusalem,” Ofran said. “It’s considered a legitimate part of Israel.” 

Barak Cohen, the Jerusalem Municipality's adviser for foreign affairs and media, told IRIN Giv’at HaMatos is part of Jerusalem’s “natural and much-needed growth”, allowing both Arab and Jewish landowners to develop their properties.

Indeed, part of the Giv’at HaMatos plan, approved on 18 December, allows for the building of 549 units for Palestinians - though Betty Herschman, director of international relations and advocacy at Ir Amim, points out much of it retroactively legalizes building that has already been completed. The figures, she added, amount to just over one-fifth of the Jewish expansion. 

Still, Cohen insisted, the development would benefit Jerusalem as a whole: “Not planning and developing Jerusalem neighbourhoods ultimately harms all residents and landowners - Arabs and Jews alike.”

Last year, Israel also issued tenders for the construction of 606 new housing units north of East Jerusalem, in the Ramot settlement, just north of the Green Line marking the border between Israel and the West Bank, and approved another 1,500 units in the neighbouring settlement of Ramot Shlomo, according to Ir Amim. 

What other settlements are planned?

Beyond Jerusalem, there was movement on a number of other settlements projects [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/hagit-ofran/israel-west-bank-settlements_b_1616793.html ] in disputed areas, according to Settlement Watch.

In June 2012, the Israeli government announced it would build 851 new units in the West Bank, including more than 230 in the controversial settlements of Ariel and Efrat. Like Giv’at HaMatos, these two settlements make a contiguous Palestinian territory impossible, Settlement Watch says [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/hagit-ofran/israel-west-bank-settlements_b_1616793.html ].

Overall, settlements expanded much faster than usual last year.

In 2012 [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/2012-summary ] the Israeli government approved the construction of 6,676 settler housing units in the West Bank, compared with 1,607 in 2011 and several hundred in 2010, according to Peace Now. 

For plans that were already approved, it issued more than 3,000 tenders to construction contractors - more than any other year in the last decade, Peace Now said [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/ConstructionAndTenders_forPublication.xls ]. Construction has actually begun on 1,747 homes [ http://peacenow.org/images/Summary%20of%20the%204%20years%20of%20Netanyahu%20Government.pdf ].

Regardless of the settlements, Palestinians, especially in Area C, are under immense pressure. Recent weeks have seen a considerable upswing in demolitions of Palestinian structures. According to the Displacement Working Group, a grouping of aid agencies helping displaced families, Israeli forces destroyed 139 Palestinian structures, including 59 homes, in January - almost triple 2012’s monthly average. The demolitions occurred in East Jerusalem and the West Bank - with a majority taking place in Area C - and left 251 Palestinians, including over 150 children, displaced. 

The office of the Coordinator of Government Activities in the (Palestinian) Territories (COGAT) told IRIN there was no connection between the removal of unauthorized buildings and the construction of Israeli settlements. “All construction in the West Bank is subject to building codes and planning laws and unauthorized constructions are dealt with accordingly,” the office said in an email. 

What are the knock-on effects?

Settlements are often discussed through the lens of their illegality under international law or as obstacles to a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. But everything associated with the settlements - including Israeli-only infrastructure, the separation barrier, military checkpoints, restrictions on Palestinian freedom of movement, suppression of freedom of expression and political life, and control of Palestinian natural resources - causes a ripple effect through Palestinian society, adversely impacting the people [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settlements_FactSheet_December_2012_english.pdf ].

The UN estimates there are now 520,000 Israeli settlers in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, with 43 percent of the land there allocated to local and regional settlement councils. According to the UN Secretary-General, Israel has transferred roughly 8 percent of its citizens into OPT since the 1970s, altering the demographic composition of the territory and furthering the Palestinian people from their right to self-determination. 

Baker, of the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office, said a future Palestinian state should include a Jewish minority. “The assumption behind this… is that Jews have no right to live in the West Bank, an assumption that we reject. In fact we see ourselves as the true indigenous people of this land.”

But Israeli settlements have violated Palestinian rights to equality under the law, to religious freedom and to freedom of movement, according to the UN fact-finding mission. They have also eroded Palestinian access to water and to agricultural assets, and the ability to develop economically, it said. 

For example, Bedouins from the Palestinian village of Khan Al Ahmar, northeast of E-1, cannot sell their dairy products at their traditional Souq Al Ahmar market any more. Because of movement restrictions (they hold West Bank IDs and lack the proper permits to enter East Jerusalem), they cannot get there.

The UN secretary-general has said that Palestinians “have virtually no control” over the water resources in the West Bank, with 86 percent of the Jordan Valley and the Dead Sea under the de facto jurisdiction of the settlement regional councils. 

There is a statistical correlation between Palestinians’ proximity to settlements and their rates of food insecurity, according to a UN and government survey [ http://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/47d4e277b48d9d3685256ddc00612265/75cc20e011b5c5b985257a46004e6518?OpenDocument ], which found that one quarter of Palestinians who live in Area C, home to the largest number of settlements in the West Bank, are food insecure. In Areas A and B, the average rate of food insecurity is 17 percent. 

In addition, “all spheres of Palestinian life are being significantly affected by a minority of settlers who are engaged in violence and intimidation with the aim of forcing Palestinians off their land,” the mission said.

Operation Dove, an international organization working in the Palestinian village of At-Tuwani and the South Hebron Hills, reported that Palestinian children have a very hard time going to school due to settler attacks. 

The UN and rights groups say radical settlers use violence against Palestinians with impunity and their illegal outposts are often recognized and retroactively legalized by the government. 

Since the occupation began, Israel has detained hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, some of them without charge, and some of them children. Most of the minors are arrested “at friction points, such as a village near a settlement or a road used by the army or settlers”, the fact-finding mission said. 

Israel uses what they term “administrative detention” when it considers the detainee a threat to the security of the state.

Ir Amim’s Herschman says Israel is also attempting to create a “greater Jerusalem” through additional means, for example: the Israeli separation barrier, planned national parks, and the construction of highways dividing villages, dispossessing Palestinians of their land and making it harder for them to access services like schools and mosques. 

In recent weeks, residents of the Palestinian village of Beit Safafa have been protesting against the planned extension of the Begin Highway that would divide their village in order to connect major Israeli settlement blocks outside the city to Jerusalem.

The planned root of the separation barrier, in addition to a potential national park around the perimeter of the barrier would also close off nearby Palestinian village al-Wallajeh. 

The planned route of the barrier extends all the way around and far beyond Muale Adummim and in other areas south and north of Jerusalem. “These lines are a unilateral declaration of a much greater Jerusalem, a unilateral expanding of the boundaries, an exponential increase,” she told IRIN. 

Or as the ICG put it, “for many Arab East Jerusalemites, the battle for their city is all but lost.”

mg/ha/cb

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This is the second in a two-part series on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97676/Briefing-Beyond-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200709115t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 18 March 2013 (IRIN) - A controversial Israeli settlement plan, known as E-1, has garnered much attention in the media. But Israel has also been moving forward with equally controversial settlement plans under less scrutiny and with unusual speed. As US President Barack Obama prepares to visit the region this week, IRIN takes a look at some of the details that have been overlooked in the discussion.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Inside the E-1 Israeli settlement</title><pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20070612t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - There was much fanfare over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement last year that Israel would move ahead with the controversial E-1 settlement plan. But what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu kicked up a storm in November when he vowed to push ahead with the controversial “E-1” plan to build an Israeli neighbourhood for some 20,000 people over 12sqkm that would separate Palestinian East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank.

Palestine, now upgraded to a non-member observer state at the UN General Assembly, recently threatened [ http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2013/01/201312454114299269.html ] to ask the International Criminal Court to investigate Israel if it moves forward with E-1 (Palestine would first have to sign onto the Rome Statute that created the Court).

There was much fanfare over Netanyahu’s announcement last year but what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?

What’s the process?

The master plan for E-1 - including 3,500-4,000 housing units, 2,100 hotel rooms, an industrial area and a regional police headquarters west of the Israeli settlement of Ma’ale Adummim - was first conceived in 1994, expedited in 1999 and approved in 2002 but has been frozen for years due to US resistance.

On 30 November 2012, one day after the UN General Assembly voted to recognize Palestine as an observer state, Netanyahu announced the plans would move ahead.

On 5 December, the West Bank Higher Planning Council of the Israeli Ministry of Defence’s Civil Administration arm approved two specific plans for a total of 3,426 housing units in E-1. But according to Israeli groups that monitor settlement expansion, the plans have not yet been formally deposited for public review.

Once that happens (usually a sign is publication of the plan in a local newspaper), the public will have 60 days to submit objections. The Planning Council would then hear the objections, and decide whether to approve the plan as is, reject it or send it back for amendments.

Once fully approved, there are two further steps. The municipality of Ma’ale Adummim, to which E-1 belongs, must approve building permits. The final step is for the Ministry of Housing to issue tenders for contractors to begin construction.

“No decision has been taken to allow construction in E-1,” David Baker, senior foreign press coordinator for the Israeli Prime Minister's Office, told IRIN. “We have allowed so far for preliminary planning and zoning work only.”

To what extent is politics relevant?

So when would bulldozers actually start breaking ground? The whole process could take as little as six months, more likely at least one year, if not two. But it depends on political will. The government can freeze the plans at any point in the process up until the tender stage.

Alternatively, “if there is willingness, it can happen fairly quickly,” said Yehezkel Lein, head of research at the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Jerusalem.

The political will depends on who ends up joining Netanyahu’s governing coalition. The union of his right-wing Likud Party with the centrist Hatnuah Party, led by Tzipi Livni, a long-time advocate of peace negotiations, is likely to slow the process. But to form the rest of his government, Netanyahu is still in negotiations with others, including the far-right Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home) Party, led by religious Zionist Naftali Bennett.

Still, to avoid a diplomatic incident, movement is unlikely in the lead-up to or immediately after US President Barack Obama’s visit to the region this month. In addition, “given the instability in the region right now, [moving forward on E-1] would be a very risky, ill-advised decision,” said Betty Herschman, director of international relations and advocacy at Israeli NGO Ir Amim (“City of Nations”), which works to preserve Jerusalem as a home for both Israelis and Palestinians.

The decision to move ahead with E-1, she pointed out, came as a “retaliatory gesture to the UN resolution” and in the lead-up to Israeli elections, when there was “a lot of political cachet to be gained” from such an announcement. Because of the ill-understood, multi-level process of planning and approvals, such an announcement could be made, and yet, “theoretically, [construction] might never happen.”

On the other hand, she and others said, Netanyahu could agree to freeze settlement expansion for one year, continue with the preparatory bureaucratic steps required, and begin construction of E-1 one year later without any delay in the process.

Much of the infrastructure for a settlement in E-1, including a major road, utilities, and levelling of ground as a preparation for the future neighborhood, was built in 2004 and 2005; as such “if construction gets going at the site, it will proceed far more rapidly [ http://peacenow.org/entries/post_69#.UMMI6YM3vJd ] than under normal circumstances,” Peace Now, an Israeli NGO, has said.

Regardless of whether construction starts, Hagit Ofran, director of the Settlement Watch project at Peace Now, told IRIN, the bureaucratic steps would bring any future government that much closer to implementation.

What are the implications of starting construction?

The Israeli government argues that the status of settlements will be determined in future peace talks. But many diplomats and rights groups have termed E-1 a “nail in the coffin of the two-state solution”, because it effectively puts a wedge between Palestinian East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank, destroying the territorial contiguity of a future Palestinian state.

E-1 would also have more immediate consequences.

In the 1990s, when Ma’ale Adummim was first expanding, more than 200 Bedouin families were relocated - some forcibly - further south right next to a landfill near Al Ezariya town. According to OCHA, the move left 85 percent of them unable to practice their traditional herding livelihoods and exposed them to the health hazards posed by the garbage site.

“It was a very painful process,” Lein told IRIN.

Some 2,300 Palestinian Bedouins live in 20 communities [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_map_of_threat_of_displacemnt_jerusalem_periphery_october_2011_english.pdf ] in the hills to the east of Jerusalem, in and around the Ma’ale Adummim settlement, within the contours of the Israeli separation barrier. More than 80 percent of them are refugees from what is now Israel and over two-thirds are children, according to OCHA. Ir Amim says around 1,100 of them live within the area slated to become E-1.

Bedouin communities - not only in the area around Ma’ale Adummim, but even more so in the Jordan Valley and other parts of Israeli-controlled Area C - have had their homes demolished and are regularly displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97158/OPT-A-precarious-existence-in-the-Jordan-Valley ] on the basis that they do not have legal building permits or are living in Israeli military zones.

The Israeli government has long planned to relocate Bedouin living in and around E-1, arguing they are living there without permits. It says their planned transfer (still under legal negotiations) is completely unrelated to the E-1 settlement plan. But observers say their transfer will likely be expedited if E-1 goes ahead. After many objections to the old site near the garbage dump, the Civil Administration has identified a new relocation site next to Jericho.

Forcible transfer of an occupied population is a violation of international humanitarian law. But aid workers fear the communities may “choose” to leave voluntarily, knowing they will soon be kicked out anyway, in order to settle on the best possible land in the new location.

“When you don’t have a meaningful option, even if you agree, it’s not legitimate consent,” Lein said.

An international fact-finding mission on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory recently found that the effects of settlements go much further, affecting nearly every aspect of Palestinian life [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-63_en.pdf ].

mg/ha/cb


Read more:

Peace Now briefing on E-1
[ http://peacenow.org/entries/post_69#.UMMI6YM3vJd ]

Ir Amim briefing on E-1
[ http://www.irinnews.org/newsite/pdf/Ir_Amim_briefing_on_E-1.pdf ]

B’Tselem briefing on E-1
[ http://www.btselem.org/settlements/20121202_e1_human_rights_ramifications ]

OCHA Fact-sheet on Bedouin relocation
[ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_map_of_threat_of_displacemnt_jerusalem_periphery_october_2011_english.pdf ]

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This is the first in a two-part series on Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97644/Briefing-Inside-the-E-1-Israeli-settlement</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20070612t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - There was much fanfare over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement last year that Israel would move ahead with the controversial E-1 settlement plan. But what has happened since? How quickly could E-1 become reality? And what of the oft-overlooked humanitarian implications?</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Imprisoned Eritreans complain of being forced to leave Israel</title><pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.

In one of the many testimonies a 28-year-old Eritrean detainee reported being repeatedly visited by a translator telling her to accept deportation to a third country (Uganda).

“He said we would not be free from the prison and we can only go to Uganda or Eritrea. I was frustrated and depressed. I do not want to go to Uganda. Today they called me and gave me a handwritten form in Tigrinya which said: `I came from Eritrea to Israel illegally and now I want to go to Uganda voluntarily. To do this I would like the Eritrean embassy to issue me a passport and all the necessary documents.’ They asked me to sign it and wanted to take my picture on video. I refused.”

Israel is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention but does not recognize Eritreans as refugees, although it does not officially deport Eritreans and allows them to stay in Israel under a group defence (temporary group protection).

Staff at the Hotline for Migrant Workers [ http://www.hotline.org.il/en_drupal/english/about.htm ], who collected the testimonies, say the government is forcibly trying to repatriate Eritreans: “These people have no access to a refugee status determination process, they are detained under the new amendment to the infiltration law that came into effect in June 2012, which allows detention of `infiltrators’ for an unlimited amount of time; now they are told they will never be allowed to leave the prison and their only option is to go back to Uganda/Eritrea. How can this be considered voluntary?” one staff member told IRIN.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in Israel, William Tall, told IRIN the Ministry of Interior made an attempt to offer relocation to some 23 Eritreans to Uganda but without any result so far.

At the end of February he told Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz there was nothing voluntary about this process [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/un-refugee-official-slams-israel-over-eritrean-repatriation.premium-1.505563 ].

One Eritrean, Tesfamihret Habtemariam, was reportedly deported from Israel earlier this month and is now in detention at Cairo airport after five years in Israel, and may be returned to Eritrea.

UNHCR advises against repatriating Eritrean nationals because of the likelihood of their being punished on return to their country.

Israel’s stance

Under an updated Anti-Infiltration law passed in January 2012, all illegal border crossers are labelled “infiltrators” and can be detained for up to three years.

The Eritreans being held in detention camps in the south are generally not notified about their right to claim asylum or given the application forms needed to do this, report NGOs.

On 18 February, official documents from the Israeli assembly, the Knesset, quote Interior Minister Eli Yishai saying deportations (by definition forced) were not yet taking place.

He said more than a 1,000 nationals of northern Sudan and Eritrea had already left voluntarily and said he hoped a lot more would decide to leave.

“And if it won't be voluntary leave, it will be involuntary - to their country or to a different third country, and there is still no third country to sign an agreement with, but I hope we do find other third countries that we'll have an agreement with, and we can transfer the infiltrators from here, from the Land of Israel, to their country or to another country, whether it is done willingly or not.”

Last week the Israel’s Attorney-General Yehuda Weinstein sent a letter widely reported in the local press to the director of the Interior Ministry’s Population, Immigration and Border Authority, Amnon Ben Ami, saying that under no circumstances should Eritrean nationals in Israeli custody be sent “to any destination outside Israel’s borders” until he (Weinstein) further clarifies these legal issues.

td/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97623/Imprisoned-Eritreans-complain-of-being-forced-to-leave-Israel</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007081431t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 11 March 2013 (IRIN) - Testimonies of jailed Eritrean migrants and asylum seekers (collected by a local NGO) say officials at Saharonim prison in Israel’s Southern Negev desert are coercing them to sign “voluntary repatriation” forms.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

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Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Furore in Israel over birth control drugs for Ethiopian Jews</title><pubDate>Mon, 28 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080926130272t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The director of the Ministry of Health in Israel, Roni Gamzo, has issued a formal directive instructing that gynaecologists should not inject women with the contraceptive Depo-Provera without their knowledge or consent.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The director of the Ministry of Health in Israel, Roni Gamzo, has issued a formal directive instructing that gynaecologists should not inject women with the contraceptive Depo-Provera without their knowledge or consent.

The directive, issued last week, comes after around 30 Ethiopian Jews who had emigrated to Israel said they had been told that they would not be allowed into the country without receiving the contraceptive drug.

Within Israel, Ethiopian Jews make up the majority of those given the drug, according to a report published in 2010 by Isha le'Isha, a women’s rights organization; 57 percent of women who had received the drug in Israel are Ethiopian Jews, although they account for less than 2 percent of the overall population.

“We believe it is a method of reducing the number of births in a community that is black and mostly poor,” Hedva Eyal, the author of the report, told IRIN. “It is indeed the first time that the state actually acknowledged that this procedure of injecting immigrant women with this drug, when they do not know the side effects and are given no other choice, is wrong.”

The directive was issued less than two weeks after a group of organizations representing the Jewish Ethiopian community, along with the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), sent a letter to Gamzo asking that this practice be stopped immediately and that an investigation be started into it both in Israel and in the transit camps in Ethiopia.

Ministry of Health deputy spokesperson Smadar Shazo told IRIN that while the directive was issued after the letter from the organizations, the ministry had begun investigating the matter a few months ago in an attempt to determine who was behind this policy in both Israel and the transit camps in Ethiopia.

“We started the research [for the 2010 report] after an article in one of the dailies reported a steep decline in the number of babies born in the Ethiopian community, which is a young, supposedly fertile community,” said Eyal.

Over 120,000 Jews of Ethiopian descent live in Israel today; 83,000 of them were born in Ethiopia.

Between 1985 and 1991, more than 30,000 were airlifted in three rescue operations after years of civil war and famine had driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians into the capital, Addis Ababa, and refugee camps in Sudan.

But their integration into Israeli society has not been easy [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94819/ISRAEL-The-tribulations-of-being-an-Ethiopian-Jew ]; about 52 percent of Ethiopian-Israeli families live below the poverty line, compared to 16 percent among the general Jewish Israeli population.

td/jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97352/Furore-in-Israel-over-birth-control-drugs-for-Ethiopian-Jews</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080926130272t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 28 January 2013 (IRIN) - The director of the Ministry of Health in Israel, Roni Gamzo, has issued a formal directive instructing that gynaecologists should not inject women with the contraceptive Depo-Provera without their knowledge or consent.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aid agencies tread gingerly in the West Bank&apos;s Area C</title><pubDate>Fri, 11 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007281330380386t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - Palestinian communities in Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, are among the poorest and most vulnerable in the occupied Palestinian territory, but development organizations that try to improve living conditions there say they are hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - As night descends in the Jordan Valley in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), a family in the village of Ras Al-Ahmar lights a small paraffin lamp in the tent they call home.

There is no electricity here and the nearby Palestinian villages are enveloped in darkness. The only visible cluster of light is from a nearby Israeli settlement.

Humanitarian agencies are well aware of the needs in this part of the West Bank but they face a challenge: play by the rules established by Israel or face the risk of having projects demolished [ http://www.ewash.org/files/library/5Factsheet5-AccesstoWASHinAreaC.pdf ].

Despite being outside the state of Israel, 90 percent of the Jordan Valley is under full Israeli civil and military control as part of Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank.

Palestinian communities here, among the poorest and most vulnerable in oPt, desperately need access to water, electricity, sanitation and other basic infrastructure [ http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/9100B847ECAD72C4852578DF006748BE ].

But despite the needs, development organizations that try to improve living conditions in Area C say they find their ability to make any lasting impact hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.

Like Palestinians, organizations that want to build basic service infrastructure such as houses, schools or water systems are required to submit an application for a permit to the Israeli authorities.

Often, these permits are not granted. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), between January 2000 and September 2007, over 94 percent of applications submitted by Palestinians to the Israeli authorities for building permits in Area C were denied [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/Demolitions_in_Area_C_May_2008_English.pdf ].

“The permit regime is very confusing. There is no clarity about the status of an application, whether paperwork has been received, if it is complete,” Willow Heske, media lead for Oxfam in oPt, told IRIN. “Agencies have sometimes waited for two years only to get a rejection that comes without any explanation.”

“A few years ago we put in plans to build a water reservoir in Al-Jiftlik, to provide half of Al-Jiftlik with running water,” said Heske.

“The reservoir was considered a `building’ and we didn’t get the permit. So we moved to a plan B which still involved setting up a reservoir and piping system but above rather than below ground. This too was not accepted. So as a last resort we had to go back to distributing water tanks. And of course people were frustrated and disappointed.”

Challenging the occupation

Some NGOs, among them Palestinian organizations like Ma’an Development Centre (MDC), believe that adhering to the permit regime helps legitimize the occupation, and choose to ignore the rules altogether.

“If you’re playing within the rules of the occupation then you are legitimizing it. We don’t seek permits from the Israelis. If we put in a permit request we would likely get denied,” MDC project manager Chris Keeler told IRIN. “And also because of a moral stance. We don’t think that a Palestinian NGO should be seeking permission from Israel to be building on Palestinian lands.”

For international organizations, it’s not only the possibility of having a permit denied that affects their work, but also the multiple ways in which the Israeli state bureaucracy hinders their work by issuing “stop work” orders to existing projects, refusing to issue work visas, or refusing to renew existing work permits for foreign staff.

Even MDC finds that it must sometimes work within existing framework restrictions.

“There are houses all over the Jordan Valley that need renovations,” said Keeler. “If we do a project in some of the communities in the north, it would likely get destroyed. So we work a lot in Al-Jiftlik and Al-Fasayil. We need permits in those places too, but because they are more established communities, there is less risk that they will get destroyed. A lot of donors want reassurance that structures we build will not be torn down.”

IRIN was unable to get a response from the Israeli government despite repeated attempts, but in the past the Israeli government spokesperson has said Israeli policy is shaped by security concerns.

EU move

In May 2012, the European Union (EU) Council of Foreign Affairs called on Israel to meet its obligations to communities in Area C, “including by accelerated approval of Palestinian master plans, halting forced transfer of population and demolition of Palestinian housing and infrastructure… and addressing humanitarian needs.” [ http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/130248.pdf ]

The Council stated that the “social and economic developments in Area C are of critical importance for the viability of a future Palestinian state.”

The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized the recommendations [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/About+the+Ministry/MFA+Spokesman/2012/Response-to-EU-FAC-conclusions-14-May-2012.htm ], saying they were “based on a partial, biased and one-sided depiction of realities on the ground” and that they “do not contribute to advancing the peace process”.

The Ministry said 119 projects were authorized in Area C in 2011 and that they ensured that “planned projects” were “coordinated and in conformity… with the law”.

Oxfam’s Heske believes the recent EU recommendations are bold and courageous, even though it is still not clear how they will play out on the ground. “These conclusions mean that there is now a full political commitment to work on development in Area C,” she said. “How it will play out, we don’t know, if it happens with or without permits. But we don’t want to see just one token water network here and there.”

Since 2011, the Palestinian Authority’s ministry for local government and local Palestinian councils have submitted 32 master plans for development in Area C to the Israeli Civil Administration (ICA). Each master plan includes infrastructure development, health care, primary education, water provision, electricity and the development of agricultural land, and requires approval by the ICA through a lengthy process of negotiation.

However, according to Azzam Hjouj, acting general director for urban and regional planning in the Palestinian ministry of local government, even if master plans are approved by the ICA, it is expected that the Israeli authorities may issue demolition and “stop work” orders for some plans, particularly in areas like Al-Jiftlik in the Jordan Valley, and that political pressure will be required to ensure implementation.

Bedouin villages

As for the more isolated Bedouin villages in the valley, the new master plans will not cover their areas.

“It’s difficult to make a master plan for these herding communities, because they are dispersed over large areas. They move around a lot and we don’t want to urbanize these areas, it’s their way of life,” Hjouj said. “And even if we made master plans, it would just give the ICA an excuse to congregate the herding communities into one area and take the remaining land.”

The Israeli Coordination of Government Activity in the Territories (COGAT - a unit in the Israeli Ministry of Defense that engages in coordinating civilian issues between the government of Israel, the Israel Defense Forces, international organizations, diplomats, and the Palestinian Authority) said that many of the construction projects in Area C are “illegal and poorly planned”.

A report compiled by COGAT relating to projects in Area C states that “illegal construction projects that ignore master plans undermine the possibility for future expansions and create problems for electrical, sewage and water systems.”

More advocacy?

As with the wider crisis, there are no easy solutions for humanitarian agencies seeking to provide aid in Area C, and finding the line between purely humanitarian work, and political engagement is tough [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96920/Analysis-Politics-and-humanitarianism-in-Israel-oPt ].

For economist Shir Hever, author of The Political Economy of Israel’s Occupation, Western governments and NGOs need to be more active in opposing the occupation of West Bank areas.

“Instead, donors put 99 percent of their work in doing what is allowed and 1 percent in protesting conditions,” he said.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97228/Aid-agencies-tread-gingerly-in-the-West-Bank-apos-s-Area-C</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007281330380386t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH/AL-JIFTLIK 11 January 2013 (IRIN) - Palestinian communities in Area C, a zone that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, are among the poorest and most vulnerable in the occupied Palestinian territory, but development organizations that try to improve living conditions there say they are hampered by Israeli restrictions and bureaucracy.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: 2012 - a year of continuing turmoil</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - The Middle East continued to boil in Year 2 of what was once an Arab “Spring” with the ever-worsening conflict in Syria, toxic spillover into Lebanon, deadly clashes in Egypt, proliferation of weapons in Libya, assassinations and bomb blasts in Yemen, emboldened insurgents in Iraq and continued protests in Jordan. 

While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the region, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface - and sometimes in plain - but neglected - view. 

Here are 10 of the main issues IRIN highlighted this year: 

Syria’s refugee crisis: The number of Syrians registered as refugees in neighbourhing countries skyrocketed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96136/Briefing-The-mounting-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] from 10,000 at the beginning of the year, to half a million today, despite some borders being less than open [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees ]. The UN has launched appeal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] after appeal to help the refugees living in basic conditions in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, even Iraq, and increasingly Egypt, but funding has consistently been insufficient to meet the rising needs - largely due to politics and donor fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ]. In the meantime, refugees have been vulnerable to harsh winters, labour exploitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ]; child work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97062/JORDAN-Syrian-child-refugees-who-work-culture-or-coping-mechanism ]; early marriage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ] and political tensions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96232/LEBANON-SYRIA-The-refugee-minefield ].

The humanitarian toll in Syria: Syria has made the headlines daily in the past year, but most news reports have focused on rebel advances or diplomatic efforts to end the nearly two-year conflict. Meanwhile, the quality of daily life inside the country has spiralled downwards - and fast. In early 2012, alarm bells [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94914/Analysis-Worrying-signs-for-food-security-in-Syria ] rang over food security; by year end, even in the capital Damascus people were having a hard time finding bread [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ]. Farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94888/SYRIA-Insecurity-makes-drought-hit-farmers-even-more-vulnerable ] have been especially hard-hit. At least two million people are now internally displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97126/SYRIA-Nowhere-to-run ], and the problem was exacerbated in July when fighting hit Damascus [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95914/SYRIA-Fighting-in-capital-adds-to-growing-displacement-challenge ]. Winter [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] has brought a whole new series of challenges for the displaced. Healthcare is hard to access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. Many people forget that Syria was home to more than 1.5 million refugees - mostly Palestinians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] and Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] - who have become more vulnerable because of the crisis. With millions of people affected, the aid operation has struggled to keep up with the quick increase in needs because of insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96952/SYRIA-UN-shrinks-staff-and-movement-amid-insecurity ], a lack of funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ], drawn-out initial negotiations with the government over access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95606/Analysis-Principles-or-pragmatism-Negotiating-access-in-Syria ], and questions around the capacity and impartiality of the major player in the response, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]. The result is a new kind of humanitarianism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] - through local activists and illegal cross-border aid, which has raised some eyebrows in the aid community.

Regional spillover: The Syrian crisis took on regional implications this year, as Lebanese sects with Syrian alliances shot at each other [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95724/Analysis-Bound-by-conflict-the-Syrian-Lebanon-crisis ]; Kurds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96007/IRAQ-SYRIA-As-Kurds-enter-the-fray-risk-of-conflict-grows ] in Turkey, Iraq and Syria sought a piece of the pie; and Syrian shells hit southern Turkey. The US military even sent troops to Jordan to prepare for a possible widening of the conflict. The Iraqi government says the conflict in Syria has emboldened insurgents at home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ]; increased the flow of weapons across the border; and heightened sectarian tensions. Some analysts have predicted a Sunni-Shia war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94633/Analysis-2012-The-Year-of-Crisis-in-the-Middle-East ] that would draw in Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, armed groups in the occupied Palestinian territory and engulf the entire region. 

A forgotten crisis in Yemen: Meanwhile, the poorest country in the Arab world slid further into crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95429/YEMEN-Alarm-bells-over-worsening-humanitarian-crisis ] this year. A crumbling economy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95499/YEMEN-Struggling-to-get-by ] has driven more and more people to the point of desperation [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen ]. If they were not already, the numbers are now staggering: The UN estimates that more than 13 million people - over half the population of 24 million - need humanitarian assistance. More than 10 million people do not have secure access to food; 13 million do not have access to safe water [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96093/YEMEN-Time-running-out-for-solution-to-water-crisis ] and sanitation; and nearly one million children are acutely malnourished. After Arab Spring protests in 2011, a new government was born in 2012, ending the 22-year-rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, but many complain of little change in Yemen. The new government has faced innumerable challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94956/YEMEN-Challenges-aplenty-for-new-president ] in its first year, including the demands of minority groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95324/YEMEN-Akhdam-community-angered-by-government-neglect ], lingering corruption [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ], and political divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ], as remnants of the old regime try to cling to power [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ].

These more recent challenges add to Yemen’s long-standing threats: Houthi rebels in the north, al-Qaeda-linked militants in the south [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95176/YEMEN-Behind-militia-lines-in-Jaar ] and a southern secessionist movement. Despite these deterrents, 2012 saw record numbers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ] of refugees and migrants head to Yemen, where - rather than refuge - they often found more trouble [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ].

Sectarian clashes in the north [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94763/YEMEN-Fighting-in-north-leads-to-fresh-displacements ] and military operations in the south brought the number of internally displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] to nearly half a million. The government declared in June that it had rooted out militants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ] who had taken control of parts of the south, but people have struggled to return to their homes due to landmines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ], limited basic services, including health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ], and continued insecurity. Access for aid workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security ] to former conflict areas has increased, but funding is not yet fully secured [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ]. Yemen is in desperate need of immediate assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/2013_Yemen_Humanitarian_Response_Plan.pdf ] to avoid becoming the next Somalia.

Continued violence in Iraq: Iraq slipped out of the headlines as the US pulled out its troops at the end of 2011, ending a nearly nine-year occupation. But 2012 was no less violent [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/database/ ] for civilians. A surge of violence in January, in the weeks after the withdrawal, had many Iraqis reconsidering their options [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ]. Insurgent dynamics have changed post-withdrawal; Shia groups have become less active, while Sunni groups appear to have resurged, with several high-profile coordinated bombings across the country throughout the year. But the main driver of violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] continues to be dysfunctional and polarized politics. The situation is likely to get worse in the lead-up to elections in 2013 and 2014, and as the situation in neighbouring Syria deteriorates further. Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96240/IRAQ-Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ] by the war, and tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees returning from Syria could further destabilize [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95964/IRAQ-Returnees-from-Syria-a-humanitarian-crisis-in-the-making ] the country. 

The stalling of Libya’s transition: Libya held its first democratic elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections ] since the ousting of former leader Muammar Gaddafi, but a power struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94981/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying ] between Libya’s budding new government and a web of revolution-era militias continued to plague Libya’s transition to stability after the toppling of Gaddafi in late 2011. Tens of thousands of Libyans remained displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home ] months after the fighting ended, afraid to return home because of lingering ethnic tensions. Clashes in southern tribal areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes ] rocked the country in the early months of the year; and many minorities were unsure if the revolution would finally bring them more rights [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads ]. Libya’s policy towards migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo ], who were violently targeted in the months following the revolution, remained harsh. Many of them, along with Libyan refugees and failed asylum seekers, are still stranded on the Egyptian border [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees ].

The price of Egypt’s revolution: It has been another gripping year in Egyptian politics, as debate and controversy surrounded the withdrawal from power of the ruling military council; the election of a new president [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95729/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-undone ], the disbanding of parliament, and the drafting of a new constitution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96045/Briefing-What-is-at-stake-in-Egypt-s-upcoming-constitution ]. Increased polarization within Egyptian society led once more to a series of fatal clashes on the streets throughout the year. The political turmoil has prevented the much-hoped-for economic revival, with foreign currency reserves dropping by more than half, unemployment rising, poverty increasing, and the budget deficit at US$27.5 billion and growing. The poor have been the hardest hit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/EGYPT-Poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ]. In the short term, the revolution has yet to bring tangible gains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94836/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-one-year-on ]; on the contrary, it has led to fears of rising malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ]; fuel shortages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95222/EGYPT-Fuel-shortage-threatens-bread-supplies ]; child abductions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95271/EGYPT-Rising-tide-of-child-abductions ]; and a rise in religious extremism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97033/EGYPT-Fresh-worries-for-religious-minorities ]. The new constitution was passed in a referendum at the end of the year, but opposition remains high. Next year is likely to be as unpredictable as the past two. 

Never-ending challenges for Palestinians: Changes in Egyptian politics raised hopes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza ] in the Gaza Strip that a five-year blockade by Egypt and Israel would be eased. (New Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood movement is close to the Islamist rulers of Gaza, Hamas). But significant changes have yet to take effect, with Gazans continuing to depend on underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96734/OPT-Tunnel-closures-exacerbate-Gaza-housing-crisis ] to smuggle in supplies. This has left Palestinians continuing to face food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94740/OPT-Boosting-protection-and-tackling-food-insecurity ], an aid-dependent economy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94606/Analysis-Visions-for-a-healthier-West-Bank-economy ], and Israeli settlement expansions in the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95445/Analysis-Israeli-government-challenges-the-law-to-embrace-illegal-settler-outposts ]. This year, Gaza had the added misery of a severe fuel shortage and related energy crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ], with the UN predicting in August that Gaza could be uninhabitable by 2016 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96209/OPT-Gaza-s-water-could-be-undrinkable-by-2016 ]. It was in this context that in November, Israel launched (with the stated aim of halting rocket-fire from Gaza into Israel) large-scale air attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96814/OPT-In-the-line-of-fire ] which killed dozens of civilians, displaced thousands [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains ] of others, and left communities on both sides of the border reeling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst ]. The legacy of the eight-day military operation is still not clear [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea ]; at the end of December, Israeli officials said they would start allowing construction materials to enter Gaza daily via the Kerem Shalom crossing. Despite the high needs, aid agencies have traditionally struggled to provide aid amid tight Israeli restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94750/AID-POLICY-Islamic-agencies-battle-the-odds-in-Gaza ]; but this year, aid agencies in oPt began resisting the status quo [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95954/OPT-EU-pressure-for-aid-change-in-Area-C ].

Migrants in Israel: Throughout 2012, Israel hardened its stance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard ] towards migrants. In January, it introduced a new law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ] designed to stop what it calls “infiltrators” and by spring, public opinion had significantly shifted against migrants, leading to attacks involving Molotov cocktails [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ], mob beatings [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go ] and police crackdowns [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ]. In April, Israel began deporting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ] South Sudanese asylum seekers who previously had protected status in Israel. 

The coordination of humanitarian aid: When Valerie Amos became UN under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs in 2010, one of her priorities was to increase partnerships between the UN and other players in the field. After years of mistrust between the mainstream humanitarian system and aid agencies in the Arab and Muslim worlds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ], the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in 2012 signed memorandums of understanding with Qatar and Kuwait. OCHA’s liaison office in the Gulf has set up a new web portal [ http://www.arabhum.net/ ] as a link between Gulf donors and the UN, and Gulf countries are moving towards increased coordination [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96352/Analysis-Towards-more-coordination-of-aid-in-the-Gulf ] in aid and emergency preparedness among themselves. Aid agencies in the Muslim world are also trying to make better use [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] of the billions of dollars [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] given in alms and charity every year. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97155/MIDDLE-EAST-2012-a-year-of-continuing-turmoil</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Gaza operation over, but emergency remains</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007120615t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.

“There is a misconception that because there is a period of calm, we can start thinking about a development process, which is very difficult to do when they are under occupation,” Pablo Recalde said at a press conference in Dubai on 9 December.

“This latest operation has brought back to [people’s consciousness] that we need to be ready and we need to maintain assistance,” he told IRIN separately. “These kinds of flare-ups of violence… are now systemic. Up until there is a permanent solution to the problem of the Palestinian people, you will have these ups and downs.”

While around 1,000 families lost their homes during eight days of air strikes on Gaza in November, Recalde said there had been no major decrease in food security in Gaza. Even in normal times, 40 percent of Gazans do not have regular access to food and are dependent on aid to survive, he said. Entrance to and exit from Gaza - for its 1.6 million inhabitants, as well as for trade and aid - are controlled by neighbours Egypt and Israel.

WFP requires US$2 million a month for its food programmes in Gaza; but its funding has dropped by around one-third since last year.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/2007120615t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - Despite the end of an Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, the humanitarian situation there remains dire, says the representative of the World Food Programme (WFP) in the occupied Palestinian territory.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: In the Arab world, building fridges to live in an oven</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

The disasters of the last three decades have cost at least US$12 billion, according to the report. “This number does not really account for other enormous losses which unfold over a period of time,” said Junaid Kamal Ahmad, the World Bank’s sustainable development head.

And even this could be a gross underestimate. “The costs of damages are reported for only 17 percent of disasters and rarely capture the suffering that follows the loss of lives and livelihoods,” Ahmad said. 

Drought and flood victims account for 98 percent of all people affected by climate-related disasters in the region, according to the report. 

Dire predictions

The long-term climate-change trends are foreboding, according to the report. Temperatures are projected to rise by three to four degrees Celsius in the Arab world - which includes countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa - by the end of the century. Such an increase would be 1.5 times faster than the global average, meaning people in the region would be regularly living with temperatures around of 54 to 55 degrees Celsius.

2010 was already the warmest year since records began in the late 1800s, with 19 countries setting new highs. Five of these were Arab countries, including Kuwait, which set a new record at 52.6 degrees Celsius that year; it was topped by 2011’s high of 53.5 degrees Celsius. 

The region is home to the world's biggest per capita emitters of greenhouse gas: Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

“Someone mentioned we will have to build fridges to live in the oven,” quipped Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice president for sustainable development, during the Doha press conference announcing the report’s release. 

Authors of the report - a scientific study with input from academics in the region - hope it informs the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment of climate change science, which is expected to be released in 2013-14. 

Kyte said they hope the report also informs discussions on losses and damages caused by climate change. Such discussions have stalled at the current UN climate change talks taking place in Doha; the issue being left for political leaders, who arrived on 4 December, to resolve [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96867/CLIMATE-CHANGE-When-the-damage-is-done ].

Agriculture and water

Rising temperatures are bad news for agriculture, and the nearly 40 percent of employed people with agriculture-related jobs. 

The region is already extremely water stressed, but with higher temperatures, the amount of water available for irrigation will to drop dramatically. By 2050, water runoff from rains, which feed rivers, is expected to decrease by 10 percent. The gains in agricultural productivity made over the past two decades may slow, or even decline, after about 2050. 

Regional agricultural production comes largely from the 10 percent of the land with a Mediterranean climate. Irrigation is the only option for growing crops in some countries; this irrigated land covers only 2 percent of the region’s land but provides 17 percent of the production. 

Urbanization

Currently, 56 percent of Arab people live in urban centres. But by 2050, this proportion is expected to increase to 75 percent, due in part to droughts, which have been shown to increase rural-to-urban migration in the region.

A recent multi-year drought in Syria is estimated to have led to the migration of about one million people to informal settlements around the major cities.

Flash floods

Not only will the region’s people have to contend with high temperatures, they will also have to brace themselves against the increasing threat of flash floods. Contributing to this risk are more intense rainfall events; ubiquitous concrete surfaces, which that do not absorb water; inadequate and blocked drainage systems; and increased construction in low-lying areas and wadis.

The impact of flash floods is already increasing. In the decade starting from 2000, the number of people in the region affected by flash floods rose to half a million, compared to only 100,000 in the previous decade.

If no measures to build resilience are taken in the next 30 to 40 years, climate change could lead to a cumulative reduction in household incomes of about 7 percent in Syria and Tunisia, the report indicates. Yemen - because of the expected the declines in agriculture - could suffer an income reduction of 24 percent. 

“While not addressed directly in this report, the impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria would likely add greater welfare losses and make the adaptation process even more difficult,” said the report.

Building resilience

World Bank’s Ahmad told IRIN that governments in the region have begun to ask the right questions about identifying vulnerable populations and regions and have begun talking about resilience. He also said that improving people’s adaptive capacity does not always involve money; governments need to educate people about the problems ahead. They also needed to invest in more social protection measures.

The necessity of such measures was already on display. At an earlier press briefing by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Mohammed Mukhier, head of community preparedness and disaster response, said the group would be unable to raise adequate funding to keep up with the number of frequent and intense natural disasters unfolding.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96974/CLIMATE-CHANGE-In-the-Arab-world-building-fridges-to-live-in-an-oven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In-Depth: Migration policy bites hard</title><pubDate>Wed, 21 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080926130272t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 21 November 2012 (IRIN) - The Israeli government says a hardening of migration policy has caused a 90 percent drop in arrivals in the last few months, from around 2,000 in May to 122 in September.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 21 November 2012 (IRIN) - The Israeli government says a hardening of migration policy has caused a 90 percent drop in arrivals in the last few months, from around 2,000 in May to 122 in September.

Under an updated Anti-Infiltration law passed in January [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ], all illegal border crossers are labelled “infiltrators” and can be detained for up to three years.

But while all agree that the number of asylum seekers and migrants is down, some NGOs say Israel is ignoring its responsibilities under international refugee law.

Israel is building a 240km fence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91058/ISRAEL-Border-barrier-to-keep-asylum-seekers-out ] along the border with Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula at a cost of US$360 million. Equipped with cameras and motion detectors, it is due for completion at the end of this year.

“When I think of the chances they will be killed, tortured, raped and then to reach the fence and be turned back - I will say to them no,” says Dawit, 27, a newly arrived asylum seeker from Eritrea who gave only his first name.

He crossed the border just before the new measures came into effect. 

Since his arrival he has not found a job and eats at a soup kitchen.

The fence is part of a series of measures by the Israeli government, including the building and extension of detention centres in the Negev desert, limitations on wire transfers by migrant workers, and deportations [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ], which are designed both to make life tougher for the country’s 60,000 African asylum-seekers, and deter those thinking of joining them. The Israeli government says the measures are vital for the country’s security.

For those that find a way around the fence, they face up to three years in detention: NGOs estimate that 3,500 irregular migrants are already being held in detention at Sa'aronim and Ketziot prisons in the southern Negev.

The capacity of these detention centres will grow to 5,400, while two more centres are being built - Nahal Raviv and Sadot - which together can hold up to 5,000 migrants, mainly in tents, according to information from the Interior Ministry.

The centres are preoccupying not just new arrivals from Africa, but current residents like Alicia, a 23-year-old Eritrean asylum seeker, who only gave her first name. She told IRIN she rarely sleeps at night.

''I wonder what they will do with all those tents they are building, I am in Tel Aviv trying to make my life but I think there will come a day when they will take also the free ones and put them there [in the detention centres].''

Hardening the line

Before the toughening of Israel’s migration policy, African migrants found it relatively easy to cross the low fence that formerly marked the border with Egypt.

Bedouin tribes often helped smuggle migrants and asylum seekers for a hefty fee; at times not only charging money but holding the Africans to ransom while torturing them and raping the women [ http://www.hotline.org.il/english/pdf/TorturedInSinaiJailedInsraelENG.pdf ].

But that pattern seems to be changing now the new fence covers almost the entire length of the border. The Interior Ministry says the fence has dramatically brought down the number of “infiltrators” in recent months.

Hardening public opinion

The Anti-Infiltration law was originally passed in 1954 as a way to deal with armed Palestinian attackers crossing the border to attack Israel.

In recent years several attempts were made to update the law to deal with the rising number of African migrants and asylum seekers - around 60,000 of whom have arrived since 2005.

Until recently such attempts were unpopular but in 2012 public opinion has turned against migrants, encouraged by hardline politicians.

This year there have been violent demonstrations [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ] against African residents in the cities of Tel Aviv and Arad, and action taken by some parents in Eilat to block what they call “infiltrator children” from attending schools. 

Shlomo Maslawi, a member of the municipal board in Tel Aviv, says the crime rate has gone up significantly since the “strangers” came.

''It is not safe to walk the streets for our children and young women. We're the real victims here and not the so-called refugees; our streets have become slums.”

But the migrants object to being labelled as a danger to society. “We're not criminals”, says Salomon, an Eritrean asylum seeker who only gave his first name. He has been sleeping in the Levinsky park in Tel Aviv for over two months.

“We have no work, Israelis are afraid of us, they call us niggers and say we make their lives miserable, but all we want to do is survive. If we cannot - then some may resort to stealing to survive but we're not a gang of robbers and rapists.”

Some NGOs say they should be given work permits. ''They are mostly law abiding and very humble people, some resort to petty theft to buy food. If the Israeli government does not give them work permits the situation will only deteriorate,'' said Sigal Rosen of the Moked- Hotline for migrant workers.

That is not the view of Interior Minister Eli Yishai.

"I would change the law so that every infiltrator is put in jail. Then he can decide whether he wants to remain imprisoned or go back to his home country,'' he was quoted as saying on the Ynet Israeli news website in August.

Tough but unfair?

While everyone agrees that the number of African migrants and asylum seekers are well down, the exact explanation is disputed.

Sources in the aid community believe the drop is not due to the fence alone but also to the harsh treatment of asylum seekers by the Egyptian police and army.

That is rejected by a source with the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) serving on the border who told IRIN: “This is not true - we know that the Egyptians and the Bedouins are not treating them with kid gloves, [but] the major decline in the numbers is due to the fence. Once it is finished we expect to see even less infiltrators.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/86368/EGYPT-ISRAEL-How-many-migrants-are-dying-at-the-border ]

Reserve soldiers serving on the border fence told IRIN they see “less and less” asylum seekers, though at times there are attempts at cutting down the fence. ''The [Bedouin] smugglers made good money off these people and they are thinking now of how to overcome the fence. We need to watch and see what they will do.”

But while measures to limit migration and asylum seeker arrivals may reflect local political realities, humanitarian NGOs monitoring the expansion of detention centres warn of the negative impact of the measures.

“Jailing thousands of innocent people in harsh conditions in the desert is not in Israel’s best interest and does not deal with the issue. While the government detains thousands, many are left with no status,” says a joint-statement on the issue by Assaf (an aid organization for refugees and asylum seekers in Israel) and Physicians for Human Rights.

Despite being a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, Israel remains one of the most difficult countries in the world in which to claim asylum; only 157 asylum seekers have been recognized as refugees by Israel since it became a signatory to the Convention.

td/jj/cb

For more stories on migration, please visit our In-Depth Crossing into the Unknown [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/96796/99/ ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080926130272t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 21 November 2012 (IRIN) - The Israeli government says a hardening of migration policy has caused a 90 percent drop in arrivals in the last few months, from around 2,000 in May to 122 in September.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Border communities prepare for the worst</title><pubDate>Fri, 16 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211161546110544t.jpg" />]]>SDEROT/TEL AVIV/GAZA CITY 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - Sderot’s streets are empty, its schools and shops closed. Residents of this southern Israeli town are accustomed to the alarm that sounds almost daily as rockets fired from Gaza land here. But the upsurge in violence in recent days is, for some, the last straw.</description><body><![CDATA[SDEROT/TEL AVIV/GAZA CITY 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - Sderot’s streets are empty, its schools and shops closed. Residents of this southern Israeli town are accustomed to the alarm that sounds almost daily as rockets fired from Gaza land here. But the upsurge in violence in recent days is, for some, the last straw.

Benni Cohen is taking his three children to a family home further north, in Petach Tikva, 20 minutes east of Tel Aviv, and does not intend to come back.

"It's been ongoing for nine years,” he told IRIN. “This is not going to end. I'm not putting my children through anymore of this. We should have left [years ago].

“Seeing your children grow up under a rain of Qassam missiles is no way to live. We have 15 seconds to find shelter [when the rockets hit]. Impossible.”

Across the border, in northern areas of the Gaza Strip, like in Beit Hanoun, a town hard hit by the border violence, many people have already started leaving their homes, heading for safer ground near Gaza City, according to Lydia de Leeuw, a documentation officer for the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR).

But there too, they will not find refuge. Jihad al-Meshrawi, a BBC editor, was at the office when he got word his home in Gaza City had been hit by an Israeli airstrike. When he got home, he found his 11-month-old son and sister-in-law dead, and his brother severely burned.

“I am used to editing footage of people who have had their houses destroyed and bombed, people killed,” he told IRIN. “But I didn’t expect it to happen to me.

“They say they don’t attack civilians but we are civilians. Was my child armed?”

Tit-for-tat violence

According to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Israeli air strikes have killed 19 Palestinians, including at least 10 civilians, in Gaza in the last two days. Another 253 civilians have been wounded, it said.

The Magen David Adom, Israel’s emergency response service, reported three dead, 10 serious or critical injuries, and at least 50 others treated for bruising, shrapnel wounds or trauma.

Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) spokesperson Yoav Mordechai told Israel’s Channel 10 that the military launched more than 200 air strikes in Gaza on 14-15 November, including one that killed Ahmad al-Jaabari, the military commander of Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip.

Armed groups in Gaza have fired rockets into southern Israel for five consecutive days. On 15 November, a rocket landed in Tel Aviv for the first time since the Gulf War, with two more landing there today. The range of the new Fajr-5 rockets puts half of Israel's population within firing range. What was in the past nine years considered a “local hassle” for communities bordering Gaza has, in minutes, turned into a major concern.

For the first time in 20 years, Israeli authorities last night opened public bomb shelters in Tel Aviv and nearby cities. In the three hours after the rocket landed in Tel Aviv, IDF launched 70 strikes on “targets” in the Gaza strip.

“No one has slept since Wednesday [14 November],” de Leeuw said.

Missiles and airstrikes continue raining down on both sides of the border. During a brief conversation by phone with her, IRIN heard three air strikes in the course of a few minutes in Gaza City alone. And in Israel, one red alert is going off after another.

“We have a safety room in our apartment but I never believed we'd have to use it,” said Shira, a mother of two in Petach Tikva. “We were not at all prepared for this.”

There are differing accounts [ http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/how-israel-shattered-gaza-truce-leading-escalating-death-and-tragedy-timeline ] of how this round of violence started, but it is the most serious escalation since Israel’s attack on Gaza in 2008-9, which killed some 1,400 people - almost all of them Palestinian, and at least half of them civilians.

With Israeli elections coming up, and Hamas empowered by an Islamist resurgence in the region, analysts say this violence could quickly spiral into another war.

Ghost towns and dwindling reserves

Residents of border communities are preparing for the worst. Nadav, a student in Beer Sheva, a town in southern Israel, is considering moving to Tel Aviv for the time being to avoid what may be coming.

"It's chaotic. We have to go up and down to the shelter all night; children are crying; shops and schools are closed; weddings and events are cancelled. I hope this ends quickly.”

But no one seems to think it will. In Sderot, people stocked up on food and supplies in the few hours supermarkets opened yesterday.

At one petrol station in Gaza City, where cars lined up around the block and people queued on foot with empty fuel tanks, employees tried to limit customers to 1-2 gallons each, to ensure everyone could get at least some fuel. Several petrol stations are closed in Gaza, either for the security of their employees, or because they have run out of fuel.

PCHR’s De Leeuw described the Gaza Strip as a “ghost town”.

“If people don’t have to go out, they don’t leave their homes,” she told IRIN. “The streets are practically empty. The few cars that are driving around are driving high speed. Anything can be a target at any moment.”

Saeed Mahmoud, a Gaza businessman, has closed his shop for the last two days, preferring to stay indoors and trying to calm his family, despite his own fears.

“This is very dangerous,” he told IRIN. “It reminds me of the days of the 2008-9 war when Gaza started to be empty. I am expecting things to be worse if there is a land incursion.”

Some areas have already run out of bread - a result, de Leeuw said, of the blockade on Gaza.

“There are no reserves. The Gaza Strip has been living off of subsistence levels for several years now. When escalations occur, there is no buffer.”

According to testimonies collected by Israeli NGO Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), electricity has been cut off by the government of Gaza because of a power shortage.

PHR said it has received many calls of distress in recent days, and especially hours, from medical personnel in Gaza, where hospitals lack emergency equipment and the capacity to treat the injured.

“Gaza residents are confused and anxious,” one mental health worker told PHR. “There are ongoing explosions all over the Strip. Media reports are exaggerated, and are causing great stress. People hear about Israeli casualties and fear further escalation. Queues outside bakeries and shops are very long because people fear that Israeli invasion is close. Kids are in a terrible mental state, crying from anxiety."

Another war?

The Popular Resistance Committees, an umbrella group of Palestinian militant groups, has proclaimed the assassination of al-Jaabari (second-in-command of the military wing of Hamas) as a declaration of war against Gaza. Israel, which has named this latest Operation “Pillar of Defence” is already threatening a ground invasion. Israel's Home Front Defense Minister recently said Israel needed to “reformat” Gaza.

“We've prepped the population in the south and the population in Gaza,” Mordechai told Channel 10. “We're not limited in time.”

A military source who requested anonymity told IRIN that Israel has mobilized its troops and is aiming to recruit 30,000 reserve soldiers in the coming days, with thousands of recruitments beginning last night. On 16 November, Channel 10 televised thousands of reserve soldiers recruited in the south.

''Israel is not keen on a ceasefire agreement right now,” the military source said. “We have a bank of targets to take out and restore our deterrent force with Hamas.''

The timing of this violence is no accident, writes Hussein Ibish, a senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine, a Washington-based Palestinian advocacy group [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/11/14/operation_cast_lead_20 ]. With Israeli elections around the corner, the government is under pressure to respond to an increase in the number rockets fired into Israel this year.

“[Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu has made his political career on security issues, but even if he hopes to limit the conflagration, it could spiral out of everyone's control,” Ibish said.

The increase in rocket fire, he added, is a result of a shift in the balance of power within Hamas, as military commanders within Gaza try to regain power from Hamas leaders in exile.

IDF estimates that Gaza is currently home to 10,000 Qassams (primitive missiles manufactured in Gaza, with a range of 7-15km), 2,000 Grads of 30km range and a few dozen Fajrs capable of reaching Tel Aviv.

Still, both sides have much to lose in a full-out war, as Haaretz columnists Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff point out [ http://www.haaretz.com/blogs/east-side-story/gaza-escalation-doesn-t-necessarily-means-israel-is-headed-for-war.premium-1.478169 ].

“Such an operation would put the existence of the Hamas regime in Gaza at serious risk. It’s doubtful that Israel is interested in that, either. The military preparations at this point are for local brigade operations, not for reoccupying the Gaza Strip.”

Yesterday, a Stratfor report [ http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/considering-israeli-ground-assault-gaza?utm_source=freelist-f&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20121115&utm_term=IsraelGaza&utm_content=readmore&elq=7a9946d597344fa4aa839b4ada027dd9 ] said another offensive would likely follow the same tactics as Operation Cast Lead in 2008-9, only be more complex because of the presence of longer-range missiles in Gaza and a possibly less cooperative partner for Israel in the new Egyptian government.

And if Operation Cast Lead is any indication, the impact on civilians will be huge.

“The [current] shortages are alarming, just as the military strikes are,” de Leeuw said. “I don’t know how Gaza is going to deal with a new military campaign against it,” she added, as another air strike echoed on the phone line.

td/ad/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211161546110544t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SDEROT/TEL AVIV/GAZA CITY 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - Sderot’s streets are empty, its schools and shops closed. Residents of this southern Israeli town are accustomed to the alarm that sounds almost daily as rockets fired from Gaza land here. But the upsurge in violence in recent days is, for some, the last straw.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Upping sticks and heading for Ramallah</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209071226150295t.jpg" />]]>JERUSALEM 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - An increasing number of Palestinian citizens of Israel are moving to Ramallah in the West Bank in search of jobs, education or what they perceive as a more congenial environment.</description><body><![CDATA[JERUSALEM 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - An increasing number of Palestinian citizens of Israel are moving to Ramallah in the West Bank in search of jobs, education or what they perceive as a more congenial environment.

“They are not running away, they are trying to create a future for themselves. And if that requires them to go elsewhere instead of staying in the state that discriminates against them, what can we do?” said Rania Laham-Grayeb, deputy director of Mussawa, the Advocacy Centre for Arab Citizens in Israel.

While marital reasons and the desire to live in an Arab-only environment are other motives for making the move, marginalization in Israel is also a significant push factor.

“This development has to do with discrimination against Arabs in Israel,” Samer Salame, head of the employment unit in the Palestinian Authority’s ministry of labour, told IRIN. “They come to the West Bank to work in the IT sector, academia, open businesses, or study. They often live here as well.”

However, fearful of losing their citizenship or residency in Israel, most do not register their change of work or living place - there are no official figures for the number of Palestinian citizens of Israel living in the occupied Palestinian territory, though Salame said there were at least 1,000 Israeli citizens running businesses or employed in Ramallah, not counting students and artists.

As of 2011, there were about 1.5 million Palestinians in Israel, [ http://www1.cbs.gov.il/www/hodaot2011n/11_11_101e.pdf ] comprising about 20 percent of the population of 7.7 million. These figures include the 285,000 Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem, most of whom do not hold Israeli citizenship but have permanent residency status.

Israel’s Arab citizens are politically marginalized [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95095/ISRAEL-Address-inequalities-facing-Arabs-says-ICG ] and economically underprivileged, according to a recent International Crisis Group report. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/119-back-to-basics-israels-arab-minority-and-the-israeli-palestinian-conflict.pdf ]

Adalah, an NGO giving legal aid to Palestinians in Israel, says [ http://www.adalah.org/upfiles/2011/Adalah_The_Inequality_Report_March_2011.pdf ] 30 laws in Israel discriminate either directly or indirectly against Palestinian citizens. “That puts Israeli democracy under a big question mark,” said Mussawa’s Laham-Grayeb.

The Citizenship and Entry to Israel law - prohibiting Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza who are married to Israeli citizens from acquiring Israeli residency - is another reason why Israeli-Arabs are leaving for a new life in the West Bank. “They have no other choice. Family considerations are a big emigration factor, as it is impossible for Palestinians in Israel to get married with someone from the West Bank and live together in Israel.”

Employment

Israeli citizen Saed Nashef, who grew up in a mixed neighbourhood in Haifa, graduated from an Israeli university in electrical engineering, and then worked for years as an IT-specialist in the USA and Jordan. When he came back to look for work in Israel, he found it difficult, he said.

“I applied for more than 100 jobs. Once, the interviewer said: ‘Oh you are an Arab from Nazareth. Unfortunately, we are doing stuff for the Israeli army, I am sorry’,” Nashef told IRIN. Being refused positions for security reasons is a common reality for many Palestinians in Israel.

The Israeli Foreign Ministry told IRIN Israel does not discriminate against people due to their ethnicity, but that an army-related background might be required for certain positions. This applied not only to Palestinian Israelis, but also new immigrants who had not done military service in Israel.

Today, Nashef is running his own company in Ramallah. “But salaries here are much lower than in Israel and the environment is less exciting,” he said. “I would like to work in Israel. It is more challenging, more cosmopolitan. But until those racist barriers disappear, you don’t feel the cities are welcoming you.”

Reacting to these allegations the Israeli Ministry of Labour told IRIN that Israel's labour legislation is “very progressive in terms of equal opportunities”. Recently an equal employment opportunities commission was established. National commissioner Ina Soltanovich-David told IRIN: “We see the subject of discrimination against the Arab population in the workforce as one of the main issues and therefore invest a big part of our resources in eliminating the forbidden phenomena."

Education

Mahmoud Mi’ari, who was to have taken up a post at Haifa University in 1972, left Israel long ago.

“Only 10 days before I was supposed to start teaching, the Shin Bet [Israeli secret service] cancelled my appointment,” said Mi’ari, a professor at Ramallah’s Birzeit University. He was rejected for security reasons. Mi’ari said he never found out what exactly was held against him. “The general feeling of marginalization and discrimination just made me want to move to the Palestinian side.” 

Other Arab intellectuals highlighted the marginalization of Palestinian scholars in the Israeli academic system as the main reason for leaving, noting the requirement to work in Hebrew. Majid Shihade, another professor at Birzeit University who is an Israeli citizen, told IRIN. “Our skills are worth more here.”

Students are also turning their backs on Israeli universities. According to the Israeli Knesset Research and Information Centre [ http://www.knesset.gov.il/mmm/data/pdf/m03050.pdf ] (link in Hebrew), some 1,300 Arab students are currently studying at West Bank universities, including some 800 enrolled at the American University of Jenin, and 400 mostly Bedouin students at the university in Hebron. Some 5,400 Palestinian Israeli students are pursuing university education in Jordan.

The research centre also notes that Palestinian students who graduate from Israeli universities find it difficult to get jobs if they have not completed military service.

Cultural ghetto?

“Artists, authors, all kinds of people in the culture field move to the West Bank. There is simply more potential here than in Israel, where the Ministry of Culture spends less than 3 percent of its budget in support of cultural organizations,” Laham-Grayeb said.

Artist Elias Nicola from Haifa is one of those Palestinians with Israeli citizenship who came to live in Ramallah for cultural reasons. He is managing a restaurant attached to the al-Kassaba Theatre in Ramallah, after having run a bar in Haifa before. Teachers, artists, students, and businessmen dealing with traditional handicrafts were all attracted by the cultural environment, he added.

However, Nicola expressed concern that Palestinian emigration from Israel is what the government might want, saying: “They would be happy to see all of us live in Ramallah.”

ah/kb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96263/ISRAEL-OPT-Upping-sticks-and-heading-for-Ramallah</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209071226150295t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JERUSALEM 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - An increasing number of Palestinian citizens of Israel are moving to Ramallah in the West Bank in search of jobs, education or what they perceive as a more congenial environment.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: A tunnel-free future for Gaza?</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208221401300701t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 23 August 2012 (IRIN) - This month’s border attack in the Sinai Peninsula, which killed 16 Egyptian soldiers, has bolstered calls to shut down a network of underground tunnels between Egypt and the isolated Gaza Strip. The tunnels have been used for years to smuggle goods into Gaza and, Egypt alleges, fighters into the Sinai.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 23 August 2012 (IRIN) - This month’s border attack in the Sinai Peninsula, which killed 16 Egyptian soldiers, has bolstered calls to shut down a network of underground tunnels between Egypt and the isolated Gaza Strip. The tunnels have been used for years to smuggle goods into Gaza and, Egypt alleges, fighters into the Sinai.

But Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, sees this as an opportunity.

Publicly and in discussions with Egyptian officials, Hamas has been pushing to use the Rafah border crossing between Egypt and Gaza for commercial trade. Ghazi Hamad, deputy minister of foreign affairs, has said a free trade zone might soon "liberate Gaza". [ http://www.mofap.gov.ps/new/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=794:-qq-&catid=1:2010-11-02-10-51-08 ]

“Once the Rafah crossing operates as a hub for goods, the tunnels will become history,” Azzam Shawwa, a former Minister of Energy in the Palestinian Authority (PA), told IRIN.

The tunnels are the main commercial trade routes in and out of the Gaza Strip, part of the occupied Palestinian territories.

Israel has kept its borders with Gaza closed except for the Kerem Shalom crossing, where the passage of goods is heavily restricted. The Agreed Principles for Rafah Crossing, signed by the Palestinian Authority and Israel in 2005, included plans for formal trade, but the deal was frozen when Hamas came to power in the Gaza Strip in 2006.

Gaza-Egypt relations have also been strained over the blockade of Gaza, though they have improved since former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was ousted from power last year. The recent attacks - and their humanitarian impact - have made the calls for change all the more urgent.

“In the end, what happened in Sinai might turn out to have a positive impact on the future relations between Egypt and Gaza,” Mustafa Sawaf, former chief-editor of the Hamas-affiliated Filistin newspaper, told IRIN.

Since 5 August, when Egypt closed the crossing and started shutting down some of the tunnels, the import of fuel and construction material has reportedly declined by 30 and 70 percent, respectively, and power cuts have reached up to 16 hours a day, according to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_08_17_english.pdf ]

A free trade zone would provide Gaza with more facilities, energy and access to goods, Hamad, who is also the chairman of the border crossings authority in the Gaza Strip, told IRIN, “but it wouldn’t turn Gaza into some kind of Taiwan. We have to remain realistic. It should bring people back to a normal life”.

Prospects for free-trade zone

With a free-trade zone, Gaza could potentially import and export goods and raw materials through the Egyptian seaport of Al-Arish without paying custom duties to Egyptian authorities.

Another option would be an industrial free zone allowing Palestinians from Gaza to pass freely into industrial areas in Egypt for work, said Shawwa.

Asked whether a free-trade zone would be in Israel’s interest, Ilana Stein, deputy spokesperson of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told IRIN, “We have to wait until there are serious suggestions by the parties, Palestinians and Egyptians. Once something clear is there, we are ready to discuss it.”

But analysts said that the Rafah crossing is not designed for any of these possibilities and would have to be upgraded. In addition, Egypt, struggling to provide its 90 million people with the fruits of its recent revolution, is unlikely to want Palestinian workers vying for scarce jobs amid rising poverty.

Tunnel profiteers

There is likely to be internal opposition too. While Fatah, the political party ruling the West Bank, has supported Egypt’s move to shut down the tunnels, saying they “serve a small category of stakeholder and private interests”, analysts say there could be significant resistance to attempts to permanently shut them down.

Some US$500-700 million in goods are estimated to pass through the tunnels every year, charged by the Hamas government with duties of at least 14.5 percent since early 2012, according to a new report by the International Crisis Group (ICG). [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/129-light-at-the-end-of-their-tunnels-hamas-and-the-arab-uprisings.pdf ]

Several influential families in control of the tunnels profit from every item that passes through them. It costs $25 to smuggle a person through and around $500 for a car; in 2011, 13,000 cars are believed to have come into Gaza through the tunnels.

“Eight hundred millionaires and 1,600 near-millionaires control the tunnels at the expense of both Egyptian and Palestinian national interests,” Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas was quoted as saying in The Economist. [ http://www.economist.com/node/21560611 ]

The tunnels have recently contributed to a construction boom, with apartments, parks and mosques being built with help from investors like the Saudi-led Islamic Development Bank. The transition to a tunnel-free future will have to address these interests.

“It is true that there is a class of people benefitting from the tunnels,” Nathan Thrall, senior analyst at ICG, told IRIN. “But Hamas can solve that by involving them in legitimate trade.”

Hamas would also earn more money in customs than it does in the current situation, where middlemen profit too. “I don’t think that this is as large an obstacle as others,” Thrall said.

Complex politics

One of the other main obstacles is how Israel will react.

Calls for improved trade relations with Egypt have sparked fears that Israel would use the opportunity to rid itself of all responsibility for Gaza: Once Rafah is opened to commercial goods, Israel could argue it no longer has to keep open the Kerem Shalom crossing - the only official entry point for imported goods. “That would be the end of Israeli responsibility for Gaza,” said Thrall.

Such a move could undermine efforts to reach Palestinian unity by further disconnecting Gaza from the West Bank. For this reason, even Hamas is careful not to push too hard for imports into Gaza.

“We don’t want to see Israel closing Kerem Shalom,” Hamad said. “Israel just wants to push us towards Egypt. But we do consider Gaza as part of the Palestinian homeland.”

“It’s a serious discussion,” added Shawwa, the former PA minister. “Do we want an independent economy of Gaza? That might take us into a new era of Palestinian separation.”

Kerem Shalom is the only crossing point where commercial and humanitarian goods are allowed to enter Gaza from Israel, and even when open, aid agencies have struggled to consistently import enough supplies to meet operational needs.

Some analysts speculate the newly elected president in Egypt, Islamist Mohamed Morsi, will make a trade zone conditional on the success of Palestinian reconciliation, while others say that he could also move forward in the absence of Palestinian unity.

“The relationship between Egypt, Israel and Hamas is complex,” said Abdel Monem Said, director of the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo. “Morsi knows he can’t really allow Palestinians in Gaza to starve. And there is pressure from inside the [Muslim] Brotherhood to support Hamas.” On the other hand, Egypt is constrained by close security cooperation with Israel in Sinai, he told IRIN.

“By allowing people to pass, Morsi would do enough to meet his humanitarian obligations,” said a European diplomat in Jerusalem who requested anonymity. “The security issue with Israel is more pressing at the moment.”

Mkheimar Abu Saada, a political scientist at Gaza's Al-Azhar University, says Egypt is in a very delicate situation: “On one hand, they don’t want to be seen as cooperating with Israel by imposing a siege on the Gaza Strip like Mubarak did. In the meantime, they don’t want to be blamed for terminating the relationship with Israel.”
As such, Hamas acknowledges its hopes for a free trade zone are unlikely to be realized in the near future.

For now, it is focused on “more realistic options”, like allowing more people to cross Rafah and exporting from Gaza - with some success. After Egypt gradually eased restrictions at Rafah in May, Morsi agreed with Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh last month on increasing the number of crossing travelers to 1,500 per day and increasing the amount Qatari fuel allowed to pass.

“I do think there are some chances that Rafah will be used for commercial purposes and not only exports,” Hamad said, “but maybe it is still too early for Egyptians to give an answer right now.”

ah/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208221401300701t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 23 August 2012 (IRIN) - This month’s border attack in the Sinai Peninsula, which killed 16 Egyptian soldiers, has bolstered calls to shut down a network of underground tunnels between Egypt and the isolated Gaza Strip. The tunnels have been used for years to smuggle goods into Gaza and, Egypt alleges, fighters into the Sinai.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-SYRIA: Could a new regime in Syria be good for the Golan Heights?</title><pubDate>Tue, 21 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208151424100004t.jpg" />]]>MAJDAL SHAMS 21 August 2012 (IRIN) - The Syrian Druze communities of the occupied Golan Heights have traditionally supported Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. But they are increasingly divided over the conflict in their homeland. And now, some Arab residents of the Golan feel that a change in Syria’s government could put the Golan&apos;s status back on the national and regional agenda.</description><body><![CDATA[MAJDAL SHAMS 21 August 2012 (IRIN) - While conflict rages just kilometers away in Syria, the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights remains quiet. But there are signs that the 17-month old conflict has touched the areas’ Arab residents. In Majdal Shams, the area’s largest Arab village, blood-red graffiti reads: “Stop killing the Syrian people.” 

When the conflict in Syria began last year, the Golan Heights was still largely supportive of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who is accused of killing thousands of Syrians in the fight against the rebels. Now, locals say it’s about a 50-50 split. But while the Druze communities become increasingly divided over the conflict in their homeland, they say they are determined to stay united in the face of the Israeli occupation of the Golan Heights. And some Arab residents feel that a change in Syria’s government could put the Golan back on the national and regional agenda. 

Israel captured the Golan Heights during 1967 war, then unilaterally annexed the territory in 1981, a move that remains unrecognized by the international community and condemned by the UN. (Israel says it needs a presence in the Golan Heights to protect itself, arguing that UN Resolution 242, adopted after the 1967 war, recognizes Israel's need for “secure” boundaries and does not require Israel to withdraw from all occupied territories. This interpretation is also disputed.)

Al-Marsad Arab Centre for Human Rights in the occupied Golan area reports that Israeli settlers receive five times the amount of water that the area’s Syrian farmers do. Land has been expropriated for Israeli settlements, and Arab residents pay more taxes to Israel than their Israeli counterparts while receiving fewer services. 

Yet the Golan Heights “was not on the Syrian agenda for years,” according to Eyal Zisser, a professor in Tel Aviv University’s Department of Middle Eastern and African History and the author of four books about Syria and al-Assad. “Maybe a new regime in Damascus that will be more pro-Western will be ready to challenge Israel [and its occupation of] the Golan for real peace, something al-Assad did not dare to do,” he told IRIN.

Salman Fakhr Aldin, a coordinator at Al-Marsad, says a new government in Syria “whose primary concern is not the repression of its people” will not give up on either the Golan Heights or the occupied Palestinian territories. 

But if Syrian rebels succeed in overthrowing al-Assad, they will face many challenges, analysts say, and confrontation with Israel may not be top of their priority list.  

Shifting loyalties 

The Arab residents of the Golan, most of whom belong to the Druze faith, still consider themselves Syrian. In the past, loyalty to Syria was often expressed by supporting al-Assad. Along with Syrian flags, residents carried framed pictures of al-Assad at protests against the Israeli occupation.

But Fakhr Aldin points out that not everyone carried those photos. He says he was always against al-Assad. 

He says he opposes the Syrian leader for the same reasons that he opposes the Israeli occupation of the Golan and the Palestinian territories: “For me, [the central Syrian city of] Homs is like Gaza… People are demanding their basic human rights,” he says, “the right to live in honor, freedom and democracy. Who can say no?”

But like many locals, Fakhr Aldin is against Western intervention in Syria. 

Some of the area’s regime supporters say it is less about al-Assad himself and more about concerns that an Islamist government – which some Druze fear would further oppress their minority group – could rise in his place.

Others warn against reducing the conflict to religious and sectarian differences, pointing out that minority groups, including the Druze, are participating in the rebellion, just as minorities are supporting al-Assad. “If it was just Alawites supporting al-Assad,” one Golan resident observed, “he wouldn’t still be in power.” 

Divided communities 

The Golan’s divided communities are trying to stay quiet about their opinions to keep peace in the area.

Still, protests against al-Assad have led to small skirmishes here in Majdal Shams. Several weeks ago, al-Assad supporters clashed with those supporting the rebellion. The two sides initially threw eggs at each other, which escalated into stone throwing. Village elders separated the groups and suggested that those who support the rebellion take their Friday protest elsewhere for a week so that the two sides could cool off. 

A prominent member of the community, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he has a number of close relatives in Syria, said: “In some houses, fathers aren’t speaking to sons and brothers aren’t talking to each other,” because they disagree about the conflict in Syria. But he denied media reports that locals who support the rebels were facing ostracism. 

A new battleground? 

Beyond inflaming differences among the Golan’s residents, a new regime in Damascus could introduce several risk factors for the Golan - and for Israel.  

“Under al-Assad, there was a strong regime [in Syria],” Zisser explains. “The fall of his regime may lead to the spread of chaos… Some terrorist groups, mainly al-Qaeda, might look for new adventures once al-Assad is not there.”

Zisser likens a possible power vacuum in Syria to that in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. Since Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was ousted from power, militants have attacked pipelines carrying gas from Egypt to Israel. On two occasions, they have also breached Israel’s border with Egypt. Last summer’s cross-border attack left eight Israelis dead. 

But locals are less concerned about attacks on the Golan or the possibility that fighting in Syria could spill over the border. What they are troubled by is the possibility of an Israeli strike on Syria’s ally, Iran - and the regional war that could provoke. 

A restaurant owner, who asked to remain anonymous, told IRIN that some locals are stocking up on non-perishable goods and water in case fighting breaks out. “We have seen so much fighting here,” he said with a sigh.

Even if such a war could result in the Golan being returned to Syria, he remarked: “We want the occupation to end. But violence is not our way.”

mg/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96146/ISRAEL-SYRIA-Could-a-new-regime-in-Syria-be-good-for-the-Golan-Heights</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208151424100004t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAJDAL SHAMS 21 August 2012 (IRIN) - The Syrian Druze communities of the occupied Golan Heights have traditionally supported Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. But they are increasingly divided over the conflict in their homeland. And now, some Arab residents of the Golan feel that a change in Syria’s government could put the Golan&apos;s status back on the national and regional agenda.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Accountability in Islam</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021143420685t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.

“When we [in the international community] started thinking differently about relief, and talking about a rights-based approach, it was very easy to equate and put this within the Islamic perspective,” said Khaled Khalifa, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the Gulf Region. “It was there, but we didn’t know about it.”

Despite an increased focus on accountability in recent years and a growing role for aid agencies from the Muslim world [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] in mainstream humanitarian aid operations, few analysts or academics - neither in humanitarian thought nor in Islamic jurisprudence - have asked the question: What does accountability look like in the Islamic context?

The answer can be contradictory.

On the one hand, the Muslim Holy book, the Koran refers to the “known right” of the petitioner and the deprived to the wealth of observant Muslims: “Give to your relatives, to the poor and to the traveller their right, and do not spend wastefully [on yourself],” it says in verse 26, surah 17.

Islamic scripture requires Muslims to give 2.5 percent of their wealth in `zakat’, or mandatory alms, to specific categories of people in need.

“`Zakat’ is not charity,” says Tariq Cheema, president of the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists (WCMP). “`Zakat’ is an obligation. `Zakat’ is a mandatory discharge of duty. It’s not your money. It belongs to the poor.”

As such, billions of dollars are spent each year in helping those in need.

On the other hand, aid in the Muslim world is understood to have more than one purpose.

Fulfilling a religious obligation

Part of it is fulfilling a religious obligation, which means that Muslims should see themselves as first and foremost accountable to God. This can lead to what Marie Juul Petersen, a researcher in politics and development at the Danish Institute for International Studies, calls “the invisibility of the recipient”.

“The provision of aid is a way to gain religious rewards and a place in Paradise,” she wrote in her PhD thesis, For humanity or for the umma?, [ http://www.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/mape/Marie%20Juul%20Petersen%20%20For%20humanity%20or%20for%20the%20umma%20.pdf ] a study of four transnational Muslim NGOs’ ideologies of aid. “If the purpose of aid is to ensure rewards for the donor, the recipient easily becomes irrelevant as anything but an instrument to obtain these rewards…

“What the donor gives is not important; what is important is the intention. This is perhaps most clearly expressed in the frequently mentioned saying, ‘If you save one person it is as if you saved all of humankind.’ It is not important whether you save one or 100 people, but that you save - in other words, it is not the result of the action, but the action itself (and the underlying intention) that matters.”

Some Muslim NGOs complain of the challenges of raising funds for certain activities, because some donors give based on what they believe they will be rewarded for in heaven - building mosques or sponsoring orphans - rather than what may be most needed on the ground.

“Even though donors are becoming more aware of the need to donate toward sustainable development projects, a great deal of raising awareness is still required, especially amongst the first generation of immigrants in the EU and America, about the obligations Islam places on its adherence to help community and eradicating poverty,” said Inlia Aziz, of MuslimAid, a UK-based international NGO.

During many humanitarian crises in the Muslim world - from Somalia to Syria - some Muslim donors have simply sent whatever they have to offer, instead of assessing the true needs of people affected.

“If you are doing charity simply to fulfil your own requirement, then accountability is not there,” Cheema told IRIN. “Accountability is going to come when you are thinking from the perspective of the beneficiary.”

But increasingly, civil society within the Muslim world is realizing the potential of `zakat’ [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] being spent more effectively and calling for a more needs-based and sustainable approach.

Strengthening the `ummah’

Another perceived purpose of aid in the Muslim world, according to Juul Petersen, is strengthening the `ummah’, or global Muslim community, “as a response to problems of spiritual poverty” - meaning that recipients of Muslim aid are primarily Muslim.

Some see nothing wrong with this approach, pointing to other examples of the same: Australian aid focuses on the Pacific region; Belgium focuses on the Great Lakes; increasingly, other donors are targeting their aid by reducing the number of recipients and the scope of work.

“A number of donors’ aid allocation is based on historical, regional, religious, cultural and language ties - should Arab donors be any different?” asks Kerry Smith, programme officer with Development Initiatives, a research and advocacy organization. “Aren’t they best placed to understand the needs of Muslim countries in their region?”

Some Muslim aid workers believe this solidarity between the “sons of the ummah” makes them more accountable, because of their close ties to the people they are trying to help.

“[Other aid workers] don’t have the same feeling of family as we have, that the orphans are a part of our family, that it’s about humanity, family, about making the orphans feel important. For them, it’s routine, it’s just a job they need to do, it’s about finishing work to get home to your own family,” one employee of the Kuwait-based International Islamic Charitable Organization told Juul Petersen.

But the approach has also garnered criticism from secular, Western NGOs, claiming that they discriminate among recipients, thus violating principles of universalism and neutrality so tied to accountability.

In any case, many of the Muslim aid agencies working in the world’s major emergency zones have long worked in the international system and have adopted mainstream development practices. But that too raises questions of accountability.

According to a study [ http://www.developmentinpractice.org/journals/analysing-cultural-proximity-islamic-relief-worldwide-and-rohingya-refugees-bangladesh ] of Islamic Relief’s work in Bangladesh, religious leaders in a refugee camp complained that the NGO was not meeting their religious needs because it had not built enough religious schools, mosques and graveyards.

“We can live without food but we can’t live without our religion,” the refugees reportedly said.

For more stories on humanitarian accountability, please visit our In-Depth [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/95731/97/Are-they-listening-Aid-and-humanitarian-accountability ]

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95742/AID-POLICY-Accountability-in-Islam</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204021143420685t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 July 2012 (IRIN) - The rights-based framework may only have been formally adopted by the international humanitarian and development community in the past decade; but the concept that people in need have a right to assistance has existed in the Muslim world since the birth of Islam.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN-ISRAEL: Returnees complain of harsh treatment in Israel</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206191306520111t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The first batch of 700 South Sudanese have returned to Juba from Israel, as part of a policy to deport Africans and protect the state&apos;s Jewish identity.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The first batch of 700 South Sudanese have returned to Juba from Israel, as part of a policy to deport Africans and protect the state's Jewish identity. 

Israel and its military ally South Sudan, which gained independence in July 2011 after decades of civil war, both claim that the process has been one of "voluntary repatriation". 

While some among the first planeload of 124 people were very guarded about their feelings of returning to their new but still extremely impoverished nation, several people said the South Sudanese are being forced out. 

"We had a problem with the minister of interior saying that South Sudanese should go back to their country," said Paul Ruot Wan at a transit site outside Juba where the returnees were registered on 18 June. Ruot worked in hotels across Israel for five years before being told he had to go back to his new country. 

But as returnees stepped off the plane at Juba international airport, South Sudan's minister of humanitarian affairs, Joseph Lual Achuil, repeatedly called this a voluntary process. "People are not being deported. We have agreed with the Israeli government for our people to be peacefully and voluntarily repatriated," he said. 

Migrants who leave voluntarily are being offered US$1,000 each, and Israeli employers are required to pay all wages owed to the migrants before they leave. The country has roughly 60,000 African migrants, mainly from Eritrea, South Sudan and Sudan. Growing tension [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ] has seen protests against Africans and attacks on African-owned businesses in recent months. 

Bol Duop, 25, also spent five years working in hotels before finding himself on the fringes of society. "It was a very beautiful time, but at the last [in the end] they kicked us out. They said that we have to go back home and they don't need us anymore," he said. 

Duop said the Interior Ministry planned to rid Israel of black people by paying them off and by ordering police to enforce the option of jail or registering for repatriation. "They say we are the disease, the cancer of Israel.” 

"They were telling us we are AIDS and that we are a disease, they were telling us a lot of bad things," said Mayuol Juac, who worked as a waiter in hotels in the coastal resort town of Eilat and in Tel Aviv. 

Your money or your life 

"A lot of people right now are in jail - they were arrested, and those who didn't register, they have to be arrested and put in jail before they can do their process" of sorting out back taxes, clearing bank accounts and receiving government money to leave, Duop says. 

"They say if you register, we will take you and you can prepare yourself in jail… that's why we accepted to come right now," he added. 

Some are less unhappy with being home than they are about the way the process was handled. Standing by his wife Buk and surrounded by piles of luggage, Kueth Miyual said they spent five years working as cleaners and waiters in hotels in Jerusalem. They say they are happy to come back now that they have some money, but that they were not given time to empty their bank account of 3,000 shekels (US$780) after their visas were revoked. 

Juac said the South Sudanese are not getting what they are supposed to in terms of back taxes and government rewards. "Many people, they remain in Israel because they need their money," he said. 

From jail to Juba 

Juac said that after five years working in Israel, in recent months he was stopped numerous times and even put in jail for a day before the police verified that he was registered. He said he had no choice but to leave, after going to extend his visa three months ago only to have the authorities confiscate it, leaving him without the ability to continue to work and pay his rent. 

"They took it from me and they said: 'You have just one week to leave, one week to leave the country'. They said: 'If you don't leave our country, we will put you in jail or otherwise you will be in insecurity' with no visa and no home," he said, adding: 

"They say: 'You are non-Jewish, this place is a place just for Jews'. And they say also: 'You are black. This place is a place for Jewish and white people. Any non-Jews and non-white people have no place to stay in Israel.'" 

South Sudan's government spokesperson Barnaba Marial Benjamin rejected claims by Israeli officials that 300 South Sudanese had been arrested. 

"No South Sudanese have been arrested. Many people are claiming to be South Sudanese when they are not," he said. Benjamin said Darfuris from Sudan's war-torn western region were passing themselves off as Southerners. 

"This is why a delegation [from the government] went over - to identify our people. The South Sudanese are not the target," he added. 

Hard homecoming 

Angelo Wello, the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs focal point for the transit site outside Juba, said the next flight was expected in a week's time. "This place already holds over 3,000 returnees, mostly from Sudan, not from Israel. These people just arrived today and we are registering them and we will send them home, or they can go if they have their relatives here, which as you can see many of them do," he said. 

Dressed in the latest fashion, sporting laptop bags, designer prams, large headphones, and with large suitcases, the returnees from Israel contrast starkly with those from Sudan whose barefoot children wear worn and simple clothes. The latter are among some 14,000 people who spent months in makeshift camps at a way station in Kosti. 

Almost 400,000 South Sudanese have returned home since October 2010. Around half a million more South Sudanese are thought to be in the north, waiting to see if a deal on citizenship will prevent them from being deported and having to head south. 

The Miyuals say they will take their family back to Malakal, a town in Upper Nile State which remains desperately poor and lacking proper roads, electricity and basic health and education services despite the huge oil wealth there. "I haven't been in South Sudan for 10 years, so I don't know what has happened here. But this is my country," said Buk Miyual. 

"Life [in Israel] was good but after our country got independent, they changed and they pressured us to leave their country," Juac said, adding that the return of skilled people could help build his country from the ruins of war. 

"I see of course the country needs a lot of work. I don't see any progress, but we are to make the progress," he said. "We took independence to stay in it, not run away from it." 

hm/kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206191306520111t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The first batch of 700 South Sudanese have returned to Juba from Israel, as part of a policy to deport Africans and protect the state&apos;s Jewish identity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: New law targets migrant care workers</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206191343280499t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - It took Sherima Cramer two years to earn enough money to pay back the debts she incurred when she decided to leave her native Sri Lanka for better job opportunities in Israel.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - It took Sherima Cramer two years to earn enough money to pay back the debts she incurred when she decided to leave her native Sri Lanka for better job opportunities in Israel.

In 2007 she gave the bank all her jewelry as a deposit for a loan and paid a Sri Lankan agency US$7,000 to organize her legal immigration and first employment in Israel as a carer for an elderly couple in Tel Aviv. Other migrants mortgage their homes or other property to raise the money.

As a single mother, Cramer felt she had no other choice: “I do it because I want to pay for my children’s education.”

Cramer said she works 24 hours a day but is paid for eight, at the minimum wage of 22 New Israeli Shekels ($5.70) per hour or $1,066 a month. “People here think we do everything for money. But what we really need is more freedom,” she told IRIN.

She is one of about 55,000 migrant caregivers currently working in Israel, pushed into dependency, rights activists say, by controversial new legislation and by pressure to send money back home while repaying debts to recruitment agencies.

“If your employer beats you during the first year or two, you won’t complain because you need to do everything to keep the first job so you can pay back the money to the agencies,” warned Idit Lebovich, coordinator of the caregivers project at the Israeli labour rights organization Kav LaOved. “If we talk about all the problems, the agencies are the worst.”

Cramer’s situation is likely to get even more difficult, as a new law on foreign caregivers’ labour rights - passed in May 2011 and dubbed by some NGOs [ http://www.acri.org.il/en/2011/05/18/slavery-law-passes-final-vote/ ] the “slavery law” - starts to be put into practice.

Bound to work by law

The law enables the minister of interior to restrict the number of times a foreign carer can change employers; to limit workers to specific geographical areas; and to confine them to specific subsections of the nursing services, thereby restricting the carers’ freedom to choose or change the workplace.

So far it has not been applied, but this will change “in the next weeks”, said Sabin Hadad, spokeswoman of the Population and Migration Authority in the Israeli Ministry of the Interior.

The detailed regulations are currently being finalized, she said, adding that migrant caregivers will most likely be restricted to changing employers only three times, and would otherwise be deported from Israel.

Lebovich of Kav LaOved said this might force caregivers to accept any possible treatment, out of fear that they might lose their status.

“The caregivers are used as objects,” she said. “If they don’t do what you want from them as an employer, you can kick them out. They will be deported, and you can simply bring in new and less demanding workers.”

But Hadad said the law is needed to secure adequate care for elderly people in Israel.

“If someone from the Philippines comes to work in Israel, but her employer is very difficult to take care of, she just leaves and finds an easier one. The law makes sure this doesn’t happen,” she said, adding: “We have workers who don’t want to work in the periphery. The law will restrict their employment to a specific area when they arrive.”

NGOs described the bill as a major setback that effectively restores an older practice called the “binding agreement”, which the Israeli Supreme Court criticized [ http://elyon2.court.gov.il/Files_ENG/02/420/045/O28/02045420.O28.htm ] in 2006 by stating that “the excessive power wielded by the employer provides fertile ground for grave phenomena such as taking passports away from workers, imprisonment, non-payment of wages, violence, exploitation and treating workers inhumanely.”

Vulnerable to exploitation

Israel initially brought in migrants to care for handicapped army veterans. As the remaining population demanded more affordable live-in care, more migrants were encouraged to come. The number of permits issued for foreign carers grew sevenfold between 1996 and 2009, from about 8,100 to about 57,000.

Most care-givers in Israel are women from the Philippines, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and other Asian and eastern European countries.

Under the current legal regime, the Israeli Interior Ministry does not issue visas for a new employment if caregivers already spent more than four years and three months in Israel. Those working beyond that period are especially vulnerable to exploitation by their employers, as losing the job means losing the permit to stay.

Although Cramer has now been in Israel more than five years, she hopes to stay on for a few more with her current employer, who she describes as “OK”. But some of her friends were less lucky.

“One lady in my church community said her employer cut her salary to 2,000 Shekels ($520) per month after she finished her five years. She is working around the clock and is hardly ever allowed to leave the house,” Cramer said.

Meanwhile, Israel has begun a drive to round up foreign migrants in the first stage of a controversial plan to intern and deport [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ] thousands deemed a threat to the Jewish character of the state.

ah/kb/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95690/ISRAEL-New-law-targets-migrant-care-workers</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206191343280499t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - It took Sherima Cramer two years to earn enough money to pay back the debts she incurred when she decided to leave her native Sri Lanka for better job opportunities in Israel.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: The detention and imprisonment of Palestinians in oPt/Israel</title><pubDate>Mon, 04 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205221102240267t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 04 June 2012 (IRIN) - A hunger strike by about 1,550 Palestinians in Israeli prisons ended with an agreement on 14 May, in which Israel committed to meeting some of the prisoners’ demands in exchange for security guarantees.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 04 June 2012 (IRIN) - A hunger strike by about 1,550 Palestinians in Israeli prisons ended with an agreement on 14 May, in which Israel committed to meeting some of the prisoners’ demands in exchange for security guarantees. 

“If this agreement is implemented, it means a great victory for us and for human rights,” Aber Issa Zakarni, the wife of Abadallah Zakarni, an imprisoned member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in Jenin, northern West Bank, told IRIN. “But I am also scared. In the end everything might just stay the same.”

As of May, about 4,500 Palestinian prisoners were being held in Israeli prisons, with 308 under so-called “administrative detention”, without being charged or put on trial. Another 453 Palestinians from the Gaza Strip are detained, one of them without charge or trial, similar to “administrative” detainees, but based on another law. Such detentions without charge lay at the heart of the hunger strike, which also demanded an end to solitary confinement and better conditions for family visits.

The agreement

The agreement effectively ended weeks of mass hunger strike at a time when two of the prisoners had already been refusing food for 77 days and were facing imminent death. As part of the deal, Israel committed to ease conditions as long as prisoners refrained from “security activity” inside Israeli prisons, such as “recruiting people for terrorist mission”, said the Israeli Prison Service (IPS). [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Communiques/2012/End_hunger_strike_security_prisoners_14-May-2012.htm ] 

On its part, Israel would return prisoners held in solitary confinement to the general wings, allow family visits from the Gaza Strip for the first time since 2007, ease restrictions on  visits from the West Bank, and improve the conditions under which “security prisoners” are being held. Israel reportedly [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=486344 ] also agreed not to extend the detention periods of Palestinians currently in “administrative detention”, “if there is no new information that requires their detention”.

However, Palestinian prisoners reportedly [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=491888 ] have already threatened to restart the hunger strike, demanding a quicker and more transparent implementation of the agreement. 

The prisons

About 4,500 Palestinian prisoners from the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are currently held in some 17 of the 32 Israeli prisons. In addition, a small number of detainees are held in four military detention centres and four interrogation centres. Some of the 17 prisons used for Palestinians have a mixed population, but others are explicitly used for Palestinians, such as the Megiddo, Ofer, Ramon, Nafha and Kitziot prisons, the IPS said.

Only one prison, Ofer, is located inside oPt. NGOs have repeatedly noted in this regard that the transfer of civilians out of the occupied territory to the territory of the occupying power  is viewed as violating international humanitarian law, [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/380-600083?OpenDocument ] or Article 49 and 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. 

“The Israeli prisons were established many years ago. Such places of detention, in accordance with the Fourth Geneva Convention, must be placed within oPt,” Noora Kero, media delegate at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Jerusalem, told IRIN. However, Israeli government officials pointed out that the building of new prisons inside oPt would equally spark international and Palestinian criticism.

Political prisoners versus security detainees

“In Israel, the legal term for Palestinian prisoners is security prisoner. Political prisoners don’t exist. But we say that all those who fought against the Israeli occupation and were arrested because of their role in resistance are political prisoners,” Amany Dayif, intervention coordinator at the Prisoners and Detainees Project of NGO Physicians for Human Rights-Israel Section, told IRIN.

Israeli prison authorities often isolate prisoners with a political leadership role, NGOs said. “So-called prisoner chiefs and political leaders are often put into difficult detention conditions like physical isolation and solitary confinement,” Dani Shenhar, a lawyer at the Israeli human rights NGO Hamoked, said.

Solitary confinement

Ending solitary confinement was one of the hunger strikers’ demands Israel met in the agreement. Most prisoners previously held in isolation had already been released from solitary confinement and moved into the general prison population. “We assess the release of prisoners from solitary confinement on an individual basis,” said Sivan Weizman, spokesperson of the IPS, adding that these releases do not necessarily imply any changes for future practice.

According to analysts, only those prisoners whose solitary confinement was ordered directly by Israel’s intelligence agency were moved into the general prison population , while others remained in isolation. One of them, Dirar Abu Sisi, a Palestinian engineer accused of Hamas membership and kidnapped from Ukraine in February 2011 [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/court-extends-remand-of-gazan-engineer-held-in-israeli-prison-1.351622 ] who is still in solitary confinement, began an individual hunger strike on 30 May to protest his isolation.

“The IPS used solitary confinement to punish prisoners. Sometimes they are denied money for the canteen. Some are denied books and higher education. Isolation is always a tool of pressure,” Amany Dayif said.

Nazmeh Mustafa, the wife of an imprisoned Hamas leader from Jenin, is familiar with such isolation. “My husband was denied media and books. A dictionary I brought him was once not allowed in because it had a hard cover. When I took the cover off, they still denied it, without explaining why,” she said.

“Much of what is done in Israel’s prisons runs under the pretext of security. IPS views good conditions of detention more as a favour to prisoners than as a human rights obligation,” said Dani Shenhar, a lawyer for prisoners at Hamoked.

Israeli law allows for three kinds of solitary confinement: [ http://www.adalah.org/upfiles/2011/Solitary_confinement_position_paper_English.pdf ] during interrogation up to 30 days; complete isolation as a disciplinary measure; and long-term and prolonged solitary confinement, referred to as “separation”. 

Prisoners in “separation” are held alone in a cell or together with another prisoner, either when the security services believe that a prisoner poses a threat to the safety of others, to “state security”, or when he or she is threatened by others; or when a prisoner suffers from mental health problems and is thus believed to pose a threat to the remaining prisoner population.

Health impact of prolonged solitary confinement

Past research [ http://solitaryconfinement.org/uploads/sourcebook_web.pdf ] provides much evidence of the negative health impacts of solitary confinement, particularly for those with pre-existing mental health disorders.

“Prisoners put in solitary confinement because of mental health issues see their condition worsening. Those put in isolation when still healthy become mentally ill,” Amany Dayif said. Possible effects of solitary confinement [ http://solitaryconfinement.org/uploads/sourcebook_web.pdf ] are sleep disorders, depressions, psychotic disorders, such as visual and auditory hallucinations, paranoia, disorientation, confusion and cognitive disorders. 

According to Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, IPS has also kept prisoners with “adjustment problems” in separation, who have difficulties integrating into the social environment of the prison. After prolonged isolation, they often develop serious mental health problems.

“Administrative detention”

“Administrative detention” is a form of detention without charge or trial that is authorized by administrative order instead of judicial decree. According to the Israeli human rights NGO B’Tselem, international law allows “administrative detention” as a last resort to prevent danger, but Israeli practice violates these restrictions. [ http://www.btselem.org/topic/administrative_detention ]

“If there was a clear charge, if I would only know why. Why don’t they send my husband to court? But this never happens. Instead, his detention is based on a secret file and no one knows what that file is,” Nazmeh Mustafa said. Her husband, Wasfe Kabaha, was meant to become minister of prisoner affairs after Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections. But he was soon arrested during a wider Israeli crackdown on Hamas. Released after three years in 2009, he was put under “administrative detention” several times since then.

Over the years, Israel has put thousands of Palestinians under “administrative detention”, based on secret intelligence information and without charge or trial, thereby denying detainees proper legal defence, B’Tselem said. [ http://www.btselem.org/administrative_detention ] The legal basis for “administrative detention” lies in Israeli military legislation applied on all Palestinians in the West Bank. The so-called Administrative Detention Order allows military commanders to order the detention of a Palestinian if he has “reasonable cause to believe that reasons of security... require that a particular person be detained”. [ http://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/administrative_detention_military_order_1591_eng.pdf ] The maximum period of six months can be extended if the “cause” persists.

The Israeli army has justified the use of “administrative detention” under the pretext of security in the past.

“The army must have evidence that people in administrative detention pose some kind of security threat,” Yoram Schweitzer, an expert at the Israeli Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), told IRIN.

The information underlying administrative detention is usually collected by Israel’s intelligence network. Presenting such information during a fair trial could also reveal much about the network itself, said an Israeli army official who preferred anonymity.

However, the UN Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) concluded [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/CERD.C.ISR.CO.14-16.pdf ] that Israel's policy of “administrative detention” is not justifiable as a security imperative, and expressed concern over “the existence of two sets of laws”, for Palestinians and Jewish settlers, who reside in the same territory, but are not subject to the same justice system.

“Administrative detention” has also provoked international criticism. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called on Israel [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=41959&Cr=palestin&Cr1 ] to either release or charge the administrative detainees and put them on trial. EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton expressed similar criticism. [ http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/israel/press_corner/all_news/news/2012/20120217_02_en.htm ]

A major concern about “administrative detention” has been its use for detaining Palestinian minors, often because they threw stones at Israeli soldiers. Ill-treatment during their detention has been documented [ http://www.dci-palestine.org/sites/default/files/report_0.pdf ] and often results in traumatic repercussions after their release. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95161/ISRAEL-OPT-Helping-ex-detainee-children-cope-with-trauma ]

Prisoners from Gaza: “Unlawful combatants”

Similar to the conditions under “administrative detention”, some Palestinians from the Gaza Strip can be detained without being charged or put on trial for an unlimited period of time under the so-called Unlawful Combatants Law. 

“As Israel doesn’t legally consider Gaza as being occupied, they cannot detain people under administrative detention, so they use another law originally created for Lebanese,” said Amany Dayif of Physicians for Human Rights, adding that such detention can be renewed for an unlimited period of time.

Currently, only one of the 453 prisoners and detainees from Gaza is detained as an “unlawful combatant”: Mahmud Sarsak, a Palestinian soccer player from the Gaza Strip who is still on hunger strike and has been detained since July 2008 without charge. On 1 June, he entered his 74th day and reportedly [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=491143 ] faced immediate danger to his life. 

NGOs have called on Israel to allow independent doctors to examine him, as the physical impact of a prolonged hunger strike is severe and needs proper monitoring.

Managing hunger during the strike

The physical impacts of a long-term hunger strike are intense, while particular danger lies in possible heart failure. According to Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, hunger strikers pass the life-endangering threshold after about 42 days without food, when malfunctioning of internal organs can occur. Most Palestinian hunger strikers took vitamins, minerals and salt, in addition to water. The long-term strikers Bilal Diab and Thaer Halahleh lost the ability to drink properly after 55 days and had difficulties swallowing. As a means to escalate their strike, they sometimes refused taking the supplements. 

The long-term health repercussions after the hunger strike need to be monitored too. “After 77 days of starvation, going back to eat is also life endangering. You need specialists, neurologists, internal medicine,” Amany Dayif said, adding that IPS medical care was insufficient.

The IPS denied the accusation. “We have doctors in the prisons checking hunger strikers’ health every day. Since the strike is over, we are taking care that prisoners are eating slowly and that nothing hurts them,” Sivan Weizman, IPS spokesperson, told IRIN.

The right to visit

When Palestinian prisoners went on hunger strike, their relatives pitched solidarity tents in their home towns and were also fighting their own battle for improved conditions of family visits. 

For Nazmeh Mustafa from Jenin, visiting her husband in an Israeli prison has become a routine ordeal. She regularly takes a 12-hour-journey, crossing from oPt via military checkpoints into Israel, for a short meeting of 45 minutes.

“Once I left Jenin at 7am and came back at 11pm. The checkpoint was full of people,” Nazmeh Mustafa said ahead of a recent visit to the prison. “Only my two youngest daughters and I can visit. My 21-year-old son saw his father once in six years,” she added.

Only immediate family members of Palestinians, such as spouses, parents, siblings, and children, are allowed to visit relatives in Israeli prisons. Any over 15 need to apply for a visiting permit through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which forwards the applications to the issuing authority, the Israeli Civil Administration.

There are two kinds of visiting permits: A one-year permit that allows visits about every two weeks, and a so-called security permit, which allows only for a single visit within 45 days, sometimes a few times a year. But for young men aged 16-35, security permits are rare, usually issued only once a year, Dima Mahajneh, field officer at the Jenin office of the ICRC, told IRIN. “No matter if they pose a real security threat, or not.”

The ICRC mediates between the relatives and the Israeli authorities in issuing permits and organizes the transportation, but the process is nevertheless difficult for prisoners’ relatives. 

“The whole mechanism of applying for permits is highly bureaucratic. It takes months and months to get a permit. And most don’t get any permit in the end,” Hamoked’s Dani Shenhar said. 

The Fourth Geneva Convention (Article 116) [ http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/full/380 ] regulates the right to visit, saying that "every internee shall be allowed to receive visitors, especially near relatives, at regular intervals and as frequently as possible".

“I really hope that Israel will improve the conditions for family visits after this agreement,” said Aber Issa Zakarni. Since her husband was arrested in December 2011, she has not seen him. Her 22-year-old daughter Zeina was denied a permit, too, “because of security reasons”, she said. Only Zeina’s seven-year-old sister Yaffa has seen her father regularly. 

“Once she cried so much that an officer let her through the door to hug her father,” Aber said, adding: “I believe that the hunger strike was the only weapon left to the prisoners. Israel can detain us in a cell, but under occupation it feels like in prison anyway.”

ah/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95580/Briefing-The-detention-and-imprisonment-of-Palestinians-in-oPt-Israel</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205221102240267t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 04 June 2012 (IRIN) - A hunger strike by about 1,550 Palestinians in Israeli prisons ended with an agreement on 14 May, in which Israel committed to meeting some of the prisoners’ demands in exchange for security guarantees.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: A faith-based aid revolution in the Muslim world?</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2773t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate. 

At the low end of the estimate, this is 15 times more than global humanitarian aid contributions* [ http://fts.unocha.org/reports/daily/ocha_R18_Y2011___1205310203.pdf ] in 2011.

With aid from traditional Western donors decreasing in the wake of a global recession, and with about a quarter of the Muslim world living on less than $1.25 a day**, this represents a huge pool of potential in the world of aid funding. 

But Islamic finance experts, researchers and development workers say much of the money spent in `zakat’ (mandatory alms) and `sadaqa’ (charity) is mismanaged, wasted or ineffective. 

“Wealth is growing in the Muslim world. So is the poverty. Where have we gone wrong?” asks Tariq Cheema, president of the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists (WCMP), an organization which advises Muslim donors - including some of the thousands of millionaires living in the Gulf - on how to increase sustainability and accountability in their donations. 

Islam requires Muslims to give 2.5 percent of their wealth and assets to the poor every year. Much more is given in voluntary `sadaqa’. But that money is usually donated in small amounts at local levels to feed the poor, help orphans, or build mosques. Muslims say many of them give, almost without thinking, to fulfil a religious obligation. “Our rituals are there, but often they lack the spirit,” Cheema told IRIN. “We just give the money and forget.”

Very little of the money goes towards sustainable development.

“Billions of dollars worth of giving in `zakat’ and `sadaqa’ are unfortunately ineffective by and large,” he said. “Our giving shouldn’t be driven by our desire to prove that we are good people… Our giving should be smart and effective.” 

“We are here to bring that shift in the culture: the paradigm shift from conventional and generous giving to strategic giving… There is a lot of money around that needs to be channelled towards development.” 

Huge potential 

In the early years of Islam, `zakat’, `sadaqa’ and `awqaf’( religious endowments) played a large role in society - not only in poverty alleviation, but in the building of infrastructure and provision of social services. In Ottoman times, some Turkish towns were almost entirely based on religious endowments - the real estate donated, with the rent going towards charitable or social ends: educational and health facilities, research institutes, even the lighting of streets. The endowments are credited as one of the reasons for the “Golden Age” of Islamic civilization from the eighth to the 13th centuries.

But due to colonization, the stagnation of Muslim institutions, mismanagement of `awqaf’ and the inability of their laws to adapt to changing times, these charitable traditions lost their central place in the organization of society. 

Cheema said many Muslims today do not know how to calculate the amount of `zakat’ they should pay and do not have the channels through which to pay it. Governments collect a very small percentage of what they could. 

In 2004, economist Habib Ahmed calculated [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Role_of_Awqaf_and_`zakat’.pdf ] that if all potential `zakat’ were collected in Muslim countries, between a third and half of them could move their poor out of poverty.*** 

“The potential is tremendous,” Ahmed, now chair in Islamic Law and Finance at the Institute of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at Durham University, told IRIN. “But in most countries, it is not being used to the potential.”

Among the reasons, he said, are that people do not trust governments, who have a history of mismanagement, and prefer to give their money to people they know are in need. 

Syed Wafa is a former professor who headed a research group that advised the Malaysian government on distributing `zakat’ funds. He said even Malaysia - one of the most advanced countries in `zakat’ collection - is not strategic in its disbursement of funds. 

“The `zakat’ authority does not have a long-term investment plan,” he told IRIN. “They depend on the yearly collection… Their mindset is: We get the funds; we try to disburse them as fast as possible.” 

Wafa’s recommendation to the government that it disburse `zakat’ funds through loans or micro-credit financing was rejected based on the perception that `zakat’ should, according to religious edict, be owned by the poor, and thus given in the form of direct assistance. In the Malaysian state of Johor, however, the `zakat’ authority allows funds to be spent on student loans for tertiary education.

Feeding the poor and helping orphans are encouraged repeatedly in the Koran and have thus become preferred forms of `zakat’. Building mosques has been a popular form of `sadaqa’, largely due to the Prophet Muhammad’s saying that he who helps build a mosque will have a castle built for him in heaven. 

Muslim NGOs have at times struggled to convince donors to support “intangible” activities like capacity-building or empowerment, over these more tangible causes, according to Marie Juul Peterson, a researcher in politics and development at the Danish Institute for International Studies, who wrote her PhD thesis [ http://www.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/mape/Marie%20Juul%20Petersen%20%20For%20humanity%20or%20for%20the%20umma%20.pdf ] about transnational Muslim NGOs.

“One thing is clear,” said Cheema of WCMP. “Around the Muslim world, there is an increased awareness that if `zakat’ distribution and management is made effective, we can bring revolutions in terms of development - not only for the Muslims, but people around the world.”

Role of government 

Many countries have entire ministries of `zakat’ and `awqaf’, but they are mistrusted, ineffective and badly managed, Ahmed said. But as they wake up to the potential of proper `zakat’ management, some governments are making efforts to centralize the process, either directly through government, through non-profit corporations created by the government; or through hybrid systems, where NGOs also play a role in collecting `zakat’. 

Malaysia has made great strides: in 2010 it collected 1.4 billion Malaysian ringgit (US$443 million) in `zakat’, up from about $95 million 10 years ago, said Wafa, now head of a Shariah-compliant financial institution called KOPSYA, which finances cooperatives through no-interest loans. 

Malaysians who give `zakat’ are given a tax credit. In Pakistan the government deducts `zakat’ on certain categories of assets, with bank account deductions on the first day of Ramadan every year directly deposited in the Central Zakat Fund maintained by the State Bank of Pakistan.

In 2010 the Egyptian government measured, [ http://www.idsc.gov.eg/Upload/Documents/262/charity1.pdf ] for the first time, the amount of money Egyptians donate to charity, estimating it at about 4.5 billion Egyptian pounds ($745 million) in 2009. Others have made estimates two to four times higher. In strictly financial terms, this government estimate would be enough to pull nearly all of Egypt’s poor out of poverty.****

Donor culture built on religion 

Others are also targeting the “charity mentality” at the state level - lobbying governments in the Muslim world, especially the Gulf, to be more strategic with their aid. 

“Our [Muslims’] whole donorship was built on religious charity,” said Ibrahim Osman, director of the Middle East and North Africa region for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). “That has infiltrated even governments and public institutions… Most Muslim countries do handouts, even with international organizations. 

“The Arab world has to change from a charity culture to a humanitarian action business,” he told IRIN. “This is what is missing. It’s always charity.”

But observers say that apart from a few notable exceptions, major reform at the government level is unlikely. 

“We academics talk about the role of `zakat’, but ultimately, if there is no political will at the level of the government, there will not be a structural change which can bring this about,” Habib said. 

“It needs a different mindset,” Wafa added. “The ideas have to come from the public.” 

Increasingly, it is civil society filling the gap. See IRIN’s list of efforts to make Muslim aid more effective. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ]

The role of NGOs

In Egypt, a start-up social business called Madad [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] is trying to shift the billions of pounds spent in Egypt every year in donations and charity by highlighting those NGOs working towards sustainable development. 

“As Muslims, we are raised that you have to pay `zakat’,” said Sameh Awad, head of Madad. “People just go to the poor people and give them money and they feel that they’re fulfilled. 

“We are trying to change the culture of giving among the donors,” he told IRIN, encouraging them to take more interest in how the money they give is spent and whether it creates any lasting change. 

Muslim NGOs, some of whom get up to 80 percent of their funding from `zakat’ and `sadaqa’, are increasingly turning to sustainable development projects like Islamic (interest-free) micro-finance and livelihood support.

Instead of giving money to individual orphans, some NGOs have tried to support them in more strategic ways, introducing human rights, empowerment and “mainstream aid activities”, Juul Peterson, the researcher, said. Other projects have included developing sermons for imams on children’s rights or training them in disaster preparedness.

“You have these new ideas of how good aid should be,” she told IRIN. 

In Egypt, a non-profit organization called Misr al-Kheir, led by the Grand Mufti of Egypt, the highest religious authority in the country, and funded by `zakat’ and `sadaqa’, has been a pioneer in the use of `zakat’ for sustainable ends. Leading by example, the Mufti has made it religiously acceptable to invest `zakat’ in Islamic micro-finance projects and scientific research aimed at improving human development. 

Al-Rajhi Bank and Yousef Abdullatif Jameel Co. in Saudi Arabia and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) are Muslim lending institutions which have attempted to replicate the successes of Grameen bank in Bangladesh.

Several people are also trying to involve the $1 trillion Islamic finance industry in the financing of development, by encouraging Islamic financial institutions to transfer a percentage of their capital towards sustainable livelihoods for the poor, or using Islamic capital market instruments to create `awqaf’. 

Sustainable forms of Muslim aid 

Historically, `awaqf’ have contributed to sustainable development much more than `zakat’; and Muslims are increasing finding innovative and modern versions of the old tradition, including collective and corporate religious endowments.

In 2009, the Organization for Islamic Cooperation’s Fikh Academy, charged with setting religious laws, passed a resolution evolving the rules around `awaqf’ to make them more flexible, allowing temporary `awaqf’, corporate `awaqf’ (through shares of a company) and `awaqf’ in cash - but regulation is still up to the government in most countries. 

NGOs have lobbied Muslim scholars to issue fatwas making it easier for Muslims to give their faith-based charity in non-traditional ways, expanding the forms of acceptable religious charity, reducing waste and increasing sustainability and impact. 

In 2007, Egypt’s Grand Mufti pronounced that contributions to a civil society campaign - including fundraising by text message - to open a new children’s cancer hospital would constitute legitimate `zakat’. The hospital, financed completely through donations, is now the second largest in the world dedicated to paediatric cancer care.

Muslim scholars have also allowed `zakat’ to be given towards relief operations, which has made a big difference in responding to humanitarian disasters. 

Making the most of Eid

One source of waste, historically, has been during the Eid al-Adha holiday, in which Muslims are encouraged to slaughter an animal and donate the meat to the poor - another industry worth millions, if not billions, of dollars. As a result, millions of sheep are estimated to be slaughtered every year in a span of a few days. On such a scale, the meat cannot always be distributed quickly and efficiently enough. 

In 2011, well-known Muslim scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi approved [ http://qaradawi.net/component/content/article/5323.html ] the canning of meat for distribution abroad at a later point. 

Other NGOs, like Muslim Aid and Awqaf New Zealand [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ], are combining the ritual, known as `qurbani’ or `udheya’, with livelihood activities, in which poor farmers rear the animals and sell them to the NGOs during Eid or use other parts of the animal to create revenue. 

“We maximize the donation for the best interest of the poor,” said Husain Benyounis, secretary-general of Awqaf New Zealand. “We turn something out of everything they throw away.”

The Koran says the one of the ways in which you can continue being rewarded for your good deeds after you die is by leaving a form of continuous `sadaqa’, a gift that keeps giving. In a Muslim version of “teaching someone how to fish”, the Prophet Muhammad is said to have helped a beggar find a sustainable income, instead of giving him money. 

“You find very different interpretations of `zakat’ and `sadaqa’,” Peterson said. “[But] people are increasingly using Islamic discourses to argue for sustainability.”

Still, though the Arab Spring may speed up the process, most observers say it will be years before there is any significant shift.

Awad, the young Egyptian social entrepreneur, believes Egypt’s revolution needs to spread to the civil society sector. 

“We need a revolution in all the sectors,” he said. “We need a revolution, not only in leaders, but in the mindset itself.” 

But many continue to have hope in the potential offered through `zakat’, `sadaqa’, `awqaf’ and `qurbani’, especially as social media helps raise awareness and change the feedback loop. Sami Yusuf, a Muslim musician whose involvement in the LiveFeed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] campaign helped raise funds for the World Food Programme, says people just need the right channels to give.

“I think we’re going to be really surprised in the years to come in this part of the world.”

ha/cb

*According to the UN’s Financial Tracking System, global humanitarian funding in 2011 totalled just over $13 billion.

**Calculated by IRIN as an average of the percentage of population living under $1.25 a day in the 40 member countries of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) for which there was data in the 2011 Human Development Index. 

***See page 69 of the link. Calculated by Habib Ahmed using the upper limit (4.3 percent of GDP) of a model used to measure the impact of full `zakat’ collection in IDB countries. (The lower end of the model is 1.8 percent) 
 
****Calculated by IRIN based on an Egyptian population of 85 million - about 2 percent of which live below the poverty line, according to the Human Development Index of 2011. At today’s exchange rate, 4.5 billion pounds works out to about $1.19 dollars per day per person living under the poverty line. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2773t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Every year, somewhere between US$200 billion and $1 trillion are spent in “mandatory” alms and voluntary charity across the Muslim world, Islamic financial analysts estimate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Making Muslim aid more effective</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206010824150579t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.

But players in Muslim aid say much of the money spent on aid and charity here is mismanaged, wasted, lacking in strategy or ineffective. (See IRIN’s in-depth article on this) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ]

Here are a few new attempts to change that: 

Madad: Created by a 30-year-old Egyptian activist who participated in the 2011 uprising against former president Hosni Mubarak, Madad is a private, social start-up business which aims to shift some of the estimated 5-20 billion Egyptian pounds (US$825 million - $3.3 billion; statistics are not consistent) spent by ordinary people on charity every year towards more sustainable development. The idea is to scour Egypt’s governorates and estimated 40,000 NGOs, and identify those which run successful, sustainable projects that support livelihoods and work towards the Millennium Development Goals. Madad would then highlight those projects through online platforms, so that donors can make more educated decisions about how to spend their money and track the funds once spent. It will start small with a few projects it has already identified, and expand its coverage as its networks grow, with the aim that NGOs will eventually come forward themselves, looking for exposure. The word `madad’ in Arabic means supply; its CEO, Samed Awad, sees it as the supply not only of money, but of resources, visibility, awareness and knowledge, to both donors and NGOs. The commercial launch is scheduled for the beginning of 2013. 

The International Waqf and Zakat Organization [ http://www.worldzakatfoundation.org/ ]: A concept first introduced to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) by the Malaysian government in 2005, the International Waqf and Zakat Organization is meant to become a global fund where `zakat’ (mandatory alms) could be pooled and spent more strategically on long-term objectives. Still in the making, the project does not yet have buy-in from many countries which see `zakat’ management as a sovereign responsibility. 

The Hasanah Trust Fund: Created by the World Congress of Muslim Philanthropists last month, the Hassanah Trust Fund hopes to become a sustainable mechanism through which money can be collected from governments and the private sector and then linked with UN agencies or NGOs with a strong track record in poverty reduction, sustainable livelihoods and food security.

Awqaf New Zealand: Millions of sheep are estimated to be slaughtered every year during the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha. Instead of simply distributing their meat to the poor, Awqaf New Zealand, [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Awqaf_New_Zealand_Short%20_Profile.pdf ] an NGO set up in 2011, aims to create a sustainable cycle out of the process by using all parts of the animal to produce revenue that goes back to the poor. Some of the meat is canned for future distribution by aid agencies. The wool and skin go to refugees (along with training, sewing machines and medical insurance) to make relief blankets (sold back to aid agencies at low cost), or items like moccasins that help refugees in the West preserve their heritage. In the future, Awqaf New Zealand plans to use the bones to make Halal gelatin and, possibly, the blood for fertilizer. 

Care by Air: An initiative of Maximus Air Cargo, based in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Care by Air [ http://www.carebyair.aero/ ] is a not-for-profit collection of airways and transport companies which have agreed to give empty space to humanitarian organizations and charities at cost. According to the International Air Transport Association, there are four million tons of empty space on aeroplanes every week. Filling 0.0003 percent of that space would provide meals for five million people, Care by Air says. 

LiveFeed: Using the popularity of musician Sami Yusuf to raise awareness among a younger generation of Muslims, the LiveFeed [ http://livefeedafrica.org/ ] campaign, launched in December 2011, continues to raise money for the World Food Programme to respond to the drought in the Horn of Africa. The video of his single, “Forgotten Promises”, has been viewed by more than one million people on YouTube and has reached at least another 1.5 million through his Facebook and Twitter feeds. “People in the Middle East really want to do good,” Yusuf told IRIN. “They just need an opportunity and a means.”

Corporate `waqf’: In Malaysia, Johor State’s investment corporation, Johor Corporation, has partnered with the state’s Islamic Religious Council to manage a corporate waqf (religious endowment), to which all of its members can contribute a certain percentage of the shares or equity of their company. The returns fund hundreds of thousands of medical treatments for poor people at Waqaf An-Nur Hospital [ http://www.jcorp.com.my/waqaf-an-nur-hospital-clinic-35.aspx ] and its corresponding clinics. According to one local expert, the fund has more than doubled to over 500 million Malaysian ringgits ($157 million) in the last 10 years. 

Collective `waqf’: Another new innovation in the age-old tradition of religious endowments is collective `waqf’, in which several people’s contributions are pooled together to create a single `waqf’. British NGO Muslim Aid is in the process of launching a legacy-giving scheme which will allow people to give a portion of their wealth in their wills to charitable causes to be managed by Muslim Aid. 

Variations on Islamic microfinance: Muslim NGOs like Islamic Relief, Muslim Aid, Misr al-Kheir and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia have been using no-interest microfinance for several years now, but others are now experimenting with micro-loans (as little as $20) and group-lending, in which a loan is given to several people who are equally responsible for paying it back, increasing the peer pressure and thus improving the pay-back rate. 

Office for the Coordination of Foreign Aid (OCFA), UAE: Operational since 2009, the Office for the Coordination of Foreign Aid [ http://ocfa.gov.ae/EN/pages/Home.aspx ] has been tracking the flow of aid out of the United Arab Emirates. The first of its kind in the region, the office is leading the way in aid transparency among Gulf donors and providing information with which to set policy. It is also training other donors in the region to do the same. “Muslim countries should really focus more on sustainable development projects, rather than being reactive to humanitarian crises,” OCFA Director-General Hazza Alqahtani told IRIN, insisting that the Muslim world needs to deliver more “efficient aid”. 

Muslim aid structures: Several groups have emerged in the last few years helping to represent Muslim organizations working in aid. Founder of Islamic Relief Hany El Banna created both the Humanitarian Forum, which encourages dialogue and coordination between aid agencies from the Muslim world and the wider humanitarian system; and the Muslim Charities Forum, which has played a large role in lobbying Muslim scholars to expand definitions of Islam-acceptable charity. The OIC in 2008 created a Humanitarian Affairs department which is increasingly playing a role in coordinating aid among member countries, especially in disaster zones where Muslim aid workers may have better access. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206010824150579t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 June 2012 (IRIN) - Between the foreign aid of oil-rich Gulf States and the billions of dollars spent by Muslims in “mandatory” alms and charity every year, the Muslim world is by all accounts a huge reservoir of potential in the world of aid funding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: Abraham Alu, “We have to move… but there’s nowhere to go”</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205301411090057t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Abraham Alu, a 35-year-old South Sudanese is one of roughly 60,000 African asylum seekers in Israel. He lives in south Tel Aviv where rents are cheap, does odd jobs and scrapes by, but feels constantly threatened.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Abraham Alu, a 35-year-old South Sudanese is one of roughly 60,000 African asylum seekers in Israel. He lives in south Tel Aviv where rents are cheap, does odd jobs and scrapes by, but feels constantly threatened.

Recently, he narrowly escaped attack by a group of Jewish protesters in the city who had smashed African-owned shops and beaten up Africans. A policeman pointed to the Jewish protesters heading in his direction and said, “Run, they’ll murder you! Run!”. Alu said: 

“I feel afraid even right now. I face constant harassment from Jewish Israeli residents of the neighbourhood. 

“They come here and say: ‘What are you doing here? This is our country, go home; go back to [South Sudan]. I left [southern] Sudan when I was small because of the war and here, right now, I am still in a war. 

“When I was seven, I saw both my mother and father murdered by militiamen. I fled the village alone. To this day, I do not know what happened to my brothers. Twenty eight years later, I continue to search, asking other refugees if they have met or heard anything about them. 

“I eventually ended up in Egypt. There, asylum seekers could not work legally. In Cairo, I joined a sit-in outside the UN High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR] to protest against the conditions African asylum seekers face in Egypt. The 3,000 demonstrators who camped out for three months in late 2005 asked UNHCR to help them move to other countries. 

“On 30 December 2005, some 4,000 Egyptian policemen stormed the protest camp. They fired water cannons into the crowd, which included women and children, and beat demonstrators with batons. More than 20 Africans were killed, including a four-year-old girl. The Egyptian Interior Ministry said a stampede was to blame for the deaths, though media reports cast doubt on that claim. 

"Fearing for my life, I fled to Israel. I had heard that the journey through Sinai was dangerous, so I left my wife, a two-and-half-year-old daughter and infant son behind. I would send for them once I settled somewhere and the situation was stable.

“After crossing into Israel in early 2006, I was held in prison for a year. I have been living in south Tel Aviv since I was released. 

“Now we have to move [from Israel]… but there’s nowhere to go.

“I want to go home and help build South Sudan, which has been independent for less than a year, but I don’t feel it is safe to return. It is a small country and there is fighting.

“Where is my future? Where is my future? This is my future?

“I want to be somebody who will do something for [South Sudan] but when I go back, I [will] have no money, no education, no nothing [to contribute to building the state]. Just me and myself, me and the few clothes I will put in a plastic bag.

“Asylum seekers don’t want to be rich. No, we are [humble] people. We just want something to eat, we want to sleep well, to feel secure - that is it.”

Also see: ISRAEL: Growing tensions between locals and migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201205301411090057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 30 May 2012 (IRIN) - Abraham Alu, a 35-year-old South Sudanese is one of roughly 60,000 African asylum seekers in Israel. He lives in south Tel Aviv where rents are cheap, does odd jobs and scrapes by, but feels constantly threatened.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>