<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Iraq</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 13:00:33 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>IRAQ: Upsurge in violence prompts people to contemplate leaving</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.
 
The wave of attacks, carried out mainly by Sunni extremists from Al-Qaeda in Iraq against Shia communities, has alarmed many who fear the country could descend into chaos once more, with the government itself acknowledging it is not capable of ensuring security on its own.
 
The attacks also come as political factions are at loggerheads over how to reach a power-sharing deal. The Sunni community is complaining that it is being marginalized by the Shia-led government, which recently issued arrest warrants against Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi and other politicians for allegedly operating death squads. 
 
Many fear the current violence could send the country back to the days of 2006-07 when Shia-Sunni conflict left thousands of people dead and millions of others displaced. A few families have already packed their bags and others are contemplating leaving.
 
Here is how some Iraqis are feeling: 
 
Sultan Abdul-Latif Ibrahim, a 55-year-old father of six from the Shia Shabak minority in the northern province of Ninevah: “I lost 10 of my relatives since [the US-led invasion in] 2003... We used to live in the provincial capital, Mosul, for years with Sunnis and Christians. But in 2007 we were forced out of our houses by Sunni extremists who blew up our homes. Since then, we have been living in a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Mosul. Last Monday [16 January] our camp was attacked by a parked car bomb, killing eight people, including six of my relatives. I wish to die now rather than later. We can’t bear the hardships we are going through every day. We, the Shia, are facing constant threats by Sunni extremists who want to eliminate us and there is no place to go. I can’t afford to move with my family to another place.”
 
Hassan Abdul-Mahdi, a 35-year-old Sunni businessman and father of three from Baghdad: “Iraq today is just like Iraq after the toppling of the previous regime. There is one group that wants to dominate and impose its control on the country. Today, the Shia-led government and politicians who control the security forces have started to hunt down Sunni leaders and political figures to bite them one by one using different means... I’m contemplating leaving Iraq as the situation seems to be getting worse.”
 
Jandak Youssif, a 46-year-old Christian from Baghdad: “The situation is getting worse day by day, and the government doesn’t care about our suffering and needs. Our economy is stagnant; illiteracy and unemployment are prevalent; decent public services are not available; and people are leaving the country due to the security situation and religious discrimination. Christians are being attacked and no-one is campaigning for their rights. We are not seeing any improvement in any aspect of our life… My family is scattered in many parts of the world; my parents and brother are stuck in Syria waiting to be relocated to a third country. I have three sisters in Denmark, one in the Netherlands and two in Ninevah Province. Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world but we are the worst in terms of corruption, unemployment and illiteracy.”
 
Examples of recent violence
 
16 January: Two car bombs targeted a camp for displaced Shabak in the northern province of Ninevah and a commercial area in the central province of Babil, killing 11 and wounding 21. 
 
14 January: A bomb attack against Shia pilgrims in the southern province of Basra killed 53 and injured 130. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attack.
 
10 January: A wave of bombs and assassinations nationwide killed 10 people. The targets were government officials, security forces and Shia pilgrims. 
 
9 January: Three car bombs exploded in Baghdad, killing 17 and wounding dozens.
 
5 January: A wave of bombings targeted Shia Muslims in Baghdad and other provinces heading on foot to the revered city of Karbala to mark the anniversary of the death of Imam Hussein. Seventy-eight people were killed and more than 100 wounded.
 
22 December: A string of coordinated bombs tore through mainly Shia neighbourhoods in Baghdad, killing 69 and injuring nearly 200. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks.
 
18 December: The USA pulled the last of its combat forces out of Iraq, leaving only 200 for training and diplomatic protection.
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94677</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: New research highlights link between FGM/C and mental disorders</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130942410803t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - New data out of Iraq shows what many psychologists suspected though little research had confirmed: Girls who have undergone female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) are more prone to mental disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - New data out of Iraq shows what many psychologists suspected though little research had confirmed: Girls who have undergone female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) are more prone to mental disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Results of the research [ http://scielo.isciii.es/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&pid=S0213-61632011000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en ] - conducted by Jan Ilhan Kizilhan of the University of Freiburg, an expert in psychotraumatology (psychotherapy for people who have suffered extreme trauma) - were published in the April-June 2011 edition of the European Journal of Psychiatry.

Kizilhan found “alarmingly high rates” of PTSD (44 percent), depression (34 percent), anxiety (46 percent) and somatic disturbances (mental disorders whose symptoms are unexplainable physical illnesses - 37 percent) among a group of 79 circumcised girls in the Kurdistan region of northern Iraq, aged 8-14, who did not otherwise suffer any traumatic events.

These rates were up to seven times higher than among non-circumcised girls from the same region and were comparable to rates among people who suffered early childhood abuse.

Last year, shortly after receiving the results of the research, Kizilhan said, the Kurdish parliament in northern Iraq banned [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/25/iraqi-kurdistan-law-banning-fgm-positive-step ] FGM/C.

He told IRIN he hopes the results will also lead to more and better treatment of PTSD among girls who have undergone FGM/C, using special techniques which include the family in the process as much as possible.

The existence of FGM/C in the Middle East is less known than in Africa. Estimates of the prevalence of FGM/C in Iraqi Kurdistan vary wildly depending on the province, but surveys have indicated the overall figure could be around 40 percent. The region is home to five million people, but has just 13 psychologists and only one with expertise in psychotherapy, Kizilhan said.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94638</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130942410803t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - New data out of Iraq shows what many psychologists suspected though little research had confirmed: Girls who have undergone female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) are more prone to mental disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: The year that was</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.
 
 “Despite the fact that the Arab Spring may have brought hopes for freedom, democracy and better living conditions, it has not been without cost,” said Abdul Haq Amiri, head of the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Middle East.
 
 Here are the top 10 humanitarian consequences of a momentous year in the region, focusing on Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. 
 
 Lives lost 
 
 2011 began with an 18-day uprising against former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak which left more than 800 people dead and over 6,000 injured. By year end, sporadic clashes between protesters, security forces and “thugs” had killed at least another 81 people and injured hundreds more. 
 
 In Syria, a crackdown against demonstrators demanding President Bashar el-Assad step down led to more than 5,000 dead - though the number is constantly changing. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93772 ] 
 
 In Yemen, at least 2,700 protesters, tribal supporters, defected soldiers and government-aligned army members and policemen have been killed in what began as peaceful protests against President Ali Abdullah Saleh but increasingly involved an armed opposition. Some 24,000 others were injured since the protest movement broke out in the first week of February, according to the NGO Dar al-Salam.
 
 Former rebels in Libya estimate the war there killed 50,000 people. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Thousands fled Syria for Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93129 ] due to fighting between government forces and protesters, supported by army defectors. The economic situation of many host families in Lebanon was strained, and Syrians were attacked along and across the border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94230 ] leaving them vulnerable not only in their home country but also when seeking refuge. 
 
 So-called sectarian clashes in Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93937 ] as well as a series of attacks on Coptic Christian churches, led as many as 100,000 Christians to flee the country in the months that followed the revolution, according to a local NGO. 
 
 In Libya, many people were unable to return to their homes because of the heavy damage and sensitive politics. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94332 ] 
 
 Iraq prepared for an influx of returnees from places affected by instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92748 ]
 
 Migration 
 
 The Arab Spring both affected the millions of migrants already in the Middle East and North Africa when uprisings erupted across the region; and also created new migration flows. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92186 ] 
 
 In Libya, sub-Saharan African migrants were accused of fighting alongside former leader Muammar Gaddafi and targeted by rebel forces. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93763 ] Hundreds of thousands of migrants left Libya during the war, in many cases returning to communities that did not have the capacity to support them. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93769 ] 
 
 In Egypt, migrants returning from Libya came home to a difficult reality [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94128 ] and heightened nationalism led to violence and discrimination against foreigners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94294 ] including migrants and refugees. 
 
 Despite a host of problems in Yemen, Somali and Ethiopian refugees and migrants continued streaming into the country in unprecedented numbers, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94173 ] often accused of being a party to the conflict between Saleh and the protesters trying to oust him.
 
 Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Yemenis illegally entered neighbouring Saudi Arabia in search of work. Saudi authorities say they detained 239,000 illegal immigrants in 2011, up 37 percent on the year before. 
 
 Access to health care 
 
 The often-violent crackdown on protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square led to a shortage of vital medicines in pharmacies [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93450 ] and a sharp drop in blood donors. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93264 ] Amid the security vacuum that followed Mubarak’s departure, hospitals became dangerous places. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94299 ]
 
 In certain parts of Yemen, vaccination rates decreased by 20-40 percent as a result of the country's political and economic challenges. Hospitals struggled to cope [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93794 ] with increased demand among protesters. Health care facilities were barely functioning and access remained limited due to a lack of security, leading some health workers to flee their hospitals and clinics. Military presence in and around hospitals in Yemen led some wounded to seek treatment in private clinics. 
 
 Similarly in Syria, activists said they were afraid to take wounded protesters to hospitals, for fear they would be arrested by security forces there. 
 
 In Libya, the severely wounded had a hard time reaching hospitals [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93627 ] and the government struggled to secure medical treatment for the war-wounded abroad. 
 
 Access to education
 
 The unrest in the region set back the likelihood that many countries would achieve the Millennium Development Goals for education [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92091 ] by 2015. 
 
 In Egypt, nationwide demonstrations and repeated confrontations between demonstrators and military policemen forced several schools and educational institutions to close, while parents complained that their children were attacked by thugs on their way to school. Some rights groups said criminals used arms to take money from schoolchildren.
 
 In Yemen, hundreds of thousands of children stayed at home because their schools were either housing displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93688 ] or being used as army barracks. 
 
 In the Syrian city of Homs [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94529 ] a school came under attack. 
 
 On the positive side, the children of displaced Syrians in Lebanon were able to enrol in public schools in northern Lebanon.
 
 Access to basic services 
 
 Yemen faced acute water and power outages. By year end, the price of water-trucking had risen to US$8 per cubic metre in some places, 2-3 times more than in March 2011. The power went out for more than 20 hours a day in most of the country's main cities, including the capital Sana'a, due to repeated attacks on the national grid. 
 
 Some areas of Libya went without water and electricity for months due to severe damage to infrastructure; and activists in Syria said water and electricity were cut from certain cities for days at a time before and during military operations.
 
 Economy 
 
 Across the region, the Arab Spring led to higher food and fuel prices, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] less availability of certain products on the market, people losing their jobs, enterprises going out of business, and investors being wary. The economies of Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94414 ] Syria [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94077 ] and Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ] were particularly hard hit. Libya’s oil production dropped significantly and it had trouble accessing funds frozen under sanctions against Gaddafi. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94394 ]
 
 Food security 
 
 The devastated economies forced families to make difficult choices. In Yemen, where one third of people did not have enough to eat before the crisis, aid workers warned of shocking malnutrition figures. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ]
 
 The price of basic food commodities in Yemen increased by 43 percent on average over the course of 2011, in a country where families spend 30-35 percent of their daily income on bread. 
 
 The Studies and Economic Media Center, a local think tank, warned that the number of food-insecure people increased from seven million to nine million in 2011 because of the unrest. 
 
 In Syria, the government made cash payments [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91999 ] to thousands of vulnerable families to stem food insecurity.
 
 The Egyptian government was incapable of maintaining the bread subsidy that many poor Egyptians rely on, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92682 ] and there were signs of increasing malnutrition in Upper Egypt.
 
 Proliferation of weapons
 
 Weapons proliferation increased in the region, especially in Libya, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] where an estimated 120,000 fighters needed to be demobilized; and surprisingly, in places like Egypt, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94308 ] where citizens purchased small arms to defend their families. An increasing number of army defectors led to a more violent Arab Spring in Yemen [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and in Syria, where the UN resident coordinator in September warned of the risk of civil war. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93816 ]
 
 In Yemen, less government control has led tribesmen to break into military camps, looting small, medium and heavy arms. 
 
 Aid delivery 
 
 Insecurity and the spread of conflict in several areas of Yemen hindered access of humanitarian actors and made aid delivery even more complex. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93883 ] 
 
 Syria has been virtually off-limits for aid workers and certain areas of Libya remained inaccessible for months due to fighting during the war. 
 
 According to one UN official, the unrest in the region caused some Gulf countries to cut some of their foreign spending and refocus funds internally, to appease the local population and avoid uprisings in their own countries. The Palestinian Authority, for example, complained of decreased donor funding: [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93550 ]
 
 ae/ay/jg/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94581</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109211220490031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - When hundreds of thousands of people across the Arab world poured into the streets in 2011 to demand freedom from dictatorship, they set in motion a series of events which not only created humanitarian needs in countries that were otherwise relatively stable, but also exacerbated existing humanitarian and developmental challenges.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Worrying signs for Iraq&apos;s stability as USA pulls out</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211207240952t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad’s northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad's northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.
 
 "It annoys me and others to see them every day," said Maarouf, a 69-year-old Sunni construction engineer. "They serve as a reminder of the US occupation, the violence we witnessed over the past years and a source of worry for our future," he said.
 
 As US troops withdraw from Iraq, capping a nearly nine-year war, the future of the battered nation has been thrown into doubt by fears that Iraqis are still not ready to handle their future alone.
 
 The stakes are high in a country with more than 1.2 million internally displaced people and another 177,000 Iraqis registered as refugees in neighbouring countries – a symbol of the lingering humanitarian dimension of the conflict.
 
 More than 20 percent of the population lives below the national poverty line. An estimated 2.1 million Iraqis are undernourished: on average, they spend more than one third of their total expenditures on food, and nearly three quarters of the population depend on a public distribution system as their primary source for wheat flour. The vast majority of the population does not have electricity 24 hours a day; and access to clean water is still limited in rural areas.  
 
 In 2009 there were about 140,000 US troops in the country. Today there are only 200 - to train Iraqi security forces and protect US diplomats.
 
 In 2007, Maarouf, a father of four, was abducted by Sunni militants belonging to Al-Qaeda in Iraq, a group which controlled many of the Sunni areas at the height of the insurgency. He was freed after about 24 hours when he paid a US$80,000 ransom.
 
 His son was shot in his left leg by thieves who tried to steal the money he withdrew from the bank for the ransom.
 
 Yet, he still sees these blast walls - many erected to prevent Shia and Sunni militants from attacking each others’ neighbourhoods - as a “heavy” legacy of the war weighing on Iraqis’ hearts. 
  
 A resurgence of sectarianism? 
 
 Since the ousting of Saddam Hussein’s Sunni-dominated regime in 2003, Iraq’s two main Muslim sects, Shias and Sunnis, have been at loggerheads. Iraq’s majority Shia community has dominated political life in Iraq, leaving many Sunnis feeling marginalized. 
 
 Violence between members of the two sects killed tens of thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands more, bringing the country to the brink of civil war. The tit-for-tat killings stopped in late 2007, only after US forces pushed tens of thousands of their troops into the streets with Iraqi forces to chase down militants. 
 
 On 19 December, one day after the last US troops withdrew, sectarian tension rose when Iraq’s Shia-led government issued an arrest warrant [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/20/world/middleeast/iraqi-government-accuses-top-official-in-assassinations.html ] for the country’s Sunni Vice President, Tariq Al-Hashimi, over “terrorism” charges described by some Sunnis as politically motivated. The arrest warrant followed a round-up of hundreds of former Baathists [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/10/25/us-iraq-baathists-idUSTRE79O5XB2011102 ] amid concern they would try to regain power after the departure of US troops. 
 
 The Sunni minority has accused Shia political factions - mainly the prime minister’s Dawa Party - of trying to remove all their political rivals to gain absolute power over the political process.
 
 "The government has spoiled our joy over the troops' withdrawal," said Sunni businessman Laith Younis from the northern province of Ninevah. "The timing means the consequences of the withdrawal will be grave," the 34-year old father of three added. 
  
 Incapable security forces
 
 Despite a sharp decrease in violence since the height of sectarian warfare from 2006 to 2007, Iraq is still fragile, and has not resolved many politically explosive issues that could lead to renewed fighting.
 
 There are persistent fears that Iraqi security forces are still not capable of handling the security challenges on their own. That could lead to a resurgence of Sunni militant groups, mainly Al-Qaeda in Iraq, which has suffered major blows since 2007 because of the US presence. 
 
 On the flip side, the top US General in Iraq, Lloyd Austin, has warned that Shia militias, namely the followers of firebrand cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr, will seek to climb the stage again by trying to create “a government within a government”, similar to Lebanon’s powerful and Iranian-backed Hezbollah movement.
 
 In a sign that more violence may be in the offing, militants have upped their attacks against civilians and military attacks since 24 November, claiming the lives of at least 56 people and injuring dozens of others.
  
 The most brazen attack came on 28 November when a suicide car bomber managed to enter Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone, which houses the parliament, key government offices and foreign embassies and is supposed to be one of the country’s most secured areas.
  
 "I have fears inside me mainly over the training and arming of our security forces," said Saied Jassim Moussa, 54, a Shia who heads the Baghdad-based Peoples' Institution for Democracy Culture.
  
 "Politicians should distance themselves from security so that security forces can work independently," Moussa added. "I believe that Iraq's main problem is with the politicians and their struggle for power."
  
 Iraqi officials have acknowledged that shortcomings still exist in terms of protecting their skies and borders, and mostly important in intelligence gathering. 
 
 Lt-Gen Babakir Zebari, the Ministry of Defence's chief of staff, told the Special Inspector-General for Iraq Reconstruction [ http://www.sigir.mil/files/quarterlyreports/October2011/Report_-_October_2011.pdf#view=fit ] that his military will not be ready to fully provide for its external defence until 2020 to 2024. 
 
 Fawzia Al-Attia, a professor of sociology at the University of Baghdad, said the US administration should have prepared the stage for this day.
 
 "Until now, security is absent. Citizens still suffer from bad security and stumbling economy, industry and agriculture," Al-Attia added. "The US should have found ways to give a bright picture for their support after toppling the previous regime to rebuild this society," she said.
  
 Ethnic tension
 
 The country faces another threat in the north, where ethnic Kurds want to annex territory to their northern self-ruled region. Former President Saddam Hussein had tried to play with the demographics of several provinces in the area to make Arabs the majority. A plan to redraw the borders was adopted after the US invasion, but a referendum for the people in these disputed areas - due to take place in 2007 - never happened. On some occasions, Kurds took over some of these areas by moving in their troops and only withdrew after US military mediation.
 
 Kurdish Kirkuk resident Ibrahim Salam Raheem said the US forces should have solved the issue of the disputed territories before their withdrawal.
 
 "They didn't do anything in this regard and they just left the issue as it is. The conflict between Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen will be increased," the 35-year old employee in the Oil Minstry's Oil Products Distribution Directory said. "The situation is getting worse day by day and it will be disastrous in the future."
 
 Also on the table is the expected meddling in Iraq’s internal affairs by its neighbours.
 
 Iraq's Sunni community and the USA accuse Shia Iran of training and financing Shia militias and securing their interests in the region through Shia politicians harboured in Iran during the Saddam era. Meanwhile, Shias accuse Sunni countries like Saudi Arabia and Turkey of supporting Sunni militants and financing Sunni political parties. 
 
 Some senior Iraqi politicians, including the parliament speaker Osama Al-Nijaifi, have worried outside meddling could rise in post-pullout Iraq. "Iraq now suffers from weakness points and whenever neighbouring countries see that Iraq is weak and can't protect its borders and internal security they will interfere more," he told a press conference in October. 
 
 "It is our future"
 
 Still, many Iraqis acknowledge that the US withdrawal had to come sooner or later. 
 
 "If you want to learn how to swim you have to get into the swimming pool by yourself - not only take lessons outside it," said Jamal Tawfiq, a 44-year old father of three from Baghdad. 
 
 "Keeping US troops more years in Iraq means complicating our problems more and more," he said. "It is our future and we have to build it."
 
 'It is an exam for Iraqis… and it could be a tough one," added Ameer Hassan Al-Fayadh who lectures in politics at the University of Baghdad.
 
 "The best way to deal with [the post-withdrawal challenges] is for influential political groups to set their differences aside and work together."
 
 sm/ha/cb/bp
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94532</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211207240952t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad’s northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Overall violence down - but attacks on minorities continue</title><pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051328080408t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says. 

"There's a feeling that Iraq is slowly moving towards increased stability, but minorities are feeling that they are excluded from public life and that the new Iraq is not for them," said Chris Chapman, head of the conflict prevention programme at Minority Rights Group International, the London-based advocacy and research organization, which wrote the report. "They feel they are getting a message that Iraq is not their country and they are not welcome... It's for Sunnis, Shi'as, Kurds, but not for them." 

The report [ http://www.minorityrights.org/11106/reports/iraqs-minorities-participation-in-public-life.html ] said "in some cases [the displacement is] decimating communities to the point that they risk disappearing altogether from their ancient homeland". 

At the peak of the insurgency against US troops who invaded Iraq in 2003, attacks against minorities were well-documented [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=62981 ]. 

But those attacks continue, even now that overall violence has subsided. The most fatal were the suicide attacks against a Baghdad church in October 2010 that left 56 dead and led more than 1,000 families to flee Baghdad over two months. But there have been many other incidents, amounting to targeted violence, threats, and intimidation that the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF)'s 2011 report [ http://www.uscirf.gov/images/book%20with%20cover%20for%20web.pdf ] describes as "systematic, ongoing and egregious". 

While violence in 2011 is slightly lower than in 2010, Chapman said, there have been several attacks on churches [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/43982676/ns/world_news-mideast_n_africa/t/hurt-car-bomb-explodes-near-iraqi-church-two-other-attacks-christians-foiled/ ]; an attack on a Turkmen political party [ http://archive.hurriyetdailynews.com/n.php?n=blast-hits-turkmen-party-in-kirkuk-iraq-2011-10-17 ]; repeated attacks on members of the Shabak, Yezidi and Mandaean minorities, including kidnappings and murders, according to local NGOs; and continued targeting of shops providing goods or services deemed un-Islamic, including liquor stores owned by Christians and Yezidis, according to USCIRF. 

"Attacks against minorities have had a profound effect by targeting their communities' social infrastructure, leaving victims and others fearful to carry on with their everyday lives," Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in its 2011 report on Iraq [ http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/iraq0211W.pdf ]. Many minorities say they feel the goal of these attacks is to force them out of Iraq altogether. 

Those minorities who subscribe to a religion other than Shi’a or Sunni Islam represent 3-5 percent of the Iraqi population but make up 10 percent of the internally displaced, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), and between 17-22 percent of its refugees, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 

"There is no doubt that minorities in Iraq are living in extremely bad conditions," Hanin Al-Qado, who heads Iraq's Minorities Council NGO, told IRIN. "They are awaiting a dark and uncertain future and they are concerned about that." 

Diverse population 

Unlike many other populations in the region, Iraq is diverse in terms of ethnicity and religion. In addition to the largest Muslim groups of Shi'a and Sunni Arabs and Kurds, Iraq has communities of Armenians, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Assyrians, Circassians, Baha'is, Black Iraqis, Roma, Faili Kurds, Kaka'i, Sabean, Mandaeans, Shabaks, Turkmen, Yazidis, Jews and Palestinians. 

Al-Qado, a prominent leader of the Shabaks, said about 1,200 members of his community had been killed since 2003. The USCIRF report said at least half of the pre-2003 Iraqi Christian community is believed to have left the country, "with Christian leaders warning that the consequence of this flight may be the end of Christianity in Iraq". Mandaeans have reported to USCIRF that almost 90 percent of their community has either fled Iraq or been killed. 

Ali Al-Moussawi, a spokesman for the Iraqi government, denied that minorities were being singled out in Iraq, saying one of his government's priorities was to make sure that they are safe and practise their religions. 

"Terrorist attacks are not only targeting minorities but all Iraqis. Terrorists do not differentiate between minorities and other Iraqis," Al-Moussawi said. "The government gives a priority to protecting the minorities and their rights more than other segments of the Iraqi people," he added. 

"We are proud of the minorities in Iraq and we can't abandon them as we consider them proof of coexistence among Iraqi people, their civilization and the diversity in their society." 

But rights groups say attacks on minorities are rarely investigated or punished, creating a "climate of impunity". 

Marginalization 

Fawzia Al-Attia, professor of sociology at the University of Baghdad, said political and ethnic wrangling since 2003 was behind the discrimination and marginalizing of minorities of Iraq. 

"This problem did not exist in the past but after 2003, the political, religious and ethnic affiliations - as opposed to citizenship - have become main pillars in forming the government," Al-Attia said. 

"And that has led to competition and conflict, not only against minorities or among big sects but even among the same sects," she added. "Politicizing the tribe or the sect has become a culture in our society to get these gains." 

The MRG's Chapman said prejudices and religious extremism had flared as a result of the conflict, partly because minorities have been associated with the multinational forces. 

"But part of it is simply that the conflict allowed tensions to blow up into all-out conflict between religious groupings. That has created divides which were kind of there before but had not been allowed to flare up to that extent." 

Access to public services 

According to the MRG report, minorities in Iraq also face difficulty and discrimination in accessing employment, education and healthcare. 

"There is discrimination, prejudice and marginalization," Christian lawmaker Younadim Kanna said. 

This is especially the case in areas disputed by the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government - where many minorities live - because neither side sees it as in their interest to invest in services there, the MRG said. 

Al-Qado said minorities are "suffering a lot" in these areas and stressed that government should control these areas and protect minorities in them. 

Minorities' access to basic services has also been affected by conflict in the area. A July 2011 attack on a Shabak village by a tribe from the Kurdistan region left around 12,000 people without water and the authorities had not addressed the issue, MRG said. 

Sabean-Mandaean and Faili Kurds complained that they could not access education in their language in parts of the country, the report added. 

Women minority members are vulnerable to physical and verbal harassment and often hide their identity outside their homes. 

The 40-page report, Iraq's Minorities: Participation in Public Life, is based on 331 interviews with members of 11 minority communities in Iraq's northern self-ruled Kurdish region and six provinces in 2010. 

Fewer than half of respondents said they felt safe visiting places of worship; 87 percent said school curricula did not portray minorities in a positive light or at all; and 38 percent had experienced discrimination in accessing government jobs. 

Recommendations

The MRG report recommended that a number of legal and policy changes be made by involving all minority groups in the drafting of an anti-discrimination law. 

It also recommended introducing a new national identity card that did not indicate ethnicity or religion and eliminating the requirement that Arabic be the only language used in all employment, and providing bilingual education for minorities in areas where they form a significant proportion of the population. 

"Many members of minorities in Iraq find themselves effectively in ghettos as they are excluded from whole areas of public life. Greater dialogue, reconciliation and the development of a comprehensive legal framework must be ongoing to have a real impact," the MRG's Chapman said. 

sm/ha/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94389</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112051328080408t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 05 December 2011 (IRIN) - While overall violence is decreasing in Iraq, the level of attacks and intimidation of religious minorities remains high, leading to increased displacement, a new report says.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Hundreds displaced by Iranian shelling</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010735570515t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Nearly 200 families have been displaced in Iraq’s self-ruled northern Kurdish region due to Iranian shelling since mid-July of Iranian Kurdish rebels based inside Iraq, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Nearly 200 families have been displaced in Iraq’s self-ruled northern Kurdish region due to Iranian shelling since mid-July of Iranian Kurdish rebels based inside Iraq, say officials.
 
“Since 16 July, Iranian forces have been shelling Iraqi villages near the borders and that has forced some 196 families out of their houses to safe areas,” said Hassan Abdullah Hassan, Mayor of Kalaat Diza, a border town in Sulaimaniya Governorate.
 
“The villagers have suffered big losses as many of the orchards where they cultivate fruit and vegetables were burned and their cattle killed,” he said.
 
The affected families are now in tents set up by relief organizations and local NGOs. “They are living in bad conditions. They need everything. They need food, water and hygiene kits,” he added.
 
More Kurdish families in Iraq are likely to leave their villages near the border in the nearby governorates of Erbil and Dahouk, said Kurdish lawmaker Shwan Mohammed Taha.
 
Taha was part of a fact-finding parliamentary mission which has been visiting the besieged areas over the past few days.
 
The mission’s final report will be submitted to parliament “this week", he told IRIN, adding that it will ask Iran to provide compensation to local people.
 
Iraq’s Kurdish region, which covers three governorates, is accused by Turkey and Iran of harbouring Kurdish rebel groups bent achieving an independent Kurdish state by violent means.
 
While the mountainous border region comes under regular attack from Turkey and Iran.
 
sm/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93312</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010735570515t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 25 July 2011 (IRIN) - Nearly 200 families have been displaced in Iraq’s self-ruled northern Kurdish region due to Iranian shelling since mid-July of Iranian Kurdish rebels based inside Iraq, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Record donor aid, record costs</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today. [ http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/reports ] 
 
 The report, which looks at aid year-on-year over the past decade, also shows that disaster preparedness is consistently sidelined; and that emergency aid is spent in the same countries year-on-year, begging the question: is it the right solution to the problem?
 
 Largely responsible for the boost in aid were the USA, Canada and Japan, according to the GHA. Their increases offset the declining aid budgets of a number of donors, including the Netherlands, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Korea, Portugal and Ireland - all of which watched their aid budgets shrink for the second year in a row.
 
 Donors outside the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) [ http://www.oecd.org/dac/ ] also gave more: between 2005 and 2009 their foreign assistance more than doubled from $4.6 billion to $10.4 billion, according to a second Development Initiatives report by Kerry Smith: Non-DAC Donors and Humanitarian Aid: Shifting Structures, Changing Trends. [ http://www.devinit.org ]
 
 But the additional funding does not go as far as it used to: price rises in food and fuel have “put pressure on the system and reduced buying power”, said GHA programme leader Jan Kellett. Fats and cereal costs more than doubled between 2007 and 2008, and continued to rise throughout 2010, while the cost of delivering them also continued to rise, according to Development Initiatives and the UN. 
 
 The UN estimates international food prices reached an all-time high in February 2011.
 
 This and other factors meant the unmet needs in UN emergency appeals “worryingly” grew from 30 to 37 percent, according to Kellett. UN appeals for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), Chad, Central African Republic and Uganda all experienced a widening in their funding gaps in 2010, according to the report.
 
 Another area of unmet need was disaster preparedness and risk reduction, which received just 75 US cents out of every $100 spent on aid, according to Development Initiatives, reaching just $835 million in 2009. 
 
 “We return to lots of these same situations every 3-5 years - everyone knows a disaster will occur in East Africa, and yet we are still not ready for it,” said Kellett. 
 
 “Not what it says on the box”
 
 A striking finding from the report is that humanitarian recipients are relatively predictable: the top five aid recipients - Sudan, oPt, Iraq, Afghanistan and Ethiopia - have remained among the top 10 aid recipients over the past decade. 
 
 Rather than aid being a short-term life-saving measure, the statistics indicate it is being used to deliver basic services year on year, according to Kellett, and in this sense, the divide between humanitarian and development aid may be far weaker than many think. “It’s not what it says on the box,” he surmised.
 
 This is not necessarily an indictment of humanitarian aid, he added, but it begs the question: is humanitarian aid always the right solution? “I would question whether it makes sense to spend the same amount every year in Darfur… Should we try to be achieving conflict resolution, peace building, other issues? These are difficult discussions but they are worth posing,” he said.
 
 This points to the oft-repeated false division between humanitarian and development aid, said UK Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Humanitarian Policy Group researcher Sarah Bailey. “The reality is that our efforts to make a clear division between `humanitarian’ and `development’ are not well suited to the complexity of these contexts… We know that humanitarian assistance is not the best tool to address long-term vulnerability and the absence of basic services, so why isn’t development assistance doing more to tackle these problems?”
 
 A common misconception about humanitarian aid is that it is mainly short-term and life-saving, she stressed. “Humanitarian assistance is rarely short-term because crises are not short-term. If ones lists major crises in the last decade, from Darfur to Afghanistan to DR Congo, these are not temporary situations where lives get back to normal quickly.”
 
 Pooled funds
 
 Other findings indicate funding for collective or `pooled’ humanitarian funds such as the Emergency Response Fund (ERF) and the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) rose in 2010, with the UK government the biggest supporter. Support for pooled funds is “generally a good thing”, said Kellett, though little analysis yet exists comparing the respective impact of pooled and bilateral funds, he said. 
 
 In 2010 the top 10 recipients of the CERF, which purports to respond to neglected emergencies, were Pakistan, Haiti, Niger, DR Congo, Sudan, Chad, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka and Yemen.
 
 Pooled funds have also enabled “non-traditional”, or non-DAC, donors to more easily contribute to emergencies: They often do not have an aid infrastructure in place to do so in other ways, according to Development Initiatives. 
 
 The top two donors giving to the Haiti emergency response fund were non-DAC: Saudi Arabia ($50 million) and Brazil ($8 million); while India was the largest donor to the Pakistan ERF, giving $20 million. Non-DAC donors are far less predictable than DAC donors - Saudi Arabia is the 11th largest donor, according to the GHA, but gave large amounts in 2001 and 2008 but far less in other years.
 
While a record number of non-DAC donors reported to the official UN humanitarian aid Financial Tracking System [ http://www.reliefweb.int/fts ]
 , more transparency is needed from all donors to decipher exactly where aid is going, said Kellett. Information about where military aid that is spent on humanitarian response goes - a channel used most by the US government - is rarely reported, for example. And NGO aid reporting needs to be standardized as currently each NGO categorizes its aid differently - using different regions, and different definitions, said Kellett. 
 
 “It’s hard to know how much money NGOs are bringing to bear - and these are large sums, said Kellett. “We need more calls to improve this area. It would be great if they could consider reporting to the International Aid Transparency Initiative [ http://www.aidtransparency.net/ ] to improve reporting in this area.”
 
 aj/cb
 

The rest in figures:

Humanitarian aid has more or less doubled in the first decade of the 21st century. 

The three largest institutional humanitarian aid donors in 2009 -the most recent figures available - were the USA ($4.4 billion), the European Union ($1.6 billion) and the UK (US$1 billion). 

In 2009 more than 65% of all humanitarian assistance went to conflict-affected and post-conflict states; and nearly 70% was spent in the 26 `long-term affected’ countries. Africa received 46% of official humanitarian response and Asia 24% over the past decade.

Humanitarian aid to oPt has increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to US$1.3 billion in 2009, making it the second largest recipient. 
 
UN appeals called for a record high of US$11.2 billion in 2010 and received $7.1 billion, resulting in a higher-than-usual proportion of unmet needs.
 
Spain doubled its humanitarian aid since 2000 rising from 15th largest donor to the fifth largest in 2009. 

China’s foreign assistance is reported to have reached $2 billion in 2009. Aid from the BRICs [Brazil, Russia, India and China] grew from US$1.5 billion in 2005 to $3.7 billion in 2009.

The floods in Pakistan and the Haiti earthquake were the biggest targets of non-DAC donor aid, bringing in $356 million and $170 million respectively. 

NGOs receive 17.3% of institutional humanitarian aid; but private funding is estimated to be at US$4 billion in 2010. MSF took in $1.1billion in private donations in 2010 (or more than the UK government’s 2010 aid budget).

Private funding was higher than institutional donors in Haiti 2010 and the Indian Ocean earthquake/tsunami in 2005.

National aid responses are often more significant than international - India committed $6.2 billion to disaster response over five years - much higher than the $315 million it received from international donors.
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93279</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105171149160092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - Institutional donor aid in 2010 was at its highest-ever level - US$16.7 billion - but so were aid costs, says aid watchdog Development Initiatives in its annual Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report, released today.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Youth unemployment driving emigration</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20031221t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - A just released national youth survey in Iraq says youth unemployment is running at over 20 percent and many young people are thinking of emigrating.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - A just released national youth survey in Iraq says youth unemployment is running at over 20 percent and many young people are thinking of emigrating.
 
 Up to 23 percent of males and 21 percent of females aged 15-24 are unemployed, according to a 2009 National Youth Survey by the government and the UN Population Fund (released on 16 July). Of these, 33 percent intend to go abroad in search of work, it said.
 
 “The youth are the mainstay of every society; they are an energy-producing force but are at the same time a source of grave danger when they do not have jobs and opportunities for a decent life,” the 189-page report noted.
 
 Young people, it warned, faced “violence, unemployment and marginalization”.
 
 Baghdad taxi driver Ahmed Hassan qualified as a mechanical engineer in 2001, but has since struggled to find a job commensurate with his skills, despite sending off numerous applications.
 
 "I've made up my mind to emigrate," Hassan, 36, said. "I am desperate for a permanent job with a steady income which I'm certain I will not find here."
 
 The survey report recommends that a national youth strategy be developed to take advantage of a demographic window that will open up within the next decade when the economically active population (aged 15-64) exceeds the dependent population (below 15 and over 64).
 
 "This report will definitely grab the government’s attention as it offers a good and comprehensive database on youth, their problems and the best ways to invest in this community," said Ali Al-Moussawi, a spokesman for Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki. He hoped the government would have a “thorough and detailed” strategy “by next year".
 
 However, Basil al-Azawi, who heads the Iraqi Commission for Civil Society Enterprises, a coalition of over 1,000 NGOs, expressed doubt that a youth-related strategy could be implemented by the government any time soon.
  
 “This [the survey report] is no more than visions and theories on paper,” Al-Azawi said. “In recent years we have not seen any serious measures to help the youth build their future.” Political wrangling and security challenges had diverted the government from focusing on youth unemployment, he explained.
 
 Baghdad-based economist Aziz Falih said the private sector offered the best hope, and that the government should make loans available to young people to help them get started in business.
 
 sm/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93278</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20031221t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 20 July 2011 (IRIN) - A just released national youth survey in Iraq says youth unemployment is running at over 20 percent and many young people are thinking of emigrating.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: A bad place for children</title><pubDate>Mon, 04 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200547t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 04 July 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of war and international sanctions have turned Iraq into one of the worst places for children in the Middle East and North Africa, with around 3.5 million living in poverty, 1.5 million under the age of five undernourished and 100 infants dying every day, the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF) warns.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 04 July 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of war and international sanctions have turned Iraq into one of the worst places for children in the Middle East and North Africa, with around 3.5 million living in poverty, 1.5 million under the age of five undernourished and 100 infants dying every day, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) warns.
 
 The government can and should do more for children, said Sikander Khan, the outgoing UNICEF representative in Iraq, in a 30 June interview with the UN Assistance Mission to Iraq. [ http://uniraq.org/ ]
 
 “It is the responsibility of the government to support parents by investing in health and education and other basic needs for all children… Central government can also take a significant step by making additional investments in its most deprived children."
 
 Iraq, he added, was unlikely to achieve most of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), six of which relate to children. “Unfortunately, despite all efforts, the attainment of most of these goals in Iraq by 2015 is distant,” Khan said.
 
 To achieve the MDGs, over 400,000 undernourished Iraqi children would have to receive adequate food, while nearly 700,000 would have to be enrolled in schools. Child mortality would also have to be reduced by 100,000, while about three million others need decent sanitation.
 
 “These are not just statistics, behind every figure there is a child suffering in silence,” Khan noted. “Achieving these goals is possible if Iraq manages to focus on the over four million most deprived children.”
 
 Still exploited
 
 Iraqi children are also being exploited for purposes of war, where they are recruited by armed groups to fight, spy and scout, transport military supplies and equipment, videotape attacks for propaganda purposes, and plant explosives, according to a report [ http://reliefweb.int/node/421289 ] covering the period from January 2008 to December 2010, by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. 
 
 They are also used as suicide bombers because they arouse less suspicion and easily move through security checkpoints. The report notes that the precise number of children involved in all these activities is difficult to ascertain.
 
 Children, it added, have also been used to lure security forces into ambushes. In August 2010, armed gunmen entered a house in Sadiyah, north of Baghdad, killed three, and sent two children, aged 10 and 12, to report the attack to the Iraqi security forces. When the Iraqi army and police arrived, explosives planted in the house killed eight soldiers and wounded four. 
 
 There are also reports that the (Shia) Mahdi Army has recruited and used children as soldiers since the beginning of the conflict. In 2008, some 376 children were killed and 1,594 wounded, while in 2009, 362 children were killed and 1,044 wounded. In 2010, at least 194 children were killed and 232 wounded in the conflict, primarily in Baghdad, Diyala and Ninewa governorates. 
 
 Another threat to children identified by the report is explosive remnants of war, which claim lives and cause injury long after combat operations. An estimated 2.66 million cluster bomblets and 20 million landmines remain on Iraqi soil, contaminating 1,700sqkm. Many date from previous conflicts, such as the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s and the first Gulf War. 
 
 sm/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93133</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 04 July 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of war and international sanctions have turned Iraq into one of the worst places for children in the Middle East and North Africa, with around 3.5 million living in poverty, 1.5 million under the age of five undernourished and 100 infants dying every day, the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF) warns.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Humanitarian aid best practice guidelines updated</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106271315410763t.jpg" />]]>ABU DHABI 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The launch of an Arabic version of the 2011 Sphere Handbook, which sets out best practice in the delivery of humanitarian aid, comes at a time of major political, economic and social change across the Middle East and should help streamline humanitarian responses, say aid officials in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</description><body><![CDATA[ABU DHABI 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The launch of an Arabic version of the 2011 Sphere Handbook, which sets out best practice in the delivery of humanitarian aid, comes at a time of major political, economic and social change across the Middle East and should help streamline humanitarian responses, say aid officials in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
 
“The Sphere Handbook has informed our response to various disaster situations, most recently those in Yemen, Pakistan and Libya,” Mohammed Khalifa Alqamzi, secretary-general of the UAE Red Crescent Authority, said during the launch in Abu Dhabi on 23 June.
 
The new Sphere Handbook [ http://www.sphereproject.org/content/view/738/32/lang,english/ ] is also available in Russian, Spanish, French and German.
 
During the launch of the revised English edition of the handbook in New York in April 2011, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92478 ] Valerie Amos, UN under-secretary-general and emergency relief coordinator, said: “The Sphere standards are the benchmark for ensuring humane and fair humanitarian assistance to people in need around the world… "I hope that all organizations that provide humanitarian aid will become familiar with the standards and use them," she added.
 
Speaking at the Arabic launch, Sultan Al Shamsi, executive director of the UAE Office for the Coordination of Foreign Aid, said it was important for Arab donor organizations to apply agreed minimum standards in their relief operations. “[Arab] aid workers need to be aware of the mechanisms to deliver aid and to be accountable according to these internationally accepted standards,” he added. 
 
According to Khaled Khalifa, head of IRIN Dubai office and Sphere trainer, the “lack of specialized humanitarian studies in Arabic represents a major challenge for Arab aid workers who strive to embrace new theories and practices in the field. The Arabic edition of the Sphere handbook is a good tool which contributes to bridging this gap.”  
 
The Humanitarian Charter, which describes core principles that should govern humanitarian action, is the foundation of the handbook. The core principles include avoiding exposing vulnerable people to further harm as a result of response, ensuring their access to impartial aid, protecting them from physical and psychological harm due to violence or coercion and assisting them to claim their rights and recover from abuse.
 
az/hh/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93083</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106271315410763t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABU DHABI 27 June 2011 (IRIN) - The launch of an Arabic version of the 2011 Sphere Handbook, which sets out best practice in the delivery of humanitarian aid, comes at a time of major political, economic and social change across the Middle East and should help streamline humanitarian responses, say aid officials in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Preparing for a possible returnee influx</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200562t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 18 May 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi authorities are bracing for a possible influx of returnees from neighbouring countries affected by violent protests, especially Syria, and say hundreds have already returned from Libya.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 18 May 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi authorities are bracing for a possible influx of returnees from neighbouring countries affected by violent protests, especially Syria, and say hundreds have already returned from Libya.
 
 “Although there has been no major threat against Iraqi families until now. We are closely monitoring the developments and are ready for any emergencies,” said Iraq Migration and Displacement Minister Dendar Najman Al-Dosky.
 
 “We have established an emergency committee with the concerned ministries, UNHCR [the UN Refugee Agency], the Iraqi Red Crescent and other international organizations and set up a centre to register the returning refugees, offer the needed services and help them reach their destinations inside Iraq,” he told IRIN.
 
 “Another committee will visit Al-Waleed border crossing [on the Syria-Iraq border] to investigate the setting up a makeshift camp in the event of a huge influx from Syria, [and how ] to immediately shelter and offer services to refugees before they are sent to their areas,” the minister added.
 
 Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, according to the minister, fled violence in their home country after 2003 and have since lived in Syria. Others fled the country during the violence of the 1990s. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that over two million Iraqis live in neighbouring states, mainly Syria and Jordan. Another 1.9 million have been displaced internally by continuing insecurity, sectarian violence, criminality and military operations.
 
 “Wherever there is widespread unrest and violence we start to get in touch with Iraqi refugees to meet their needs in these countries, or to secure a safe evacuation for those who are willing to return,” Al-Dosky said. About 520 Iraqis have been evacuated from Libya and Yemen in the past few days, he added. Plans are under way to evacuate another 140 from Libya in the next few days.
 
 The authorities are offering free plane tickets to those wishing to return and giving families 300,000 Iraqi dinars (US$250) on arrival. The government has promised jobs and help with school enrolments.
 
 Funding problems
 
 Recently, however, the minister said the money that the government had allocated to help displaced persons and returnees was not enough, despite a pledge to tackle internal displacement, and monitor and assist Iraqi refugees abroad. The ministry was allocated the equivalent of US$250 million this year, but needs $416-500 million to fully implement its plans, he said. 
 
 Funding shortfalls have also affected the work of international organizations. In its 2011 Global Appeal, UNHCR said its 2011 Iraq budget was about $210.6 million, representing a 20-40 percent funding shortfall.
 
 In 2010, UNHCR found that most Iraqi refugees in Syria and Jordan were not considering returning permanently to Iraq in the near future due to continuing political uncertainty and instability. Government statistics indicated that only 18,240 Iraqi refugees returned from countries of asylum in the first eight months of that year.
 
 At least 700 people have reportedly been killed in Syria, as the government tries to crush protests. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92464 ] Most of the violence has occurred in the southern city of Deraa. The US and the EU have announced plans to impose greater sanctions, while humanitarian agencies have called for access to those affected. Protests in Libya too have forced hundreds of thousands to leave the country.
 
 sm/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92748</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200562t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 18 May 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi authorities are bracing for a possible influx of returnees from neighbouring countries affected by violent protests, especially Syria, and say hundreds have already returned from Libya.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Fresh effort to trace missing persons </title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200710048t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 27 April 2011 (IRIN) - The government has set up a committee to trace thousands of Iraqis missing since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, says an official.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 27 April 2011 (IRIN) - The government has set up a committee to trace thousands of Iraqis missing since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, says an official.
 
 “Our definition of missing people are those who disappeared in military operations, terrorist attacks or those who are reported kidnapped but have not appeared yet,” Maj. Farouk Al-Araji, office manager of the Chief Commander of Iraq’s Military Command, told a news conference in Baghdad on 25 April.
 
 “The families have to submit the documents that prove the incident [that led to their disappearance] is registered in the police records, a picture of the missing [person] and phone number to the offices of security forces in all provinces starting from May 2,” Al-Araji added.
 
 The families will have 15 days to submit all the required documents, he added. 
 
 The government committee includes representatives from the ministries of defence, interior, national security, health, justice and human rights, in addition to intelligence services and anti-terrorism forces.
 
 According to the human rights ministry, 14,025 people have been registered missing since 2003 and only seven have been found yet in morgues. Kamil Arkan, the ministry’s representative on the committee, said the number is believed to be higher because many cases went unreported. 
 
 Following the 2003 invasion, Iraq suffered years of bloody violence that started with militant attacks against Iraqi and US-led forces, government employees and people working with western companies and organizations. 
 
 The violence reached its climax after the February 2006 bombing of a Shia shrine by Sunni extremists, which locked the country in tit-for-tat sectarian killings between the two main Muslim sects. 
 
 The security situation started improving in 2008 as Iraqi security forces backed by US forces launched a nationwide crackdown against Sunni and Shia militants alike. 
 
 After that, relatives started placing pictures of the missing in daily newspapers and television programmes in an effort to locate them. 
 
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92594</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200710048t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 27 April 2011 (IRIN) - The government has set up a committee to trace thousands of Iraqis missing since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, says an official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: New push for water deals with Turkey, Syria</title><pubDate>Mon, 18 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20055312t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 18 April 2011 (IRIN) - Iraq is renewing efforts to reach deals with Syria and Turkey to increase water levels on the River Euphrates which flows from these two countries into Iraq, and on which Iraq is heavily dependent for agriculture and electricity generation.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 18 April 2011 (IRIN) - Iraq is renewing efforts to reach deals with Syria and Turkey to increase water levels on the River Euphrates which flows from these two countries into Iraq, and on which Iraq is heavily dependent for agriculture and electricity generation.
  
 Turkey has tentatively agreed to increase water levels on the river to allow Iraq to reactivate the 400-megawatt Haditha hydroelectric power station, officials say.
  
 The deal - set to be concluded in two months’ time - could be part of a wider agreement with Turkey to import 200 megawatts of electricity, said a spokesman of the Iraqi Electricity Ministry, Musaab Al-Mudaris. 
  
 An Iraqi delegation is heading to Syria later this week to try to strike a similar deal. In recent years water levels have steadily fallen on the Euphrates due to below-average rainfall and the construction of dams in Turkey and Syria.
  
 Iraq produces about 7,500 megawatts a day - less than half of current demand - and low water levels on the Euphrates (and the Tigris) have forced some hydroelectricity plants to reduce output or close.
  
 For many years Iraqi officials have been pressing Syria and Turkey to sign agreements specifying a fixed share of the water from these two rivers for Iraq, but no deal has been reached.
  
 “Iraq could experience more (water-related) problems, complexities and challenges unless it gets its fair share of water… Iraq faces great challenges in maintaining its wetlands and agricultural land,” said Ali Al-Alak, the Cabinet general secretary.
  
 sm/cb
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92504</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20055312t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 18 April 2011 (IRIN) - Iraq is renewing efforts to reach deals with Syria and Turkey to increase water levels on the River Euphrates which flows from these two countries into Iraq, and on which Iraq is heavily dependent for agriculture and electricity generation.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Staff security - “bunkerization” versus acceptance</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051139530094t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 13 April 2011 (IRIN) - Hiring taxis instead of 4WDs, signing memos of understanding with local elites, and co-investing programmes with governments and locals, are some of the ways aid agencies have lowered risks to staff in highly insecure aid environments such as Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan. These and other examples are detailed in a 12 April report by the UN Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). entitled To Stay and Deliver: Good practice for humanitarians in complex security environments.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 13 April 2011 (IRIN) - Hiring taxis instead of 4WDs, signing memos of understanding with local elites, and co-investing programmes with governments and locals, are some of the ways aid agencies have lowered risks to staff in highly insecure aid environments such as Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan. These and other examples are detailed in a 12 April report by the UN Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) entitled To Stay and Deliver: Good practice for humanitarians in complex security environments [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/launch-ocha-study-stay-and-deliver ].
 
 The UN commissioned the report as part of a shift in security policy towards navigating how to continue programming in highly insecure environments, rather than defining aid cut-off thresholds. “The more critical a programme is to people’s survival and well-being, the greater amount of risk may be accepted,” said current Emergency Response Coordinator Valerie Amos, presenting the report’s findings at the Norwegian Institute of Humanitarian Affairs in March 2011. 
 
 Jan Egeland, director of the Institute, and coordinator of the report, speaking to IRIN from New York, at its launch, characterized agencies’ approaches to security over the past two decades as “recklessness, followed by a period of bunkerization, [partly linked to the 19 August 2003 attack on UN headquarters in Iraq]; which led to today’s risk management approach.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=85752 ]
 
 The new approach focuses on mitigating risks so programmes can continue, rather than on the operational environment, said Robert Painter, a senior security specialist at the UN Department for Safety and Security (UNDSS). “This focus is now more goal-oriented, more nimble, and we get more done,” he told IRIN. 
 
 Improving staff security is a mounting concern for aid agencies given the increasing dangers aid workers face: One hundred are killed each year, and a further 200 kidnapped or injured in increasingly politically-motivated attacks - significantly up on a decade ago, according to the report. [LINKS] The most dangerous places to work in aid are Afghanistan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89849 ], Sudan and Somalia. 
 
 Acceptance, not division 
 
 In recent years the tendency among some aid organizations in the face of new threats, had been to “bunkerize” - cloistering offices in walled compounds, using armoured cars and armed guards. But this approach risks promoting division and reinforcing the misperception of humanitarians as harbouring a Western agenda, say the report’s authors, Adele Harmer and Abby Stoddard. 
 
 More, rather than less dialogue is needed, they say. Agencies must instead be better at communicating humanitarian principles, and find better ways to foster acceptance among all relevant groups, including parties to conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross is held up as an example of having the “most active, effective and sustained humanitarian negotiation strategies.” 
 
 Identifying who has power and why can help agencies better target their acceptance strategies, say Harmer and Stoddard. In Afghanistan in 2005 NGO Save the Children UK used this to good effect by identifying traditional elders as those who held the reins of power. It drew up memos of understanding, with elders outlining the roles and responsibilities of each party. 
 
 To promote acceptance effectively, aid groups must retain their ability to negotiate with all parties to conflict, said Egeland, a practice that some UN member states have increasingly clamped down on. Hezbollah, Hamas, the Taliban, and Al Shabab, have been labelled “terrorists” and therefore off-limits for discussion. “Suddenly the age-old criteria which is a precondition for working in conflict areas: `speak to the devil to help victims in hell’, is not allowed any more. We need to go back to the humanitarian principles so that we can access all sides,” he stressed. 
 
 Smart protection 
 
 If promoting humanitarian principles and building acceptance are central goals, aid groups must think more carefully about the kinds of messages their security protocols send out: armed escorts and fortified cars can communicate division and difference, say Harmer and Stoddard. 
 
 Rather than hiring armed guards, aid agencies might consider hiring local plain-clothes police officers; rather than travelling in armoured vehicles, they could hire taxis, or de-brand their vehicles as some have done in Pakistan. 
 
 Smart protection also involves protecting areas rather than individuals, says the report, validating a shift in approach taken by the UNDSS. In North Darfur, international NGOs did just that - negotiating with local government and police to install observation points, increasing police patrols, installing more checkpoints, and expanding arms-free areas. “Such smart protection becomes a win-win… when it satisfies both national authorities’ security requirements and aid organizations’ low-visibility objective,” said Amos in her March address. 
 
 But sometimes the smartest protection is to withdraw international staff altogether, as many aid agencies have been forced to do in Somalia. Quality of programming and staff security does not need to be compromised if agencies prioritize national staff training and development, and help improve national staff security by helping them to keep a low profile, for instance by working from home. 
 
 Despite numerous reports highlighting the problem, national staff security continues to be under-serviced by international NGOs, says the report. Many field operatives still receive less training than managers based in headquarters. “There is often very little investment in national staff, and even less in local NGOs,” said Egeland. “It leads us to an ethical and strategic question: Are humanitarian organizations risk-averse with their own international staff, and risk-happy with local contractors and NGOs?” 
 
 To realize these, and other changes, an attitude shift is required among many aid agencies, said Egeland. And security risk management must be part of any and all programme planning and costing, particularly in insecure areas. 
 
 aj/cb 
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051139530094t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 13 April 2011 (IRIN) - Hiring taxis instead of 4WDs, signing memos of understanding with local elites, and co-investing programmes with governments and locals, are some of the ways aid agencies have lowered risks to staff in highly insecure aid environments such as Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan. These and other examples are detailed in a 12 April report by the UN Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). entitled To Stay and Deliver: Good practice for humanitarians in complex security environments.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Lack of mine maps hampers demining</title><pubDate>Wed, 06 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20047260t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Lack of detailed mine maps in Iraq and the current political instability have hampered mine-clearance efforts, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Lack of detailed mine maps in Iraq and the current political instability have hampered mine-clearance efforts, officials say.
 
 “Iraq is one of the most contaminated countries in the world," Deputy Environment Minister Kamal Hussein Latif said. “It has nearly a quarter of the world’s landmines and that has become a heavy legacy hindering economic development and health." 
 
 Landmines have been laid in Iraq since the 1960s by various governments fighting pro-independence Kurdish rebels in the north; during the 1980-88 Iraq-Iran war; and in the years prior to the 2003 US-led invasion.
 “The hardest challenge we face today is that no maps were left from the previous regime for landmines which were planted randomly - and that makes clearance operations very hard,” Latif told reporters in Baghdad at a news conference to mark International Day for Mine Awareness and Assistance in Mine Action on 4 April.
 Speaking at the same news conference, Daniel Augstburger, chief humanitarian affairs officer at the UN Assistance Mission, said: “Clearance is very slow due to security constraints. The unexploded devices are one of the main principle reasons stopping development in Iraq.”
 
 The longer the mines were left in the ground, Augstburger added, the more dangerous they would become to local communities, and the more they would affect agricultural and economic activity.
 
 Iraq joined the Ottawa Convention which bans the use of anti-personnel mines in 2008, committing itself not to use, produce, acquire or export landmines. It also committed to clearing all its landmines by 2018.
 
 However, Latif said Iraq would not be able to meet that target because of insecurity and the lack of professional deminers. Currently, there are only about 2,000 at the Defence Ministry, and 13 private companies.
 
 “If I want to clear all the landmines in the coming 10 years, I need hundreds of specialized companies and 19,000 professional deminers,” he said.
 
 According to UN figures [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1333/Landmine%20Factsheet.pdf ] Iraq’s contaminated sites cover an estimated 1,730sqkm and affect around 1.6 million people. Landmines and unexploded ordnance killed or injured an average of two Iraqis every week in 2009, of whom 80 percent were boys and young men aged 15-29. Between 48,000 and 68,000 Iraqis have undergone amputations due to landmine and unexploded ordinances.
 
 In May or June, Latif said, the government will start a national programme to determine contaminated areas and the exact number of the landmines.
 
 sm/eo/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92386</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20047260t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 06 April 2011 (IRIN) - Lack of detailed mine maps in Iraq and the current political instability have hampered mine-clearance efforts, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Violence hits education</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006061259050261t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 03 March 2011 (IRIN) - Several Middle Eastern countries such as Iraq and Yemen are unlikely to achieve the education-for-all Millennium Development Goals by 2015 because of insecurity and conflict, according to a new report by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 03 March 2011 (IRIN) - Several Middle Eastern countries such as Iraq and Yemen are unlikely to achieve the education-for-all Millennium Development Goals by 2015 because of insecurity and conflict, according to a new report by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). 
 
 The education-for-all goals were endorsed by more than 160 countries in 2000. But according to Kevin Watkins, director of UNESCO’s 2011 Global Monitoring Report, children and education are not just getting caught in the cross-fire, they are increasingly the targets of violent conflict. 
 
 "The failure of governments to protect human rights is causing children deep harm - and taking away their only chance of an education," he said. 
 
 The UNESCO report, entitled The Hidden Crisis: Armed Conflict and Education, says 35 countries were affected by armed conflict between 1999 and 2008, several in the Middle East. “Children and schools are on the front line of these conflicts, with classrooms, teachers and pupils seen as legitimate targets,” it noted. 
 
 Egypt 
 
 Recent demonstrations and clashes in Egypt led to the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, but also closed many schools. In mid-February, half-term was extended for two weeks. Schools in only seven of the country’s 29 governorates reopened after the recess, according to sources in Cairo. 
 
 The Interior Ministry deployed police outside schools to beef up security and encourage a return to school, but thousands of parents still preferred to keep their children at home. 
 
 “A deteriorating security situation hinders the opening of the schools and this affects the whole educational process,” Fathi al-Sharqawi, a professor of educational psychology at Cairo’s Ain Shams University, told IRIN. “Teachers will have to skip some parts of the curricula after the students go back to their classrooms, which will also affect these students’ learning badly.” 
 
 Hundreds of parents have complained that their children are attacked by thugs on their way to school, according to human rights groups. The Egyptian Centre for Human Rights, for example, said some parents complain that criminals use weapons to grab money from children. 
 
 Manal Abdul Aziz, an Egyptian journalist who opted for home-based tuition for her two children, told IRIN in Cairo: “There is total obscurity about the future of this academic year.” The cost of hiring five teachers for her two children (aged 12 and 15) is the equivalent of US$169 a month - a significant sum for most families. 
 
 Iraq 
 
 Decades of war in Iraq, UN sanctions, poor security and the economic situation have adversely affected education and increased illiteracy levels. According to data produced by the government and UNESCO in September, at least five million of Iraq's almost 30 million people are illiterate. Of these, 14 percent are school-age children who left school to feed their families, are displaced or have no access to suitable schooling. 
 
 Ahmed Khalid Jaafar, 14, told IRIN in Baghdad that he left school after his father died in an explosion three years ago, and sought work on the streets to feed his mother and two younger daughters. 
 
 "I sell gum and my mother works is a seamstress," said Jaafar. "We make 200,000-300,000 dinars (US$160-250) a month. We spend that money on the most important things, mainly food. School is not important now." Jaafar and his family squat in an abandoned government building. 
 
 The September data show that adult illiteracy in Iraq is now one of the highest in the Arab region. In rural areas, almost 30 percent of the population are unable to read or write. Significant gender disparities exist, with 40 percent of the illiterate being women. 
 
 Other countries 
 
 Bahrain is on track to achieve the goal of halving illiteracy levels by 2015, but countries like Iraq, Mauritania and Sudan are off track. "The recent experiences of Algeria, Egypt, Kuwait and Yemen show that literacy policy can be effective: all four countries have increased their adult literacy rates by at least 20 percentage points in the past 15-20 years," the UNESCO report said. 
 
 In Yemen, a reallocation of 10 percent of the military budget to education would put an additional 840,000 children in school. In the north, 220 schools were destroyed, damaged or looted during fighting in 2009 and 2010 between government and rebel forces, according to the report. "In Yemen, many internally displaced children complement family income by begging, smuggling or collecting refuse, and there are concerns that child labour is increasing." 
 
 In Syria, attendance rates in pre-school programmes varied from less than 4 percent for children in the poorest households, to just above 18 percent for wealthy households. 
 
 In harm’s way 
 
 According to the report, armed conflict places children directly in harm’s way. Some get killed while others are exploited as soldiers or forced to flee their homes and become refugees. 
 
 “Children subject to the trauma, insecurity and displacement that come with armed conflict are unlikely to achieve their potential for learning,” it said. All too often, armed groups see the destruction of schools and the targeting of schoolchildren and teachers as a legitimate military strategy. 
 
 In conflict situations, children fear to go to school, teachers to give classes and parents to send their children to school. According to UNESCO, in such situations, children suffer psychological trauma, as well as loss of parents, siblings and friends. One survey of Iraqi refugee children in Jordan found that 39 percent reported having lost someone close to them, and 43 percent witnessed violence. 
 
 “Armed conflict remains a major roadblock to human development in many parts of the world, yet its impact on education is widely neglected,” said UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova. “This groundbreaking report documents the scale of this hidden crisis, identifies its root causes and offers solid proposals for change.” 
 
 eo/am/sm/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92091</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006061259050261t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 03 March 2011 (IRIN) - Several Middle Eastern countries such as Iraq and Yemen are unlikely to achieve the education-for-all Millennium Development Goals by 2015 because of insecurity and conflict, according to a new report by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Funding shortfall hits plans for IDPs, returnees</title><pubDate>Mon, 28 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010735570515t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 28 February 2011 (IRIN) - Iraqi government plans for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees may not be fully implemented this year because of a funding shortfall, says Deputy Minister for Displacement and Migration Azhar Al-Mousawi.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 28 February 2011 (IRIN) -  Iraqi government plans for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees may not be fully implemented this year because of a funding shortfall, says Deputy Minister for Displacement and Migration Azhar Al-Mousawi. 
  
 “We have set [up] a lot of big projects this year, but the ministry - according to the allocated budget - may not be able to implement its commitments,” he told IRIN on 26 February.
  
 In January, the government announced plans to tackle internal displacement, and monitor and assist Iraqi refugees abroad. It sought to encourage IDPs to go back to their areas of origin, stay in the areas they have ended up in, or help them move to a new area. 
  
 The government also established “Return Assistance Centres” in Baghdad, and offered a financial assistance package of US$850 and a six-month rental compensation package for registered IDPs.
  
 “We have plans to tackle internal displacement, help the returnees and encourage expatriates [mainly doctors and teachers who fled the violence] to return," Mousawi said. "All these plans need money [but] what we have is not enough."
  
 According to the UN Secretary-General's representative on the rights of IDPs, Walter Kalin, the scale and history of forced displacement in Iraq  has created a complex situation that needs a “comprehensive strategy” to address the immediate humanitarian needs and human rights of displacement-affected communities, and find durable solutions.
  
 “Iraq has suffered many waves of internal displacement throughout its recent past as a result of conflict, sectarian violence, and forced population movements associated with policies of the former regime - with an estimated 1.55 million persons remaining in displacement since 2006,” Kalin said in a 16 February report. 
  
 “This situation is compounded by a marked deterioration of basic infrastructures and services across the country, lack of livelihoods and economic opportunities, continuing insecurity and sectarian divisions, as well as serious deficits in relation to governance, rule of law and the capacity of government structures."
  
 According to the Washington-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Iraqi IDPs and refugees are unwilling to return to their places of origin because of continued real or perceived threats of violence: Their homes were either destroyed or occupied by others; and they lacked employment opportunities and access to essential services.
  
 Seeking partners
  
 Mousawi said his ministry, which is mandated to implement government plans for IDPs and returnees, was only allocated the equivalent of US$250 million this year, but needs $416-500 million to fully implement its plans. Iraq’s parliament approved an $82.6 billion budget on 20 February.
  
 The ministry, he added, would review its plans and seek partners mainly in the UN. “Our priority is to help displaced people and returnees to meet their needs,” he said. “But returnees will need more to be spent on them than those still displaced because they need health, education and other services."
  
 Funding shortfalls have also affected the work of international organizations. In its 2011 Global Appeal, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said its budget for this year in Iraq was about $210.6 million, lamenting a 20-40 percent funding shortfall. 
 
 “Some returnees and IDPs remain in dire circumstances that require urgent humanitarian interventions,” it said in an appeal earlier this year.
  
 (For latest statistics on returnees and IDPs by governorate, see http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1300/Return%20Update%20IRAQ%20JAN%202011.pdf )
  
 According to Kalin, over 75 percent of IDPs live in rented accommodation or with host families, while over 20 percent live in irregular settlements, former military camps, tents and public buildings.
  
 There are an estimated 1.5 million IDPs across the country, according to Refugees International and the Brookings Institution. Many of these fled their homes after sectarian violence broke out following the 2003 war that toppled Saddam Hussein.
  
 (For a recent IOM review of displacement and return in Iraq since 2006, see http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1308/librar.pdf ) 
  
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92060</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010735570515t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 28 February 2011 (IRIN) - Iraqi government plans for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees may not be fully implemented this year because of a funding shortfall, says Deputy Minister for Displacement and Migration Azhar Al-Mousawi.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Government vows to improve food aid system</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20035142t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi government has pledged to improve the state-run food aid system in the wake of sporadic protests and long-standing discontent over the quality and targeting of the rations provided.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi government has pledged to improve the state-run food aid system in the wake of sporadic protests and long-standing discontent over the quality and targeting of the rations provided. 
 
 “We are working hard to improve the food ration system this year and to offer it with all [five] items, not just some of them,” Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki told a press conference on 17 February. “We have adopted a number of measures that can help us tackle this issue which we are following closely.” 
 
 In a move designed to outflank discontent in the wake of demonstrations in Iraq inspired by the momentous demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt, Al-Maliki on 15 February announced the postponement of the purchase of 18 F-16 fighter jets from the USA, and the use of the money saved to improve food rations. 
 
 “We need these fighter jets as we are working to boost security, but we also need money to improve the food ration system, so we decided to postpone the [jet fighter] purchase,” he said, adding that about US$1 billion earmarked for the jets would now be spent on subsidized food handouts. 
 
 Al-Maliki said the government had also decided to decentralize management of the of the state food ration system by allowing local government in the 18 provinces to import, store and distribute the relevant food items. 
 
 The distribution, he added, would be targeted at the most vulnerable. 
 
 “Fodder ration” 
 
 Many Iraqis complain that only some of the rations are delivered, or they arrive in poor condition, and there have been a number of protests against poor quality rations, unemployment, corruption and feeble public services. 
 
 “It’s a fodder ration not a food ration,” said one banner brandished by demonstrators in Iraq’s southern province of Wasit on 16 February. “We are sitting on billions of barrels of oil, but we can’t find anything to eat,” said another. 
 
 Iraq’s food rationing system, known as the Public Distribution System (PDS), was set up in 1995 as part of the UN’s oil-for-food programme following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. More than half of Iraq's 29 million people depend on it, according to the Trade Ministry. 
 
 At the end of 2009, the monthly PDS parcels contained rice (3kg per person); sugar (2kg per person); cooking oil (1.25kg or one litre per person); flour (9kg per person); milk for adults (250g per person); tea (200g per person); beans (250g per person); children's milk (1.8kg per child); soap (250g per person); detergents (500g per person); and tomato paste (500g per person). 
 
 In 2010, the government reduced the number of items to five: flour, rice, sugar, cooking oil and hildren’s milk - in the same quantities. But recipients have been receiving two or three items at a time. Al-Maliki said they would now receive all the five. 
 
 According to the Planning Ministry, about 25 percent of the population lives below the country’s poverty line, and unemployment is about 30 percent. 
 
 Meanwhile, oil revenues, which make up about 95 percent of Iraq’s revenue, have risen sharply in recent months giving ammunition to those calling for the government to spend more on PDS. 
 
 According to the Trade Ministry, about US$3 billion was spent on PDS in 2010. The Ministry is asking for $5 billion to be earmarked for PDS in this year’s budget which is yet to be approved by parliament. 
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91983</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20035142t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - The Iraqi government has pledged to improve the state-run food aid system in the wake of sporadic protests and long-standing discontent over the quality and targeting of the rations provided.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Enforced disappearances - &quot;a long-term challenge&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 13 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101131224550051t.jpg" />]]>MADRID 13 January 2011 (IRIN) - Asma Al-Haidari, an Amman-based Iraqi human rights analyst and advocate, says the phenomenon of enforced disappearances in Iraq touches the whole population, irrespective of age, gender, ethnicity or religious belief.</description><body><![CDATA[MADRID 13 January 2011 (IRIN) - Asma Al-Haidari, an Amman-based Iraqi human rights analyst and advocate, says the phenomenon of enforced disappearances in Iraq touches the whole population, irrespective of age, gender, ethnicity or religious belief. 
 
 The number of missing persons in Iraq ranges from 250,000 to over one million, according to the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP). [ http://www.ic-mp.org/ ]
 
 The length of time over which enforced disappearances have occurred in Iraq, starting with the Iraq-Iran war (1980-88), render this issue particularly complex, according to International Committee of the Red Cross spokesperson for Iraq Layal Houraniyeh. The issue of enforced disappearances in Iraq represents, according to IMCP, “a major long-term challenge”.
 
 Article 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/disappearance-convention.htm ] defines enforced disappearance as “the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of the law.”
 
 The Convention entered into force on 23 December 2010, 30 days after Iraq became the 20th state to ratify it on 23 November. It provides that “no one shall be subjected to enforced disappearance” and that “no exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification for enforced disappearance.” According to the UN Human Rights Council, “secret detention amounts to an enforced disappearance.”
 
 “No safe place”
 
 Focusing on enforced disappearance in Iraq since 2003, Dirk Adriansens, an expert on Iraq and member of international anti-war group the Brussels Tribunal, gave a presentation at a 9-12 December conference in London organized by the International Committee Against Disappearance (ICAD). [ http://www.icad-int.org/ ] Citing 2009 surveys by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), he said 20 percent of internally displaced and 5 percent of returnee families reported cases of missing children.
 
 Further, UNHCR published findings [ http://www.uniraq.org/documents/UNHCR%20Iraq%20Protection%20Monitoring%20%20Jan-Oct%202009.pdf ] in 2009 showing that “many communities reported missing family members - 30 percent of IDPs, 30 percent of IDP returnees, 27 percent of refugee returnees - indicating that they were missing because of kidnappings, abductions and detentions and that they do not know what happened to their missing family members,” he said. 
 
 Adriansens added in his presentation: “A rough estimate would therefore bring the number of missing persons among the refugee population and the internally displaced after ‘Shock and Awe’ [2003 US-led military operation to invade Iraq] to 260,000, most of them enforced disappearances.”
 
 Adriansens went on to say that by extrapolating UNHCR figures to cover the Iraqi population which had not suffered displacement, the total number of missing persons since 2003 “could be more than half a million”.
 
 Jordan-based analyst Al-Haidari believes this number is higher, placing it in the range of 800,000 to one million. “There is no safe place in Iraq. People can be disappeared and sent to secret, illegal detention centres anywhere in the country, without the knowledge of the family or the person’s lawyer,” Al-Haidari said. “Many are assassinated and buried in secret. Many others are charged with trumped-up terrorism charges.”
 
 Amnesty International report
 
 A recent Amnesty International report [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE14/006/2010/en/c7df062b-5d4c-4820-9f14-a4977f863666/mde140062010en.pdf ] said “an estimated 30,000 untried detainees are currently being held by the Iraqi authorities, although the exact number is not known as the authorities do not disclose such information.” In addition, there are detainees held at secret facilities, at which torture is common, it said. 
 
 A further 23,000 previously held without charge or trial by US forces are currently being transferred to the Iraqi authorities or released, though Amnesty International believes “[a state cannot] claim to be treating detainees humanely while knowingly handing them over to torturers, any more than it can knowingly `release’ detainees in a minefield and claim that their safety is no longer its responsibility.”
 
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91622</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101131224550051t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MADRID 13 January 2011 (IRIN) - Asma Al-Haidari, an Amman-based Iraqi human rights analyst and advocate, says the phenomenon of enforced disappearances in Iraq touches the whole population, irrespective of age, gender, ethnicity or religious belief.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: New government plans to tackle population displacements</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010800240796t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 05 January 2011 (IRIN) - Iraq’s new government plans to tackle internal displacement and closely monitor and assist Iraqi refugees abroad, the country’s newly appointed migration and displacement minister said on 3 January. </description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 05 January 2011 (IRIN) -  Iraq’s new government plans to tackle internal displacement and closely monitor and assist Iraqi refugees abroad, the country’s newly appointed migration and displacement minister said on 3 January. 
  
 “The Ministry has a strategic plan to tackle some of the sensitive issues related to displaced people,” Minister Dendar Najman Al-Doski said. One of the top priorities is “to work to end internal displacement as much as we can… and to cooperate with Ministry of Foreign Affairs and international bodies to follow up with [Iraqi] refugees abroad,” he said. 
  
 Al-Doski said the plan was to encourage internally displaced persons (IDPs) to go back to their areas of origin, stay in the areas they have ended up in, or help them move to a new area.
  
 He said his Ministry would “soon” open representative offices in Syria and Lebanon to assist refugees there, and would also be monitoring the situation closely in Jordan and Egypt.
 
 “We need such representative offices now to collect information about the refugees and strengthen our bonds with them so that we can meet their needs, facilitate and expedite their return to the country and reintegrate them,” he said.
  
 On 19 December, Iraq’s new government was sworn in after nearly eight months of political wrangling in the wake of elections which produced no clear winner.
  
 Azhar Al-Mousawi, deputy minister for migration and displacement, said the improved political and security environment would be a major catalyst in ending internal displacement.
  
 “I believe the atmosphere is better now in most of the country,” Al-Mousawi told IRIN. “The sectarian strife has ended now and political parties have started to work closely and cooperate”, although he acknowledged the security situation was still fragile in Ninevah, Kirkuk and Diyala.
 The 2003 US-led invasion and the sectarian violence following the 2006 bombing of a Shia shrine triggered the current wave of migration.
  
 As of the end December 2010, there were just under one million registered IDPs, Al-Mousawi said, though the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Refugees International and the Brookings Institution say there are 1.5 million IDPs in Iraq. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91464 ]
  
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91536</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007010800240796t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 05 January 2011 (IRIN) - Iraq’s new government plans to tackle internal displacement and closely monitor and assist Iraqi refugees abroad, the country’s newly appointed migration and displacement minister said on 3 January. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Iraqi refugees - interpreting the statistics</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006201203460795t.jpg" />]]>DAMASCUS 28 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis fled the country after sectarian violence broke out following the 2003 war which toppled Saddam Hussein. However, the precise number of refugees is hard to ascertain and fluctuates in line with changing perceptions and the security situation in Iraq.</description><body><![CDATA[DAMASCUS 28 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis fled the country after sectarian violence broke out following the 2003 war which toppled Saddam Hussein. However, the precise number of refugees is hard to ascertain and fluctuates in line with changing perceptions and the security situation in Iraq. 

"It would be nice to have the full picture, but the special circumstances of the Iraqi refugee population means we don't… although we have a good idea of the refugees registered with us," said Andrew Harper, head of the UN Refugee Agency's (UNHCR) Iraq Support Unit in Geneva. 

Host governments (largely in the Middle East) at one time estimated that more than 2.5 million Iraqis had fled to their countries. But that statistic is now too high, say independent experts not affiliated with UNHCR. Distinguishing between refugees and other migrants, and deducting the number of those who have returned to Iraq for good can be difficult. 

UNHCR has registered just over 400,000 Iraqis since 2003 but currently they have 200,000 on their books. More refugees register every day - some 2,000 per month in Syria. However, the agency says those figures are not definitive. 

"Many refugees choose not to register with us, either because there is a stigma attached in asking for assistance or they see no reason to register unless they need our services," said Harper. 

Currently, host governments claim some 1.5 million Iraqis remain on their territories, while Refugees International, a US-based NGO, said it believed only 500,000 Iraqis remained outside the country. 

Reasons for discrepancies 

The Iraqi refugees are hard to track because they reside almost exclusively in an urban rather than a camp setting, predominantly in Syria and Jordan. In July last year, a UNHCR report detailed the challenges. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4a69ad639.pdf#zoom=66 ] 

Population mobility is another factor, according to Harper. Many families are split or commute between Syria and Iraq to see relatives, work, or are checking the situation on the ground. 

In such a situation, they are harder to count, or may have their files deactivated by UNHCR if they are absent for long periods. UNHCR says mobility is positive as it allows refugees to stay in touch with their country and prepare for an eventual return. 

Bald statistics can be misleading 

Bald statistics, without a breakdown, can be misleading due to the high rates of movement. Over the past few months, a fairly consistent number of refugees have been registered in Syria - currently some 139,586 - but this figure masks the fact that each month some refugees leave and others register. Some 32,200 files were deactivated in the first 10 months of 2010, 5,408 people were resettled elsewhere, 176 returned to Iraq under the UNHCR voluntary repatriation scheme, and some 18,719 registered in the same time period, UNHCR says. 

Statistical methods are also variable. "Many Iraqi refugees fled before the war," said Elizabeth Ferris, a senior fellow and Iraq expert at the Brookings Institution. "There is no agreement as to which time period to count people in." 

Challenges 

Uncertainty over figures has posed challenges for aid agencies, but UNHCR says it bases its planning for staff and budget on the number of refugees it has registered. 

Predicting trends can also be difficult, say experts. UNHCR has resettled more than 50,000 refugees, mostly in the USA, and assisted more than 2,000 to return to Iraq. But an unknown number is likely to have returned independently. 

Within Iraq, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) registers returned refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). It says some 130,000 refugees have returned since 2007. 

"Agencies have got used to working with imprecise figures," said Ferris, "but it is not good practice to develop programmes on this basis." 

UNHCR contests this argument. "We have precise information regarding the registered refugees and base our programmes on their needs. This information is regularly updated," said Wafa Amr, UNHCR's regional spokesperson. 

Agencies have come up with novel techniques to meet the challenges. UNHCR has more than 150 outreach workers in Syria alone who visit neighbourhoods to identify refugees. Publications are used to raise awareness of the plight of the refugees. To maintain the dignity of refugees and overcome challenges posed by refugees living in an urban setting, UNHCR has made cash payments available via an ATM. UNHCR uses SMS text messages to alert refugees, and the UN World Food Programme (WFP) recently rolled out an SMS food voucher scheme. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90560 ] 

IDPs 

Despite the uncertainty, no new assessment of the Iraqi refugees is due. "There is a fear the numbers would come in lower and this would have an impact on governments such as Syria and Jordan as it may affect the amount of financing channelled to them," said Ferris. 

More is known about IDPs, as the Iraqi authorities are better able to track them. UNHCR, Refugees International and Brookings agree on a figure of 1.5 million, 500,000 of whom live in slums. Of the returnees registered with the IOM, 86 percent are IDPs but overall numbers of returnees are said to be low. 

"Our main concern is that a very substantial number of Iraqis needing assistance are going to remain in 2011 and probably longer," said Amr. 

sb/at/mw/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91464</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006201203460795t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAMASCUS 28 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis fled the country after sectarian violence broke out following the 2003 war which toppled Saddam Hussein. However, the precise number of refugees is hard to ascertain and fluctuates in line with changing perceptions and the security situation in Iraq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Christian IDPs find refuge in Kurdish north</title><pubDate>Thu, 23 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012230906110492t.jpg" />]]>ANKAWA 23 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of Iraqi Christians are fleeing to the northern semi-autonomous Kurdish region and particularly the town of Ankawa, which has become a safe haven for the country’s Christians, thanks to its special status and privileges granted by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).</description><body><![CDATA[ANKAWA 23 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of Iraqi Christians are fleeing to the northern semi-autonomous Kurdish region and particularly the town of Ankawa, which has become a safe haven for the country’s Christians, thanks to its special status and privileges granted by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). 
 
 Ankawa, near Erbil, KRG’s capital, has a predominantly Christian population and administration, several churches and distinct Assyrian language. 
 
 Melissa Fleming, chief spokeswoman for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), said on 17 December [ http://www.unhcr.org/4d0b45476.html ]  that UNHCR offices in Iraq had seen a significant increase in Christians fleeing Baghdad and Mosul to the KRG Region and Ninewa plains in the north. 
 
 Fleming said the Christian communities in the two cities had started a “slow but steady exodus" since a deadly attack on 31 October, when 68 people were killed during the storming of Our Lady of Salvation Church in Baghdad during Sunday Mass.
 
 Some 1,000 families have arrived in the Kurdistan region and Ninewa since the beginning of November, according to UNHCR. "We have heard many accounts of people fleeing their homes after receiving direct threats. Some were able to take only a few belongings with them," Fleming said. 
 
 “Bagdad has too many evils,” Jabir Hikmet Al Sammak, a Christian, said last week in Ankawa at the funeral of his 78-year-old father and 76-year-old mother. They had both been beheaded in their Baghdad home by extremists. 
 
 “It’s a city of guns,” said Al Sammak.  
 
 Al Sammak and many other Christian IDPs are now homeless and jobless, living either with their relatives or in rented houses they can hardly afford in Ankawa. 
 
 Safe havens
 
 Many areas in the north have been safe havens for religious minorities fleeing violence elsewhere in Iraq, and Erbil is no exception, says the International Organization for Migration (IOM) [ http://www.iomiraq.net/library/IOM_displacement_monitoring_reports/governorate_profiles/2010/IOM%20Iraq%20-%20Governorate%20Profile%20-%20Erbil.pdf ].
 
 According to IOM, there are 6,879 IDP families (about 41,274 individuals) in Erbil governorate and almost a quarter are estimated to be Christians. Initial assessments by IOM staff in Iraq suggest that more Christian families will be arriving in Erbil as soon as they are able to leave their homes and jobs. 
 
 “We just came here for security,” said Naji Behnan, 57, a church security guard in Ankawa, who earns 240,000 Iraqi dinars (approximately US$200) a month, but has to pay $300 rent per month for a house in which his and his son’s families live. He came to Ankawa less than two months ago. 
 
 Behnan said the two families of six people lived on the money from selling his house and property in Baghdad’s Jadid neighbourhood.
 
 “My two sons, who are university graduates, have no jobs,” he said. “In Baghdad they were church security guards just like I am here.” 
 
 IOM’s report said access to work was cited as a priority need for 83 percent of IDP families in Erbil.
 
 These people only possess a few items, such as blankets, plastic sheeting and kitchen utensils, as well as some subsistence food donated by international aid organizations, such as UNHCR, IOM and the International Churches of Christ, according to Helene Caux, UNHCR’s senior external relations officer in Erbil. 
 
 There is criticism that despite pledges over the past two months, neither the Iraqi central government nor KRG has done enough to tackle the plight of Christian IDPs. 
 
 More promises 
 
 Earlier this month, Massoud Barzani, Kurdistan’s president, reiterated his promises to do whatever was possible for Christians coming to Kurdistan, saying leaving Iraq was no solution.
 
 Nawzad Hadi, Erbil’s governor, told IRIN that Barzani had created a special committee to look into the needs of displaced Christians and provide them with aid. 
 
 “Kurdistan is their home,” said Hadi. “As an ethnic minority which suffered in the past, we Kurds can feel the suffering of Christians very well.”
 
 However, a Christian official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said the Kurdish authorities had told Kurdistan Christians that it was the duty of the Iraqi government, rather than the KRG, to aid the IDPs.
 
 Meanwhile, Christians keep leaving Baghdad, according to the UNHCR’s Caux. “The Christian authorities say there are only 150,000 Christians left in Baghdad; one-third of them could be ready to leave,” said Caux, pointing to an increase in the migration of Christians abroad since Baghdad’s church attack.
 
 Since then, 30 percent of new Iraqi arrivals in Jordan have been Christians, and in Lebanon and Syria, 167 and 55 Iraqi Christian families respectively have approached UNHCR to be registered as refugees, said Caux.
 
 na/at/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91438</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012230906110492t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ANKAWA 23 December 2010 (IRIN) - Hundreds of Iraqi Christians are fleeing to the northern semi-autonomous Kurdish region and particularly the town of Ankawa, which has become a safe haven for the country’s Christians, thanks to its special status and privileges granted by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: Displaced women still struggle for survival</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200901121t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 07 December 2010 (IRIN) - Displaced Iraqi female-headed families who have returned home are still experiencing major livelihood challenges, says the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 07 December 2010 (IRIN) - Displaced Iraqi female-headed families who have returned home are still experiencing major livelihood challenges, says the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
 
 An IOM survey of 1,355 female-headed displaced families who have returned to their places of origin found that 74 percent are struggling to secure adequate nutrition for their families.
 
 Delays in receiving subsidized government food rations or lack of some food items in the rations force women to buy food with whatever money they have, adding to their struggle, the report, [ http://www.iomiraq.net/library/IOM_di...rts/2010/Female Headed Households.pdf ] issued on 3 December, states.
 
 The survey also found that health problems and social norms had prevented nearly 40 percent of them from finding jobs. Of those who are able to work, 71 percent are unemployed.
 
 About 40 percent of those surveyed said they depended on relatives, neighbours, NGOs and religious groups to meet their needs. And more than 25 percent had a family member with chronic disease while one in four lacked access to healthcare.
 
 "These women have to support their children and elderly family members. Without a steady income, they become reliant on support from whoever can give it but it is not systematic," said Antonio Salanga, IOM's head of the Baghdad regional hub.
 
 New approach needed
 
 Iraqi activist and former lawmaker Salama Smeisim said a swift and new approach had to be taken by the government, local and international organizations towards female-related issues in Iraq, especially the displaced.
 
 “The oppression against women is still continuing in Iraq,” Smeisim told IRIN. “The plight of the displaced women has not been dealt with seriously. They need adequate houses to preserve their dignity, schools for their children, electricity and drinking water.” 
 
 She said Iraqi women in general, but mainly the displaced, faced a series of challenges, beginning with securing their livelihoods if they headed their families to the hardship in finding work either because of the social norms or discrimination, lack of awareness of their rights and the corruption that prevents government funds from reaching them.
 
 “I do believe that we need a special programme to spread awareness among women about their rights and support them on how to start a project that can secure a steady income for their families without relying on anyone,” Smeisim said.
 
 The IOM survey also found that domestic violence against women had substantially increased in the past five years due to the country’s unprecedented displacement, with one in five Iraqi women subjected to physical violence and a third to psychological violence.
 
 Political and security turmoil
 
 Mohammed Abdul-Jabbar, a Baghdad-based analyst, said that neglect of women-related programmes was due to the political and security turmoil experienced by the previous governments.
 
 “Of course politicians, whether inside or outside the government, were not dealing with women’s issues as one of the urgent needs to [rebuild] the society as they set a list of priorities in the political and security fields,” Abdul-Jabbar said.
 
 “It is highly unlikely that any progress could be achieved in this field by the next government as the same problems in the security and political arena still exist and are deep,” he added. 
 
 Nine months since Iraq held its national elections, no government has been formed as politicians are struggling to reach an agreement to share power and distribute government posts.  
 
 sm/at/mw
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91310</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200901121t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 07 December 2010 (IRIN) - Displaced Iraqi female-headed families who have returned home are still experiencing major livelihood challenges, says the International Organization for Migration (IOM).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: Focus on domestic workers’ rights</title><pubDate>Tue, 30 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291405430732t.jpg" />]]>DAMASCUS 30 November 2010 (IRIN) - The UN International Labour Organization (ILO) is encouraging the drafting of labour legislation to provide foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in the Middle East with legal protection.</description><body><![CDATA[DAMASCUS 30 November 2010 (IRIN) - The UN International Labour Organization (ILO) is encouraging the drafting of labour legislation to provide foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in the Middle East with legal protection.
 
 Arab trade unions agreed on a statement of principles, including the right to decent wages and union representation for FDWs, after a workshop in Beirut, Lebanon, earlier in November 2010. 
 
 “This was an important landmark,” Simel Esim, a gender expert at the ILO in Beirut, told IRIN. “There are some bylaws, decrees and standard unified contracts out there, but specific labour legislation for domestic workers that extends legal protection in a systematic and comprehensive manner is needed.”
 
 Esim said the growing number of FDWs, and the recent high-profile cases of abuse that had led some governments to ban their citizens from seeking domestic work in the Middle East, had focused attention on the issue.
 
 “The phenomenon [FDW] has taken off in recent years as family networks are taking on workers to help with social care, such as caring for elderly parents, people with disabilities and children,” said Esim. “But because domestic labour is in the home it has been largely unseen, or viewed as a private matter.”
 
 In 2009 Lebanon's Ministry of Labour dew up a standard unified contract for domestic workers, stipulating a maximum 10-hour workday and the right to six days of annual leave, among other conditions. In March 2010 Syria introduced a law specifying that only employment agencies registered with the government could operate. Only Jordan has comprehensive labour legislation covering FDWs.
 
 Apart from regional responses, a proposed ILO Convention to cover domestic workers worldwide is due to be debated in June 2011.
 
 Domestic labour is used worldwide but is especially widespread in the Middle East, where the ILO estimates there are 22 million FDWs, a third of whom are women. FDWs originate mainly from Asian and African countries, including Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Ethiopia.
 
 A range of abuse
 
 A Human Rights Watch report [ http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2010/04/28/slow-reform-0 ] in April 2010 said FDWs in the region faced a wide range of abuses. Many experienced poor working conditions, such as needing permission to leave the house, a lack of leave days, having their passports taken away and, in some cases, physical and emotional abuse. The report also noted that access to justice was limited.
 
 Experts said the recruitment system – known as kafala – in which an employing family sponsors the domestic worker, was the first issue that should be tackled.
 
 “The current system makes the worker entirely dependent on the employer, increasing the vulnerability of the worker to labour abuses,” said Esim. “The live-in arrangement for domestic workers is a challenge to monitoring what is going on in the workplace, i.e. the employer's home.”
 
 Advocacy for the rights of domestic workers has been weak, and the fact that many came from abroad posed a further challenge because they often did not have a national representative body and were not proficient in the language of the receiving country.
 
 “Today, temporary and precarious work is becoming more common, and this especially hurts women and migrant workers,” said Özen Eren, a labour expert at Texas Tech University in the US. “In a globalized world, political will to address the problems is often missing.”
 
 The ILO is also working with governments on other initiatives, including awareness literature, hotlines for FDWs, communal housing that would offer domestic workers an alternative to living in the employer’s home, and government bodies rather than private agencies to manage recruitment.
 
 “Governments, trade unions, and other civil society organizations in both the countries of origin and destination need to be more engaged,” said Esim. 
 
 “Private employment agencies are making a profit out of workers who are coming to the region to take care of the social care needs of households here. These … needs should be a part of social policies and programmes of the countries’ governments, rather than being left to private households.”
 
 sb/he
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91236</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291405430732t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAMASCUS 30 November 2010 (IRIN) - The UN International Labour Organization (ILO) is encouraging the drafting of labour legislation to provide foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in the Middle East with legal protection.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
