<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Iraq</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 08:30:46 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Less dependent on food rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011150703500206t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - The number of Iraqis without secure access to food dropped by more than a quarter of a million people between 2007 and 2011, part of a generally positive trend of increasing food security in Iraq over the last decade.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in Iraq has improved in the last decade, as the American-led invasion brought an end to sanctions and a resumption of open relations between Iraq and the rest of the world.

Historically, Iraq’s vulnerability to food insecurity has been largely due to barriers to international trade - caused by two decades of wars and sanctions - which hindered the export of oil and import of food commodities. These barriers also affected Iraq’s ability to modernize the agricultural sector and employ new technologies; local production could not meet the country’s growing food needs.

As such, even during the worst years of sectarian violence in the last decade, access to food improved on average, compared to the years under sanctions.

Recent history

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), in 1980, just four percent of Iraqis were undernourished or “food deprived”, meaning they consumed less than the minimum energy requirement, which in Iraq is currently estimated at 1,726 kilocalories per person per day. Despite years of war with Iran in the 1980s, agricultural subsidies and food imports from the US and Europe helped keep the level of food deprivation low [ http://www.fao.org/NEWS/1999/img/SOFI99-E.PDF ].

But when the UN leveled sanctions against Iraq in August 1990, and US government credits for agricultural exports to Iraq ceased, Iraq - almost completely dependent on imports for its food needs - saw food deprivation rise to 15 percent by 1996, according to FAO. Throughout the 1990s, food deprivation continued to climb, reaching a peak of close to one-third of the population in the late 90s, by some counts.

Humanitarian food supplies delivered through the UN’s Oil-for-Food Programme, initiated in 1995, helped ease the strain, but during the early to mid-2000s, the Public Distribution System (PDS) - the government’s subsidy scheme created in 1991 - remained “by far the single most important food source in the diet” for the poor and food insecure population, according to a 2006 report by the government and the World Food Programme (WFP) [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ].

Post-2003

Food deprivation levels began to fall just before the turn of the century, and the decline increased with the toppling of former president Saddam Hussein, which saw Iraq regain the ability to import freely. In the last decade, the country has experienced a “huge transformation”, as one observer put it.

In 2003, months after the invasion, a WFP survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/122/wfp086624.pdf ] found that 11 percent of the population lacked secure access to food, a large drop from the high of the 1990s.

While food insecurity was found to have risen slightly, to 15.4 percent, in a 2005 WFP-government survey [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ], it fell right back down shortly afterwards.

Joint government-UN analysis [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ] of 2007 survey data [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ] found that 7.1 percent of the population was food deprived; this dropped to 5.7 percent in 2011, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1685/IKN_S8_FoodSecurity_en.pdf ].

The government credits an improvement in security, economic growth and increased humanitarian aid.

PDS

Whereas aid workers estimated 60 percent of the population was food aid-reliant during Hussein’s reign, the PDS is now essential only to the poor [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/24110/IRAQ-Food-security-still-problematic-WFP ].

Sa’ad al-Shimary, a government employee from Baghdad, said his family used to be dependent on the PDS. “I don’t even need the food supplies we get from the ration card now,” he said. “I can buy good quality food from the markets, as everything is available now.”

But while the value of the PDS basket has diminished for most Iraqis (it now represents only 8 percent of the total cash value of food expenditures), it remains a major source of wheat and rice for 72 percent and 64 percent of households respectively, according to the 2011 IKN survey. (Iraq’s PDS is the largest in the world, according to the US Agency for International Development, providing virtually free basic food rations to any Iraqi; as such, it is not only utilized by the poor.) [ https://www.inma-iraq.com/sites/default/files/11_transforming_the_iraqi_public_distribution_system_2011jan00.pdf ]

The PDS is the source of more than one-third of Iraqis’ calorie consumption, and more than half of the poor’s consumption.

And at 35 percent, food continues to comprise the highest proportion of Iraqi household expenditures. Nearly one-quarter of IKN respondents said they used coping strategies to eat enough in 2011. In addition to the 5.7 percent of Iraqis now considered to be undernourished, an additional 14 percent would become undernourished if the PDS did not exist, according to the IKN.

Malnutrition

Malnutrition indicators paint a blurrier picture.

While the percentage of children under five who are underweight nearly halved from 15.9 percent in 2000 to 8.5 percent in 2011, according to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS), conducted by the government and the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), chronic and acute malnutrition indicators look less positive.

The percentage of children under five who are moderately or severely stunted (too short for their age) or wasted (underweight for their height) both increased - if only slightly - over the same period, a “worrying” trend, aid workers said, given the long-term impacts of malnutrition on mental development.

According to UNICEF, one out of every four Iraqi children suffers from stunted growth. High levels of chronic and acute malnutrition are a sign that mothers and children do not have access to quality food. While access to food has improved, stunting and wasting are difficult trends to reverse in a short period of time. As such, it may take years before improved access to food reflects in malnutrition rates across the board.

Impact of violence

Although the last decade has seen overall gains in food security, the sectarian violence of 2006-2007 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/The-forgotten-displacement-crisis ] did have a negative impact. For example, a WFP report based on 2007 data found that levels of food deprivation differed by area: in Diyala Governorate, one of the most volatile during the conflict, 51 percent of the population was deprived of food, while in the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, largely spared the consequences of the invasion, just one percent of the population suffered from food deprivation [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ].

Here, too, there has been change. While in 2007, insecurity had a huge bearing on food security, the food insecure today are traditionally vulnerable groups - the illiterate, the unemployed, the displaced and female-headed households.

Iraq also faces new challenges to its food security, according to Edward Kallon, WFP’s director in Iraq, including rising global food prices, poverty, climate change, desertification and drought.

For more, check out this UN fact-sheet on food security [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1824/ExecutiveSummer.pdf ] and this presentation by UNICEF comparing the child indicators in Iraq over the last three to five decades [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ]. The bulk of statistics come from WFP/government surveys in 2003 [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/122/wfp086624.pdf ], 2005 [ http://home.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/documents/ena/wfp193132.pdf ] and 2007 [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/227/WFP_VAMSurvey_2007_CFSVA%20final.pdf ]; and UNICEF/government surveys in 2000 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/iraq1.pdf ], 2006 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/MICS3_Iraq_FinalReport_2006_eng.pdf ] and 2011 [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQw ]. This 2010 report [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1110/Food%20Deprivation%20in%20Iraq.pdf ] on food deprivation analyzes 2007 data collected in a survey by the government and the World Bank [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ], just as this 2012 report [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1824/WFP-final-view.pdf ] analyzes food security data from the 2011 IKN survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/ikn ]. The FAO has its own figures on food deprivation [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i3027e/i3027e.pdf ]. The government has also tracked statistics [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/2.htm ] on underweight children from 1991 through 2009.

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series: Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97991/Less-dependent-on-food-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011150703500206t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - The number of Iraqis without secure access to food dropped by more than a quarter of a million people between 2007 and 2011, part of a generally positive trend of increasing food security in Iraq over the last decade.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Women yet to regain their place</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041258200194t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than their counterparts in the region; today, despite steps taken after decades of conflict and sanctions, Iraqi women do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and many are subjected to gender-based violence.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, the UN says, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than other women in the region. But years of dictatorship, sanctions and conflict, including the US-led invasion one decade ago, led to deterioration in women’s status. 

“Across the board, women are suffering more [than they used to],” said Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq. 

Despite steps taken towards gender equality since 1990, Iraqi women today do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and too many are subjected to gender-based violence 

Due to years of war and political instability, 10 percent of households are headed by women, most of them widowed, but many of them divorced, separated or caring for sick spouses. 

“They represent one of the most vulnerable segments of the population and are generally more exposed to poverty and food insecurity as a result of lower overall income levels,” the UN said in a March 2013 fact-sheet [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=xqx9gxy7Isk%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

Education 

According to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the government, the ratio of girls to boys in primary school rose from 0.88 in 2006 to 0.94 in 2011; in secondary school, the ratio rose from 0.75 in 2006 to 0.85 in 2011. According to IRIN calculations, the enrolment of girls is growing at a faster rate than that of boys.

However, had Iraq progressed at the same rate as other countries in the region, according to UNICEF, it would have already reached 100 percent enrolment for both boys and girls in primary schools - achieving the third Millennium Development Goal of eliminating gender disparity in education [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ]. 

According to Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey of 2011, 28.2 percent of women 12 years or older are illiterate, more than double the male rate of 13 percent. Young women - those aged 15 to 24 - living in rural areas are even less educated; one-third of them are illiterate. 

Employment 

Similar inequality can be seen in the labour force. 

According to the IKN survey, only 14 percent of women are working or actively seeking work, compared to 73 percent of men [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1681/IKN_S4_LaborForce_en.pdf ]. Those who are employed are mostly working in the agricultural sector, and women with a diploma have a harder time finding jobs: 68 percent of women with a bachelor’s degree are unemployed. 

The representation of women in parliament increased from 13 percent in 1990 to 27 percent in 2006, meeting the one-quarter female representation quota imposed in 2005, but this is still far below the national target of half. 

Physical safety 

Women’s health concerns have seen some gains. The percentage of births attended by skilled personnel has risen significantly in the last decade [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97964/War-leaves-lasting-impact-on-healthcare ]. And the maternal mortality rate - which at 84 per 100,000 births in 2006 was the highest in the region - appears to have dropped significantly, to 24 per 100,000 in 2011, according to the World Health Organization [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/ ].

Still, domestic violence, honour killings, female genital mutilation (FGM) and human trafficking remain threats to many Iraqi women and girls. In the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, 42.8 percent of women have experienced FGM, according to the 2011 MICS [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQwv ].

In 2011, nearly half of girls aged 10 to 14 were exposed to violence at least once by a family member, and nearly half of married women were exposed to at least one form of spousal violence, mostly emotional, but also physical and sexual, according to a survey by the government and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/I-WISH_Report_English.pdf ].

For more, check out this UN fact-sheet on women in Iraq [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=xqx9gxy7Isk%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series: Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97976/Women-yet-to-regain-their-place</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041258200194t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - In the 1980s, Iraqi women enjoyed more basic rights than their counterparts in the region; today, despite steps taken after decades of conflict and sanctions, Iraqi women do not have equal educational or employment opportunities, and many are subjected to gender-based violence.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>War leaves lasting impact on healthcare</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208310937080561t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Of all the areas of Iraq’s development that were affected by the US-led invasion 10 years ago, healthcare has probably taken the biggest hit. And much of the damage incurred in the first few years of the invasion continues to have an impact on health indicators today.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Of all the areas of Iraq’s development that were affected by the US-led invasion 10 years ago, healthcare has probably taken the biggest hit. 

The impact of the 2003 invasion and subsequent conflict on Iraq’s healthcare system has been well-documented [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)61399-8/fulltext ]. (Check out consistent coverage of the health consequences of Iraq’s conflict by the Lancet medical journal here [ http://www.thelancet.com/search/results?searchTerm=iraq&fieldName=AllFields&journalFromWhichSearchStarted= ].) The conflict shattered Iraq's primary healthcare delivery, disease control and prevention services, and health research infrastructure. Attempts to resurrect Iraq's healthcare system remain hindered by a number of factors, including fragile national security and lack of utilities like water and electricity.

Much of the damage incurred in the first few years of the invasion continues to have an impact today. 

Lasting legacy 

Iraq had prioritized healthcare at least since the 1920s, when the Royal College of Medicine was formed to train doctors locally. By the 1970s, Iraq’s health care system was “one of the most advanced” in the region, according to researcher Omar Al-Dewachi, a medical doctor who worked in Iraq during the 1990s before emigrating to the US [ http://costsofwar.org/sites/default/files/articles/17/attachments/Dewachi,%20Public%20Health%20Impacts,%20Iraq.pdf ]. Health indicators improved quickly and significantly in the 1970s and 1980s, only to deteriorate again after the first Gulf War of 1991, which destroyed health infrastructure, and during a decade of sanctions, which drastically reduced government spending on health and led to a brain drain in the medical profession.   

After the 2003 invasion, the healthcare situation deteriorated considerably, and Mac Skelton, a contributor to the Costs of War project [ http://costsofwar.org/ ], fears it may never recover. Between 2003 and 2007, half of Iraq’s remaining 18,000 doctors [ http://www.google.ca/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=3&ved=0CEQQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.medact.org%2Fcontent%2Fviolence%2FIraq%2520Commission%2520Medact%2520submission.doc&ei=PrJhUcfsMMH-rAeCyoGABQ&usg=AFQjCNGlxW-aKXzPKiWiWv04q7Ln6pFc2A&sig2=F3p8IseTAaoOkp4HxchaCg&bvm=bv.44770516,d.bmk ] left the country, according to Medact, a British-based global health charity. Few intend to return [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20349702 ].

“Getting back to that robust, excellent standard [of healthcare] is not going to happen anytime soon,” Skelton told IRIN. “Unlike buildings that can be rebuilt, migration patterns aren’t reversed easily.” 

In 2011, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), Iraq had 7.8 doctors per 10,000 people - a rate two, if not three or four times lower, than its neighbours Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and even the Occupied Palestinian Territory. In the Muslim world, Iraq’s doctor-patient ratio is higher only than Afghanistan, Djibouti, Morocco, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen [ http://applications.emro.who.int/docs/RD_Annual_Report_2011_country_statistics_EN_14587.pdf ].

In a recent article in the Lancet, the aid group Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) said that “until now, it is extremely difficult to find Iraqi medical doctors willing to work in certain areas because they fear for their security.” [ http://download.thelancet.com/pdfs/journals/lancet/PIIS0140673613606649.pdf ]

According to MSF, many remote areas were excluded from state reconstruction and development efforts, “leaving thousands of Iraqis without access to essential healthcare to this day.” 

Nearly all families - 96.4 percent - have no health insurance whatsoever and 40 percent of the population deems the quality of healthcare services in their area to be bad or very bad, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey of 2011.

As a result of the poor quality of care in their country, many Iraqis now seek healthcare abroad, increasingly selling homes, cars and other possessions to afford to do so, according to Skelton, who interviewed Iraqis seeking healthcare in Lebanon [ http://costsofwar.org/sites/all/themes/costsofwar/images/Health_and_Health%20Care.pdf ].

And researchers are still questioning the degree to which white phosphorus and depleted uranium, the armour-piercing, radio-active metal used in British and American ammunition, has increased cancer rates and caused birth defects [ http://www.ikvpaxchristi.nl/media/files/in-a-state-of-uncertainty.pdf ]. 

The environmental damage caused by the war - degradation of forests and wetlands, wildlife destruction, greenhouse gases, air pollution - will also have a longer-term impacts on health, according to the Costs of War project [ http://costsofwar.org/article/environmental-costs ].

Mental health 

A 2007 survey [ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2008/pr02/2008_iraq_family_health_survey_report.pdf ] by the government and WHO found that more than one-third of respondents had “significant psychological distress” and presented potential psychiatric cases. A 2009 government mental health survey concluded that mass displacement and a climate of fear, torture, death and violence have contributed to the high ratio of mental illness in the country.

In a new report released last month, MSF said mental health continues to be a major problem in the country. 

“Many Iraqis have been pushed to their absolute limit as decades of conflict and instability has wreaked devastation,” Helen O’Neill, MSF’s head of mission in Iraq, said in a statement [ http://www.msf.org/article/iraq-mental-healthcare-helps-iraqis-rebuild-their-lives ].

“Mentally exhausted by their experiences, many struggle to understand what is happening to them. The feelings of isolation and hopelessness are compounded by the taboo associated with mental health issues and the lack of mental healthcare services that people can turn to for help.” 

Improvements?

The statistics, as always in Iraq, tell a story that is less clear-cut [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/491/Stocktaking%20of%20existing%20indicators%20and%20information%2013%20March%202008.pdf ].

The number of fully immunized children, for example, dropped from 60.7 percent in 2000 to 38.5 percent in 2006, then rose to 46.5 percent by 2011 - still less than pre-invasion levels, according to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted by the government and the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Acute and chronic malnutrition trends for children under five also showed a slight regression.

However, other indicators show some improvement over pre-2003 levels - unsurprising, some say, if you consider the “semi-starvation diet” of many Iraqis during the sanctions. 
According to the UN’s Human Development Reports, life expectancy at birth rose from 58.7 before 2000 to 69.6 in 2012. (These figures are quite similar to those of WHO [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/?vid=2639 ], but differ significantly from those of the World Bank, which show a regression from 70 to 71 years during the mid-1990s and early 2000s, to 69 years in 2011 [ http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.IN?page=2 ])

The last decade undoubtedly saw a great reduction in infant mortality rates, not only over pre-invasion levels, but even compared to the early 1980s, when about 80 infants died per 1,000 live births [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ]. By the year 1990, this figure was down to 50, and decreased further to 31.9 in 2011, according to a 2012 government report monitoring progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=bgHcDIXr8-s%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

Still, this rate remains more than double the national target of 17 per 1,000 by 2015; and while Iraq’s rate in the early 1980s was among the best compared to other countries in the region, today, it is among the worst.

The mortality rate of children under five also dropped from 42.8 per 1,000 births in 2000 to 37.2 in 2011, well ahead of 1960s levels, but far off the national target of 21 by 2015, according to the government report, which monitored MDG indicators at the governorate level. The percentage of births attended by skilled personnel also rose from 72.1 percent in 2000 to 90.9 percent in 2011, according to the MICS.

(WHO shows a similar trend of decrease in mortality rates, but its statistics are quite different, showing a much larger drop in infant mortality [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/?vid=2644 ] from 108 deaths per 1,000 in 1999 to 21 per 1,000 in 2011, and a decrease in child mortality [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/?vid=2645 ] from 131 in 1999 to 25 in 2011.)

Government expenditures on health have increased in the last decade. From a high point in 1980s, they dropped significantly due to the 1991 Gulf war and sanctions. But spending jumped from 2.7 percent of GDP in 2003 to 8.4 percent in 2010, according to the World Bank. According to Yasseen Ahmed Abbas, head of the Iraqi Red Crescent Society, government allocations for health spending have risen from $30 million a year under former president Saddam Hussein to $6 billion a year today. 

af/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97964/War-leaves-lasting-impact-on-healthcare</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208310937080561t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Of all the areas of Iraq’s development that were affected by the US-led invasion 10 years ago, healthcare has probably taken the biggest hit. And much of the damage incurred in the first few years of the invasion continues to have an impact on health indicators today.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>From aid restrictions to access challenges</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304261033290092t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Aid work in Iraq has always had a bumpy ride, from the restrictions imposed under former president Saddam Hussein to the corruption associated with the Oil-for-Food Programme. But it has arguably never been as challenging as in the last decade, when violence and insecurity made access to much of the country nearly impossible.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Aid work in Iraq has always had a bumpy ride, from the restrictions imposed under former president Saddam Hussein to the corruption associated with the Oil-for-Food Programme. But it has arguably never been as challenging as in the last decade. 

Aid work was tightly controlled under Hussein’s rule, according to Yaseen Ahmed Abbas, president of the Iraq Red Crescent Society. “The Society was managed by the government - completely,” he told IRIN. “We have much more freedom now. You can’t compare.” 

But aid work in the post-2003 era takes place in a more “dangerous and volatile operating environment”, according to the UN [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/389/WHD%20Factsheet%20English.pdf ].

Dangers limit access 

Just a few months after the US-led invasion in 2003, a truck bomb targeting UN headquarters in the capital, Baghdad, killed 22 UN staff, including the special representative of the UN Secretary-General in Iraq, Sérgio Vieira de Mello.

Between 2003 and 2007, an estimated 94 aid workers in the country died and 248 were injured. 

In response, aid agencies largely managed their operations remotely from Jordan, at a cost to the quality of the services, aid workers say [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/85756/IRAQ-Remote-control-aid ].

Aid throughout the past decade “was mainly limited to the provision of supplies and training from abroad, without direct population contact and the ability to provide prompt and targeted adjustment to the support,” Gustavo Fernandez, who headed Médecins sans Frontières’s mission in Iraq from 2008 to 2010, wrote in a recent article in the Lancet [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736%2813%2960664-9/fulltext#aff1 ].

Since 2009, security has improved, but aid workers are still exposed to considerable risk, the UN says. In January 2010, for example, a bomb devastated a hotel in Baghdad containing the offices of the International Rescue Committee, injuring staff and destroying assets. 

Hazards for local aid workers 

Local aid workers also face challenges operating in the high-security context of Iraq. For example, it can take an hour and a half every morning for Iraqis working with the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in Baghdad to get past all the checkpoints and into the fortified Green Zone, where the US embassy is located.

And many Iraqis continue to hide their employment with USAID or the UN from neighbours, friends and even family to protect themselves in case widespread violence resumes. 

Mohamed*, a UN driver, told IRIN he leaves his house before 6am so that no one sees where he is headed. He lies to friends about his employer and only his family knows the truth. 

“You never know how things will change here. It could go back to how it was before. Working with the UN is perceived as working with the US.” 

While the dangers of association have diminished in recent years (USAID has doubled the number of local staff it employs), many local aid workers still refuse to travel to field sites in UN vehicles, preferring to arrive in their personal vehicles, and choose to wear UN-marked clothing only under specific circumstances. 

“Humanitarian aid workers in Iraq live with the daily fear of being targeted by militias,” the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs wrote in a 2010 fact-sheet [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/389/WHD%20Factsheet%20English.pdf ]. “Lack of access to beneficiaries, corruption, underfunding and poor information on humanitarian needs are just some of the other problems faced by aid workers on a daily basis.” 

*not a real name 

ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97952/From-aid-restrictions-to-access-challenges</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304261033290092t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 01 May 2013 (IRIN) - Aid work in Iraq has always had a bumpy ride, from the restrictions imposed under former president Saddam Hussein to the corruption associated with the Oil-for-Food Programme. But it has arguably never been as challenging as in the last decade, when violence and insecurity made access to much of the country nearly impossible.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>More freedom but less security?</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212181454160527t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - After a decade of sanctions, Iraq’s GDP has been growing consistently since 2003, and poverty rates have more than halved since 1990. But observers say billions of dollars in oil revenues have not translated into adequate gains in Iraqi well-being.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - US officials and others argue former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was a “clear danger” to the Iraqi people and to the region, pointing to the two wars he instigated in the 1980s and 1990s, the execution of his political opponents and the atrocities he committed against his own people. In an editorial this month in the Washington Post, Paul Wolfowitz argued [ http://www.aawsat.net/2013/04/article55298231 ] Hussein’s removal by US-led forces saved many lives and prevented the completion of a “genocide”.

For Kurds in the north, who were victims of severe violations of human rights under Hussein’s rule, the invasion has brought a new sense of security. But for many others in the country, the opposite is true.

More than 111,000 Iraqis have been killed since 2003, according to the tracking group Iraq Body Count [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/ ]; most of these deaths occurred in 2006-2007, the worst period of sectarian violence in the last 10 years. Security improved in subsequent years - from nearly 30,000 civilian deaths in 2006 to fewer than 10,000 in 2008, and fewer than 5,000 in 2009. In the years following, it stabilized at around 4,000 civilian deaths per year.

In 2011, nearly three-quarters of the population perceived themselves to be secure or very secure, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1677/IKN_Introduction_en.pdf ].

However, civilian deaths increased [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ] by about 10 percent in 2012, after the withdrawal of American forces. Established insurgent groups, like al-Qaeda in Iraq, have been regaining strength, and new ones, like the Free Iraqi Army, have emerged. Anbar Province, the epicentre of the Sunni insurgency in 2007-2009, has become restive once more.

Sectarianism increasing

Under Hussein, power was concentrated in the hands of Sunni partisans; the end of Hussein’s rule brought new opportunities to the long-marginalized Shia majority. But as Shiites have risen to power, sectarianism has become a major feature of Iraqi politics.

This is due, in part, to the decades of repressive policies seen under Hussein, but analysts also point a finger at US policies, which created a political system based on the repartition of power among three main groups: the Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds. The US also sought to purge the government of members of Hussein’s Baath party, which many Sunnis saw as a move to alienate them.

“At his most vulnerable position, Saddam Hussein used sectarianism and nationalism as weapons against his internal enemies,” the Civil-Military Fusion Centre (CFC) wrote in a recent briefing on the risk of a renewed breakout of large-scale violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/20130415_Thematic_Anbar_Province_Final.pdf ]. “Today’s Iraqi Shiite parties and government appear to be doing far worse as governmental rule is justified on a sectarian basis.”

This sectarianism has inspired many of the suicide bombings, kidnappings and terrorist attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] that have affected civilians in the past 10 years. According to CFC, “There is a legitimate, growing fear of civil conflict due to unaddressed grievances in Anbar and other Sunni-majority provinces.”

More freedoms

Despite the insecurity, some point to a new level of freedom, including increased personal rights, improved access to legal services and democratic structures in government.

“It’s not just about access to basic services. People have other aspirations [now],” says Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of the UN Development Programme (UNDP). “The whole issue of equal opportunities, access to decent jobs and [having a] voice is coming up much more strongly than ever before.”

But this, too, is a mixed blessing, countered by what many observers call a dysfunctional parliament and corrupt cabinet.

“Now, we can write whatever we want,” says journalist Safa Muhammed. “We are not afraid of saying anything or criticizing anyone. We have that freedom, but it’s useless. No matter how much you write, no one [in government] is listening or willing to make changes.”

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97937/More-freedom-but-less-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212181454160527t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - After a decade of sanctions, Iraq’s GDP has been growing consistently since 2003, and poverty rates have more than halved since 1990. But observers say billions of dollars in oil revenues have not translated into adequate gains in Iraqi well-being.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Arab cities aim to build resilience to natural disasters</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.

“We react to disasters without any planning; we just go for the response, and you know that without any planning you can’t do the proper things,” Abdulmalek Al-Jolahy, first deputy minister at Yemen’s Ministry of Public Works and Highways, told IRIN.

But disaster prevention experts say the region took a step in the right direction this month, with the official finalization of the Aqaba Declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction in Cities. [ http://www.preventionweb.net/files/31093_aqabadeclarationenglishfinaldraft.pdf ]

“We want some modest, achievable targets for improving DRR [disaster risk reduction] in Arab cities,” said Zubair Murshed, a DRR regional adviser with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Cairo, speaking at last month’s first ever regional conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world ] on the subject in Aqaba, Jordan.

City mayors and representatives from some 40 cities and towns in the region, including Aqaba, Gaza, Mogadishu and Tunis, drew up a provisional agreement on non-binding commitments over the next five years at March’s Aqaba conference, a document which this month became final following further consultations.

The targets include devoting at least 1 percent of cities’ annual budgets to DRR, preparing a risk assessment report to guide urban development planning, and implementing at least one law to improve safety.

The Arab officials agreed to meet in 2015 to review their performance, though otherwise there is no formal mechanism to monitor progress.

If officials follow through on their agreement it would be an important step in reducing risk - including from flash floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, droughts, sandstorms and tropical cyclones - for the region’s inhabitants, over 55 percent of whom live in urban areas.

Rapid urban growth

Population growth in the Arab region is among the highest in the world, with the urban population more than quadrupling since 1970 and expected to double again by 2050, according to UN-Habitat’s State of Arab Cities 2012 report. [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3320 ]

“The region’s environment and wealth are increasingly concentrated in a small number of highly vulnerable cities and many such communities are at risk from multiple hazards,” said Djillali Benouar, director of the Built Environment Research Laboratory at the University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria.

“Many recent disasters in the last decades had their main impact in urban areas where there is a large concentration of people with a heavy dependency on infrastructure and services.”

The problem has been exacerbated by the influx of people displaced by conflict who often settle on sub-prime land - either flood prone lowlands or unstable hills, and with 87 percent of the region classed as desert, urban centres play a vital role in the economy - making any disaster in a major city a national catastrophe.

“Many of these cities are almost equal to the country - Djibouti for example. Take Cairo and Beirut as well. You only have one major civil airport in Lebanon and it’s in Beirut,” said UNDP’s Murshed, adding that many of these Arab cities were sitting on major seismic fault lines.

The past destruction of cities like Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Algiers and Alexandria is an indication of the potential threat from earthquakes alone.

Disaster risk experts say the Arab region has been relatively lucky in the last century, but even so, there have been more than 270 disasters, [ http://www.emdat.be/ ] and at least 150,000 deaths in the past three decades.

Natural hazards may be impossible to avoid, but good DRR can make the difference between an event that destroys growth for many years to come, or simply knocks the city back for a few months.

“If cities and local governments decide to tackle these issues then they will really reduce global risk,” said Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR.

The motto: Be prepared

Natural hazards become disasters especially when they hit ill-prepared vulnerable communities, but cities can do more to be better prepared - from setting up early warning systems, building the institutions and infrastructure to better handle disasters, to gathering an accurate picture of the risks they face.

The Jordanian port city of Aqaba was recognized last month as the UN’s first “role model city for DRR” and has implemented a number of measures to reduce risk.

In a corner of the Aqaba Secondary School for Boys a shipping container provides a base for the city’s Neighbourhoods Disaster Volunteers. Inside shelves are lined with first aid kits, pick axes, power tools, reflective jackets, among other things, all regularly inspected by the volunteers.

“In this team, we have to be prepared 24 hours a day to help people and reduce the effects of disasters. By being prepared, we can manage any disaster,” said Nouh Al Khattab, one of the volunteers.

They perform regular drills to practice disaster response, says Khaled Abu Aisha, head of the DRR unit at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA).

“The volunteers are normal people just like you and I - living in the neighbourhood; women, men, young, small, normal employees. We meet twice a month.”

Jordan’s three main cities (Amman, Zarqa and Irbid) - with more than 70 percent of the population - are 30km or less from the Dead Sea Transform fault line which divides the African and Arabian tectonic plates.

Aqaba sits close to the fault line as well, and a 7.3 earthquake in 1995 killed at least eight people and damaged buildings throughout the city. Over the last 2,500 years, the area has seen some 50 serious earthquakes.

In 2006-7 UNDP helped ASEZA carry out a seismic risk assessment of the city to determine vulnerabilities.

While earthquakes may be a natural phenomenon unlinked to human activity, construction norms can make a big difference to the scale of the disaster. As Jalal Al Dabeek, director of the Urban Planning and DRR Centre at An Najah National University, Palestine, says, “Buildings kill people, not earthquakes.”

“Until now the problem is that the minimum requirements are not there yet. We are facing an Arab reality that construction in the Arab world is a long way from the minimum requirements.”

Engineers and officials are drawing up a regional Arab building code, but even when it is agreed, the regulations will need implementing and enforcing in practice.

Meanwhile, risk experts fear most Arab cities continue to be almost completely unprepared.

“We are definitely worried. Many cities like Aqaba are prepared but at the same time there are others which are not really prepared, and this is a worrying thing,” Shahira Wahbi, head of Sustainable Development and International Cooperation at the League of Arab States, told IRIN.

Flash floods

The danger of uncontrolled construction on wadis was highlighted during the 2009 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, when more than 150 people were killed after a sudden downpour (90mm of rainfall in four hours - twice the average yearly rainfall).

Many of those who died in Jeddah were migrant workers living in slums build in the wadis. A highway junction built in one of the wadis was also submerged killing drivers and creating widespread destruction.

The Al-Shallalah community in Aqaba, built near a dry wadi, was hit by flash floods in 2010 causing several deaths. ASEZA decided to move the 5,000 residents from the area: 700 families went to a new development in Al-Karamah, while the rest were given vacant land and compensation.

Flooding prevention can often require major expenditure. In Al Mukalla, the capital of Yemen’s Hadhramaut Governorate, three river valleys converge on the port city creating frequent floods. Residents dug a 600-metre channel through the city centre to allow the waters to flow unhindered into the ocean.

Resilient cities

To encourage cities to better prepare, the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR) [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] in 2010 launched the Making Cities Resilient campaign, encouraging local municipalities to establish DRR programmes.

Of the 1,419 cities and towns that have joined the scheme, around 270 are in the Arab world, almost all of them in Lebanon where 87 percent of the population lives in urban areas. In February, Nablus became the first Palestinian city to join the resilience campaign.

But overall, DRR experts say most Arab cities continue to prioritize other more palpable issues like water shortages and security, and are almost completely unprepared for major disasters like earthquakes, despite the devastating impact they can have.

“The people are not prepared. Nobody talks about that. It will be panic. People will be killed, not just by the earthquake and things falling down, but from the panic because they don’t know what to do,” Benouar from the university of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene in Algeria, told IRIN.

jj/cb


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97941/Arab-cities-aim-to-build-resilience-to-natural-disasters</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201008101236340196t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 29 April 2013 (IRIN) - Prevention may be better than a cure, but for the authorities in Arab cities and towns, natural disasters up to now have been largely about coping with them after they have taken place.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Schools try to play catch-up</title><pubDate>Fri, 26 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20071029t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 26 April 2013 (IRIN) - Iraq’s education system was once the jewel of the Middle East. Today, it is struggling to catch up, with five million children out of school, according to a 2007 survey.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 26 April 2013 (IRIN) - Thanks to growing oil revenues in the 1970s, Iraq had, by the early 1980s, developed a generous public services system. It was seen to have the best education system in the region, with near-universal primary school enrolment and an effective literacy programme. 

Had Iraq progressed at the same rate as other Middle Eastern countries, primary school enrolment for both boys and girls would be 100 percent today, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) [ http://www.unicef.org/equity/files/PMACEquitypresentation.pdf ].

Instead, Iraq’s education system is largely playing catch-up. 

Its downfall began with the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, and the Gulf War of 1991. It was exacerbated by the squeeze on resources caused by a decade of international sanctions throughout the 1990s, which resulted in lower teacher salaries, higher turnover, fewer qualified teachers, less professional development, neglected infrastructure and reduced access to resources like periodicals, according to the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Government statistics [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/3.htm ] show a 10 percent drop in primary school enrolment rates, from 90.8 in 1990 to 80.3 in 2000. Enrolment in Iraq’s vocational and technical schools dropped by half in the same decade. 

Following the US-led invasion of 2003, UNESCO reported [ http://www.unesco.org/education/iraq/na_13jan2005.pdf ] widespread arson and looting of educational facilities, with vocational schools, for example, losing 80 percent of their equipment, according to the Ministry of Education. A 2003 assessment [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTIRAQ/Overview/20147568/Joint%20Needs%20Assessment.pdf ] by the UN found that looting had affected 3,000 schools. Teacher training institutes were affected in all but the northern Kurdish governorates; libraries and colleges were looted and burned, UNESCO said. 

Brain drain 

De-Baathification - the occupying forces’ policy of removing from office all officials belonging to the deposed leader’s Baath party - furthered the educational decline by triggering a brain drain in universities, it added. 

“Emerging evidence indicates that the third war in three decades - the US-led invasion from 2003 to 2010 - has left behind a dilapidated education system affected by safety concerns, rising costs, and acute shortages of teachers and learning materials,” the University of Pittsburgh’s M. Najeeb Shafiq wrote in a 2012 article [ http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0738059312000685 ] in the International Journal of Educational Development. 

In the four years following the invasion, at least 280 academics were killed by insurgents and militias, IRIN report in 2007, leaving Iraq without a strong, educated elite to help the country - and the education system - recover [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/62983/IRAQ-The-exodus-of-academics-has-lowered-educational-standards ].

“We used to have all [sorts of] qualified people that build the country and organize the system in all fields,” said Hassan al-Hamadani, a member of parliament. “Now most of those people have left the country; many doctors and engineers have left as they were threatened.” 

Enrolment, attainment 

The impact of the 2003 invasion on enrolment rates, specifically, is less clear because statistics are inconsistent. 

Some, like those in the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS), conducted by the government and UNICEF, show an increase in net enrolment of children aged 6 to 11, from 68.2 percent in 2000 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/iraq1.pdf ] to 85.8 in 2006 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/MICS3_Iraq_FinalReport_2006_eng.pdf ]. Other statistics [ http://www.ibo.org/ibaem/conferences/documents/EDUCATIONINIRAQBYWARANDOCCUPATIO1.pdf ] show the opposite: a massive drop from 93 percent enrolment in 2000 to 54 percent in 2006. Statistics in Iraq in general are widely viewed as unreliable, and those on enrolment differ based on children’s age groups and whether they are measuring net enrolment (the percentage of children of official primary school age who are enrolled in primary school) or gross enrolment (the percentage of children of any age who are enrolled in primary school). 

What appears clear, however, is that Iraq is not as far ahead as it could have been. The 2011 MICS produced a net enrolment rate of 90.4 percent (among those 6 to 11 years old), just under the government’s 1990 rate of 90.8. Yet one in seven secondary-school-age children is studying at the primary level. Only 44 percent of students complete primary school on time. 

And while secondary school enrolment has increased in recent years, according to the MICS, less than half of students continue past grade 6. In 2007, a joint World Bank and government survey found five million school-age children out of school. 

“Enrolment is not the same as attainment,” said Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq. “Getting them to school is easy, but getting them to complete their studies is more difficult.” 

In addition, enrolment rates vary significantly based on gender, social status and geographic region. And while the quality of the textbooks has improved in the past decade, and there is no longer pressure on students to join the Baath party, some degree of sectarianism and corruption has found its way into the school system since 2003, said Ali al-Hussaini, a high-school student in Baghdad. 

“Sometimes a teacher makes fun of Sunnis and some other teacher makes fun of Shiites,” al-Hussaini said. “Now, all the teachers are corrupt. If I want to pass in the exams, I have to pay money - $200 for each class. Otherwise, they will make it impossible to pass.” 

Literacy 

Like primary education, literacy was an important focus in Iraq decades ago. In 1978, the government launched the Comprehensive National Campaign for the Compulsory Eradication of Illiteracy, but that campaign slowed after the wars of the 1980s and 1990s. 

Statistics on the adult literacy rate also vary widely: UNESCO notes an increase [ http://www.uis.unesco.org/literacy/Documents/UIS-literacy-statistics-1990-2015-en.pdf ] from 74.1 percent in 2000 to 78.2 percent in 2010, but a 2010-2015 strategy document [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Literacy_needs_report.pdf ] points to evidence suggesting that “Iraq faces a critical situation with increasing numbers of out-of-school children and rising adult illiteracy rates, especially in the rural areas, among youth and adults, and among women and other socially marginalized groups.” 

A literacy campaign launched in 2010, Literacy Initiative for Empowerment (LIFE), and a new literacy law approved in 2011 are likely to improve the rates further [ http://www.unesco.org/new/en/iraq-office/about-this-office/single-view/news/unesco_praises_the_iraqi_parliament_for_approval_of_the_new_literacy_law/ ].

For other development indicators, visit IRIN's series: Iraq 10 years on [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ].

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97928/Schools-try-to-play-catch-up</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/20071029t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 26 April 2013 (IRIN) - Iraq’s education system was once the jewel of the Middle East. Today, it is struggling to catch up, with five million children out of school, according to a 2007 survey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Economy grows, but how many benefit?</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207270841090813t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - After a decade of sanctions, Iraq’s GDP has been growing consistently since 2003, and poverty rates have more than halved since 1990. But observers say billions of dollars in oil revenues have not translated into adequate gains in Iraqi well-being.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Iraq’s development has historically been linked to its ability to sell and produce oil, and to world oil prices. Yet oil-related measures of economic growth may obscure some of the economic conditions facing ordinary Iraqis.

In 1980, after the oil crisis of the mid-1970s led to higher oil prices, Iraq’s GDP per capita was higher than any other country in the region (except Israel and the Gulf states), at US$3,453, according to the World Bank [ http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD/countries?page=6 ]. But this number plummeted in the 1990s, during the Iran-Iraq war and years of sanctions, hitting a low of $455 in 1997. After rising slightly in 2000, it dipped again, to $742 in 2000. By 2011, it had returned to $3,501, though these figures are not adjusted for inflation.  

Iraq is now the second-largest producer of crude oil and has the fifth-largest proven crude oil reserves in the world. With an expected annual growth of 9.4 percent through 2016, Iraq has the region’s fastest growing economy, according to the government.

Rising oil prices brought in revenues of $94 billion in 2012 and are projected to bring in more than $100 billion in 2013, according to the Middle East Economic Survey. The International Monetary Fund projects Iraq’s GDP will grow by nine percent in 2013.

Public sector growth

As a result of its increased ability to sell oil post-sanctions, the public sector has expanded, and salaries of public sector workers have increased significantly, giving rise to a strengthened middle class.

“Before 2003,” said government employee Sa’ad al-Shimary, “[former President Saddam Hussein’s] Baath Party was everywhere. It was hard to work in such an environment. I feared they might write a report against me, as they always did, if we tried to criticize their work for any reason. I feared I might go to work and not return home.”

Back then, he told IRIN, he had to work extra hours as a taxi driver to pay the bills. “Now my salary is enough for me and my family. I have no fear in the ministry. My life has changed for the better; I have more money, and I have a new car.”

Year-on-year, Iraq’s recent economic growth (“real GDP” adjusted for inflation) has been more modest than nominal GDP growth, though still healthy. The economy retracted by 28.3 percent in 2003, according to Business Monitor International, but it rebounded by 39.6 percent the year after. Between 2005 and 2011, the economy grew by an average of 6.5 percent per year, even during the worst years of violence.

Still, Bassam Yousif, a professor of economics at Indiana State University, describes Iraq’s economic growth in the last decade as “anemic” given its weak starting point - an economy depressed by sanctions and a government restricted in trade, unable to spend any money domestically - and the sudden influx of cash when it was able to resume oil exports [ http://costsofwar.org/sites/default/files/articles/32/attachments/Yousif_Iraq_Economy_08-19-2012.pdf ].

“What you would have thought Iraq could do with this windfall money 10 years ago is very different than what actually happened,” he said.

Waiting to see benefits

Economists and aid workers say much of the newfound wealth has not trickled down, largely due to Iraq’s economic dependence on oil, government corruption, a lack of capacity to execute budgets and a failure to develop the private sector.

“Even though GDP is going up, the average Iraqi doesn’t see that because the ability to spend that money is constrained,” Yousif said.

In 2012, Transparency International classified Iraq’s public-sector corruption as among the highest in the world; the country was ranked 169 out of 176 countries on its Corruption Perceptions Index [ http://www.transparency.org/cpi2012/results ].

“Macro-economic growth has not translated into commensurate improvements in people’s well-being,” Sudipto Mukerjee, who leads the economic recovery and poverty alleviation team at the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq, told IRIN.

Iraq has always been dependent on imports, and its agricultural and industrial sectors - already small - stagnated under the American push for import liberalization, which brought in a flood of cheaper goods. The oil sector has also failed to produce many jobs. The sector represented about half of Iraqi GDP in the 2000s, but employed less than one percent of the economically active.

After a massive jump in unemployment from 1990 to 2004, according to government statistics [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/15.htm ], the unemployment rate fell from 28.1 percent [ http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/arpro/beirut/downloads/publ/publ_10_eng.pdf ] in 2003 to 11.7 percent in 2007, rising again to 15.3 percent in 2008.

Today, the rate is eight percent, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1582/LB%20Factsheet-English.pdf ], based on the narrowest definition of unemployment (people who did not work at all in the seven days preceding the interview and were available for work and actively seeking a job that week), and 11 percent using the more relaxed definition (those who are not “productively” or “usefully” occupied, and are not actively seeking work but would do so if conditions in the labour market improved). Government numbers, which use an even broader definition, are higher. Women, youth and people living in rural areas have higher-than-average unemployment rates.  

A survey [ http://www.ndi.org/files/NDI-Iraq%20-%20April%202012%20National%20Survey%20-%20Report.pdf ] by the National Democratic Institute (NDI) late last year found that more than half of Iraqis - 55 percent - named unemployment as one of their top two concerns for the government to address.

For those who do have jobs - mostly with the public sector - larger salaries have not necessarily meant more purchasing power because inflation has risen. At its height over the last decade, consumer price inflation surpassed 50 percent (some sources put it as high as 76.5 percent) in 2006. As of January 2013, it was down to 2.2 percent, according to the Central Bank of Iraq.

Mustafa Ahmed, a father of two from Baghdad, complains that everything is more expensive now: “I used to buy a sandwich for 500 Iraqi dinars. Now it costs 5,000. I used to fill the car with gas with 6,000 dinars, and now [it costs me] 30,000.”

Measuring poverty

Still, the picture has vastly improved since the years spent under sanctions. Of all the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) [ http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/ ], Iraq has made the most progress on the first, already achieving the target of halving the proportion of the population living in extreme poverty by 2015. The percentage of people living on less than US$2.50 (adjusted for purchasing power parity) dropped from 28 percent in 1990 to 13.9 in 2007, then to 11.5 in 2011.

“With the end of the economic embargo in 2003 and the wage and salary hike of 2007, the standard of living of [Iraqi] households witnessed a significant improvement,” the Central Statistics Organization wrote, explaining the statistics. “Income of people working in the public sector (which constitutes 45 percent of the total household income) went up, leading to a significant decrease in the proportion of people living on  less than dollar a day compared to the1990 level.”

However, the World Bank deems the national poverty line - 76,896 Iraqi dinars per month - a “far more useful” [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/MENAEXT/Resources/Confronting_Poverty_In_Iraq_E_Chapter_3.pdf ] gauge of economic well-being. By that measure, 23 percent of the population lived in poverty in 2007, according to a survey by the government and the Bank [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ].

“While unemployment has declined substantially, poverty rates have remained stubbornly high since 2004,” Yousif said.

Research to be released later this year by the government and the UN examines levels of multi-dimensional poverty - the absence of access to certain basic needs - which could reveal even higher levels of deprivation.

“In a middle-income country which has seen significant economic growth,” said Mukerjee, “should we still have so much unemployment? Should we still have so many people below the poverty line?”

He and others are quick to point out that national averages are skewed by relatively faster progress in the autonomous, more peaceful Kurdish region in the north, obscuring deprivations in other governorates such as Qadissiya, Muthanna and Diyala.

The silver lining, perhaps, is that poverty in Iraq is not very deep: the poverty gap index, which measures the average gap between how much the poor spend as a percentage of the poverty line, has fallen from 5.0 percent in 2006 to 2.6 percent in 2011, according to government statistics - much lower than most other countries. As such, while there are many people at the edge of the threshold, who could easily fall into poverty, there are also many in poverty who could easily could be brought out of it with a bit of support.

For more, check out Confronting Poverty in Iraq, a 2011 book by the World Bank [ https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/2253 ] analysing the findings of its 2007 household socio-economy survey [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ]. Bassam Yousif’s work, both for the Costs of War [ http://costsofwar.org/sites/default/files/articles/32/attachments/Yousif_Iraq_Economy_08-19-2012.pdf ] project and the Middle East Report magazine [ http://www.merip.org/mer/mer266/aspiration-reality-iraqs-post-sanctions-economy ], is also useful. You can find all sorts of government statistics, including financial and oil-related, here [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/sections2010-2011.php ] and a UN fact-sheet on the labour force here [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1582/LB%20Factsheet-English.pdf ]. The government’s National Report on the Status of Human Development of 2008 lays out the government’s vision for addressing the imbalance between oil revenues and poor living standards [ http://reliefweb.int/report/iraq/iraq-national-report-status-human-development-2008 ].

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97909/Economy-grows-but-how-many-benefit</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207270841090813t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - After a decade of sanctions, Iraq’s GDP has been growing consistently since 2003, and poverty rates have more than halved since 1990. But observers say billions of dollars in oil revenues have not translated into adequate gains in Iraqi well-being.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The forgotten displacement crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304211734550194t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - At the height of Iraq’s sectarian violence in 2007, some five million people were displaced from their homes. In recent years, people have returned in larger numbers, but two million remain either refugees or internally displaced.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Iraq has experienced waves of displacement in recent decades, but none compare in size or scale to the flight of Iraqis after the bombing of a Holy Shi’ite shrine in 2006, an event that marked the start of two years of deadly sectarian violence.

Over the course of several decades, hundreds of thousands of people were displaced by: the Kurdish revolt of 1975; the atrocities committed against Kurds during former president Saddam Hussein’s Anfal campaign in the late 1980s; Hussein’s forced relocation policies, which attempted to shift the demographic balance of specific areas in favour of Sunni Arabs; and the first Gulf war in 1991.

Another 190,000 people were displaced in the first two years of the American-led invasion, from 2003 to 2005, according to estimates by aid workers at the time. By 2006, an estimated 1.2 million people were internally displaced people in Iraq.

The 2006 Samarra mosque bombing set off what the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) called at the time the largest population movement in the Middle East since 1948. Some 1.6 million people fled internally, according to the International Organization for Migration, and an estimated 2.2 million [ http://www.unhcr.org/46653e804.html ] became refugees, escaping mainly to Syria and Jordan. As such, at the height of the civil conflict in Iraq, 2006 to 2007, nearly five million Iraqis had left their homes.

The current picture

Today, nearly one million Iraqis are still living as refugees in neighbouring countries, according to government estimates, with more than 126,000 of them registered with UNHCR.

That number was even higher before the conflict erupted in Syria, which forced tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] to return to their homes, perhaps prematurely.

Another 1.1 million remain internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Iraq, according to the latest figures from the Ministry of Displacement and Migration. Many of them live in slum-like settlements, with no clear government policy to address their future [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96240/Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ].

Some researchers have even higher estimates.

“Perhaps three million people, 10 percent of Iraq's population, remain displaced - and forgotten,” Elizabeth Ferris, co-director of the Project on Internal Displacement run by the Brookings Institution and the London School of Economics, wrote last month [ http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2013/03/18-iraq-displaced-ferris ].

Localized violence along the disputed boundaries between Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan region, as well as drought and desertification, have continued to force small numbers of Iraqis to leave their homes in recent years.

At the same time, in the last couple years, the number of people returning from displacement has increased. But these returnees often struggle to make ends meet. A UNHCR survey in late 2010 showed that 87 percent of returnees could not make enough money to support their families.

Displacement trends have also left much of Iraq divided along sectarian lines.

“Today, the governorates and neighbourhoods which were most affected by displacement are now more ethnically or religiously homogenous than at any time in Iraq’s history,” the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre wrote in 2010 [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/3D35B6E12A391265C12577F90045B37E/$file/Iraq_Overview_Dec2010.pdf ].

For more, take a look at the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre’s comprehensive report on the history of forced displacement in Iraq [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=4958d9112 ]; IOM’s assessment of the condition of IDPs, five years after their displacement [ http://reliefweb.int/report/iraq/iom-iraq-report-5-years-post-samarra-displacement ]; and this research [ http://costsofwar.org/sites/default/files/articles/17/attachments/Dewachi,%20Public%20Health%20Impacts,%20Iraq.pdf ] by Iraqi professor Omar Dewachi on displacement as part of the Costs of War project [ http://costsofwar.org/ ].

ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/The-forgotten-displacement-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304211734550194t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - At the height of Iraq’s sectarian violence in 2007, some five million people were displaced from their homes. In recent years, people have returned in larger numbers, but two million remain either refugees or internally displaced.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Iraq 10 years on: the humanitarian impact</title><pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041322550503t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years after the toppling of Iraq’s former leader Saddam Hussein, human development statistics – flawed as they are – paint a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - The humanitarian legacy

Ten years after the toppling of Iraq’s former leader Saddam Hussein, human development statistics – flawed as they are – paint a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97895/Iraq-10-years-on-The-humanitarian-legacy ]

Water and Sanitation: Are the taps flowing? [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97894/Are-the-taps-flowing ]

Electricity: Blistering black-outs [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97896/Blistering-black-outs ]

The forgotten displacement crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/The-forgotten-displacement-crisis ]

Economy grows, but how many benefit? [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97909/Economy-grows-but-how-many-benefit ]

Education: Schools try to play catch-up [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97928/Schools-try-to-play-catch-up ]

Human Security: More freedom but less security? [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97937/More-freedom-but-less-security ]

Aid work: From restrictions to access challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97952/From-aid-restrictions-to-access-challenges ]

War leaves lasting impact on healthcare [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97964/War-leaves-lasting-impact-on-healthcare ]

Gender: Women yet to regain their place [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97976/Women-yet-to-regain-their-place ]

Food security: Less dependent on food rations [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97991/Less-dependent-on-food-rations ]

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-10-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209041322550503t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years after the toppling of Iraq’s former leader Saddam Hussein, human development statistics – flawed as they are – paint a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Blistering black-outs</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304221105270836t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - Despite investment in the generation capacity in recent years, Iraq’s electricity supply system remains unreliable, offering an average of eight hours of electricity a day.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - The electricity supply system in Iraq has suffered from decades of neglect and lack of new investment, according to the UN.

It has also suffered from previous wars: the Gulf War, for example, rendered all but two of Iraq’s 20 power-generating plants unoperational, according to a study published in the New England Journal of Medicine in 1991. Six months after the end of the war, Iraq had regained about two-thirds of its pre-war output, the report said, but a decade of sanctions made it difficult to replace spare parts and import supplies for repairs [ http://www.nejm.org/doi/pdf/10.1056/NEJM199109263251330 ].

By 2003, the government had managed to provide acceptable levels of electricity supply to Baghdad, but other governorates received less than the capital.

Electricity production took a major hit after the American invasion. Within a month of the incursion, daily energy production had dropped from 4,075 megawatts to 711 due to post-war looting and sabotage, according to the US Special Inspector for Iraq Reconstruction. By the time the Americans handed over power to an Iraqi interim government in June 2004, production had climbed back up to 3,621 megawatts per day [ http://www.sigir.mil/files/HardLessons/Hard_Lessons_Report.pdf ].

Long-term investments made into electricity-generation capacity in recent years have not fully borne fruit, observers say, and have not been matched by similar investments into networks for electricity transmission and distribution. “It’s like pouring water into a leaking bucket,” said Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq.

According to the UN’s Inter-Agency Information and Analysis Unit (IAU) in Iraq, the electricity supply system is “particularly unreliable and serves its users only a few hours each day.” [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1725/Electric%20Power%20subsector.pdf ]

Iraqi households receive an average of eight hours of electricity from the public network, according to the 2011 Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) survey, though the government promises to provide electricity 24 hours a day by the end of this year. In the 2011 IKN survey, seventy percent of respondents reported daily electricity cut-offs of more than 12 hours a day. An additional 26 percent had cut-offs of at least three hours a day. Summer temperatures in Iraq can surpass 50 degrees Celsius.

Conflicting views

Former president Saddam Hussein, a Sunni, is said to have discriminated against the Shia heartland in the south by providing them less consistent electricity access. Observers say electricity continues to be politicized by the government, more consistently provided to some groups for political reasons. However, aid workers say this is not reflected in the statistics.

IRIN interviews with two residents of Baghdad show part of this picture:

Sa’ad al-Shimary, a Shiite government employee, said: “Electricity is not a problem. The government supports us with 10 hours, and the rest we get from the private generator for only US$100 a month, so in my home I have 24 hours of electricity, as do most Iraqi families.”

But Mustafa Ahmed, a Sunni, disagreed: "Before 2003, electricity was bad, and now it's worse. We used to get between 12 to 15 hours of electricity. Now, if we’re lucky we get eight hours a day.”

For more, see this UN fact-sheet on the electrical power sector [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/1725/Electric%20Power%20subsector.pdf ] and the IKN survey [ http://www.japuiraq.org/ikn ]. In the latest issue of Middle East Report, Nida Alahmad of the European University Institute in Florence looks at American attempts to rebuild Iraq’s electricity supply immediately after the invasion [ http://www.merip.org/mer/mer266/rewiring-state ].

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97896/Blistering-black-outs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304221105270836t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - Despite investment in the generation capacity in recent years, Iraq’s electricity supply system remains unreliable, offering an average of eight hours of electricity a day.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Are the taps flowing?</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911080903590500t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - While access to clean water has improved over the last decade, more than one quarter of Iraqis still have less than two hours of access to water from the general network every day.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - For much of the past decade, Iraqis have cursed about two things: ‘maya’ and ‘kahraba’ - water and electricity.

These are more than petty complaints; they have become a benchmark by which Iraqis judge progress in their country. A recent survey by the National Democratic Institute (NDI) [ http://www.ndi.org/files/NDI-Iraq%20-%20April%202012%20National%20Survey%20-%20Report.pdf ] found that 42 percent of 2,000 Iraqis surveyed considered basic services - like water and electricity - among the top two concerns they want the current government to address.

In 2011, more than one-quarter of the population had access to water from the general network for less than two hours a day, and nearly half the population rated the quality of water services in their area as bad or very bad, according to the Iraq Knowledge Network (IKN) [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1677/IKN_Introduction_en.pdf ], a survey of nearly 30,000 households  conducted by the Ministry of Planning’s Central Statistics Organization, the Kurdistan Regional Statistics Office and the UN.

According to the UN, most Iraqis have limited access to clean water because of poor infrastructure maintenance and inadequate funding of the water supply system. One-fifth of Iraqis relied on bottled water as their main source of water, and only one-fifth of people had access to water from the general network all day long, the 2011 IKN survey found. The state of disrepair forced significant numbers of people into using river water, despite the health risks, IRIN reported in 2007 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/70243/IRAQ-Water-shortage-leads-people-to-drink-from-rivers ].

Still, statistics appear to show that access to clean water has improved in the last decade.

In the 1980s, more than 90 percent of Iraqis were estimated to have sustained access to clean water. By 1990, this percentage had dropped to 81 percent, according to the government. [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/13.htm ] Since, then, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the percentage of households using an improved water source, including bottled water, has risen from 83 percent in 2000 to 91 percent in 2011, after a drop in 2006. The percentage of Iraqis with access to improved sanitation also rose from a government estimate of 71.5 percent in 1990, to 92.5 percent in 2000 and 93.8 percent in 2011, according to UNICEF figures [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/AAS2012/section_19/14.htm ].

But experts warn that statistics vary significantly by region, and some Iraqis perceive there to be discrimination by sect. Just as deposed former president Saddam Hussein politicized service delivery, the current Shia-led government is seen, by some, to provide preferential service to Shia communities. In recent months, for example, large-scale protests in Sunni-led provinces have been partly inspired by dissatisfaction over service delivery in Sunnis areas.

For some, like Mustafa Ahmed, a father of two from Baghdad, the change in service provision has been negative. He told IRIN that, before 2003, he could get clean water from the network, but now he has to buy bottled water.

Meanwhile, water levels in Iraq’s rivers, lakes and reservoirs have decreased to “critical levels”, according to the UN, with the two main sources of surface water - the Tigris and Euphrates rivers - down to one-third of their normal capacity [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1866/Water-Factsheet.pdf ]. Resulting water shortages have affected Iraq’s previously almost self-sufficient agricultural sector [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94921/IRAQ-Call-to-adopt-modern-irrigation-techniques ], which is now depressed and underproductive, the UN says.

For more, check out this UN fact-sheet on water in Iraq [ http://www.iauiraq.org/documents/1866/Water-Factsheet.pdf ] and the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys of 2000 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/iraq1.pdf ], 2006 [ http://www.childinfo.org/files/MICS3_Iraq_FinalReport_2006_eng.pdf ] and 2011 [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQw ], which measure access to water and sanitation, among other things.

af/da/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97894/Are-the-taps-flowing</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911080903590500t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - While access to clean water has improved over the last decade, more than one quarter of Iraqis still have less than two hours of access to water from the general network every day.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Humanitarian overview</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011280721150248t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years after the toppling of Iraq’s former leader Saddam Hussein, human development statistics – flawed as they are – paint a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years after US forces took over Iraq, opinions on the progress made are as polarized as ever.

On one side, the Iraqi and American governments argue, the gains have been significant.

“Despite all the problems of the past decade, the overwhelming majority of Iraqis agree that we are better off today than under Saddam’s brutal dictatorship,” Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki wrote in a 9 April opinion piece in the Washington Post, marking 10 years after the fall of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein [ http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/nouri-al-maliki-the-us-has-a-foreign-policy-partner-in-iraq/2013/04/08/dcb9f8a6-a05e-11e2-82bc-511538ae90a4_story.html ].

Paul Wolfowitz, who served as the US Deputy Secretary of Defence between 2001 and 2005, wrote the same day in Asharq al-Awsat newspaper that given the hardships under Hussein, “it is remarkable that Iraq has done as well as it has thus far.”

Others are more circumspect in evaluating these gains, looking to the 1980s - under Hussein’s rule - as a time when Iraqi society was much further ahead.

“By all measures and standards, there has been a deterioration in the quality of life of Iraqis as compared to 25 years ago,” said Khalid Khalid, who tracks Iraq’s progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) at the UN Development Programme (UNDP). “The invasion comes on top of sanctions that came before it and the Iran-Iraq war. It’s one continuous chain of events that led to the situation Iraqis are facing now.”

Mixed blessings

In the early 1980s, Iraq was regarded by many as the most developed state in the Arab world. The Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, the Gulf War of 1991 and subsequent years of sanctions took a heavy toll on developmental indicators, yet Iraq continued to have strong state institutions, even if they were used repressively to maintain Hussein’s power. For example, even after 10 years of an international embargo, the system of food ration distribution operated effectively.

The US invasion and subsequent civil conflict changed this, said Maria Fantappie, Iraq analyst at the International Crisis Group, as violence and de-Baathification drove away the human resources needed to run effective institutions. In many ways, the country has yet to recover.

“In 2003, that heritage of an efficient Iraqi state was completely lost,” Fantappie said. “We have the consequences of this until today… We are not yet at the level of state institutions that can deliver services equally to all citizens."

Iraq is the only country in the Middle East where living standards have not improved compared to 25 years ago, the World Bank says. In areas such as secondary school enrolment and child immunization, Iraq now ranks lower than some of the poorest countries in the world.

“The war is just such a series of mixed blessings,” said Ned Parker, a former fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and long-time Iraq correspondent for the Los Angeles Times. “For every positive development, there’s a negative development that counters it.”

Looking at the data

IRIN has taken a look development and humanitarian indicators [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97897/Iraq-ten-years-on-the-humanitarian-impact ] for Iraq, which show a decade of fits and starts, with progress in one area met by stagnation in another.

Of course, statistics in Iraq are often “wrong, simply not available or politically misused,” as one researcher put it. While a wealth of information and data exists, it comes from a multitude of sources using different methodologies, and much of it is based on relatively small sample sizes. The UN’s Information and Analysis Unit said in a 2008 report: “As is typical in volatile working environments, data reliability in some instances is questionable, contradictory figures exist, and geographic coverage of the indicators is often compromised for either security or political reasons.” [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/491/Stocktaking%20of%20existing%20indicators%20and%20information%2013%20March%202008.pdf ]

There are also huge discrepancies when national statistics are broken down by region, with the capital Baghdad and the autonomous Kurdish region in the north often the only governorates ranking above national average in measures of development. As Médecins sans Frontières wrote in a recent article in the Lancet journal [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736%2813%2960664-9/fulltext#aff1 ], “Much more attention needs to be given to remote areas, where the reality for Iraqis has not substantially improved over the past 10 years.”

What is more, much of the progress is seen in indicators tracking inputs, like how many children enrol in school, rather than outcomes, such as how much they actually learn, said Sudipto Mukerjee, deputy head of UNDP in Iraq.

But even with these caveats, the best available data offer a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling. For example, a recent overview of Iraq’s headway towards the Millennium Development Goals [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=bgHcDIXr8-s%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ] found great strides in the eradication of poverty over 1990 levels, but slower progress on primary education enrolment, which still lags behind 1990 levels.

A million Iraqis remain refugees, and over a million are internally displaced; sectarianism holds sway over political institutions; and healthcare is undermined by a lack of medical personnel, unreliable utilities and fragile national security. Women and girls, who once enjoyed more rights than other women in the region, now regularly find themselves excluded from school and work opportunities, though great progress has been made towards gender equality in recent years. While living conditions, clean water access, poverty rates and education levels are all disappointing compared to historical highs in the 1980s, they are greatly improved from the years Iraq spent under sanctions. And increased decentralization of power has offered some hope for the future.

No easy narrative can be accurately applied to the country’s experiences over the past 10 years, and in many ways, the direction the country has taken may only become clear over the decade to come.

In the coming days, we will bring you our findings on each of the following indicators. Check back regularly!

Water and Sanitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97894/Are-the-taps-flowing ]
Electricity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97896/Blistering-black-outs ]
Displacement [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97905/The-forgotten-displacement-crisis ]
Education [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97928/Schools-try-to-play-catch-up ]
Poverty/Economic Growth [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97909/Economy-grows-but-how-many-benefit ]
Health [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97964/Iraq-10-years-on-War-leaves-lasting-impact-on-healthcare ]
Food Security/Malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97991/Iraq-10-years-on-Less-dependent-on-food-rations ]
Governance/Human Security [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97937/More-freedom-but-less-security ]
Gender [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97976/Women-yet-to-regain-their-place ]
Aid work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97952/From-aid-restrictions-to-access-challenges ]

In the process of our research, we’ve come across some interesting bits and pieces. For more, check out:

A recent Op-Ed by Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki, where he makes the case that Iraq has progressed
[ http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/nouri-al-maliki-the-us-has-a-foreign-policy-partner-in-iraq/2013/04/08/dcb9f8a6-a05e-11e2-82bc-511538ae90a4_story.html ]

The case for why the US intervention was necessary and successful - by Paul Wolfowitz 
[ http://www.aawsat.net/2013/04/article55298231 ]

An entire issue of the Middle East Research and Information Project dedicated to the 10-year mark of Hussein’s toppling 
[ http://www.merip.org/mer/latest ]

The Guardian newspaper also has a special section on its website dedicated to articles on Iraq 10 years on from the invasion
[ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/series/iraq-war-10-years-on ]

A pioneering project to track the costs of American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan: Costs of War
[ http://costsofwar.org/ ]

The National Democratic Institute has done a series of public opinion polls in Iraq since 2010. Here is the latest
[ http://www.ndi.org/Iraq-survey-growing-optimism ].

The UN’s Joint Analysis and Policy Unit [ http://www.japuiraq.org/ ] for Iraq is a wealth of detailed, statistical information, including the Iraq Knowledge Network [ http://www.japuiraq.org/ikn ] survey the UN helped conduct in 2011.

Over the years, a number of other household surveys have been conducted by the government in collaboration with various UN agencies, including the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) [ https://www.yousendit.com/download/UVJneFlUY1M1bmo1SE1UQw ], supported by UNICEF; the Iraq Household Socio-Economic Survey (IHSES), [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/IRAQEXTN/0,,contentMDK:22032522~menuPK:313111~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:313105,00.html ] supported by the World Bank; the Iraq Living Conditions Survey [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/pdf/english_tabulation.pdf ], supported by UNDP; and the Comprehensive Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis [ http://www.japuiraq.org/documents/227/WFP_VAMSurvey_2007_CFSVA%20final.pdf ], supported by WFP.

The government Central Statistics Organization has assembled statistics on human development indicators from various sources, from 1990 onwards, which you can find here [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/section_19.php ].

The World Bank also allows you to download full sets of comparative statistics [ http://data.worldbank.org/country/iraq ] and the World Health Organization keeps year-by-year statistics since 1999 on each of the health-related Millennium Development Goals [ http://rho.emro.who.int/rhodata/?theme=country&vid=10702 ].

If you want to crunch numbers, check out the UN Human Development Reports over the years [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2013/ ].

The UN recently took stock of Iraq’s progress towards the Millennium Development Goals, with less than 1,000 days to go before the deadline [ http://unami.unmissions.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=bgHcDIXr8-s%3D&tabid=2790&language=en-US ].

IRIN has covered many of these issues over the years. Our Iraq archives are here [ http://www.irinnews.org/AdvancedSearchResults.aspx?DoAdvanced=true&Country=IQ&PageNo=4_20 ].

An interesting debate in Foreign Affairs magazine about whether Iraq is on track [ http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137700/antony-j-blinken-norman-ricklefs-ned-parker/is-iraq-on-track ].

The US auditor on Iraq reconstruction’s latest and final report that says $60 billion invested in Iraq’s reconstruction had “limited positive effects” [ http://www.sigir.mil/learningfromiraq/ ]

And on that theme, check out this cynical, almost satirical, book (and subsequent blog) by Peter Van Buren: We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People [ http://wemeantwell.com/ ]

af/ha/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A decade after US-led forced toppled Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, IRIN examines the progress in basic living standards.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97895/Humanitarian-overview</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011280721150248t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD/DUBAI 22 April 2013 (IRIN) - Ten years after the toppling of Iraq’s former leader Saddam Hussein, human development statistics – flawed as they are – paint a complex portrait of a country that has seen improvement over the last decade, but is still largely struggling.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Iraq’s disputed territories, a health services vacuum</title><pubDate>Tue, 02 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021125040657t.jpg" />]]>KANDAL 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - The status of Iraq’s disputed territories was supposed to be resolved by a referendum in 2007. More than five years later, the vote has not taken place. Meanwhile, residents have been caught in between, with neither the central government in Baghdad nor the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil willing to provide basic services. Those in need of healthcare have few options.</description><body><![CDATA[KANDAL 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - At 9am in the northern Iraqi village of Kandal, female residents are gathering in the leafy courtyard of the local mosque. But they have not come to pray; they are here to see the doctor - a rare opportunity in this part of the country. 

Kandal sits on a busy main road connecting Erbil, capital of the northern autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq, to Kirkuk, one of several disputed territories. Located in Makhmour District, in Kirkuk Governorate, the land Kandal sits on is claimed by both the central government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG). 

Although the status of the disputed territories was supposed to be resolved by a referendum before the end of 2007, the vote still has not taken place. Meanwhile, their residents have been caught in between, with neither side willing to provide basic services. 

“This place is not a country,” said Jwan Abdullah, an English teacher at the small village school. “We have no government; there is no doctor, no hospital. We don’t have a [phone] number for emergencies, and we need this.”

There is only one small clinic in the nearby town of Makhmour to service the area’s nine villages, which have a total population of around 300 families. The clinic is a small general practice, ill-equipped to handle many cases. 

“My son broke his arm playing football,” said the local mukhtar, or village leader. “And they just gave him a pain killer and said we had to go to the emergency hospital in Erbil,” some 100km away. 

Falling between the cracks

KRG would like to build a permanent hospital in the area, says Raad Najmadeen, director of medical services at the Erbil Directorate of Health. But the political situation in the region means any attempt to do so would be seen as a land grab. 

“The problem is, as I see it, if you build a health centre, this land will be allocated to the [KRG] Ministry of Health, so you will make this land permanently for the ministry… They may see that we are taking the land by this process. So it’s sensitive.” 

Instead, these villages depend on visits from KRG’s mobile hospital - which has an operating unit, a dental unit, a lab, an x-ray, and ultrasound and gynaecological support - and a mobile team with ambulances stocked with simple medication and equipment. But these visits occur only once or twice a year. 

The Kurdish government has plans to set up an emergency unit halfway between Makhmour and Erbil that would service the district and give residents access to an emergency number and to ambulances. 

But in the meantime, the lack of any emergency services means transportation is a problem, particularly for women in Kandal, none of whom knows how to drive. 

One woman, Berivan, said the Makhmour clinic had diagnosed her with a kidney infection and told her to return for follow-up treatment, but she has been unable to make the 10km journey. 

“My husband is a peshmerga [member of the Kurdish security forces] and he isn’t here to take me. Without a car, you have to stand on the side of the road and wait for someone to pick you up.” 

The journey to the hospital in Erbil can take over an hour - sometimes the difference between life and death. Berivan’s aunt’s experience is a case in point. 

“One morning she was very short of breath, so we took her to the clinic in Makhmour,” Berivan said, “but they said she had to go to Erbil. In the car on the way, she just stopped breathing and died.” 

Mobile care for women

Because of the particular challenge women face in reaching healthcare, START, a women’s empowerment organization, teamed up with the Kurdistan Ministry of Health to provide mobile health services in the area, focusing on women and children. With French embassy funding, the NGO will send a general practitioner to one of six villages in the area every week for the next three months to provide basic healthcare and respond to gynaecological needs. 

“We follow [up with] the women about their family planning. Here they have many kids, so we examine and provide for them - condom, contraceptive tablet, intra-uterine device... Everything is portable. We have all types of medicines,” said Afifa Sayid, a doctor with the visiting medical team.

This is the second such programme by START, and the Iraqi government has a similar programme in other disputed areas. But when funding for such programmes runs out, residents here will be back to square one. 

The poor, high-sugar diet also takes a toll on local health, Sayid says, and the local pharmacists are an inadequate substitute for trained medical care. 

“Here they have chronic disease: high blood pressure, diabetes. Their general condition is not good. It’s very important to have a hospital in the same place to follow-up with them every day. I went to five villages before this village: No hospital. It should be that in every village you have a health centre or every day a portable centre. Every day, not every week.” 

By lunchtime, Sayid had seen 55 women. 

One patient, who requested anonymity, suffered from conjunctivitis. “She was given the wrong medicine” by a local pharmacist, Sayid said, “and now her eye is bleeding.” 

The health programme also raises awareness about women’s health issues, like breast cancer and female genital mutilation, which is practiced in Iraqi Kurdistan, and it trains girls on first aid and the use of medicine. “These girls will be the focal points of any health services and any awareness campaign,” said START director Safin Ali.

The programme also aims to reveal the area’s health needs. 

“[A reason for] bringing the KRG staff members and their buses and their staff members is to draw their attention to the fact that this area needs a hospital. A mobile medical unit can help in the short term but in the long term, they need to build a hospital here.” 

hg/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97771/In-Iraq-s-disputed-territories-a-health-services-vacuum</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304021125040657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KANDAL 02 April 2013 (IRIN) - The status of Iraq’s disputed territories was supposed to be resolved by a referendum in 2007. More than five years later, the vote has not taken place. Meanwhile, residents have been caught in between, with neither the central government in Baghdad nor the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil willing to provide basic services. Those in need of healthcare have few options.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Syria’s brain drain – another twist to the country’s crisis</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict.   

“The phenomenon is ongoing and growing,” said regional humanitarian coordinator Radhouane Nouicer. The flight of professionals has affected the bureaucracy, educational institutions and factories - but nowhere is the impact felt more than in the medical sector. 

Late last year, the World Health Organization said all of the country’s nine psychiatrists and more than half the doctors in Homs had left the country [ http://www.who.int/hac/crises/syr/Syria_WCOreport_27Nov2012.pdf ]. Clinics run by the Syrian Arab Red Crescent are short of surgeons and other medical experts. 

This month, as the Syrian conflict entered its third year, the number of refugees surpassed one million. Observers worry the “brain drain” will affect Syria’s long-term future.  

“These skills are much needed for rebuilding Syria tomorrow,” Nouicer told IRIN.  

While Syria has been affected by the departure of educated people for decades due to the lack of economic opportunities and political freedom, the conflict has increased the shortages of doctors, engineers, teachers and lawyers to unprecedented levels.  

“One of the most alarming features of the conflict has been the use of medical care as a tactic of war,” the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria wrote in a report this month [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/PeriodicUpdate11March2013_en.pdf ]. “Medical personnel and hospitals have been deliberately targeted and are treated by parties to the conflict as military objectives.”   

Many professionals have had difficulty getting visas to Europe and the Gulf states, and have instead ended up in refugee camps in neighbouring countries, where aid agencies are trying to make use of their skills through community mobilization and cash-for-work programmes in the camps’ schools and health centres. Others have decided to stay to try to address the needs in their country.  

IRIN spoke to highly skilled professionals both inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions - both on themselves and their country. 

Bayan*, civil engineer from Homs: 

“I will never leave Syria because I have a vision for my country. We are working on building the future of Syria, so I have a responsibility to stay. I have asked my wife to leave because it’s not safe here, but she doesn’t want to go anywhere else either. She’s a teacher; I’m a civil engineer. I haven’t been to my office for almost two years. Instead, I’ve founded a group called the Free Syrian Engineers so that we can gather the competence of experts who are still inside Syria. Our group includes about 70 engineers in Homs, from all branches, electrical, civil, mechanical and computer engineers.  

“We’re organizing in order to work on whatever task comes up, from cleaning the streets to repairing electrical lines. We’re also working on studies on rebuilding Syria after the conflict. I know it sounds theoretical now, but it will be very important to be prepared when the time comes. Even though none of us is working in their normal jobs right now, there’s still a lot to do on the ground, in medical, relief or media work, for example. There’s a need for everything. Life is difficult, but I am happy to be here. There was a lot of work for me in Homs before the war, and there will be even more afterwards.” 

Mohamed Alkhateb, 27, teacher from Palmyra: 

“I used to teach English at a local school to children between six and 12. I was arrested in February 2012 and imprisoned for six months because I was an activist. In prison, they hit me so badly they broke my ribs. I left Syria right after they released me because I knew that if I stayed, they’d come for me again. The school has now been closed because of the shelling. Before the conflict, there were between 20 and 25 teachers in that school. About six of them joined the protest movement, and they’ve all left the country by now. It’s hard for the children. No classes, no learning. I feel sorry for them.  

“I’ve rented an apartment in Cairo that I am sharing with friends who are also refugees from Syria. I have managed to get an administrative job at a pilot training school, but it’s hard to get by. My salary is only US$200 a month, but I need $300-400 to survive. So my family has to send me some extra money. I really miss Syria, my city and my friends, but I cannot return. Life in Egypt is tough. I wanted could go to Europe, but no country would give us a visa. For the time being, I’m stuck.” 

Anwar*, 44, professional football player from Latakia: 

“I left Syria in 2012 simply because I couldn’t find a job. It had nothing to do with political reasons. I used to be a football player. Now I am working as a football coach in Dubai. It’s a good position, and people really respect me. I have never had a good job in Syria. That’s why I’ve spent a large part of my life abroad. In 2003, I was asked to return to Syria and work on a study on the state of football in the country, but that didn’t work out. Nobody listened to what I had to say.  

“I have tried to live in Syria, but I did not see any opportunities. There was no room for new ideas. There are many Syrians working in high positions abroad who were facing the same problems. It’s almost like they don’t want qualified people like us. However, I feel bad every day for not being there. I am very popular back home because of my football career, and people need something to be proud of. If I’d get any job, I’d go back tomorrow.”  

Abu Adnan*, 30, dentist from Deir-ez-Zor: 

“I have thought a lot about moving to a different country. Everybody wants a peaceful life. I’m longing for simple things, taking a stroll or having coffee in the garden. I am a dentist, but I haven’t been able to work in my profession for over a year. My clinic was completely destroyed by the shelling. I love my work, and I miss it a lot. I specialized in bridges and partial dentures. My wife is also a dentist; she has taken refuge in a town outside of Deir-ez-Zor. Our one-year-old daughter is with her.  

“There used to be thousands of doctors in Deir-ez-Zor. Now, there are only about 10 of them left. I help out in a field clinic now, suturing wounds or giving injections. We often have to amputate limbs because we don’t have the means necessary to treat the injuries. I don’t think my future will be good. Everything is destroyed. It will take decades to rebuild Syria. My wife keeps begging me to take the family outside of Syria. She is very scared; she is crying all the time. Of course, I don’t want my daughter to grow up like this. But it’s not easy to leave the city you’ve grown up in.”  

Talal Hoshan, 49, judge from Hama Governorate: 

“I left Syria because I wasn’t able to stand the regime’s war crimes any longer. I fled with my family right after the massacre in Qubair, a town near Hama, in June 2012. I saw the corpses of four children and two women, and it was clear they had been executed. As the local director of public prosecution, I had to examine the dead. While I was doing that, I cursed the regime under my breath because I had information that they were responsible. One soldier heard me and told me to keep quiet. The next day, I contacted the [rebel] Free Syrian Army. They helped us escape across the border to Turkey.  

“We used to have a big, beautiful apartment. The one we’re renting in southern Turkey is much smaller. I have no job and no income. We’ve sold our car, and our friends are helping us out. We’re better off than most refugees, but I worry about my children. I have four girls and two boys, both of whom are very sick. They are suffering from a heart disease, and they haven’t seen a doctor for a long time. I would like to take my family to Sweden because they have a very advanced treatment for that disease there. I have called the Swedish consulate, but they refused to give us visas. I don’t care about myself, but my family really needs help. My children’s condition is getting worse every day.” 

Dlshad Othman, 26, computer technician from Qamishli: 

“I left Syria in December 2011. As a Kurd, I’ve always been critical of the regime. I used to work for an internet provider in Damascus, but they only gave me menial tasks, and my salary was bad. When the uprising started, I lost my job because of my political views. Then I joined an NGO in Damascus documenting violence against journalists. I was developing ways for activists to be safe online.  

“In October 2011, I gave an on-camera interview to a British journalist. He was arrested with the footage on his laptop. I was warned by a friend, and I escaped across the border to Lebanon because I knew the security forces were looking for me. It was easy for me to find a job in the US and get a visa. I was lucky because there are a lot of opportunities for people with computer skills.  

“I don’t miss Syria at all because there was no respect, no job security, no professionalism in the work world. Here in Washington, it’s different. As a professional, I am happy here. I have a great job, a good income, insurance. I don’t know if I’ll ever go back. Here, I can actually do something: I am working for an NGO advocating internet freedom, not only in Syria, but everywhere in the world. I can also help out my family financially. 

“What do I imagine my future to be like? I don’t see my future right now. That part of my life is still missing. I hope I will find the answer to that question someday.” 

*not a real name  

gmk/af/ha/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97736/Syria-s-brain-drain-another-twist-to-the-country-s-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303261537210207t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The exodus of educated and skilled Syrians is increasingly depleting the country’s workforce and the quality of its health services, already strained by two years of conflict. IRIN spoke to professionals inside and outside Syria about the difficult choice they faced and the impacts of their decisions to stay or leave - both on themselves and their country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Disaster Risk Reduction in the Arab world</title><pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</description><body><![CDATA[AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).

In the last three decades more than 164,000 people in the region have been killed by natural hazards, which caused damage estimated at US$19.2 billion, according to new figures for the region from the Belgium-based Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

“All the people who are here now - they’ve been waiting for this for a few years. The conference has been scheduled and rescheduled, so there’s a pent up wish to discuss and tackle issues upfront,” Margareta Wahlstrom, special representative of the UN Secretary-General for DRR, told IRIN, blaming the Arab Spring for the delays.

The week of meetings is being held in Jordan’s coastal port, Aqaba, recognized as a leader in disaster preparedness in the region and one of many urban centres built on one of the four main regional fault lines - the Dead Sea Transform Fault, the Taurus-Zagros fault, the Nubia-Eurasia plate boundary in Maghreb and the NU-Aegean Sea and NU-Anatolia in Eastern Mediterranean region.

Conference speakers acknowledge that the region has been “lucky” in recent years to escape major natural hazard events, but historic records show cities like Beirut, Damascus and Alexandria have all been destroyed by earthquakes.

While the natural hazards may not be new, the risks have been aggravated in recent years by the nature of human development.

“In a relatively short period a number of crucial factors have magnified the exposure and vulnerability of cities in the Arab region to disaster and its aftermath,” said Princess Sumaya bint El Hassan, president of the Jordanian Royal Scientific Society.

“The explosive increase in urban populations in recent decades, coupled with poor planning in land use, has expanded the potential of hazard to cause havoc in our cities.”

Around 55 percent of the population in the Arab world lives in cities, a figure predicted to reach 68 percent by 2050.

Prevention not cure

Disaster experts at the conference credit the Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster of 2004 with opening eyes internationally to the importance of preparing in advance for natural hazards.

Previously, Wahlstrom told IRIN, such disasters were thought of as things over which you had little control: “you deal with the immediate consequences, you rebuild, you pay for it and you move on.”

But she says governments increasingly realize that natural disasters happen when natural hazard events meet vulnerable and unprepared populations.

“You actually have to plan for it; you can mitigate the impact, and you can mitigate the costs.”

In early 2005, countries around the world signed up to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which set five priorities over the 10-year period to 2015 for countries to strengthen institutional responses, set-up early warning systems, identify risks and build resilience at all levels.

It was the world’s first attempt to coordinate who should be in charge of what in a disaster.

Sometimes experience has shown itself to be the best teacher; Algeria improved building regulations for schools and hospitals after damage caused by the 2003 earthquake, while Lebanon - a regional leader on DRR - set-out to improve disaster management coordination after a recent plane crash saw four emergency operations rooms set up in the first four hours, but without any coordination between them.

Results

This is the first Arab conference on DRR, and the region is the last to meet ahead of a global DRR conference in Geneva in May, at which countries will plan the post-2015 strategies for resilience when the current Hyogo framework will need replacing.

What changes all this will have on the ground will depend on implementation, and so far Arab countries have been slow to put in place measures to improve preparedness; only nine of the region’s 22 countries have set up, or are setting up, a national loss database, while just 10 have submitted their HFA country reports to the UN Office for DRR (UNISDR).

“To be very honest with you, I share your fear that many of these things are paper products,” said Wahlstrom at the event’s press conference. “But when I look back at the conferences that we’ve had over the years, I see a very high level of coherence between the recommendations and commitments, and what people actually do.”

Funding prevention

Disaster experts at the conference stress that investing in prevention is a way to save money in the country; that a dollar spent on prevention is worth at least four after a crisis.

Natural disasters are often extraordinarily expensive - the floods that hit Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2008 and 2009, for example, cost about $1.3 billion.

In addition, unprepared countries face far longer recovery times and affected cities and regions can be set back by years.

The Lebanese government’s decision to prioritize preparedness dates back to the destruction caused by the earthquake in Haiti, which was witnessed first-hand by officials from the prime minister’s office.

“The challenge is to convince governments to pay for what is not yet tangible, but which will become tangible in the coming years,” said Wahlstrom.

Just published figures [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97655/Tallying-natural-disaster-related-losses ] from CRED show natural hazards have cost the world more than $100 billion a year for the past three years. 

The Arab League has led the adoption of DRR in the region, and in 2012 it produced a strategy adopted by regional heads of state.

But Fatma Al-Mallah, DRR advisor and member of the Global High Level Advisory Group on HFA2, says more engagement is needed.

“This is not enough - there should be a political commitment from each government. We should have more political courage in our countries when we have problems.”

She warned governments that natural hazards such as drought were frequently an underlying cause of political unrest, citing Darfur and the Arab Spring as examples, and said that a lack of good governance on these issues risked bringing instability at the lowest levels of society.

Jordan Ryan, director of the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the UN Development Programme, said natural disasters invariably affect the most vulnerable.

“Forest fires in Lebanon and earthquakes in Algeria are all reminders of how vulnerable this region is. As in other parts of the world, we know who suffers the most - the poor.”

He said 95 percent of the 1.3 million disaster fatalities around the globe in the past two decades were the poor.

“Weak systems for disaster preparedness are as much to blame as the natural disasters that cause them,” said Ryan.

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97685/Disaster-Risk-Reduction-in-the-Arab-world</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">AQABA 20 March 2013 (IRIN) - Nearly 300 government officials, scientists, aid workers and activists from across the Arab world are working together in Jordan to draw up the first joint regional platform for disaster risk reduction (DRR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Export oil, import water – the Middle East’s risky economics</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.

And yet, despite massive population growth (the Middle East’s population grew 61 percent from 1990 to 2010 to 205 million people)* [ http://iea.org/co2highlights/co2highlights.pdf ] predictions of so-called “water wars” have failed to materialize.

So how has a region that water experts say ceased to have enough water for its strategic needs in1970 proved so resilient to water scarcity?

“Trade is the first means of being resilient; it’s the process that enables an economy to be resilient. The ability to trade effectively depends on the strength and diversity of the economy,” Anthony Allan from King’s College London and the School of Oriental and African Studies told IRIN.

That does not literally mean that countries import water directly; it is rather that because so much water is used, not for drinking, but for agriculture (around 90 percent), by importing food staples like wheat you are in effect importing water, something Allan calls “virtual water”.

As a result, the region’s growing population imports around a third of its food - a figure that shoots up in the Gulf states where arable land is negligible.

But while such resilience may “miraculously” solve extreme water scarcity and make life that exists today possible in the Middle East, it can create its own vulnerabilities; countries need economies that can generate enough foreign currency to pay for imports.

That may be easy in oil-rich countries with small populations like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, but it is far more difficult in places like Egypt, which struggles to find the reserves to pay for wheat imports for its 84 million citizens in a context of declining crude oil exports and a slump in tourism.

Such trade “resilience” is also largely unaffordable in a place like Yemen - the region’s poorest country, which has 25 million people in an extremely water scarce (and hence food scarce) environment.

Each Yemeni only has access to about 140 cubic metres of water annually and the capital, Sana’a, is on track to be the first in the world without a viable water supply.

An uncertain future

While trade, an abundance of historically cheap food on international markets, and for some oil - sold at high prices - have combined to create an unexpected resilience in the face of water scarcity, such lessons may not travel well in the developing world.

Trade may have reduced dependency on local water supplies, but it has shifted dependency to international markets and exposed people to fluctuating world prices.

It has also hidden the gravity of the water scarcity situation in the Middle East and made it easier to neglect the development of other solutions to a problem that shows no sign of going away.

A recent study [ http://www.nasa.gov/mission_pages/Grace/news/grace20130212.html ] of NASA satellite data published last month found that parts of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran along the Tigris and Euphrates river basins had lost 144 cubic kilometres of water from 2003 to 2009 - roughly equivalent to the volume of the Dead Sea.

An analysis of the data published in the Water Resources Research journal [ http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1002/(ISSN)1944-7973 ] attributes about 60 percent of the loss to the pumping of groundwater from underground reservoirs - reserves people fall back on when rivers dry up.

Underground reserves can only last so long, and importing ever increasing amounts of food to feed a growing population is not an option for poorer countries.

Resilience and efficiency

Nevertheless, there are other lessons in water scarcity resilience from the Middle East - either measures that have been shown to build resilience, or that water experts have come to understand would improve the strength of the system to further shocks if they were broadly implemented.

Some of these solutions are not new.

For a start, though the region may be drying, it has been dry for a long time.

“Water scarcity is not new to the region,” Hamed Assaf, a water resource management specialist at the American University of Sharjah in the UAE, told IRIN. “It has been the norm for thousands of years and people have adapted their survival strategies to changes in rainfall and temperature,” he told IRIN.

With scientist predicting an increase in extreme weather events, adaptability has become increasingly important. It is also true that there remains a degree of unpredictability in the system, particularly in Egypt where it is not clear if future rainfall will increase or decrease.

Resilience is about being strong in the face of whatever happens. And in any situation, strong water systems make the most of what they have - including through treating and reusing waste water like at the Al Gabal Asfar water treatment plant in Egypt.

Rainwater harvesting

One old technique is rainwater harvesting. “In Jordan there are indications of early water harvesting structures believed to have been constructed over 9,000 years ago,” Rida Al-Adamat, director of the Water, Environment and Arid Regions Research Centre at Jordan’s al-Bayt University, told IRIN.

Jordan harvests 400-420 million cubic metres of water annually, according to Ministry of Water and Irrigation spokesperson Omar Salameh.

“We have 10 major dams with a total capacity of 325 million cubic metres, in addition to hundreds of sand dams in different locations to develop local communities and recharge groundwater.”

Water harvesting can be done at the household level especially in areas that get enough rainfall during the rainy season. “If your area gets 500mm of rain per year, you can collect enough water for household use,” said Assaf.

“In Lebanon, people used to build ponds to collect water during winter and use it later on for irrigation and breeding animals,” said Assaf.

“The main idea of water harvesting is to increase green water or soil moisture… Farmers in the region used to build small sand barriers on slopes to prevent the water from going down and thus recharge the area. Then they used to plant in the areas behind the barriers,” he added.

Data collection

A key aspect of efficient water use is data collection - important for sound water management at the country level.

“As the saying goes: what you cannot measure you cannot manage,” Heba Yaken, water and sanitation operation analyst at the World Bank office in Cairo, told IRIN. “It is important to know how much you are consuming in order to manage it in a good way.”

Jordan, which some say has one of the most monitored water scarcity situations in the world, has gained widespread recognition for its data collection.

“Jordan’s data is relatively well organized, especially when it comes to agriculture. The volume of water consumption is precisely known in every area. They have installed measuring tools in every area so they know what kinds of crops are being cultivated and the amount of water they consume,” Hiba Hariri from the Arab Water Council told IRIN.

Data-sharing in the region is limited, according to Yaken. “Countries are not as transparent as they should be,” she said.

Other solutions

A whole range of solutions are being piloted and recommended in the Middle East.

In Egypt, the Arab Spring has encouraged farmers to become more outspoken in demanding their water rights, says Yaken from the World Bank.

Farmers have come together in “water users’ associations” to help manage supplies and become more aware of water scarcity issues.

“Farmers are now responsible for the `mesqas’ [canals]”, Yaken told IRIN.

“People at the tail of the `mesqa’ don’t get as much water as the people upstream. People are receiving much more training so that they can manage those disputes between the different farmers, and different demands,” she said.

Elsewhere, capacity building is being carried out by the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), which is running a climate change adaptation scheme designed to help Arab states climate-proof water systems [ http://www.water-energy-food.org/en/practice/view__1108/adaptation-to-climate-change-in-the-water-sector-in-the-mena-region-accwam.html ].

While trade provides substitutes for much agricultural water use, the remaining 10 percent of water needs are increasingly being met by desalination, half of which globally is carried out in the Middle East.

Recent years have seen a large increase in desalination, clearly useful in a region without any landlocked countries, but it is an energy-intensive phenomenon almost entirely powered by fossil fuel power, which raises other environmental concerns.

Saudi Arabia uses 1.5 million barrels of oil a day to power its desalination plants [ http://hir.harvard.edu/pressing-change/saudi-arabia-and-desalination-0 ], although it is looking to develop solar-powered plants.

Solar is a largely unexplored option for desalination, but also for increasing the efficiency of water systems, through technologies like solar-powered water pumps.

Consumption

But although desalination may become an increasingly affordable, and renewable, solution, water experts say it can only be used as part of wider reforms [ http://water.worldbank.org/publications/seawater-and-brackish-water-desalination-middle-east-north-africa-and-central-asia-rev-1 ].

A more resilient water system will also need adaptions on the demand side, including more efficient consumption of water, as well as cooperation between countries on the sustainable use of current resources.

“The problem is that we have short-term plans that change with the change of personnel or ministers,” said Hariri from the Arab Water Council.

As climate change and population growth increase pressure on water systems, the MENA region will need to be increasingly efficient in its use of water - and may have lessons for other parts of the world.

*The definition of Middle East used in the OECD/World Bank figures is Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, Yemen, but not Israel or OPT.

dvh/jj/cb

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Building resilience

A series of articles exploring what resilience means for vulnerable communities, and its impact on the architecture of aid
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97596/Export-oil-import-water-the-Middle-East-s-risky-economics</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110181249250031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 05 March 2013 (IRIN) - The world’s driest region, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), is getting drier at an alarming rate.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: A guide to defusing sectarian tensions in Iraq</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302121309430955t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Protests have rocked Sunni-dominated provinces of Iraq for almost two months, raising sectarian tensions in Iraq’s fragile post-war environment and fears of a return to the civil strife of 2006-7. Here’s a look at the roots of this tension and how to defuse it.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Protests have rocked Sunni-dominated provinces of Iraq for almost two months, raising sectarian tensions in the country’s fragile post-war environment.

Subsequent actions and reactions have raised fears among Iraqis and in the UN of a resurgence of the kind of violence that killed tens of thousands of people during the civil strife of 2006-08.

Bombings on 8 and 11 February - the most recent in continued attacks since the withdrawal of US forces in late 2011 - have killed dozens of people and heightened those fears.

What is behind the recent escalation in tension?

The protests began in December, after Iraq’s Shia-led government arrested 10 bodyguards of a Sunni leader on terrorism charges in what was widely seen to be a political move. The guards of Rafie al-Essawi, minister of finance and a leader in the Iraqiya political Sunni alliance, were arrested just three months after another Sunni leader, Vice-President Tareq al-Hashemi, was sentenced to death in absentia for allegedly running a death squad.

Sunni protesters have expressed a rising sense of their sect’s neglect since Sunni President Saddam Hussein was deposed in 2003. Their demands include more influence on decision-making, the release of detainees (especially female detainees), cancellation of the de-Baathification law (which bans former members of Hussein’s Baath party – mostly Sunnis - from jobs in the civil service), and cancellation of a counter-terrorism law that Sunnis say is being used only against them. There are increasing calls to topple the government.

As the protests swelled, they spread to predominantly Shia provinces, where people showed their support for Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, a Shiite, and insisted that no Baath party members be returned to power.

Last week, tensions rose even higher when on 4 February, Wathiq al-Batat, the head of Shia militant group Hezbollah in Iraq, announced the formation of the al-Mukhtar (“The Chosen”) Army. Al-Batat threatened this militia would fight against the protesters if they became controlled by al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups.

“Kurds have their militia to protect them; Sunnis have al-Qaeda; and Shiites have nothing,” he said at a press conference in Baghdad. “That is why we are forming this army - to protect Shiites and Iraqis in general from al-Qaeda and the Free Iraqi Army,” he said, referring to a newly branded Sunni militant group that says it is fighting to topple the government. “We will carry out attacks against them.”

A few days after his press conference, the government issued an arrest warrant against him, though he remains free. Sunnis have since threatened to bring the protests to the streets of Baghdad.

What are the root causes of this sectarianism?

Analysts and political figures point to a re-emergence of sectarian or ethnic identities decades ago.

Hussein’s exclusionary policies and 10 years of sanctions led to a weakening of state institutions, a decline of the secular middle class - especially doctors and engineers - and the re-emergence of communal identities as key elements governing Iraqi society.

"He chose the policy of a one party state. He eliminated all others… then he started to eliminate figures within his party… then he wanted to keep the power within his family only,” explained political analyst Ehsan al-Shimary.

Besides political affiliation to the Baath party, belonging to a certain sect or ethnic group often meant privileged channels to access employment or promotions.

After the fall of the Baath regime, and during the US occupation in the last decade, US policies further reinforced this trend by promoting the idea that Iraqi society was composed of three main communities - Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds - and creating a political system that partitioned political power among these groups.

In this new system, political affiliation and sectarian and ethnic identity had to overlap: most political parties now have a defined sectarian or ethnic nature.

The failure to rebuild an effective Iraqi state has given Iraqis little choice but to return to their sectarian identities to ensure their own security (for example, the civil conflict led to the creation of “Sunni” or “Shia” neighbourhoods within Baghdad) and affiliate themselves with sect-based political parties to access the job market, promotions or even basic service provision.

What is the way out?

Reform the political class

“We need technocrats to rule this country,” said Sheikh Ahmed al-Rahman of the Anbar tribe, who has helped lead demonstrations in Anbar Province, where protests began in December. “In this case, it would not matter to our people if the leader was a Sunni or a Shiite.”

Observers say Iraqi leaders are using sect to promote themselves, and a reversal in their behaviour would go a long way to resolving the problem.

Take Muqtada al-Sadr, a leading Shia politician, who led the Mahdi Army militia during the civil conflict but has since reached out to Sunnis. In a speech about the protests, he told them: “I am with you in your demands and will support you in them, but do not call for the return of the Baath and do not carry Baath flags and slogans.” Days after his speech, Sunni protesters stopped such acts and even carried Shiite flags of Imam Hussain and others, for the first time in Anbar’s history.

At the root of the problem is Iraq’s political crisis, which has left the Iraqi parliament in a stalemate since 2010, unable to move the country forward because of deep-rooted divisions among sectarian-inclined politicians competing for power.

“Politicians must be aware and speak with a calm tone to prevent the political crises from being reflected onto the streets,” said Ali al-Alaq, a Shiite sheikh and member of the parliament’s social affairs committee. “Sometimes a member of parliament gives a speech on TV and the next day we witness an explosion.”

“It is the duty of the Iraqi leaders to find a solution to the current political stalemate in the country,” the special representative of the UN Secretary-General for Iraq, Martin Kobler, said in a statement [ http://unami.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=2854&ctl=Details&mid=5170&ItemID=980580&language=en-US ] after the 8 February bombings. “It is their duty and responsibility to sit together to see what can be put in place to stop this heinous, horrible violence.”

The International Crisis Group (ICG) insists that the prime minister implement the power-sharing deal negotiated in 2010 and step down at the end of his term, instead of running for a third term in 2014. “In turn,” the ICG wrote in a July 2012 report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/iraq-iran-gulf/iraq/126-deja-vu-all-over-again-iraqs-escalating-political-crisis.aspx ], “his rivals should call off efforts to unseat him and instead use their parliamentary strength to build strong state institutions, such as an independent electoral commission, and ensure free and fair elections.”

Reduce foreign interference

Another important step in diffusing tensions in Iraq is “to diffuse Iranian influence in Iraq, which tries to highlight sectarian differences,” said Walid Khadduri, an Iraq expert and former editor of the Middle East Economic Survey. This will likely prove even harder in the future as Iran loses its traditional foothold in the Middle East (Syria), and as a result looks to Iraq even more closely.

Others, like al-Alaq, point to Turkey as an instigator trying to encourage Sunnis in Iraq to rise up.

“We must have serious talks with the UN to play a better role in preventing other countries from interfering in Iraqi internal issues,” he said. “Security coordination must take place with the neighboring countries in order to prevent terrorists and people with foreign agendas from entering Iraq and increasing the tension in Iraq.”

Create legal deterrents

The government must also put legal limits on hate speech whether in speeches, on TV, or on the Internet, observers said, to make it impossible for leaders to call on their followers to “kill the Shiites” or “free Baghdad of the Shiites”.

Raise the stakes of divisions

Both Sunnis and Shiites want to avoid a return to the kind of violence that ripped the country apart in 2006. But how to cement that intellectual understanding? Make the stakes higher, said Sarmed al-Tai, a well-known Iraqi journalist and writer.

“Trade and business have always been a way of ending any kind of tension, even between two enemies,” he said. “Financial losses must be considered during a civil war, to show that everyone loses, and there is no winner.”

He cites the case of the northern autonomous Kurdistan region of Iraq and its neighbour Turkey, which is struggling to contain Kurdish separatists on its own soil.

“There are major political problems between them, but the trade business and the common economic benefits between both have made Massoud Barazani [leader of Iraqi Kurdistan] and Recep Tayyip Erdogan [Turkey’s Prime Minister] among the most important partners in the region today…

“Economic solutions sometimes are more important than a political solution.”

Start a national dialogue

“The most important part is the intellectual and cultural part,” said al-Alaq. He recommends conferences and workshops led by “moderate, cultured people” to talk about forgiveness.

“We also have to empower moderate society leaders among the Sunnis and the Shiites.”

Al-Tai points to the “Shiites who say, ‘we cannot build our country unless we are united with the others’; the ones that believe in a pluralist system; those who believe supporting the others is what will protect the interest of the Shiites,” and not those who support Maliki’s strategy to “weaken the Sunnis and the Kurds…

“Shiites are in control of everything in the country. They need to re-identify their role in Iraq.”

Re-educate the people

Many people IRIN spoke to highlighted the need for a re-education of Iraqi society via anything from speeches at Friday prayers to TV series and books that would highlight the risks of sectarianism and the common goals Iraqis share.

“At Friday prayers, lectures must be given to Shiites to re-assure them that a Sunni in power doesn’t mean that Saddam is returning,” said high school teacher Hayfaa Ahmed who specializes in social and community classes. There are simple steps, she said, like removing Shiite flags from the streets.

`Marjiyas’, religious authorities, for both the Sunnis and the Shiites could play a big role by sensitizing imams, encouraging joint prayers, and issuing fatwas that prevent religion from being mixed with politics.

“Sunnis and Shiites have to learn how to forgive, how to forget about revenge and blood,” said al-Rahman, the imam. “Islam is based on forgiveness, not revenge and killing.”

da/ha/cb

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97465/Briefing-A-guide-to-defusing-sectarian-tensions-in-Iraq</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302121309430955t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Protests have rocked Sunni-dominated provinces of Iraq for almost two months, raising sectarian tensions in Iraq’s fragile post-war environment and fears of a return to the civil strife of 2006-7. Here’s a look at the roots of this tension and how to defuse it.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Breakdown of Syria aid pledges in Kuwait</title><pubDate>Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:

The Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] requires $519 million for distributions of food, medicine and hygiene kits, rehabilitation of shelters, and other activities for displaced and needy people inside Syria.

The Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] requires a further $1 billion to help the 700,000-plus refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey and Egypt.

So where did the pledged money come from and where will it go? Here is a breakdown:

Kuwait: The host of the conference, the Kuwaiti emir, pledged $300 million, to be channelled through UN agencies, according to the Kuwaiti information minister. A coalition of Kuwaiti NGOs pledged a further $183 million, but as both donors and implementers, these NGOs (including the International Islamic Charity Organization) are unlikely to channel the funds to the UN response plans.

Saudi Arabia: Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the Saudi government and people have raised more than $345 million in aid money, Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Abdulazziz Al-Assaf told the pledging conference. Of that, $123 million had already been disbursed “through various channels” in coordination with a number of UN agencies and organizations. That leaves $222 million, to which the Kingdom added $78 million during the conference, for a total of $300 million to be allocated in humanitarian aid. “This sum will be delivered in assistance to countries helping Syrians and to various UN agencies,” the minister said. Members of the Saudi delegation later told IRIN that “all options are on the table,” in terms of how to channel the money - including through the Saudi Relief Committees and Campaigns, a local group which implements projects on the ground, or even through the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition which has a humanitarian aid arm. Saudi Arabia has already given the Coalition $100 million in aid.

United Arab Emirates also pledged $300 million, but it was unclear how the money would be channelled.

USA announced $155 million in additional funding (including the $10 million recently announced during the visit of a US delegation to the region), bringing its total contribution in humanitarian aid for the Syrian crisis to $365 million. The new money will go towards “UN and partners and other NGOs with which we are working” to provide flour to bakeries, fund emergency healthcare supplies in field hospitals, provide winter supplies to those in communal shelters, help Palestinian refugees in Syria, and help refugees and their host communities in neighbouring countries. “We’ve very committed to ensuring that we are pursuing all channels to ensure the assistance reaches directly to the people of Syria,” said Nancy Lindborg, assistant administrator of the US Agency for International Development. “The UN continues to be a critical part of the solution.”

European Commission: Apart from pledges by member countries, the European Commission pledged $136 million in new funding, bringing its total contribution so far to $270 million. According to its Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, Kristalina Georgieva, most of the new funding will go towards the two UN appeals, but a small amount may also go to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), she said.

UK pledged 50 million pounds ($79.18 million) in new funding towards the UN appeals, bringing its total contribution so far to 139.5 million pounds. Justine Greening, secretary of state for international development, did however say: “We must ensure that coordinated aid reaches people across Syria, including agreed cross-line and cross-border work,” suggesting that the UK would also be open to funding projects outside the UN’s response plans, which do not include aid delivery from the northern Turkish border.

Japan announced a new pledge of $65 million to support Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), to be spent in coordination with UN agencies and NGOs. Toshiro Suzuki, ambassador in charge of Syrian Affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized in particular the importance of supporting host communities in Lebanon, Jordan and other neighbouring countries “to avoid any further destabilization in the region”.

Norway pledged an additional $38 million to be channelled through the UN’s Regional Response Plan.

Italy pledged 22 million euro ($30.06 million) for 2013, in addition to 7.5 million euro disbursed in 2012.

Canada pledged $25 million for “food, protection and support to those affected by the conflict”. In 2012, it pledged $23.5 million for food, water and other basic needs both inside and outside Syria.

Sweden pledged $23 million to support the core budgets of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Relief Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the Central Emergency Response Fund. In 2012, it gave $37 million. It is also the largest recipient of Syrian refugees in Europe.

Bahrain: The Crown Prince announced $20 million in pledges, in addition to $5 million given earlier to build four schools and 500 houses for refugees.

Germany announced $13.5 million in new funding for UNHCR activities in Lebanon and Jordan, UNRWA activities helping Palestinian refugees who fled Syria for Lebanon; and projects both in and outside Syria in cooperation with German humanitarian organizations. Last year, it gave $72 million in humanitarian assistance, including $16 million to the Emergency Response Fund for Syria (the latter sum is currently still available); as well as $67 million in “structural and bilateral assistance”.

Switzerland: Switzerland’s pledge of 10 million Swiss francs ($11 million), in addition to 20 million francs spent earlier in the crisis, will go towards the UN response plans, the ICRC and “bilateral efforts”.

France: Despite its very public stance in support of the Syrian opposition, France was not at the top of the list of humanitarian pledges, announcing a total of 7.5 million euros (slightly over $10 million), to be allocated as follows: 3.5 million euros to UNHCR and WFP projects in the response plan; 1.5 million to ICRC and 2.5 million to Syrian organizations in coordination with opposition umbrella group the Syrian National Coalition. Eric Chevallier, French ambassador to Syria, said his country hopes to announce additional funding for UNRWA in the future. In 2012, France provided 13 million euros to the UN, NGOs, host countries and to Syrian organizations like the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM). It has also assisted “solidarity networks”, like the Local Coordination Committees, the network of peaceful activists who started the protests in Syria in 2011, as well as the Assistance Coordination Unit of the Syrian National Coalition.

Iraq: Already hosting 80,000 Syrian refugees, Iraq pledged $10 million, likely to be channelled through UNHCR, its delegation said, to help refugees in Lebanon and Jordan. Two months ago, it gave another $10 million for IDPs inside Syria and refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, coordinated by the Iraqi Red Crescent.

Denmark pledged $10 million in humanitarian support, in addition to $27 million in 2012, $10 million of which was given in December to the UN.

Australia pledged an additional $10 million for UNHCR’s support to refugees in neighbouring countries, WFP’s activities inside Syria and “other international organizations providing emergency health and medical assistance in Syria”. That brings its total contribution to $41.5 million since June 2011.

Belgium pledged 6.5 million euros principally for the Emergency Response Fund (ERF), but also for WFP’s work inside Syria, and UNHCR’s work in Jordan. Peter Moors, head of the directorate for development, cooperation and humanitarian aid at Belgium’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called on aid to be delivered to Syrians whatever their location, “regardless of the authorization by the Syrian regime”. Belgium’s contribution in 2012 was around $3.3 million.

Ireland announced $6.2 million for UNHCR, WFP, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNRWA and ICRC, bringing its total contribution to $9.46 million.

Finland pledged 3.5 million euros ($4.7 million), as follows: one million euros for the Regional Response Plan, one million euros for WFP’s work both inside Syria and in neighbouring countries, 1.5 million euros for ICRC, and 250,000 euros to Finnish Church Aid, which is working in Jordan’s Za’atari camp for Syrian refugees.

Morocco announced $4 million, without specifying its destination. It is also establishing a field hospital in Za’atari camp in Jordan and hosting thousands of refugees itself.

Spain: Similarly, Spain announced $4 million to go towards the protection, food security and health sectors of both UN response plans.

Luxembourg pledged three million euros ($4 million), adding to more than two million euros spent in 2012 through UNHCR, ICRC, NGOs and direct in-kind donations of medical equipment to Jordan. Its minister of foreign affairs said it was also ready to deploy several emergency telecommunications systems if needed.

The Republic of Korea pledged an additional $3 million, in addition to $2 million given so far.

Russia did not announce a pledge at the conference, but told IRIN it plans to give WFP $3 million, adding to its contributions in 2012: more than $1 million to ICRC, $4.5 million to WFP, 1.5 million to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and 200 tons of tents, medicine and other items bilaterally to Syria.

China said it had “recently” made a decision to give $1 million to UNHCR and $200,000 to the International Organization for Migration, though it was unclear whether the money was already given before the conference. In the past, it has given $2 million to ICRC and $5 million in emergency supplies to refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.

Mauritania: Currently dealing with an influx of refugees from Mali, Mauritania pledged $1 million “to mitigate the suffering that hundreds of thousands of refugees are facing, especially under these extreme weather conditions”.

Poland pledged $500,000 in new funding for the first half of 2013, in addition to $1.4 million in humanitarian aid in 2012, channelled through OCHA, UNHCR and Polish NGOs working in Lebanon and Jordan.

Croatia pledged 330,000 euros ($447,000) for 2013, saying it “would like to do more” but was facing financial constraints. Previously, it had given 50,000 euros to UNHCR, $50,000 to the Turkish government, 130,000 euros to help feed IDPs in the rebel-controlled camp in Atma, northern Syria, and 175,000 euros for the construction of a hospital and kindergarten in an undisclosed Syrian city.

Estonia will give 300,000 euros ($410,160) towards the Regional Response Plan, 100,000 of which has already been transferred to UNHCR. Last year, it gave 200,000 euros to UNHCR, OCHA and ICRC.

Hungary will provide $160,000 to UNRWA, UNICEF, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and ICRC. A Hungarian company will give an additional $100,000 as part of its corporate social responsibility programme. In 2012, Syria was the biggest recipient of Hungarian humanitarian aid, mostly channelled through UN agencies, but also through Hungarian organizations working in the field. It also assisted the Turkish government directly at the end of last year.

Brazil will give $250,000 to UNHCR, in addition to $360,000 given to UNHCR in 2012.

Bulgaria pledged 150,000 euros ($205,000) towards the Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan for aid inside Syria, especially that of WFP. Last year, it gave 100,000 euros towards the Regional Response Plan.

Romania pledged $100,000.

Slovakia will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) to UNICEF “to alleviate the plight of Syrian children,” in addition to $200,000 given last year in financial and in-kind assistance.

Greece will give 50,000 euros ($68,341) for the Regional Response Plan, in addition to 150,000 euros given in the past.

Botswana: The only sub-Saharan African country to pledge at the conference, Botswana offered $50,000.

Malta pledged 30,000 euros ($41,007)

Lithuania pledged $27,000.

Cyprus offered $20,000 in pharmaceuticals.

Qatar did not pledge new funds but said its governmental humanitarian donations for the Syrian crisis have exceeded $326 million, channelled through charitable organizations and Red Crescent societies, in addition to several contributions from the Qatar Red Crescent to refugees in neighbouring countries and to IDPs inside Syria, the minister of state for foreign affairs said, bringing Qatar’s total contribution to nearly $421 million.

The Netherlands did not announce new funding, but gave UNHCR five million euros at the beginning of January, in addition to 23.5 million euros in 2012, including 10 million euros in December for UNHCR’s winterization programme.

Austria did not announce new money, but gave the UN 800,000 euros at the end of last year, in addition to 2.9 million euros earlier in the year.

Iran’s speech listed the help it has provided, despite sanctions, including sending more than $200 million of food, medicine, clothes and flour to Syria; and supplying 100 tons of gas-oil; 20,000 tons of liquefied petroleum gas; helping reconstruct power plants; equipping Syrian hospitals and ambulances in cooperation with the government; sending through its Red Crescent Society 30,000 relief packages to refugees in Lebanon and 20,000 packages for Palestinians inside Syria; supplying $1 billion as a financial credit line to support “basic necessities and technical and engineer services”. It said it will contribute to the “special fund” set up by UN secretary-general, but did not specify how much.

Turkey did not donate to the response plans, but said it has spent more than $500 million hosting and taking care of the health, food and education needs of close to 170,000 refugees in 16 camps along the border. It has also delivered $100 million of aid at the border, where Syrians pick it up and distribute it to those in need across the border. The government launched a campaign, raising $10 million in donations from the Turkish public, which will be channelled towards IDPs, said Erdogan Iscan, director-general for multilateral political affairs. Turkey is also shipping $20 million worth of supplies like diesel fuel to Syria.

Other countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya and Algeria did not pledge funds but are hosting, and in many regards, financially supporting, thousands of refugees on their soil.

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97395/Breakdown-of-Syria-aid-pledges-in-Kuwait</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301290618240173t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 01 February 2013 (IRIN) - The international community pledged more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid to Syria on 30 January, in the most successful fundraising conference in UN history - meant to meet the needs of two UN appeals:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Donors pledge $1.5 billion in aid to Syria while demanding more access</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212270916150026t.jpg" />]]>KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. But donors said financial resources were not enough: they called for more humanitarian access and respect for the neutrality and safety of aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. 

“What we saw in today’s conference is the entire world coming together in order to show solidarity with the Syrian people and alleviate its suffering,” Sheikh Sabah Al-Khalid Al-Hamad Al-Sabah, foreign minister of Kuwait, which hosted the conference, said in a press conference after the event. “This is what we can do right now in addition to the political track.” 

The largest donors were the Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates each pledged $300 million), the United States ($155 million) and the European Union ($136 million), though donors from as far as Iran, China and Botswana also made contributions. The final tally is still being calculated. 

Most of the money will go towards the UN’s  Regional Response Plan [ http://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/syria-regional-response-plan-january-june-2013 ] for more than 700,000 Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries and its Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/humanitarian-assistance-response-plan-syria-1-january-30-june-2013 ] for aid within Syria, but some contributions will also go through the International Committee of the Red Cross and NGOs from the donor countries, while others have yet to be allocated. 

The conference represented a big shift in the focus of major international players, who for months, aid workers argued, were more focused on political and security aspects of the conflict, while appeals to address its humanitarian impact went unheeded [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ].

“It is important, even as major political issues are debated and we try to devise a strategy on the way forward, that we not forget the humanitarian crisis which has unfolded inside Syria and along its borders - which has gotten much worse,” Robert Ford, the US ambassador to Syria, said. 

At least two million people are displaced within Syria, with more than 700,000 others having registered as refugees in neighbouring countries, where the capacity of their hosts to respond has reached its limit. 

Antonio Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said there was “no light at the end of the tunnel” with the UN expecting the number of refugees to surpass one million by June. 

Within Syria, one quarter of schools and one third of public hospitals are not functioning and 40 percent of ambulances have been damaged. There are shortages of bread and medicine, and hundreds of thousands of already vulnerable Palestinian refugees are now further in need. 

But donors said aid in Syria was not only a question of funding, pointing to limits on humanitarian access and respect of international humanitarian law. 

They repeatedly raised concerns about aid reaching all areas of the country, with some calling for more cross-border aid to enter from Turkey and others insisting that the UN find ways of reaching more people. 

“I give you my pledge,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told them. “The United Nations will make sure that these resources are used in the most effective way possible to deliver life-saving aid to the people in need.” 

Some donors said they were also supporting other channels to deliver assistance. 

“We are prepared to fund any channel that allows help to get to people," Kristalina Georgieva, European Commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, told IRIN. “If there is protection, security for humanitarian organizations to do good work in opposition-controlled areas, we are funding them already.” 

Others, like the US, have called for more coordination with the opposition groups. 

“We believe the Syrian opposition coalition can help facilitate reliable access to areas outside government control so professional humanitarian organizations can reach those in need,” said Anne Richard, assistant secretary of state at the US Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration. 

UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Valerie Amos agreed the UN needs to further strengthen ties with opposition groups who control militias on the ground, as well as with the humanitarian aid arm of the opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Coalition, known as the Assistance Coordination Unit. 

This month, the Coalition accused the UN of “giving” the Syrian government money through its humanitarian response plan - an allegation categorically denied by the UN, which has emphasized its neutrality. 

“We do not give aid to the Syrian government; we give aid to the Syrian people,” Amos told journalists. 

She said more aid reaches opposition-controlled areas than is popularly realized. For example, half of the aid from the World Food Programme goes to areas controlled or disputed by rebels, but noted that there is nearly no city in Syria that is clearly controlled by one side or the other. 

Still, aid workers face massive challenges, with hundreds of armed groups on the ground which do not necessarily coordinate. 

Amos cited one case late last year in which the UN tried to send a convoy of supplies to the central city of Homs. They had to pass 21 checkpoints on the way from the capital Damascus. They negotiated their way through 20, but were turned back at the last one. 

Diplomatic delegations said humanitarian aid would only ever be a band aid and urged the Security Council to find a political resolution to the conflict. 

Nabil El Araby, secretary-general of the Arab League, called for an international meeting to agree on a ceasefire, with the quick dispatch of a peacekeeping force. 

“I urge, again, members of the Security Council to feel the sense of responsibility to humanity and history,”  Ban said. “We cannot go on this way.” 

But, he said, the ultimate responsibility to end the killing fell on the Syrian government.

ha/oa

*This article was amended on 1 February to reflect the fact that the European Commission is not currently funding any cross-border aid operations in Syria.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97376/Donors-pledge-1-5-billion-in-aid-to-Syria-while-demanding-more-access</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212270916150026t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KUWAIT CITY 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - In the largest ever fundraising conference in UN history, the international community pledged today more than US$1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the people of Syria. But donors said financial resources were not enough: they called for more humanitarian access and respect for the neutrality and safety of aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIDDLE EAST: 2012 - a year of continuing turmoil</title><pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - The Middle East continued to boil in Year 2 of what was once an Arab “Spring” with the ever-worsening conflict in Syria, toxic spillover into Lebanon, deadly clashes in Egypt, proliferation of weapons in Libya, assassinations and bomb blasts in Yemen, emboldened insurgents in Iraq and continued protests in Jordan. 

While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the region, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface - and sometimes in plain - but neglected - view. 

Here are 10 of the main issues IRIN highlighted this year: 

Syria’s refugee crisis: The number of Syrians registered as refugees in neighbourhing countries skyrocketed [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96136/Briefing-The-mounting-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] from 10,000 at the beginning of the year, to half a million today, despite some borders being less than open [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees ]. The UN has launched appeal [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] after appeal to help the refugees living in basic conditions in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, even Iraq, and increasingly Egypt, but funding has consistently been insufficient to meet the rising needs - largely due to politics and donor fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ]. In the meantime, refugees have been vulnerable to harsh winters, labour exploitation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ]; child work [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97062/JORDAN-Syrian-child-refugees-who-work-culture-or-coping-mechanism ]; early marriage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95902/JORDAN-Early-marriage-a-coping-mechanism-for-Syrian-refugees ] and political tensions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96232/LEBANON-SYRIA-The-refugee-minefield ].

The humanitarian toll in Syria: Syria has made the headlines daily in the past year, but most news reports have focused on rebel advances or diplomatic efforts to end the nearly two-year conflict. Meanwhile, the quality of daily life inside the country has spiralled downwards - and fast. In early 2012, alarm bells [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94914/Analysis-Worrying-signs-for-food-security-in-Syria ] rang over food security; by year end, even in the capital Damascus people were having a hard time finding bread [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97036/SYRIA-Bread-shortages-rising ]. Farmers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94888/SYRIA-Insecurity-makes-drought-hit-farmers-even-more-vulnerable ] have been especially hard-hit. At least two million people are now internally displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97126/SYRIA-Nowhere-to-run ], and the problem was exacerbated in July when fighting hit Damascus [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95914/SYRIA-Fighting-in-capital-adds-to-growing-displacement-challenge ]. Winter [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97086/SYRIA-IDPs-brace-for-winter-in-rebel-controlled-camps ] has brought a whole new series of challenges for the displaced. Healthcare is hard to access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97011/SYRIA-Healthcare-system-crumbling ]. Many people forget that Syria was home to more than 1.5 million refugees - mostly Palestinians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96202/Analysis-Palestinian-refugees-from-Syria-feel-abandoned ] and Iraqis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95336/Analysis-Syria-s-forgotten-refugees ] - who have become more vulnerable because of the crisis. With millions of people affected, the aid operation has struggled to keep up with the quick increase in needs because of insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96952/SYRIA-UN-shrinks-staff-and-movement-amid-insecurity ], a lack of funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96336/Analysis-Donors-not-walking-the-talk-on-humanitarian-aid-to-Syria ], drawn-out initial negotiations with the government over access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95606/Analysis-Principles-or-pragmatism-Negotiating-access-in-Syria ], and questions around the capacity and impartiality of the major player in the response, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ]. The result is a new kind of humanitarianism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95209/AID-POLICY-A-new-humanitarianism-at-play-in-Syrian-crisis ] - through local activists and illegal cross-border aid, which has raised some eyebrows in the aid community.

Regional spillover: The Syrian crisis took on regional implications this year, as Lebanese sects with Syrian alliances shot at each other [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95724/Analysis-Bound-by-conflict-the-Syrian-Lebanon-crisis ]; Kurds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96007/IRAQ-SYRIA-As-Kurds-enter-the-fray-risk-of-conflict-grows ] in Turkey, Iraq and Syria sought a piece of the pie; and Syrian shells hit southern Turkey. The US military even sent troops to Jordan to prepare for a possible widening of the conflict. The Iraqi government says the conflict in Syria has emboldened insurgents at home [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ]; increased the flow of weapons across the border; and heightened sectarian tensions. Some analysts have predicted a Sunni-Shia war [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/94633/Analysis-2012-The-Year-of-Crisis-in-the-Middle-East ] that would draw in Iran, Turkey, Lebanon, armed groups in the occupied Palestinian territory and engulf the entire region. 

A forgotten crisis in Yemen: Meanwhile, the poorest country in the Arab world slid further into crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95429/YEMEN-Alarm-bells-over-worsening-humanitarian-crisis ] this year. A crumbling economy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95499/YEMEN-Struggling-to-get-by ] has driven more and more people to the point of desperation [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/96856/YEMEN-Ali-Abdullah-al-Moudai-Community-liaison-officer-Yemen ]. If they were not already, the numbers are now staggering: The UN estimates that more than 13 million people - over half the population of 24 million - need humanitarian assistance. More than 10 million people do not have secure access to food; 13 million do not have access to safe water [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96093/YEMEN-Time-running-out-for-solution-to-water-crisis ] and sanitation; and nearly one million children are acutely malnourished. After Arab Spring protests in 2011, a new government was born in 2012, ending the 22-year-rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, but many complain of little change in Yemen. The new government has faced innumerable challenges [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94956/YEMEN-Challenges-aplenty-for-new-president ] in its first year, including the demands of minority groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95324/YEMEN-Akhdam-community-angered-by-government-neglect ], lingering corruption [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96524/YEMEN-Sheikhs-and-shekels-the-real-cost-of-patronage ], and political divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96716/Analysis-Dialogue-and-divisions-in-Yemen ], as remnants of the old regime try to cling to power [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96052/Analysis-Patronage-stalls-Yemen-s-transition ].

These more recent challenges add to Yemen’s long-standing threats: Houthi rebels in the north, al-Qaeda-linked militants in the south [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95176/YEMEN-Behind-militia-lines-in-Jaar ] and a southern secessionist movement. Despite these deterrents, 2012 saw record numbers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ] of refugees and migrants head to Yemen, where - rather than refuge - they often found more trouble [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ].

Sectarian clashes in the north [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94763/YEMEN-Fighting-in-north-leads-to-fresh-displacements ] and military operations in the south brought the number of internally displaced people [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95092/YEMEN-Cramped-shelter-conditions-for-Abyan-IDPs ] to nearly half a million. The government declared in June that it had rooted out militants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95876/YEMEN-Abyan-Governorate-emerges-from-war ] who had taken control of parts of the south, but people have struggled to return to their homes due to landmines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95752/YEMEN-Landmines-stall-IDP-returns-in-south ], limited basic services, including health care [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96165/YEMEN-Women-die-as-violence-impedes-antenatal-care-in-Abyan ], and continued insecurity. Access for aid workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96774/YEMEN-New-challenges-for-aid-worker-security ] to former conflict areas has increased, but funding is not yet fully secured [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96407/Analysis-Where-will-Yemen-s-aid-money-go ]. Yemen is in desperate need of immediate assistance [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/2013_Yemen_Humanitarian_Response_Plan.pdf ] to avoid becoming the next Somalia.

Continued violence in Iraq: Iraq slipped out of the headlines as the US pulled out its troops at the end of 2011, ending a nearly nine-year occupation. But 2012 was no less violent [ http://www.iraqbodycount.org/database/ ] for civilians. A surge of violence in January, in the weeks after the withdrawal, had many Iraqis reconsidering their options [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94677/IRAQ-People-consider-fleeing-as-violence-increases ]. Insurgent dynamics have changed post-withdrawal; Shia groups have become less active, while Sunni groups appear to have resurged, with several high-profile coordinated bombings across the country throughout the year. But the main driver of violence [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95999/Briefing-Why-is-Iraq-still-so-dangerous ] continues to be dysfunctional and polarized politics. The situation is likely to get worse in the lead-up to elections in 2013 and 2014, and as the situation in neighbouring Syria deteriorates further. Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96240/IRAQ-Still-no-clear-policy-to-tackle-displacement ] by the war, and tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees returning from Syria could further destabilize [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95964/IRAQ-Returnees-from-Syria-a-humanitarian-crisis-in-the-making ] the country. 

The stalling of Libya’s transition: Libya held its first democratic elections [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95884/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying-post-elections ] since the ousting of former leader Muammar Gaddafi, but a power struggle [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94981/LIBYA-What-the-analysts-are-saying ] between Libya’s budding new government and a web of revolution-era militias continued to plague Libya’s transition to stability after the toppling of Gaddafi in late 2011. Tens of thousands of Libyans remained displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95389/LIBYA-Thousands-still-afraid-to-return-home ] months after the fighting ended, afraid to return home because of lingering ethnic tensions. Clashes in southern tribal areas [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95446/LIBYA-Uneasy-calm-in-Sebha-after-clashes ] rocked the country in the early months of the year; and many minorities were unsure if the revolution would finally bring them more rights [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95524/Analysis-Libyan-minority-rights-at-a-crossroads ]. Libya’s policy towards migrants [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95403/LIBYA-Detained-migrants-face-harsh-conditions-legal-limbo ], who were violently targeted in the months following the revolution, remained harsh. Many of them, along with Libyan refugees and failed asylum seekers, are still stranded on the Egyptian border [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95839/EGYPT-LIBYA-Misery-for-stranded-refugees ].

The price of Egypt’s revolution: It has been another gripping year in Egyptian politics, as debate and controversy surrounded the withdrawal from power of the ruling military council; the election of a new president [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95729/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-undone ], the disbanding of parliament, and the drafting of a new constitution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96045/Briefing-What-is-at-stake-in-Egypt-s-upcoming-constitution ]. Increased polarization within Egyptian society led once more to a series of fatal clashes on the streets throughout the year. The political turmoil has prevented the much-hoped-for economic revival, with foreign currency reserves dropping by more than half, unemployment rising, poverty increasing, and the budget deficit at US$27.5 billion and growing. The poor have been the hardest hit [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97118/EGYPT-Poor-hit-hardest-as-political-tensions-persist ]. In the short term, the revolution has yet to bring tangible gains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94836/Briefing-The-Egyptian-revolution-one-year-on ]; on the contrary, it has led to fears of rising malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95040/EGYPT-Fears-of-rising-malnutrition-amid-increasing-poverty ]; fuel shortages [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95222/EGYPT-Fuel-shortage-threatens-bread-supplies ]; child abductions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95271/EGYPT-Rising-tide-of-child-abductions ]; and a rise in religious extremism [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97033/EGYPT-Fresh-worries-for-religious-minorities ]. The new constitution was passed in a referendum at the end of the year, but opposition remains high. Next year is likely to be as unpredictable as the past two. 

Never-ending challenges for Palestinians: Changes in Egyptian politics raised hopes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96155/Analysis-A-tunnel-free-future-for-Gaza ] in the Gaza Strip that a five-year blockade by Egypt and Israel would be eased. (New Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood movement is close to the Islamist rulers of Gaza, Hamas). But significant changes have yet to take effect, with Gazans continuing to depend on underground tunnels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96734/OPT-Tunnel-closures-exacerbate-Gaza-housing-crisis ] to smuggle in supplies. This has left Palestinians continuing to face food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94740/OPT-Boosting-protection-and-tackling-food-insecurity ], an aid-dependent economy  [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94606/Analysis-Visions-for-a-healthier-West-Bank-economy ], and Israeli settlement expansions in the West Bank [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95445/Analysis-Israeli-government-challenges-the-law-to-embrace-illegal-settler-outposts ]. This year, Gaza had the added misery of a severe fuel shortage and related energy crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ], with the UN predicting in August that Gaza could be uninhabitable by 2016 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96209/OPT-Gaza-s-water-could-be-undrinkable-by-2016 ]. It was in this context that in November, Israel launched (with the stated aim of halting rocket-fire from Gaza into Israel) large-scale air attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96814/OPT-In-the-line-of-fire ] which killed dozens of civilians, displaced thousands [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97005/In-Brief-Gaza-operation-over-but-emergency-remains ] of others, and left communities on both sides of the border reeling [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96807/ISRAEL-OPT-Border-communities-prepare-for-the-worst ]. The legacy of the eight-day military operation is still not clear [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97014/OPT-Call-for-freer-access-to-Gaza-land-and-sea ]; at the end of December, Israeli officials said they would start allowing construction materials to enter Gaza daily via the Kerem Shalom crossing. Despite the high needs, aid agencies have traditionally struggled to provide aid amid tight Israeli restrictions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94750/AID-POLICY-Islamic-agencies-battle-the-odds-in-Gaza ]; but this year, aid agencies in oPt began resisting the status quo [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95954/OPT-EU-pressure-for-aid-change-in-Area-C ].

Migrants in Israel: Throughout 2012, Israel hardened its stance [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96800/In-Depth-Migration-policy-bites-hard ] towards migrants. In January, it introduced a new law [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94620/ISRAEL-New-law-designed-to-stop-infiltrators ] designed to stop what it calls “infiltrators” and by spring, public opinion had significantly shifted against migrants, leading to attacks involving Molotov cocktails [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95472/ISRAEL-Growing-tensions-between-locals-and-migrants ], mob beatings [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/95555/ISRAEL-Abraham-Alu-We-have-to-move-but-there-s-nowhere-to-go ] and police crackdowns [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95685/SOUTH-SUDAN-ISRAEL-Returnees-complain-of-harsh-treatment-in-Israel ]. In April, Israel began deporting [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95174/ISRAEL-Deportation-looms-for-South-Sudan-migrants ] South Sudanese asylum seekers who previously had protected status in Israel. 

The coordination of humanitarian aid: When Valerie Amos became UN under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs in 2010, one of her priorities was to increase partnerships between the UN and other players in the field. After years of mistrust between the mainstream humanitarian system and aid agencies in the Arab and Muslim worlds [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ], the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in 2012 signed memorandums of understanding with Qatar and Kuwait. OCHA’s liaison office in the Gulf has set up a new web portal [ http://www.arabhum.net/ ] as a link between Gulf donors and the UN, and Gulf countries are moving towards increased coordination [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96352/Analysis-Towards-more-coordination-of-aid-in-the-Gulf ] in aid and emergency preparedness among themselves. Aid agencies in the Muslim world are also trying to make better use [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95567/AID-POLICY-Making-Muslim-aid-more-effective ] of the billions of dollars [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95564/Analysis-A-faith-based-aid-revolution-in-the-Muslim-world ] given in alms and charity every year. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97155/MIDDLE-EAST-2012-a-year-of-continuing-turmoil</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212271204360637t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 December 2012 (IRIN) - While much of the world has been consumed by quickly changing political and security developments in the Middle East this year, longer-term humanitarian issues have also been simmering under the surface – and sometimes in plain – but neglected – view. Here are 10 stories IRIN brought you in 2012. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: No future for al-Qaeda’s children</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212181454160527t.jpg" />]]>BAQUBA 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Near a swamp of sewage in a slum in eastern Iraq, six-year-old Amir plays soccer with friends, unaware of a fact that may continue to affect him for the rest of his life:
His father - killed four months before he was born - was a senior leader within al-Qaeda.</description><body><![CDATA[BAQUBA 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Near a swamp of sewage in a slum in eastern Iraq, six-year-old Amir plays soccer with friends, unaware of a fact that may continue to affect him for the rest of his life:

His father - killed four months before he was born - was a senior leader within al-Qaeda.

Like dozens of other children of insurgents in Diyala Province, Amir’s birth was not registered. He has no documentation, no citizenship, no access to government services and, his mother fears, no future.

Diyala was one of Iraq’s most dangerous areas during the civil conflict of 2006-7, one of the many provinces north and west of Baghdad that fell under al-Qaeda’s control.

During that period, some families gave their daughters up for marriage because the militants forced them to do so; others considered it a sign of gratitude to foreign fighters seen to be defending Iraqi lands from occupation. Those marriages were never registered in court, but rather under Islamic law, requiring only a mosque imam and two witnesses. (Iraqi law requires birth registration to be supported by a marriage certificate.)

According to civil society activists and members of parliament, more than seventy children fall into this limbo in Diyala, one of the most affected provinces. No national statistics exist.

Like a curse

Amir’s mother, 28, wears black as a symbol of sadness. She says her family forced her to marry a Syrian jihadi fighting what he used to call occupation forces: “It was not up to me to choose my husband.”

He controlled a cell of more than 10 people before he was killed in clashes with the US army in 2006. He was a considered a “prince” in al-Qaeda terms, having killed more than 10 people.

Amir and his mother have moved locations many times in an attempt to avoid revenge attacks by the families of his father’s victims. They now live in a small house with one room and a kitchen, made of mud, tin and palm stalks.

"He is like a curse that came into my life,” Amir’s mother told IRIN. “The pain still lives with me even after his death. I have to suffer raising Amir who doesn’t even exist in the real world, without identification."

Legalizing the sons of al-Qaeda?

Some members of parliament are trying to change that - pushing for a law that would give the children of insurgents a legitimate presence as Iraqi citizens.

"They are victims of al-Qaeda,” said Hassan Sulaiman a member of Iraqiya, Iraq’s largest Sunni-backed political bloc, in Diyala.

He said many women were forced into these marriages; others were left behind as their husbands were killed or fled.

“We are trying to solve this problem,” he told IRIN. “[These children] will be considered a threat in the future.”

He said lawmakers would continue pursuing the issue in parliament until “we reach some kind of solution for them”, and suggested orphanages as one option.

Shiites, the dominant sect in parliament, have rejected the idea of citizenship, arguing al-Qaeda - a Sunni group - committed many crimes and killed many innocent Iraqis.

"We can’t let it happen,” said Hakim al-Zamili, a leader of the Shiite Sadrist movement and a member of the security committee in parliament. “Al-Qaeda has the blood of Iraqis [on its hands]. We can give them nothing."

Al-Qaeda itself recognizes the problem, according to an al-Qaeda fighter, who gave only his nickname, Abu Yousif, for security reasons.

A few months ago, he said, al-Qaeda issued a fatwa ordering members not yet wanted by the government to marry wives of fallen or imprisoned fighters and support their children financially.

“It is important to keep the families safe and raise their sons as we will need them in the future,” he told IRIN. “We must raise our generations [well] so that our message to the world continues. Our war against the infidels has just begun and our powers are increasing.”

Life of destitution

Despite this kind of rhetoric, some segments of society still see these children as the product of what has come to be known as “non-violent rape”, destined for a life of destitution.

“A number of those widows have become prostitutes, as they want to earn money,” said Haneen al-Salihy, a civil activist in Diyala. “Society is rejecting them… Even if the courts start to register them and they get identification, things will not change for them. People gave up on them and their families are ashamed of them even if they were the reason for these bad marriages [in the first place].”

This has left children reaching school-age on the street instead of in class, without health care or future employment prospects.

Alia Talib, a researcher and a civil society activist who heads Nargis magazine, says this kind of lifestyle will sow the seeds of future problems in Iraq.

“We will have an illiterate generation… Keeping them this way is a great threat for the future of the society, as they can become criminals, terrorists, drug dealers and killers.

“They will be a nucleus for al-Qaeda,” she went on, “not because they want that but because society and government have given up on them. They are giving them no other choice.”

Talib said she received promises from the Ministry of Education that the issue would be discussed in parliament, but so far, she said, the deliberations have led to nothing, “and I don’t think that they will do anything.”

In the meantime, these children continue to live secret lives.

Seven-year-old Zaineb collects plastic bottles from a rubbish bin on the outskirts of Diyala’s capital Baquba. Her father, a Saudi al-Qaeda leader, was killed during clashes with the US army in 2005.

Her mother was able to get fake identification for her but she is too afraid of being caught to use it. Zaineb does not know her father’s identity or fate; she believes he is travelling and never asks about him.

“All I saw in my life was guns and war,” her mother, 30, told IRIN. “I don’t have hope in anything. Being dead is much better for me but I can’t leave Zaineb alone.”

da/ha/cb

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97078/IRAQ-No-future-for-al-Qaeda-s-children</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212181454160527t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAQUBA 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Near a swamp of sewage in a slum in eastern Iraq, six-year-old Amir plays soccer with friends, unaware of a fact that may continue to affect him for the rest of his life:
His father - killed four months before he was born - was a senior leader within al-Qaeda.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: In the Arab world, building fridges to live in an oven</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg" />]]>DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</description><body><![CDATA[DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters [ http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/2012/12/05/facing-up-to-the-threat-of-climate-change-in-the-arab-world ].

The disasters of the last three decades have cost at least US$12 billion, according to the report. “This number does not really account for other enormous losses which unfold over a period of time,” said Junaid Kamal Ahmad, the World Bank’s sustainable development head.

And even this could be a gross underestimate. “The costs of damages are reported for only 17 percent of disasters and rarely capture the suffering that follows the loss of lives and livelihoods,” Ahmad said. 

Drought and flood victims account for 98 percent of all people affected by climate-related disasters in the region, according to the report. 

Dire predictions

The long-term climate-change trends are foreboding, according to the report. Temperatures are projected to rise by three to four degrees Celsius in the Arab world - which includes countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa - by the end of the century. Such an increase would be 1.5 times faster than the global average, meaning people in the region would be regularly living with temperatures around of 54 to 55 degrees Celsius.

2010 was already the warmest year since records began in the late 1800s, with 19 countries setting new highs. Five of these were Arab countries, including Kuwait, which set a new record at 52.6 degrees Celsius that year; it was topped by 2011’s high of 53.5 degrees Celsius. 

The region is home to the world's biggest per capita emitters of greenhouse gas: Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

“Someone mentioned we will have to build fridges to live in the oven,” quipped Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice president for sustainable development, during the Doha press conference announcing the report’s release. 

Authors of the report - a scientific study with input from academics in the region - hope it informs the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment of climate change science, which is expected to be released in 2013-14. 

Kyte said they hope the report also informs discussions on losses and damages caused by climate change. Such discussions have stalled at the current UN climate change talks taking place in Doha; the issue being left for political leaders, who arrived on 4 December, to resolve [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96867/CLIMATE-CHANGE-When-the-damage-is-done ].

Agriculture and water

Rising temperatures are bad news for agriculture, and the nearly 40 percent of employed people with agriculture-related jobs. 

The region is already extremely water stressed, but with higher temperatures, the amount of water available for irrigation will to drop dramatically. By 2050, water runoff from rains, which feed rivers, is expected to decrease by 10 percent. The gains in agricultural productivity made over the past two decades may slow, or even decline, after about 2050. 

Regional agricultural production comes largely from the 10 percent of the land with a Mediterranean climate. Irrigation is the only option for growing crops in some countries; this irrigated land covers only 2 percent of the region’s land but provides 17 percent of the production. 

Urbanization

Currently, 56 percent of Arab people live in urban centres. But by 2050, this proportion is expected to increase to 75 percent, due in part to droughts, which have been shown to increase rural-to-urban migration in the region.

A recent multi-year drought in Syria is estimated to have led to the migration of about one million people to informal settlements around the major cities.

Flash floods

Not only will the region’s people have to contend with high temperatures, they will also have to brace themselves against the increasing threat of flash floods. Contributing to this risk are more intense rainfall events; ubiquitous concrete surfaces, which that do not absorb water; inadequate and blocked drainage systems; and increased construction in low-lying areas and wadis.

The impact of flash floods is already increasing. In the decade starting from 2000, the number of people in the region affected by flash floods rose to half a million, compared to only 100,000 in the previous decade.

If no measures to build resilience are taken in the next 30 to 40 years, climate change could lead to a cumulative reduction in household incomes of about 7 percent in Syria and Tunisia, the report indicates. Yemen - because of the expected the declines in agriculture - could suffer an income reduction of 24 percent. 

“While not addressed directly in this report, the impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria would likely add greater welfare losses and make the adaptation process even more difficult,” said the report.

Building resilience

World Bank’s Ahmad told IRIN that governments in the region have begun to ask the right questions about identifying vulnerable populations and regions and have begun talking about resilience. He also said that improving people’s adaptive capacity does not always involve money; governments need to educate people about the problems ahead. They also needed to invest in more social protection measures.

The necessity of such measures was already on display. At an earlier press briefing by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Mohammed Mukhier, head of community preparedness and disaster response, said the group would be unable to raise adequate funding to keep up with the number of frequent and intense natural disasters unfolding.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96974/CLIMATE-CHANGE-In-the-Arab-world-building-fridges-to-live-in-an-oven</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201002011218290693t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOHA 05 December 2012 (IRIN) - In the last three decades, 50 million people in the Arab world have been affected by natural disasters, many of them extreme climate events, according to a new report by the World Bank. The report projects the horrific scenario of temperatures regularly rising to over 50 degrees Celsius by the turn of the century, which experts fear could lead to countless more disasters.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Not-so-open borders for Syrian refugees?</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210241311370293t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), local authorities in Turkey report that more than 10,000 Syrians [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/syria-situation-regional-roundup ] are located at various points on the Syrian side of the border, many of them waiting to enter Turkey. 

Except for medical emergencies, the border crossing between Syria and Iraq’s border district of al-Qa’im has been closed since 21 October, according to an Iraqi deputy minister, a district official and a UNHCR representative stationed at the border. 

Syrian activist Rima Flihan, a member of the local coordination committees (LCC) who now lives in Jordan, told IRIN Syrian civilians have also been turned back by Jordanian authorities at the border and at the airport. She said Syrians have had similar trouble entering Libya. 

“There are many countries preventing Syrian people from entering their countries,” she said.

In some countries on the Eastern edge of the European Union (EU), rejection rates for Syrians turning up at their borders are more than 50 per cent, according to UNHCR.

“In addition, some countries are more likely to give Syrians a tolerated stay rather than actual protection,” spokesperson Adrian Edwards told a press briefing [ http://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/syria-crisis-continues-unhcr-urges-eu-states-uphold-common-asylum-system ] in Geneva on 16 October. “There is therefore a risk that people in need of protection will be denied the rights to which they are entitled under EU or international law.”

Limited capacity

Turkey is already home to more than 100,000 Syrian refugees in camps and an estimated 70,000 elsewhere in the country. Iraq is struggling to contain violence on its own territory, as it recovers from civil war. Both governments say they are restricting the number of refugees they admit every day because of limited capacity to host them. 

Some 7,600 refugees are living in two refugee camps in Iraq’s al-Qa’im District, in addition to public buildings, including schools. 

“But both camps are totally over-capacity,” said Haider Al-Fahad, officer-in-charge for UNHCR in al-Qa’im. UNHCR is currently levelling the ground for a third camp, which will have an initial capacity of 5,000 and eventually 20,000 people, but Al-Fahad said it would likely be three weeks before it could begin welcoming people. 

In the meantime, the government is only allowing what it calls emergency or “humanitarian cases”: people who are sick, elderly or injured. But Iraqi deputy minister for migration and the displaced, Salam Dawood Al Khafagy, insisted to IRIN that, subject to cabinet approval, "the Iraqi government will open the border for everyone in case of an emergency to save their lives.” 

Even before the recent closure, Iraq admitted only 100-120 refugees a day because it “makes it easier for us to control the situation and to make sure each of them receives the needed support,” Al Khafagy said. The Iraqi cabinet has ordered that Syrian men aged 15-50 not be allowed in “for security reasons”, he added. 

Mahmoud Shakir, al-Qaim District’s deputy director of Syrian refugee affairs, estimates there are about 1,000 displaced Syrians in the closest Syrian village of Albu Kamal, wanting to cross into Iraq, but currently living with relatives or out in the open. (Observers question whether they are displaced Syrians or simply residents of Albu Kamal who want to re-unite with relatives belonging to the same tribe on the other side of the border.) 

Al-Fahad said community and religious leaders used to organize lists of 120 candidates to cross every day, in accordance with the government limit. But in recent days, he said, people have stopped approaching the border because they know it is now closed. 

The presence of people at the border also fluctuates based on the situation in Syria: “People appear when there is shelling,” said Niyazi Maharramov, operations manager for UNHCR in Iraq. “When there is no shelling, there are no people.” He said he was at the border on 22 October and found “nobody” on the other side. 

In Turkey, which had previously referred to 100,000 as a psychological limit on the number of refugees it can accept, the government has been admitting an average of about 500 new arrivals a day, according to UN updates [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/documents_search.php?Page=1&Country=224&Region=&Settlement=0&Category=2 ].

In addition to 14 Turkish camps already up and running in seven provinces, a new camp in Sanliurfa Province is opening soon with a capacity of 11,000. In the meantime, the Turkish Red Crescent Society began dropping off [ http://www.afetacil.gov.tr/Ingilizce_Site/haber_ing/haber_detay.asp?haberID=254 ] basic assistance at the demarcation line dividing Turkey and Syria in August. 

Protection

The delay in admitting the asylum seekers has prompted protests from various sides.

A 14 October report [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/10/14/iraqturkey-open-borders-all-syrian-refugees-0 ] by Human Rights Watch (HRW) called on the Iraqi and Turkish governments to immediately open their border crossings to those waiting, saying failure to do so was a breach of international law.

“Over 10,000 desperate Syrians fleeing the terror of aerial bombardment and shelling are stuck on the Iraqi and Turkish borders, many living in miserable conditions,” Gerry Simpson, senior refugees researcher at Human Rights Watch, said in the statement. 

HRW said some Syrians have been staying in an olive grove near the Bab-al-Hawa crossing (leading to Turkey’s Hatay Province) for weeks, at times under heavy rain. At the Bab al-Salam crossing (into Turkey’s Kilis Province), Syrians told HRW they have regularly protested at the border fence, begging to enter Turkey. 

“We should find a solution to the number of people waiting on the border,” said Idil Eser, the coordinator of psychological support projects to refugees in Turkey through the Helsinki Citizens Assembly, an Istanbul-based human rights organization. “It looks as if the number of people will increase… Winter is coming. Those people waiting on the border are getting weaker and weaker. They are not as well-nourished as the [ones who arrived before them].”

She suggested some kind of buffer zone was necessary to give aid workers the safety and security needed to assist those on the other side of the border. But some aid groups are already crossing the border to help people on the other side.

The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (IHH), a Turkish aid group, has been providing food and medical aid to Syrians waiting at Bab-al-Hawa and Bab-al-Salam, where cholera and other diseases were on the verge of breaking out, according to Durmus Aydin, IHH vice-president for communications. 

But the UN says some of those on the Syrian side have no desire to enter Turkey: “They find the border areas safer than their villages and because of the assistance provided at zero point they prefer to travel back and forth between the borders and their villages,” a 6 October update [ http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/download.php?id=869 ] said. Dozens of refugees in Turkey, sometimes more than 200, return to Syria voluntarily every day. 

Funding 

Shakir, the local official at al-Qaim, said the Iraqi government’s policy raised concerns.

“We hear the sound of bombs very clearly every day,” he told IRIN. He said there was bombardment in Albu Kamal, 15-20km from the Iraqi border, on 23 October, but others at the border said there had been no sound of shelling that day. 

"An urgent solution must be found quickly to save Syrian refugees who are still on the other side. Otherwise more people will be killed because of the bombs,” Shakir said. 

Maharramov, of UNHCR Iraq, said people may be at risk of shelling in Syrian villages, but that there was no shelling of people gathered at the border. Still, he said UNHCR plans to raise the issue of limited admissions at the highest levels of the Iraqi government. 

UNHCR spokesperson Ron Redmond said neighbouring countries, which he said have already been extremely generous in welcoming refugees, have a right to ensure the safety of their borders, by conducting detailed interviews and screening measures which may slow the admission process. But those measures, he insisted, must be consistent with international law. 

“The security situation in the region is certainly not optimal. They have to watch their borders. It’s their right,” he told IRIN. “But we want to work with them in seeking the kinds of solutions that ensure that everyone in need of protection gets it, while also meeting their legitimate security concerns. Our priority is keeping borders open.” 

He urged more funding to support neighbouring countries in taking in Syrian refugees. The UN appeal for US$488 million to help Syrian refugees is about one third funded. 

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96629/Analysis-Not-so-open-borders-for-Syrian-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210241311370293t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies, human rights organizations and local government officials are increasingly concerned about thousands of people who have fled violence in Syria only to end up stuck at border crossings waiting to enter countries to seek asylum.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Syria and the regional food chain</title><pubDate>Thu, 18 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210181334150737t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 18 October 2012 (IRIN) - The Syrian crisis has disrupted food imports and exports in the region, raising food prices in Jordan, Iraq and Turkey, but governments have so far been able to contain the impact on consumers by finding new trade routes and absorbing some of the increased cost, according to food vendors, truck drivers and analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 18 October 2012 (IRIN) - The Syrian crisis has disrupted food imports and exports in the region, raising food prices in Jordan, Iraq and Turkey, but governments have so far been able to contain the impact on consumers by finding new trade routes and absorbing some of the increased cost, according to food vendors, truck drivers and analysts. 

Arab countries import at least half of the food they consume, according to the World Bank [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTMENA/Resources/FoodSecfinal.pdf ], with trade moving from agricultural breadbaskets such as Turkey, Lebanon and Syria to more arid countries such as Jordan, Iraq and the Gulf countries. 

Before the crisis, Syrian farmers were suppliers of vegetables, fruit and other food products – exporting nearly 2 million tons of vegetable products and 212,000 tons of animal products in 2010, according to the Syrian Central Bureau of Statistics [ http://www.cbssyr.org/trade/tab3.htm ]. Up to one fifth of that went to Turkey and Iraq alone, according to Ayesha Sabavala, a Syria analyst with the Economist Intelligence Unit. 

But as the conflict drags on, exports are slowing, with violence reducing agricultural production, shutting down businesses, and disrupting trade routes. 

“The fighting has prevented food supplies from crossing into other countries,” Sabavala told IRIN. “A lot of the transportation infrastructure has been hit quite badly. Even though there are some regions that are continuing to produce things like bread, transporting them to the rest of the country is proving to be a challenge.” 

Syria is also a thoroughfare for many trade routes in the region, now hampered by insecure border crossings, sometimes the scene of clashes between government and opposition forces.

More than 300,000 Syrians who have flooded into neighbouring countries have also increased the demand for food in local markets. 

Iraq: imports down; potential destabilization 

At one of the main food markets in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, 51-year-old Muhammad al-Noaimy is selling potatoes and onions at twice their usual price. 

“The situation in Syria has reduced business between both countries. The expenses of trucks that bring in the food have increased because of the bad security. The border is a problem,” he told IRIN. 

Before the Syrian conflict, Iraq used to receive one third of Syria’s exports; bilateral trade between the two countries topped US$4 billion in 2010. 

But Al-Qa’im border crossing, one of the major supply routes across the Middle East, has been closed to commercial traffic for more than a year, and in the past few months, the other two crossings - Al-Waleed southward and Rabi’a up north - have been closed repeatedly, making the arrival of Syrian merchandise unpredictable. 

Food prices in Iraq increased by 1.2 percent between August and September 2012, an increase of 7.8 percent over the year, according to the Iraqi Central Organization for Statistics [ http://cosit.gov.iq/english/press_CPI_e.php ]. It noted a particular increase in the cost of yoghurt, cheese, eggs and fruit. 

“The crisis in Syria is the main reason for the increase in the price of fruit and vegetables in Iraq,” said Jabar Obaid, a member of the Iraqi parliament’s agricultural committee. 

Sultan Shehab has been driving the Syria-Iraq route for seven years with his truck. 

“It is not an easy job but it’s also good money. After what started in my country and the violence, my job became risky.” 

He said drivers have had to adapt their route - sometimes taking longer, harder routes through Iraq or Jordan, or having to wait in Iraq for days until the border re-opens - “it all depends on how the security situation is on that day.” 

Iraq is increasingly turning to Turkey, Iran and Jordan for food imports, and securing wheat and rice from a more diversified set of countries. 

So far, prices of staple items have been mostly stable in the region because of subsidies by governments, said Abeer Etefa, senior public information officer for the Near East at the UN World Food Programme (WFP). 

“What people pay for the food may not increase, but it is eating into government budgets,” warned Monika Tothova, an economist at the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).

Jordan: refugees increase demand 

Although most fruit and vegetables are still available in the Jordanian capital Amman, shopkeepers complain that vegetable imports from Syria have dropped, leading prices to soar. 

"Prices normally go up in summer, especially with Ramadan and expatriates returning to Jordan, but never like this,” Abu Ali, a fruit seller in east Amman, told IRIN in September. “I used to buy a box of cauliflower for three Jordanian dinars, but this summer it has gone up as high as 14. This is insane!”

According to a report by the Jordanian Department of Statistics [ http://www.dos.gov.jo/dos_home_e/main/archive/inflation/2012/CPI_sep.pdf ], the price of vegetables rose by 32.1 percent between July 2011 and July 2012.

The government has blamed the surge in demand on the arrival of - by its count - 200,000 Syrian refugees (only 105,000 are registered or awaiting registration with the UN Refugee Agency as of early October), heavily increasing the demand for food. 

"I have so many customers walking into my shop. I would say it is a 20 percent increase with so many Syrians living here now,” said Khaled Ahmad, a shopkeeper in Mafraq, a border town now home tens of thousands of Syrians. 

“The refugees put a lot of pressure on the regional system,” Tothova, the FAO economist, told IRIN. 

But analysts warn it is difficult to isolate the Syrian crisis as the cause of the rising prices, which could also be linked to rising food prices globally. The shortages are also linked to a poor vegetable harvest in Jordan this year, owing to an especially hot and dry summer. Jordan’s limited production has also increasingly been exported to Iraq and the Gulf, to help fill the gap left by decreasing Syrian exports, according to Ahmad Murad, a vegetable seller in west Amman.

Turkey: higher prices along the border 

Turkey closed its Syrian border to commercial traffic in July.

Nationally, food prices in Turkey have remained stable, but in the border regions, some food normally imported from Syria has quadrupled in price, according to Veysel Ayhan, a professor at Abant Izzet Baysal University, whose think-tank, the International Middle East Peace Research Center (IMPR), has just published a report [ http://www.impr.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/rapor-SON_HATAY_ANTEP.pdf ] on the economic impact of the Syrian crisis in the border region. 

One kilogram of meat, for example, has risen from five Turkish lira ($2.77) before the crisis to 20 now, in the southern Turkish province of Hatay, Ayhan told IRIN. Tea, sugar and olive oil are also far more expensive. 

Turkish sanctions on Syrian oil have also had an impact, he said. Oil needed for tractors and water pumps has become unaffordable for many farmers, who have had to reduce their wheat production. As a result, family incomes have dropped. 

Exports of lemons, apples and other products from Hatay to Syria have also dropped by 75 percent, IMEPR found. Neighbouring Gaziantep province’s $120 million trade with Syria “is finished”, Ayhan added. 

According to Oytun Orhan, Middle East researcher at the Turkish Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM), national trade has remained steady, with exports somehow finding a route. But transportation costs have more than tripled, Ayhan said. 

In Hatay, the impact has been much more severe. 

“People have started selling their houses, their cars,” Ayhan told IRIN. “Within six or seven months, the situation in the Antakya area [Hatay Province] will be very difficult. Many will migrate to Mersin and other parts of Turkey to try to earn a living.” 

As tensions between Turkey and Syria rise, analysts warn that this could lead to more price shocks. 

Lebanon: exports down 

The vast majority of Lebanon's agricultural exports are normally routed through Syria by land to the Arab region, with Iraq receiving items like apples and onions, according to vendors there. 

At the Masna’a crossing between Lebanon and Syria, Turkish and Lebanese trucks can be seen lining up at the checkpoint as usual. A 15-year veteran driver who declined to give his name said there were no problems on his Damascus-Beirut route, except for delays at Syrian customs. 

The route is still functional and has even seen its traffic increase thanks to the opening of a new ferry line between Tripoli in Lebanon and Mersin in Turkey (near northern Syria), meant to reroute traffic outside of some of Syria’s more dangerous areas.

Still, Lebanese media have reported trucks being seized, looted, or shot at; as well as protests by agricultural exporters about insecurity on the routes. Many insurance companies have reportedly ceased cover for convoys passing through Syria, while those that still provide insurance have raised their fees substantially. 

Several closures of the main border crossings between Syria and Lebanon, as well as gunfire and looting, have affected exports. 

Lebanese exports have dropped, from $2.2 billion in the second quarter of 2011 to $1.78 billion over the same period this year, according to the Lebanese Customs Department [ http://www.customs.gov.lb/customs/trade_statistics/Indicators.asp ].

But until now, the impact has been limited: “For the moment at least, I am not seriously concerned about the livelihoods of Lebanese farmers,” Solange Matta-Saddé, FAO assistant representative in Lebanon, told IRIN. 

The Lebanese government is setting up a new maritime route for farmers to ship their produce by ferry from Beirut to Jordan or Egypt, in order to bypass Syria. 

ag/ha/kb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96583/Analysis-Syria-and-the-regional-food-chain</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210181334150737t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 18 October 2012 (IRIN) - The Syrian crisis has disrupted food imports and exports in the region, raising food prices in Jordan, Iraq and Turkey, but governments have so far been able to contain the impact on consumers by finding new trade routes and absorbing some of the increased cost, according to food vendors, truck drivers and analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>