<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Human Rights</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 14:30:31 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>CAMBODIA: The impact of truth-seeking on mental health</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202021632230167t.jpg" />]]>PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”),  the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison.</description><body><![CDATA[PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”), the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison. 

This ruling overturned a 2010 sentence of 35 years, which civil party lawyers had appealed. 

Mental health experts are monitoring the impact of such rulings and the entire judicial process on survivors due to the particularities of this tribunal; its rules grant them a larger role than in any previous international criminal tribunal, prompting longstanding questions about whether truth-seeking hurts or heals war wounds. 

In addition to testifying as witnesses to corroborate the prosecution’s case, survivors of Cambodia’s 1975-1979 genocide can also share their suffering with the court as “civil parties” entitled to “collective and moral reparations”. 

“You have two camps, those who say justice can magically heal and others who say there is a risk of re-traumitization, which requires extraordinary measures be taken to protect victims [during proceedings],” said Jeffrey Sonis, a medical researcher from the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, who has specialized in the psychosocial consequences of human rights abuses, and mechanisms to promote justice following conflict. 

With support from the US National Institutes of Health, Sonis interviewed 1,800 people in all 24 of Cambodia’s provinces in 2009 and again in 2010, before and after Duch’s trial, to learn whether and how the trial affected survivors’ mental health. 

While unable to discuss his findings before publication, he said they fell between the two extreme views of how justice-seeking mechanisms may affect health. 

In earlier research published in 2009, Sonis found that although most of the 1,000 Cambodians he interviewed hoped the trials would promote justice, 87 percent of those older than 35 believed the trials would bring back painful memories. 

Double-edged sword 

“The trial is a double-edged sword,” said Sotheara Chhim, a psychiatrist and executive director of one of the few local NGOs devoted to mental health,Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO), and an expert witness called before this tribunal for mental health matters. 

“It may be both catharsis and re-traumitization.” 

When survivors retell their stories, listen to others as well as lawyers for the former Khmer Rouge senior cadre, painful memories and emotions may resurface, said Sotheara. But this “dark period” should not last long, he added. 

“But after that, I think they found that the process of testifying had a therapeutic effect. A lot said [that] after testifying, they became relaxed like they [had] let go of a heavy load [they had carried] for a long time.” 

The “bad feelings” can come back, said Sotheara, for example, when an undesired verdict is pronounced, but this is “the normal path in the process toward justice, which is not easy and [can be] a bumpy road”. 

One out of four people who participated in Duch’s first trial reported “quite a bit” or “very much” negativity, such as disappointment and anger, following the announcement of the first verdict, according to a study published in 2010 by the Berlin Centre for the Treatment of Torture Victims, in collaboration with TPO. 

Civil parties 

On 26 July 2010, judges sentenced Duch to 35 years’ imprisonment for crimes against humanity, minus five years for the time he was illegally jailed by the Cambodian military court. Because he had already served 11 years in detention, he would have had less than 19 years to serve of his sentence. 

The verdict also rejected 24 survivors’ applications to be included as civil parties, due to a lack of evidence proving they were affected by the crime. 

After recognizing a photo of her uncle during a 2008 visit to Tuol Sleng, where she said he had been detained and executed, Hong Savath, 47, tried to join the case against Duch. 

But in rejecting her application, judges said “neither this photograph nor any documentary evidence was provided as proof of her uncle’s detention at S-21 [Tuol Sleng]. Party [Hong], who was 11 years of age when her uncle disappeared, has also not provided evidence of any special bonds of affection or dependency in relation to her uncle.” 

Her lawyer, whose work is funded by the German government, appealed. 

Gang-raped by the Khmer Rouge – her oldest son is now 31 – and forced to witness her parents killed by bayonet, Hong fell into depression after the July 2010 verdict. “I felt surprised and sorrow I was not selected,” she told IRIN. 

Days before the 3 February court appeal verdict announcement, Hong said she feared the worst of her depression would return in the courtroom. “I am worried Duch will deny his guilt. I am afraid I will lose control. I do not know if I can bear the intense emotion.” 

On appeal, the court accepted her application to be a civil party. 

When asked why she risked rejection and depression repeatedly to join the cases against the Khmer Rouge, she told IRIN: “I am the only survivor in my family and want to show this suffering to the world, especially the UN.” 

Those sharing this conviction may be plentiful, but relatively few of the genocide survivors who are still alive are participating, noted a recent publication by the local Documentation Centre of Cambodia (DC-CAM) on trauma psychology. 

Opting out 

As of May 2010, 8,200 people had applied to join the court’s first two cases. 

“What can the court really do for us?” said Nyrola Ung, 58, who chose not to participate. 

She lost her husband and more than 100 other family members. After escaping to neighbouring Thailand in 1980, and then seeking asylum in the US, she returned to Cambodia last year in an attempt to visit the location where she escaped death and to confront her loss. 

Sareth Mon, 58, also based in the capital, said she did not have time. A mother of two at the time the Khmer Rouge took her husband away in 1979, she lost her one-month-old baby when she could not produce any more breast milk to keep her alive. 

“It is good to have trials, but it seems like a long time ago. The trial can relieve suffering – some people lost their entire families. I know I have a right to tell my story to the court, but I cannot attend because I am busy raising a family.” 

One of the first to submit a testimony to the court, Theary Seng, 40, withdrew as a civil party in late 2011, calling the trials “a political farce” that risked raising expectations and harming an already, as she put it, “cynical public”. 

A US-trained lawyer trying to set up a civic education NGO in Cambodia, Seng was orphaned at eight when her mother was killed in Svay Rieng Province bordering Vietnam. 

Reparations 

For “collective and moral reparations” (because court rules do not allow financial reparations), the court had granted survivors’ requests to compile and distribute Duch’s apologies and “statements of remorse” - but not a state apology, construction of memorials, free healthcare, preservation of former torture sites or a national commemoration day, stating that civil party lawyers had provided insufficient detail, or the request fell outside the court’s jurisdiction. 

This decision was upheld on 3 February, as judges explained how the court as a “unique system” cannot grant anything that requires government input. 

In a 2010 analysis of 4,000 survivors’ official complaints at the court, 18 percent requested medical services, 16 percent improved infrastructure, 16 percent school construction, 12 percent individual reparations and 13 percent religious ceremonies, according to the DC-CAM. 

But even without reparations, eight out of 10 Cambodians surveyed nationwide in 2008 and again in 2010 by the law school at University of California Berkeley said it was important to know the truth and that national reconciliation was impossible without more information gleaned from the trials. 

And while it hurts to listen to testimonies and see history rehashed in the media, graduate management student at Pannasastra University, Ok Pirum, 25, said: “If I had to choose between the pain of knowing and no pain from not knowing, I would choose pain.” 

pt/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94790</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202021632230167t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PHNOM PENH 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - On 3 February, judges in the Extraordinary Chamber of the Courts in Cambodia (ECCC) – more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge trials – sentenced Kaing Guek Eav (“Duch”),  the former chairman of the Khmer Rouge’s Tuol Sleng security prison, to life in prison.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Fighting in north leads to fresh displacements</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.

“My husband coughs and coughs until he vomits blood… We have no medicine to give him,” Taqwa told IRIN. “It was the hardest trip in my life… We had neither food nor water nor even a blanket to protect ourselves from the cold.”

The elderly couple are among hundreds of families displaced by last week’s clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94724 ] between Houthi-led Shia fighters and Sunni Salafi members in Kisher.

Helene Kadi, an emergency coordinator with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told IRIN 580 families had been displaced by the fighting. “Over 30 percent of the IDPs [internally displaced persons] have taken shelter in five schools, a worrying trend we have seen with recent displacements in the country… Others have been hosted with families or have no shelter.”

According to Ali Meshaal, a social worker in Kisher, around 230 displaced families - mostly the elderly, women and children - fled to Hajjah Governorate’s Ahim District, while more than 250 families had made it to Khairan al-Muharaq. “The whereabouts of dozens of other displaced families is still unknown,” he told IRIN.

Hajjah Governorate is home to more than 100,000 IDPs displaced by fighting between government troops and Houthi rebels since June 2004, according to a December 2011 report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Kind hosts

People from the al-Khamisein area in Khairan al-Muharaq District warmly received several displaced families. “They are sharing their food and water with hundreds of displaced persons who reached their villages. They also freed up schools in the area so they could be used as shelters for the displaced,” he said.

Meshaal appealed to the government and aid organizations to intervene: “The condition of the IDPs is getting much worse due to lack of food and appropriate shelter,” he said.

Ali al-Dubai with local NGO al-Khair Social Charitable Society (ASCS) said more than 2,000 IDPs had been identified and registered for assistance in Hajjah Governorate.

UNICEF, according to Kadi, has distributed 316 hygiene kits and made efforts to raise awareness about hygiene issues among IDPs and the host community. The construction of 12 latrines has been completed and water trucking to IDPs is taking place in the al-Khamisein area. Seven more 1,000 litre tankers are to be deployed and eight emergency latrines will be constructed, and more hygiene kits distributed. Water, sanitation and hygiene assistance is being delivered by UNICEF's partner ASCS, Kadi told IRIN.

Stranded

However, several families are stranded “either on their way to safer areas or inside their homes after many villages in Kisher District became inaccessible and roads unsafe,” said Sheikh Abdullah Dhahban, a member of a recently established tribal mediation committee which is trying to persuade the warring parties to lay down their arms.

“Several dead bodies are still lying in the mountains… None of their relatives have come to collect them for burial,” Dhahban told IRIN.

Local witnesses who preferred anonymity told IRIN on 28 January that Houthi fighters were attempting to tighten their control of a strategic mountain-top position called Abu Dowar, and fighting was also continuing for control of Mishabah hill, which overlooks Suq Ahim (a local market) in Kisher District.

“If Houthis take over this hill it will be easier for them to control the entire district,” one of the witnesses told IRIN.

Waning central government influence due to political turmoil since early last year, has allowed the Houthis to tighten their control of Sa’dah Governorate and push into eastern parts of neighbouring Hajjah Governorate.

“The whole governorate [Sa’dah] is controlled by Houthis. We only have to deal with one party,” said Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of operations for the Near and Middle East at the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The fresh displacements are taking place as Yemen prepares for presidential elections scheduled for 21 February.

ay/cb]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>INDONESIA: Rights groups urge release of Papuan activists</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012230243440250t.jpg" />]]>JAKARTA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Human rights groups have urged Indonesian authorities to drop treason charges against five activists in the easternmost province of Papua.</description><body><![CDATA[JAKARTA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Human rights groups have urged Indonesian authorities to drop treason charges against five activists in the easternmost province of Papua. 

The activists - Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, August Makbrowen Senay, Dominikus Sorabut and Selpius Bobii - went on trial on 30 January, their lawyer said. 

They were arrested on 19 October after they read out a declaration of independence for Papua during the so-called Papuan People's Congress in Jayapura, the provincial capital. 

Police and soldiers fired warning shots to break up the gathering after the declaration and arrested dozens of activists. Three people were found dead near the scene of the congress the following day, police and rights activists said. 

"The Indonesian government should show its commitment to peaceful expression by dropping the charges against these five Papuan activists," Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch (HRW) [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/01/28/indonesia-drop-charges-against-papuan-activists ], said. 

"It's appalling that a modern democratic nation like Indonesia continues to lock up people for organizing a demonstration and expressing controversial views," she said. 

Poengky Indarti, executive director of the Indonesian human rights group Imparsial [ http://www.imparsial.org/ ], echoed HRW. 

"The action of the activists did not amount to treason," Indarti told IRIN in Jakarta. 

"They did not take up arms. They were simply expressing their views in a peaceful way. So rather than prosecuting them, the government should sit together with them to talk about the grievances of the Papuan people." 

Indarti said the activists were simply voicing Papuans' concerns about human rights violations committed by the military and the police and the exploitation of the region's natural resources. 

"The government's heavy-handed approach is likely to worsen the situation and taint Indonesia's international reputation," she said. 

One of the defendants' lawyers, Latifah Anum Siregar, said they could face a life sentence or 20 years in prison if found guilty. 

"Our clients are not charged for organizing the congress, but for reading out the declaration of independence," Siregar remarked. "We believe that their action was within the boundary of free speech and as we can see, Papua has not seceded and remains part of Indonesia," she added. 

Following the October crackdown, eight police officers, including the Jayapura police chief, Imam Setiawan, were given written warnings for committing a disciplinary infraction, but no other action was taken against police or military personnel. 

According to HRW, at least 15 Papuans have been convicted of treason for peaceful political activities in recent years. 

Marginalized 

Remote, sparsely populated and rich in natural resources, Papua has experienced a low-level separatist insurgency [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91429 ] since the 1960s. 

According to aid agencies, despite its vast natural resources, the region remains one of the poorest and least developed in Indonesia, with some of the lowest health and education indicators nationwide. 

In 2001, Papua was granted special autonomy status in an attempt to offset renewed calls for independence. After its original short-lived independence, the region was temporarily administered by the UN before being officially annexed by Indonesia in 1969. 

Activists and experts say rights abuses and economic marginalization [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90159 ] of the indigenous Papuans, who are ethnic Melanesian, are fuelling the conflict - one largely forgotten by the west. 

In 1999, the government divided Papua into the provinces of Papua and West Papua. 

About 60 other people throughout Indonesia, mostly activists from the Moluccas Islands, have also been imprisoned after being convicted of treason for flying separatist flags, according to HRW. 

atp/ds/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94751</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012230243440250t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JAKARTA 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Human rights groups have urged Indonesian authorities to drop treason charges against five activists in the easternmost province of Papua.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PAKISTAN: Disabled by the 2005 quake and still out of school</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300958210387t.jpg" />]]>PESHAWAR 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Jawad Khan, 15, spends most of his day at home in his village in the remote Battagram District of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa Province (KP), sometimes glancing at a magazine, or occasionally helping his mother shell peas or cut up potatoes.</description><body><![CDATA[PESHAWAR 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Jawad Khan, 15, spends most of his day at home in his village in the remote Battagram District of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa Province (KP), sometimes glancing at a magazine, or occasionally helping his mother shell peas or cut up potatoes.
 
His three younger siblings spend their day in school, and Jawad, a top student in his grade till a year ago, assists them with revision and homework. He has himself refused to go to school for over a year as the new private school set up in the area lacks a ramp to accommodate his wheelchair.
 
Jawad lost both legs after he was trapped for over two hours under the rubble of his public school during the devastating quake of 2005 which killed at least 73,000 people in parts of KP (then known as the North West Frontier Province) and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.
 
That school is still to be built, and Jawad says he “feels too embarrassed” to be carried into his classroom. To add to his problems, his wheelchair, donated soon after his legs were amputated when he was nine, has also virtually fallen apart. “My family cannot afford a new one,” he told IRIN.
 
According to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the 2005 quake left 23,000 children disabled. [ http://reliefweb.int/node/269151 ] UNICEF itself is building “child friendly” [ http://www.unicef.org/pakistan/reallives_4676.htm ] schools across the quake zone, complete with facilities for the disabled, and last year opened 16 more such schools. [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/176113/improving-education-unicef-opens-16-schools-in-azad-kashmir/ ]
 
"At the Child Friendly Schools UNICEF is building, we try to mainstream disabled children. Ramps are provided when needed, but issues like access to schools for children in remote areas are huge ones,” Jan Madad, an education specialist at UNICEF, told IRIN.
 
But the 165 schools UNICEF has agreed to build cannot cater for the needs of all the quake-affected children.
 
According to the Earthquake Relief and Rehabilitation Authority, set up by the government immediately after the quake, 5,751 educational institutions damaged or destroyed by the quake needed to be reconstructed [ http://www.erra.pk/sectors/education.asp ]. Some 73 percent had been completed by the start of September 2011. Work continues on others, but this still means many children have lacked access to school. Some still do, while for the disabled it is sometimes impossible to go back to inaccessible classrooms.
 
Difficult terrain
 
Apart from school design, the terrain where the quake struck affects this. Ali Khan, now 12, lives in the Allai administrative unit of Battagram District. With his legs damaged during the quake, he can only hobble about on crutches. But the 4km walk down a steep mountain path to the school nearest his village is too arduous for him to make.
 
Ali, who once dreamt of becoming an engineer, told IRIN: “This is fate. I have to live with it, and I just help my father the best I can around our farm. This is all that is left for me know.”
 
Scattered across the quake zone, other children are in a similar situation. The 5km distance along a rickety path in her village near Bagh in Kashmir cannot be negotiated in the wheelchair used by Asma Sharif, 13, and she receives only occasional lessons at home from her uncle. “He is too busy to help any more, but at least I have kept up some of the studies I had begun before the quake,” Asma told IRIN from Bagh.
 
Zahoor Uddin, a doctor at the Islamabad-based Hashoo Foundation NGO, which has worked with quake victims since 2005, told IRIN: “The problems are exacerbated because wheelchairs wear out quickly in that terrain, and the victims have no funds to replace them.” In some cases he said tutors had been arranged for children unable to reach school.
 
Carried to school
 
The problems for many children are acute. “I have a nine-year-old pupil, Gul Muhammad, who is carried to school on his father’s back. His friends help him to the toilet, and the hard chairs are uncomfortable for him as he has a back problem. I feel sorry to see him and wish our school had better facilities,” said Alimuddin Ali, 35, a school teacher in Battagram. 
 
He told IRIN he knew of disabled children in other villages with no access to school - either because of distance or the way schools were designed. 
 
“I have read of education by radio in some areas of the world for children in remote communities. Perhaps we can use FM radio to offer them broadcasted lessons,” he suggested.
 
“The thing is these children need to go to schools. Radio can’t help them. My son is growing, I am getting older, and I worry about how long I can carry him to school,” said Gul’s father, Hakim Uddin.
 
kh/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94752</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300958210387t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PESHAWAR 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Jawad Khan, 15, spends most of his day at home in his village in the remote Battagram District of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa Province (KP), sometimes glancing at a magazine, or occasionally helping his mother shell peas or cut up potatoes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
es/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Basua community battles for survival</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg" />]]>BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV. 

Uganda has two indigenous forest communities - the Batwa people of the southwest, a larger group originally from Rwanda and Burundi, and the Basua in the west who came from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Already marginalized for their short stature and for being traditional forest dwellers, the Basua have continued to receive less assistance than the Batwa because they are more geographically isolated and have a smaller population, numbering just 100. 

Forced resettlement 

Western Uganda's Semliki Forest - the historical home of the Basua - became a National Park in 1993, and as a result, the community has lost its hunter-gatherer existence; they now have to request permission to fish and collect medicinal herbs and firewood, and are forbidden from hunting. 

The Basua have been moved around ever since, most recently to a village outside the small trading town of Bundimasoli in 2007, after a local NGO won a grant from the European Union to build a village for them, but the project collapsed under corruption allegations before it was completed. The community still has no clear rights to the land where it was resettled, and struggles to access basic services such as clean drinking water and healthcare. 

"Imagine someone is used to maybe going to the office, working, making phone calls, going to the ATM, withdrawing money... then you dump them in the forest instead," said Fred Lulinaki, a programme director at the East and Central Africa Association for Indigenous Rights (ECAAIR). “If they survive, it will be just by luck." 

Some Basua men and women find casual jobs such as hauling wood, but most sit around the village with nothing to do. Some have turned to alcohol. Of the 40 children, Lulinaki said only two attend school, either because they are orphaned or their parents cannot afford the cost of pens and school fees. Fifteen of the community's children are orphans. 

HIV 

Ezekiel Mugisa, local coordinator of the Organisation for the Survival of the Basua (OSIBA), said the first documented case of HIV among them was in 1985, but the virus really established a foothold when the Allied Democratic Forces - a Ugandan rebel group - launched a movement to overthrow the Ugandan government for the DRC in the mid-1990s. The Ugandan troops sent to fight the insurgents set up camp near the Basuas’ home; soldiers and suppliers offered money and goods in exchange for sex with Basua women, or raped them. 

Rumours have long circulated in Uganda that sex with Basua women cured back pain and HIV. Stan Frankland, an anthropologist at Scotland's University of St Andrews, has been working with and advocating for the community since he first visited them as a tourist in 1990. He helped establish OSIBA. 

Frankland said the myths stemmed from a belief that as forest dwellers, the Basua "have some spiritual aspect to them. That they're not fully human... they might transmit this power." 

Even with the troops gone and education campaigns debunking supposed AIDS cures, transactional sex remains common. For many women, it is the only viable way of supporting themselves. HIV is a secondary concern to getting enough to eat. 

There are no official statistics on HIV prevalence among the Basua, but those who do know they are HIV-positive have limited access to, or knowledge about, treatment. Since Save the Children pulled out recently, the nearest source of treatment is a health centre 20km away - few of the Basua can afford the transport costs. Even when they did have access to ARVs, there was no formal process to teach people why the drugs were important or how to take and store them. Instead, many would trade the drugs for food, according to Mugisa. 

"The [Basua] are dying," said Basua King Geoffrey Nzito, who had just concluded a burial ceremony. "I want people to join hands so at least they can come to a solution that is good for us." 

Powerless 

The Basuas’ situation mirrors the problems indigenous groups around the world are facing, says Rebecca Adamson, president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide (FPW), a group that makes small, direct grants to indigenous groups to help carry out livelihood projects that they design and develop. 

Adamson said she had seen many indigenous groups kicked off land they had lived on and cultivated for hundreds of years, so that governments and companies could access it for mining, industry or tourism. Once they are displaced, there is little funding to help the groups integrate into life outside the forests. 

The funding that exists is often driven by NGOs without the input of the indigenous people, so they "remain at the whims of what western society wants for them instead of what they want for themselves", she said. 

Adamson is afraid that "we will be seeing large-scale extinction of certain groups" like the Basua. 

ECAAIR is seeking funding to launch livelihood projects for the Basua community that build on the skills they have from life in the forest – fishing, bee-keeping, growing garlic - and turning them into sustainable businesses. As they wait for funding, association members have already started teaching basic bookkeeping classes to the community. 

"This skills training is aimed at reducing vulnerability and dependence, which will also reduce the HIV and AIDS," Lulinaki said. 

Frankland is also encouraging the community to be more active about protecting their health. In December he led a discussion about the dangers of transactional sex. The lesson seems to have stuck. Since the beginning of the year, Nzito said he and other members of the community have been driving away the men who come at night seeking out Basua women. 

It is a small step, but the community also urgently requires access to HIV treatment and education; other health crises – mainly malnutrition and untreated malaria - are also affecting the community. 

Frankland said the Basua acknowledged their fear that the community would soon die out. "There are only 100 of them. If you can't save 100 people, how are you going to make it work on a larger scale?" 

ag/kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94732</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Coping with climate change</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding. 

In a review of its humanitarian operations (HERR), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/HERR.pdf ]
 the UK government was among the first donors to place resilience at the centre of its “approach both to longer-term development and to emergency response” and announced its intention to scale-up work on resilience. 

Aid experts and NGOs provide various reasons for the growing popularity and emergence of resilience as a concept. Some are sceptical. But they all agree it is a positive approach that will bring the worlds of development and humanitarian aid closer. 

What does resilience mean in the aid world? 

Some call it just another addition to the growing aid jargon. But mostly people call it a new approach, a “lens”, which has given new meaning to “sustainable development”. 

Maarten van Aalst, director of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre and co-ordinating lead author of the summary of the special report on Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change (SREX) produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2011 explains it thus: Under the conventional sustainable development approach, if a road had to be constructed in a rural area, benefits - such as the impact on the lives of the communities living alongside, creation of job opportunities from the maintenance of the road and development of markets for the farming community - would have been taken into consideration. 

This is what Peter Walker, a leading aid expert, calls the “linear” approach. The old development models “made projections into the future from recent trends and assumed that, all other things being equal, life would get better”. 

But with a resilience lens on, the government or aid agency responsible for the road will consider the possibility of external shocks or unexpected developments that might affect the road and people’s lives. “What if the area becomes prone to floods or if there is an earthquake, what if food prices increase because the contractors are better off than the local population? [These] would be some of the factors that the project would now consider,” explains Van Aalst. 

The SREX defines resilience as “the ability of a system and its component parts to anticipate, absorb, accommodate, or recover from the effects of a hazardous event in a timely and efficient manner, including through ensuring the preservation, restoration, or improvement of its essential basic structures and functions”. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94301 ]

A much simpler definition is offered by Simon Levine, a member of the Africa Climate Change Resilience Alliance (ACCRA), a consortium of NGOs and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), where he is a research fellow: “It is the ability [of people, systems] to maintain their well-being.” 

Paul Cook, Tearfund’s director of policy, says the climate change community in its efforts to integrate “resilience to climate change across all development sectors”, is seeking a definition of resilience or “strengthened development" that is broad and “ensures communities and ecosystems have the capacity to adapt to uncertain change”. 

Tom Mitchell, head of climate change at ODI and also an SREX co-ordinating lead author, agrees, suggesting that “the HERR’s decision to foreground resilience has helped to generate new conversations between those working on risks to development, meaning new connections are being made between conflict, disaster, financial and climate risk management that were not happening to anywhere near the same extent before the HERR came out. This can only be a good thing.” 

Why the focus on resilience now? 

Brian Walker, one of the world’s first resilience scientists, says the increasing realization that people are unable to control factors, such as earthquakes, or influence certain situations, such as long-running conflicts, or halt man-made climate change have forced them to consider this approach. 

“The world leaders and the global institutions we have at present are simply unable to slow down the changes in greenhouse gases, growing antibiotic resistance, ocean acidification, loss of forests, etc,” he wrote in an email to IRIN. 

The development and humanitarian community of the 1970s and 1980s were optimistic, believing that given enough time and money for innovation, all the problems in the world could be fixed, says Peter Walker, who heads the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University. But that optimism has been ebbing in the past few years, fuelled by unresolved conflicts such as in Afghanistan. 

“As we come to understand the complexity of systems more and as we have evidence that we control only a small part of how these systems evolve, planners’ goals shift from ‘forcing’ systems along a path they determine, to seeking ways to nudge systems into states that will withstand shock.” 

But others like Tom Bigg, a development policy expert at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), see the reason for the shift as partly political and to do with basic rights. He thinks the resilience approach is about looking for solutions within (a person, system or a country) that make it more empowering than the previous development approach where “people were passive victims for whom change was determined externally”. 

Richard Klein, a scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), who is leading the work on adaptation for the IPCC’s next assessment, says the increasing use of the word resilience “has to do with the positive connotation it has. ‘Enhancing resilience' sounds better as a policy objective than 'reducing vulnerability', although by and large they would involve the same activities.” 

Where does the concept fit into an aid system? 

The resilience theory developed in 1973 by Buzz Holling, an ecologist, exists in all disciplines – economists look at how markets reorganize themselves after shocks, political scientists consider how fragile countries recover after war and so on. The study of resilience is a multi-disciplinary science. 

It is difficult to trap resilience in a silo of its own, says ODI’s Levine. Its usefulness lies in the fact that it has built bridges between the worlds of development, relief and disaster risk reduction – as the goal of all these sectors is to produce individuals, communities, countries or any system able to withstand shocks, he said. 

Its application differs. 

Some view it as similar to the participatory, consultative approach - where existing communities’ capacity and expectations to cope and recover are taken into account when planning disaster risk reduction programmes. NGOs such as the Red Cross/Red Crescent have been working with this approach for the last few years. 

The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has developed projects that enhance resilience to disasters. For instance, in the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP) that covers 7.8 million people in Ethiopia by providing regular and predictable cash and food transfers, DFID has introduced a new risk financing mechanism. This allows the programme to expand in times of shock such as a particularly long dry season, for longer periods or to cover more people. 

In the past five years there have been increased efforts to integrate adaptation and disaster risk reduction as both "aim to reduce the impacts of shocks by anticipating risks and addressing vulnerabilities". IPCC’s SREX was an attempt to do that. Then there have also been efforts to integrate the two into development planning and practice, says Van Aalst. “Resilience is often used as a convenient umbrella concept that captures some of this integration.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85372 ]

Funding issues 

There is no separate funding for resilience. But a specific project within a single sector like the risk financing mechanism in Ethiopia’s PSNP could possibly find openings. DFID has started looking at it from a disaster resilience and conflict perspective. According to Tearfund’s Cook, “It will obviously be challenging to try to channel money for building up resilience across the whole range of sectors in a coherent way but, for us, it would seem counterproductive to establish stand-alone resilience initiatives,” he added. After all it is a concept that looks at things in totality. 

Partners in Resilience is a five-year project run in five countries which integrates risk-reduction, adaptation and environmental protection using resilience as an umbrella, bringing NGOs such as the Netherlands Red Cross, Care, Wetlands International, CORDAID and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre together. But the project raised the money by aligning its objectives with that of the Netherlands Development Aid – in this case it was poverty alleviation, civil society building and so on. 

The problems 

Van Aalst raises two concerns. The real problem around implementation concerns capacity and scale. “It is easy to run pilot projects and try to influence change but initiatives like these need to be scaled-up to make a difference. And if you want to scale-up you need capacity and you need to keep the objectives simple and not confuse people on the ground with yet another term." He suggested being realistic about the kind of outcomes sought from a project. 

The other problem was the word might hide the underlying causes of vulnerability, particularly inequalities, he said. "The causes of vulnerability are often closely related to development decisions that create vulnerability." For instance, the creation of urban slums in areas exposed to environmental risks such as river banks. 

Ultimately, as Klein points out, "I don't believe in the possibility of rationally calculating the optimal level of preparedness/adaptation/resilience of society. There is no such thing as zero risk; the level of risk a society is exposed to is a social and political decision." 

jk/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94714</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Asylum-seekers in Australia suspend hunger strike</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.  

At least 34 of the participants had been on hunger strike for a week.  

"The ball is now in the government's court," Ian Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition (RAC) [ http://refugeeaction.org.au/ ] told IRIN from Sydney. "I hope this will be followed by action and not just words."  

The suspension follows a meeting between an official from Australia's Department of Immigration and Citizenship [ http://www.immi.gov.au/ ] and 12 elected hunger strikers from the group on 24 January, with an agreement for both sides to meet again a week later. 

More than 3,000 boat people - mostly Sri Lankans, Afghans and Iranians - are now in detention in eight high security immigration detention centres (IDCs) across the country, many for extended periods of time.  

According to the government's own statistics [ http://www.immi.gov.au/managing-australias-borders/detention/_pdf/immigration-detention-statistics-20111130.pdf ], 38 percent of asylum-seekers had been in detention for over a year.  

Policy shift  

On 25 November [ http://www.minister.immi.gov.au/media/cb/2011/cb180599.htm ], the government announced a shift in policy that boat arrivals who did not pose risks would be considered for placement in the community on bridging visas, following initial health, security and identity checks.  

Priority would be given to those who had spent the greatest amount of time in detention.  

Under the plan, asylum-seekers on bridging visas have the right to work and support themselves while their claims for asylum are processed, as well as have access to necessary health services.  

"This will be an ongoing, staged process to ensure an orderly transition to the community and that only suitable people are released," Chris Bowen, Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, said at the time of the announcement, noting he expected at least 100 asylum-seekers to be released per month.  

But two months on and only 107 bridging visas issued, detainees and activists have grown frustrated by the slow pace of the process.  

More than half the Afghan asylum-seekers, many of them ethnic Hazara, at the Pontville centre, joined the recent hunger strike which ultimately resulted in the hospitalization of at least three.  

"There is nothing like 100 visas a month being issued and tensions are growing in all the detention centres," Rintoul said, describing the government announcement as a "cruel hoax".  

Element of hope  

"The process may not be going as fast as we would like, but we acknowledge that it's a difficult process and one that needs to be done properly," Alex Pagliaro, a refugee campaign coordinator for Amnesty International, told IRIN, describing the government's plans to release more asylum-seekers into the community as "genuine".  

"They need to ensure that all necessary services are available to them when they are released," she said, adding: "Once the process speeds up, this will take the pressure off the detention centres, which are already overcrowded."  

"Issuing bridging visas for asylum-seekers who arrive by boat is an important first step towards ending the suffering of thousands of vulnerable people experiencing extended and needless detention," Paul Power, chief executive officer of the Refugee Council of Australia, added.  

"We encourage the Federal Government to continue releasing more people into the community while their claims for asylum are being assessed," he said, citing the importance of having a single system of processing, regardless of whether asylum-seekers arrive by boat or by plane.  

According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, there are more than 5,000 asylum-seekers in Australia today, including 3,464 in the IDC system on the mainland, 945 in immigration detention on Christmas Island off the southern coast of Indonesia, as well as 1,324 living in community detention.  

Under Australian immigration law enacted in 1992 [ http://www.comlaw.gov.au/Details/C2004A04315 ], any asylum-seeker arriving in the country without a visa by boat can be detained indefinitely, while those arriving by plane with a visa can be processed in the community.  

ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94715</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Little hope of swift return for Abyan IDPs</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg" />]]>ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</description><body><![CDATA[ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.
 
But on a visit there in January he found nothing left of his two-storey home and his watermelon farm - the family’s sole source of income - had become a wasteland.
 
“I never expected to see our home in this condition. It is almost completely destroyed and our furniture has been looted,” al-Hasani told IRIN. “Our watermelon farm is littered with spent cartridges and unexploded devices.” 
 
Al-Hasani is one of some 2,500 [ http://yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35102 ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) who went back to Abyan in mid-January to check on their property and belongings.
 
After the visit, the IDPs returned to Aden, where they have been sheltering since May 2011 following clashes between government troops and armed Islamic militants (mainly Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsular).
 
According to the government’s Executive Unit for IDP Camp Management, more than 144,000 people have been displaced in southern Yemen since May 2011. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/reliefweb_pdf/node-457544.pdf ]
 
Local sources told IRIN armed Islamic groups allowed the IDPs to enter Zinjibar city, the main militant stronghold, and other neighbouring areas. 
 
“We were received warmly by the militants - behaviour we have never seen before,” said Abdulkhaliq Abu Omar, a secondary school teacher in his thirties. “We fear they [militants] just want to seduce us to return and then use as human shields,” he told IRIN.
 
According to IDPs, armed militants and the army share control of Zinjibar city, and in some areas the two warring sides are only metres apart, making further clashes a distinct possibility.
 
Nadheer Kandah, a local journalist who accompanied the IDPs on their journey to Abyan, described Zinjibar as a ghost town, with all shops shut and no water or electricity. 
 
“A number of streets and neighbourhoods are no-go areas because of landmines,” he said. 
 
Compensation unlikely
 
“Our home is a wreck… Our grocery [the family’s sole source of income] has been burned down… How can we survive if we return?” asked Ali Saif, a 35-year-old IDP sheltering with his eight-member family in 22 May School in Aden.
 
“We will not return unless our homes are reconstructed and unless we receive compensation for our livelihood sources, which we lost, and unless security is restored… It is too early for us to think about homecoming.”
 
Edward Leposky, external relations officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN there has been no assessment of the dangers of mines and other unexploded devices in the Abyan area. The agency, he added, was monitoring developments and continuing to campaign for improvements on the ground to permit a safe return.
 
According to Ghassan Faraj, secretary-general of Zinjibar local council, the destruction of citizens’ homes and other property is huge. “No assessment has been conducted yet, but we can say that several hundred homes and farms have been damaged or destroyed, most notably in Zinjibar and Jaar cities,” he said. 
 
“The government hasn’t compensated Sa’dah IDPs displaced since 2004 [due to fighting between government forces and Houthi rebels]. This makes us pessimistic that it can do so in Abyan to prompt the return of IDPs," Faraj told IRIN.
 
Yemen is due to hold presidential elections on 21 February as part of a deal brokered by Gulf states to end a year of political turmoil that has left hundreds dead.
 
ay/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94716</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: High cost of child trafficking</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg" />]]>POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</description><body><![CDATA[POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.

“Trafficking in children is real,” said Gabon’s social affairs director-general, Mélanie Mbadinga Matsanga. 

“Gabon, for example, is considered an Eldorado and draws a lot of West African immigrants who traffic children.” Matsanga was speaking at a conference on preventing child trafficking held in Congo’s southern city of Pointe Noire.

The meeting was attended by delegates from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Gabon is primarily a destination and transit country for children and women, who are subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking; boys are forced to work as street hawkers or mechanics, states the US State Department’s human trafficking report for 2011. [ http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/164454.pdf ] 

Child trafficking is defined by the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children [ http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CTOC/index.html#Fulltext ] as the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of children for the purpose of exploitation. This definition is especially important in West and Central Africa where it often occurs with the consent of the parents and sometimes, of the children themselves, notes a UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) report [ http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/insight7.pdf ]. 

But a “near total absence of data” on the scope of the problem prevents media coverage of the issue, which is essential in influencing public opinion, noted the 2002 UNICEF report. A decade later, the problem persists. “It is hard to count the number of children [affected]. It is even difficult to talk [about them] because their attitude shows that [the children] themselves are convinced that the work they are forced to do is not normal,” Marianne Flach, UNICEF’s representative in the Congo, told IRIN.  

“The parents in the countries of origin do not even know what happens to their children in the countries of destination,” added Flach. 

Children and their families are ensnared by the empty promises of a better life, leading to the smuggling across borders every year of hundreds of thousands of children, denying them education, health, the right to grow up within a family and to protection from exploitation and abuse, say experts. 

Kidnapping on the rise 

In Cameroon, says the State Department report, trafficking operations usually target two or three children, such as when rural parents hand over their children to a middleman promising education or a better life in the city. 

But traffickers there are increasingly kidnapping their victims, as heightened public awareness means parents are giving away fewer of their children to middlemen.  

“Trafficking is nothing but abuse,” Marcelline Pambou Loubondo of the NGO Movement of Mothers for Peace, Solidarity and Development, told IRIN.  “The traffickers are looking for a better life. They want to get rich very fast, which is why they employ children.” 

The children are often forced to engage in petty trade day and night, lest they are beaten up, added Loubondo. 

The presence of local and foreign armed groups also poses a threat to children’s rights, as do burgeoning oil and mineral sectors. In the DRC, for example, armed groups continue to abduct and forcibly recruit men, women and children as combatants, labourers and sex slaves.  

A significant number of unlicensed Congolese artisanal miners – men and boys – are also exploited in situations of debt bondage by businessmen and supply dealers from whom they acquire cash advances, tools, food, and other provisions at inflated prices, and to whom they must sell the mined minerals at below-market prices, notes the State Department report.   

In Equatorial Guinea, children “…are believed to be exploited in Malabo and Bata where a burgeoning oil industry creates demand for cheap labour and commercial sexual exploitation”. 

According to delegates at the conference, source and destination countries need to form bilateral accords given the trans-border nature of trafficking. 

Weak law enforcement  

At present, those involved in human trafficking are not systematically targeted by law enforcement officials even as trafficking seems to undergo a “seemingly uncontrollable rapid expansion”, noted Congo’s Social Affairs Minister, Emilienne Raoul. 

In Gabon too, according to the US State Department report, the lack of enforcement of counter-trafficking laws has meant there have been no convictions, despite the arrest of more than 68 suspected trafficking offenders between 2003 and 2010. 

While trafficking is often associated with clandestine migration, the merging of these two issues has serious consequences, with trafficked children seen as young offenders rather than victims in need of special protection measures, notes the International Organization for Migration. 

“Human trafficking is a form of migration particularly detrimental to human rights,” added Robert Kotchani, a UN human rights official. 

But, “in the same manner that slavery ended, human trafficking can equally end”, said Viviane Tchignoumba Mouanza, a magistrate and president of the association of female jurists in the Congo. “It is a problem with the mentality, sensitization and reach of the law.”  

lmm-aw/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94721</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201250915460081t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">POINTE NOIRE 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Forced child labour remains rampant in Central Africa, where poverty fuels the trafficking of children from poorer countries to oil-rich states such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, according to experts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Moving beyond violence in Jonglei</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba. 

At least 120,000 people have been affected by the violence, according to the UN’s latest assessment, which could easily rise. 

"The violence in Jonglei hasn’t stopped… our contingency plan for Jonglei could reach about 180,000 people," while half that number already need food aid, South Sudan’s UN Humanitarian Coordinator Lise Grande said on 20 January. 

Local officials have suggested "thousands" of people have been killed in the last few weeks, but this could not be independently confirmed and the UN said it was not possible to provide a count of casualties sustained over such a vast area in so short a time. 

In the hospital, Amon Lull Chop fans her four-year-old daughter Nyaduk, who was unable to keep up as the family fled an attack on the town of Duk Padiet in Duk County last week, which the government says killed more than 80 people. Another 70 or so died in similar attacks by members of the Murle community over the past two weeks. 

“She slept alone until I came back the following morning and I found the child, and her intestines were outside where they shot and stabbed her,” she says, pointing to a bandage stretching from Nyaduk’s navel up to her chest. 

These attacks came after about 8,000 Lou Nuer youths, reportedly joined by some of the country’s dominant Dinka group, marched in late 2011 on Pibor County, razing villages and killing and abducting woman and children. 

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) tracked the deadly column as it snaked its way towards Pibor town. But even with the support of 800 government soldiers, its 400 peacekeeping troops in Pibor town were greatly outnumbered so UNMISS could only advise civilians to flee into the bush or get behind protective lines in the town. 

Thousands of people like Lilkeng Gada took the advice and ran, but were hunted down in their hiding places. 

“We were going to hide from the Lou Nuer, and they came and found us,” she said. “We were just sitting down, and they came all of a sudden, and they shot us down. I fell on the floor and they left me, and one child ran, but two of my children and my husband were shot dead right there. 

“Now, I’m alone. I don’t know what to do now, how to bring up the children. We had cows and they were taken… I don’t know how we will survive.”
 
Targeting the vulnerable
 
Peter Nanou, on another hospital bed in Juba, with a cast on his leg from where he was shot, says he could not save his grandmother from the attack on his village near Pibor. 

“I was the one looking after her. When the Lou Nuer attacked I ran with my mother and my grandmother was left behind and shot dead,” he said. 

Aid agencies and the authorities have expressed shock at the number of women, children and elderly who have been killed or wounded in the attacks. 

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said half the patients it airlifted from an 11 January attack on Wek village, Uror County, were under the age of five. 

Most had gunshot wounds and had been beaten. According to the government, 57 people were killed and 53 wounded in Wek. 

South Sudan Red Cross volunteers are counselling about 150 unaccompanied minors in Pibor, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has tracked down parents of 109 children registered there. 

"I've seen at least 50 children that have been kidnapped by my people,” said a Lou Nuer aid worker who fled to the town of Akobo in early January. 

Conflict drivers 

In a country awash with small arms, decades of tit-for-tat livestock raids – some 80,000 cattle were taken over recent weeks - are often cited as the explanation for the clashes. But other conflict drivers are also in play. 

“The causes of the violence go beyond the retaliatory nature of cattle raiding in Jonglei state and touch upon broader issues of accountability, reconciliation, political inclusion, an absence of state authority, and development,” said Jennifer Christian, Sudan policy analyst for the Enough Project, in a 9 January statement. 

“The political and security-related isolation of the two communities has contributed to the rise of parallel authorities, and renders violence as one of the few mechanisms for addressing community grievances,” the statement added. 

According to the Sudan Council of Churches (SCC), social changes have also contributed to the violence. 

“There is a clear disconnect between the youth and both the traditional and political leaders. The tradition of youth respecting and listening to their elders has been lost. Without the youth's involvement, and their sense of ownership of the peace process, any attempt at peace will fail,” the council said in a 18 January statement. 

“Extremely young children are being ‘initiated’ into the hatred and killing, ensuring that it will continue into the next generation,” the statement warned. 

Stopping the cycle of violence 

On 19 January, UNMISS chief Hilde Johnson said that without a large government deployment to enforce a buffer zone, the UN’s 1,100 combat-ready troops in Jonglei  - half of all those deployed in South Sudan - would have to work “miracles” to stop the backlash of smaller attacks on remote villages. 

“The challenge with protection of civilians with the current [new kind of] counter-attacks means that the unpredictability of the attackers, the speed, the small groups they are moving in, makes it very, very difficult,” she said. 

Johnson also expressed alarm about the increasing use of messages threatening to “wipe out an entire ethnic group from the face of the earth,” warning they could further provoke “systematic ethnic violence”. 

Church-led mediation efforts were aborted without resolution in mid-December, when a scheduled peace conference was postponed indefinitely. 

“The church failed because it did not have government support,” said Joseph Giro Ading, visiting a Murle friend whose abdomen was torn to pieces when he was shot near his hometown Pibor.  

“If we keep on revenging, there will not be any solution to the problem; unless we come down [to Juba] and settle the problem in our area, Jonglei will be finished,” he said. 

On 19 January, the government announced it would disarm warring sides in Jonglei, using force if necessary. In the past, similar initiatives have met with limited, or temporary, success and were criticized by human rights groups for their excessive zeal. 

Earlier in January, a Nuer group – the White Army – warned that any new attempt to disarm it “"will lead to catastrophe". 

For the Enough Project, a broader strategy is necessary.  

“The delivery of basic services, provision of security, and establishment of rule of law by the government in Lou Nuer and Murle areas are critical toward ending inter-communal violence in the long term,” its statement urged. 

A view echoed by the SCC: “It is clear that under-development is a key driver of conflict in the area, and this is exacerbated by a perception that some communities are neglected. Development of the more isolated parts of Jonglei State must become a priority for government (eg roads), the business community (eg mobile phone networks) and the aid community.” 

Jonglei resident Ading drew a similar connection: “All those areas where there are attacks, there are no schools, there are no hospitals, there is nothing… they are just villages where cattle are kept,” he told IRIN.
 
“The government should open roads and schools to particular people who don’t even know their ABC. If they educate people who are illiterate, they will also know bad and good,” he said.
 
hm/am/mw

Also see: SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?” [ http://www.irinnews.org/hovreport.aspx?reportid=94704 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94706</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: 40,000 Rohingya children in Myanmar unregistered</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810267t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - An estimated 40,000 Rohingya children are believed to be unregistered in Myanmar, according to a new report.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - An estimated 40,000 Rohingya children are believed to be unregistered in Myanmar, according to a new report [ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs12/AP-CRCMyanmar-12-01.pdf ].  

"Despite recent reform efforts in Myanmar, the government has reaffirmed its deeply discriminatory policies against the Rohingya, and the children bear the brunt of this," Chris Lewa, director of The Arakan Project and author of the report, told IRIN before a session of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in Geneva on 19 January.  

These include the requirement of government authorization for marriage and a "two-child policy". These restrictions have made children "evidence" of unregistered marriages, an act punishable with up to 10 years in prison, while third and fourth children who are unregistered are essentially "blacklisted" for life - unable to travel, attend school or marry.  

Under Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law, Rohingya children - both registered and unregistered - are stateless and hence, face limited access to food [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83733 ] and healthcare, leaving them susceptible to preventable diseases and malnutrition. Many are prevented from attending school and used for forced labour [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88240 ], contributing to a Rohingya illiteracy rate of 80 percent. More than 60 percent of children aged between five and 17 have never enrolled in school, the report said.  

or/ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94672</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200810267t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - An estimated 40,000 Rohingya children are believed to be unregistered in Myanmar, according to a new report.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Unsafe abortions &quot;on the rise&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191259520657t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new study by the New York Guttmacher Institute states that the number of women having induced abortions has stayed stubbornly high since the last such report in 2003, and that the marked reduction in the eight years before that has not been maintained.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new study by the New York Guttmacher Institute states that the number of women having induced abortions has stayed stubbornly high since the last such report in 2003, and that the marked reduction in the eight years before that has not been maintained.  [ http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/journals/Sedgh-Lancet-2012-01.pdf ]

Almost half of all abortions are categorized by the institute as “unsafe”, and this figure is rising – it estimates 49 percent in this latest (2008) study compared with 44 percent at the time of the baseline study in 1995. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 13 percent of maternal deaths, and a vast amount of suffering and ill-health can be attributed to the consequences of unsafe abortion.

Abortion is a worldwide phenomenon, and although variations exist between regions, they are not huge. Developed countries have an estimated 24 abortions for every 1,000 women aged 15 to 44; the rate in developing countries is 29 per 1,000. Around one in five pregnancies ends in abortion.

Dr Iqbal Shah of the WHO’s Department of Reproductive Health stressed the universality of the predicament. “One should say that no woman actually wants to become pregnant to have an abortion. It is the result of an accident. And at the WHO we estimate that this amounts to 33 million accidental pregnancies a year, which of course can lead to abortion. And where that is restricted by law, they have no choice but to resort to unsafe procedures.”

The main author of the report, Gilda Sedgh, said: “Abortion laws tend to be restrictive in developing countries. The majority of abortions are unsafe, and some people are sure that those abortions are unsafe because they are happening in very poor countries with very poor health systems. And that is true, and that is important... but even within developing countries, illness and death from abortion have declined where abortion laws have been liberalized. We have evidence from South Africa where the abortion law was liberalized in 1997... the annual number of abortion-related deaths, within three years of the liberalization of the law, fell by about 90 percent.” 

Burden of death

Commenting on the research, Beverly Winikoff, of Gynuity Health Projects in New York, said: “Almost the entire burden of death due to abortion occurs in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Somehow, we typically act as if this were neither surprising nor troubling. But there are no regional biological differences in women that could account for this discrepancy; there is no procedure to prevent death that is unknown to practitioners where the toll is high; there are no costly technologies needed to avoid these deaths. If a lack exists, it is a lack of caring – a willingness to sacrifice lives to an ideological moral high ground, to social acceptability or to the maintenance of a political comfort zone.”

The figures show that a woman who feels she has to have an abortion will go ahead regardless of the law. The only difference will be whether she is able to terminate her pregnancy safely. The study gives no support at all to the idea that making abortion illegal stops it happening. In fact, it shows that the highest rates of abortion are in countries where abortion is illegal. 

Sedgh says: “The abortion rate is actually lower in sub-regions characterized by liberal laws, compared with [those] characterized by restrictive abortion laws.” But she adds, “That’s not to say that these laws lead to lower or higher abortion rates; our findings add to the evidence that abortion rates are especially correlated with trends in contraceptive use. Basically the higher the contraceptive use, the lower the abortion rate.”

Contraception funding

Thus a stalling in the availability of contraception is the underlying reason behind a stalling in the reduction in abortions. Sedgh told IRIN: “In some countries this stalling has been attributed to the funding for family planning not keeping pace with the demand, which has been constantly increasing both as the size of the population has been growing and as women and couples increasingly want to have small families. So the supply is not keeping up with the demand.

“In some countries it also has to do with the limits of the family planning programmes that are in place, which don’t offer a wide range of methods. So at first you can see an increase, as the need which is most easily met is met. But the quality of the family planning services needs to expand. They need to offer a wider range of methods. They need to make sure that information and counselling is there to match women to the methods that they need.”

Stigmatization

Sedgh and her colleagues confine themselves to medical statistics, avoiding the politics of abortion. But Richard Horton, editor of the London-based medical journal, The Lancet, which published the research, said: “We have found at The Lancet that the mere mention of the word ‘abortion’... leads to a phenomenal and visceral reaction against even discussing the issue. I was involved in a commission on women’s and children’s health last year... and in our final report we drew attention to the issue of abortion, and the American representative on the commission explicitly came to me and asked me to remove the word ‘abortion’ from our draft.  

“Even under an Obama administration it is not possible to have an open discussion about abortion in international agencies and commissions. And this stigmatization, this censorship around the issue of abortion, is what is causing the enormous distortion in priorities for women’s health today.”

eb/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94683</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191259520657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new study by the New York Guttmacher Institute states that the number of women having induced abortions has stayed stubbornly high since the last such report in 2003, and that the marked reduction in the eight years before that has not been maintained.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GLOBAL: Fighting for the rights of child soldiers</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.

All sides to the Somali conflict have reportedly been recruiting children. An official working with an NGO that monitors the state of children in the country told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92249   ] that although the exact number of child soldiers was unknown, his group suspected between 2,000 and 3,000 children were in different armed groups.

Up to 300,000 children are still involved in more than 30 conflicts worldwide, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) [ http://www.unicef.org/emerg/files/childsoldiers.pdf  ].

In April 2011, the UN listed dozens of groups that continued to recruit or use children in its annual report on children and armed conflict [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/S2011250.pdf ] . This bid to “name and shame” countries into cooperating with the law has only a limited effect, however. While fewer children are being used as child soldiers today, it is thanks to conflicts having ended, not the practice of recruiting and using children.

“Despite some examples of progress, the bigger picture remains essentially unaltered: the recruitment and use of boys and girls by armed groups remains widespread,” according to the latest report by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers in 2008 [ http://www.childsoldiersglobalreport.org/ ].

Gender is no protection, as girls are recruited into armed groups or abducted for forced labour or sex. Age also proved no barrier; in Columbia, the FARC militia announced it would recruit all children over the age of eight, reported the UN Secretary-General in April 2011: “In one characteristic use of children, a child was used by FARC-EP to carry out an attack against a police station using explosives. The explosives were attached to the child and activated as he approached the police station, killing him instantly.” [ http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/colombia.html ]

Defenceless

“Many children have few alternatives to, or defences against, joining armed groups,” states the 2008 Coalition report. It cited poverty, discrimination and social exclusion, lack of access to education, and limited job prospects as some of the factors pushing minors to join armed groups.

Not all children associated with armed forces are used as fighters. Minors have been seen manning checkpoints, acting as scouts and guides in battles, running errands, cooking and cleaning for forces during the Côte d’Ivoire election conflict, [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93323  according to government social workers, UN agency and NGO staff, as well as direct testimonies from children. Social workers in Duékoué, in the west, told NGO Save the Children they saw children involved whom they estimated to be as young as 11  [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ]

Augustin Habyaremye was forcibly recruited into one of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) armed groups, the Mai-Mai PARECO, at 15, and tasked with quizzing local villagers about the movements of militia forces because of his knowledge of Kinyarwanda, an official language of Rwanda. He cannot remember how many skirmishes and battles he was involved in during his six years with them, but in July 2011 he managed to slip away and was brought to the demobilization camp in the eastern DRC city of Goma, in search of “a normal life”.  [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93737   ]

Suicide bombers

Children have also been made to carry explosives between Afghanistan and Pakistan, conduct military operations in the DRC, Philippines, Myanmar and Somalia, carry out arson attacks and collect kidnap ransoms in Haiti; they were used as suicide bombers in Iraq, according to the Secretary-General’s 2010 report, as well as Pakistan [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=76701 ] and Afghanistan.

According to a Foreign Policy Association blog [  http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2008/02/13/the-continued-rise-of-the-child-suicide-bomber/ ]: “The use of child suicide bombers appears to be increasing, and while many children are educated and reared into this deadly fate, many are thankfully saved or removed before their actions have deadly consequences. Many have seen the images of infants and toddlers dressed in mock suicide bomber outfits in Palestine, and while they may not commit such acts when they grow up, their fate is one undoubtedly leaning towards violence.”

Laws not applied

There are various instruments outlawing the recruitment and use of children for combat in human rights law, humanitarian law, labour law and criminal law - but a chasm exists between these standards and their application. The Coalition report cites ineffective government and a lack of enforcement mechanisms as reasons why armed groups continued to operate with relative impunity.

Although child soldiers are used all over the world, the largest numbers are in Africa, despite the 1999 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the only regional treaty in the world that prohibits the use of child soldiers.


Most observers agree that the practice continues because children make for cheap and obedient fighters, easily frightened or brainwashed into compliance. The accessibility of light weaponry has also fed into the problem, making it possible for very young children to bear and use arms.

“Any country that has an active armed conflict can expect that troop-hungry commanders will use children to fill their ranks,” said professor, author and psychologist Michael Wessells in a United States Department of State webchat in June 2008 [   http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2008/June/20080613165714xjsnommis0.5646936.html  ]


But all agree that the most obvious reason armed forces take on children is because they can. Despite the regulations outlawing the practice, most of those who violate the conventions and international agreements are not prosecuted.

Children who have been displaced or separated from their parents, have limited access to education, or who have suffered an injustice or emotional abuse, are more vulnerable to recruitment, according to UNICEF.

Among other things, protection involves addressing these vulnerabilities, and identifying non-violent ways for them to contribute to their families and communities. Resources and capacity are particularly needed to extend education and vocational training, as well as to revive agriculture and provide other economic opportunities, according to the UN.

Demobilizing, reintegrating and rehabilitating children who have already participated in armed conflict is as difficult as protecting them. “Children who transition successfully into civilian life are less likely to continue the life of the gun, with its inherent dangers. However, instability in the post-conflict environment can put children at grave risk of re-recruitment and thwart their reintegration,” Wessells wrote in his 2006 book, Child Soldiers: from violence to protection.

The effects on children

Child soldiers are subject to ill-treatment and sexual exploitation. They are often forced to commit terrible atrocities, and beaten or killed if they try to escape. They are subjected to brutal initiation and punishment rituals, hard labour, cruel training regimes and torture. Many are given drugs and alcohol to agitate them and make it easier to break down their psychological barriers to fighting or committing atrocities.

 

Some speak of having been forced to witness or commit atrocities, including rape and murder. Others speak of seeing friends and family killed. Susan, 16, captures the brutalization children suffered at the hands of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda in the following testimony [ http://articles.latimes.com/2006/feb/24/opinion/oe-brooks24  ] :

"One boy tried to escape but he was caught. His hands were tied and then they made us, the other new captives, kill him with a stick. I felt sick. I knew this boy from before; we were from the same village. I refused to do it and they told me they would shoot me. They pointed a gun at me, so I had to do it… I see him in my dreams and he is saying I killed him for nothing, and I am crying."

“Fighting groups have developed brutal and sophisticated techniques to separate and isolate children from their communities. Children are often terrorized into obedience, consistently made to fear for their lives and well-being,” wrote the UN’s Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. “Sometimes they are compelled to participate in the killing of other children or family members, because it is understood by these groups that there is ‘no way back home’ for children after they have committed such crimes.” [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/childsoldiers.html  ]

Many child soldiers report psycho-social disturbances - from nightmares and aggression that is difficult to control to strongly anti-social behaviour and substance abuse - both during their involvement in war and after their return to civilian life. Others, who held high ranks and were feared and respected by other children, find it difficult to go back to classrooms or family dwellings where they are expected to be subservient.

For that reason, according to UNICEF, successful demobilization and rehabilitation programmes not only involve taking the guns out of children's hands but finding ways to reunite and resettle the children with their families and communities, and provide for their psycho-social care and recovery.

 

In Burundi, for example, the lucky ones among the country’s 3,421 former child soldiers who went through a demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) process returned to school but most languish in poverty, with little to do, officials told IRIN [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92371    ].

Cyprien Ndayishimiye, supervisor of former child soldiers in Bubanza province, said the situation for many former child soldiers was "dangerous" as even those who underwent vocational training during reintegration had yet to find gainful employment or set up income-generating activities.

"Many have even sold the materials they got from the DDR programme, such as sewing machines for those who learned sewing, and planes for those who hoped carpentry would help them," Ndayishimiye said.

 

Tougher for girls

Girls - especially orphans or unaccompanied girls - are especially vulnerable because they are often sexually exploited, raped or otherwise abused, subjected to human trafficking and prostitution, and forced to be “wives” by other combatants. This, in turn, can result in physical and psychological trauma, unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS) and social stigmatization.

 

“Girls are mostly used by armed opposition groups, paramilitaries and militias, but they are also used by government forces,” wrote Dyan Mazurana and Khristopher Carlson in a paper for the UN. “Worldwide estimates suggest girls may account for between 10 to 30 percent of children in fighting forces.” [  www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/elim-disc.../EP.12%20Mazurana.pdf  ]

 

Girls returning from war are often stigmatized and ostracized by their communities, especially if they return with children. 

 

“Girl soldiers are exploited in all the ways that boys are and carry the added burden of gender-based violence,” wrote Wessells.

Girls in particular continue to be excluded from official demobilization, disarmament, repatriation, resettlement and reintegration (DDRRR) programmes, despite their special post-conflict needs.

 

For example, some 3,000 girl soldiers in Liberia were officially demobilized while as many as 8,000 were excluded or did not register, according to the 2008 Coalition report. In the DRC, only about 15 percent of the girls believed to have been involved in the conflict were officially demobilized as the national programme drew to a close.

 

For the girls who do not go through the official programmes, there is no formal support at all.

Society pays a high price

Military recruitment is not only harmful to the children themselves but to societies as a whole. Children's lost years of schooling reduce societies' human and economic development potential. The educational system is further damaged when violent attacks are aimed at schools. The UN reported in 2010 that such attacks are becoming a “significant and a growing trend”. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38343&Cr=children&Cr1=armed+conflict ]


Tensions may also be high between children returning from combat and those who stayed behind, especially when social support and reintegration programmes are aimed at ex-combatants, seeming to reward participation in violence.

Though child soldiers have committed and continue to commit some terrible crimes in wartime, they are still entitled, as children, to special provision and protection.

Besides criminal proceedings, “other, more age- and culturally-appropriate options exist, including truth and reconciliation commissions, community-based rehabilitation and reintegration programmes and the traditional practice of cleansing rituals”, wrote Radhika Coomaraswamy, Special Representative to the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. [ www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf  ]

There is no international consensus on the minimum legal age for criminal responsibility, said Coomaraswamy. International Criminal Court (ICC) Article 26 prevents the court from prosecuting anyone under the age of 18, but not because it believes children should be exempt from prosecution for international crimes, “but rather that the decision on whether to prosecute should be left to states”, says Coomaraswamy’s office   [   Working Paper Number 3: Children and Justice During and in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict, September 2011  ]. “[The] exclusion of children from the ICC jurisdiction avoided an argument between States on the minimum age for international crimes,” it noted. [   http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93900  ]

There are substantial challenges in healing and reintegrating children  [  http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/ddrforchildren.html ]  into their communities when they have been instruments of brutality and atrocities, and whole societies must sometimes be involved in communal healing and acceptance of the returnees.

Somehow, the differing needs for justice and the reintegration in society of former child soldiers have to be accommodated.

Progress update

The past decade has seen a steady commitment to ending the use and abuse of children in conflict, and a strengthened framework to protect minors and bring perpetrators to justice.

By 2010, 129 countries had signed up to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/_documents/OPACArticle.pdf   ] while 143 had also ratified it.

The Protocol outlaws recruitment of children under 18 years of age, obliges states to ensure that members of their armed forces under age 18 do not take direct part in combat, raises the minimum age for voluntary enlistment into armed forces to 16 years and includes specific measures requiring proof of a wish to enlist.

In 2006, integrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration standards were created, and the Paris Principles and Guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups were created in 2007 to protect children from being recruited, and helping those who already were. A 2009 policy directive mainstreamed the protection, rights and well-being of children affected by armed conflict within peacekeeping operations.

Local approaches to justice and reconciliation are increasingly playing a role in transitional justice strategies, building upon traditional norms to strengthen the protection of children in communities.

In addition, the UN says more attention is being paid to understanding the root causes of child soldiering in an effort to provide more insight into children’s vulnerability and decision-making. There is, for example, increasing recognition of the role that notions of masculinity play in enticing or coercing children into armed groups.

The UN Security Council passed resolutions 1539 in 2004 [   http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions04.html ] ; 1612 in 2005 [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions05.htm  ]; and 1882 in 2009  [  http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions09.htm  ], which together created a working group and a monitoring and reporting mechanism to systematically monitor, document and report on the recruitment, abduction, killing or maiming of children, rape and sexual violence, attacks on schools and hospitals, and the denial of humanitarian access. It also led to systematic listing of parties that recruited or used child soldiers, in the Secretary-General’s annual report.

This public humiliation may be effective:  in the last two years, five armed groups have signed special Action Plans with the UN, the first step in being de-listed from the annual report.

“However, the gap between what governments say and what they do remains wide,” says the 2008 Coalition report.

The UN does not monitor and report on every country where children are being used in fighting or these grave violations occur. For example, Côte d’Ivoire is not on the official list of countries monitored by the UN Security Council task force for recruitment of children, yet, as cited earlier, social workers told Save the Children they saw children involved with armed groups who they estimated to be as young as 11 [  http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94468  ].

Other parties pledge to change but do not, despite the “naming and shaming” of the annual report. “More must be done to systematize and activate the full range of options available to the international community to ensure more robust action against recalcitrant violators,” said the Office for the Special Representative for the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict. “There are, for instance, 16 such persistent violators who have been explicitly named and listed by the Secretary-General for five years or more and the lack of action against them undermines accountability initiatives.”

And of course, national governments are only part of the problem. The Optional Protocol outlaws the recruitment or participation of anyone under 18 in insurgency groups and rebel forces, but “a wide array of armed groups – with diverse aims, methods and constituencies – continue to use children as soldiers and they have proved resistant to pressure or persuasion to stop the practice”, says the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers.

“Despite progress, the overall picture is one of armed groups that have ignored international law and standards, that renege on commitments, are resistant to pressure and persuasion, or have so far proved to be beyond the reach of efforts to end the involvement of children in conflict and political violence,” said the Coalition’s 2008 report.

Higher political profile

The UN said [   http://www.un.org/children/conflict/english/workingtoendimpunity.html ]  national and international tribunals were setting important precedents in the fight to end impunity for grave child rights violations, serving as a deterrent for commanders and warlords all over the world and creating leverage for their compliance with international norms.  

Of the 12 individuals publicly indicted by the International Criminal Court at The Hague, seven have been charged with war crimes against children such as using child soldiers. They include Lord’s Resistance Army leaders Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti (since deceased) and Okot Odhiambo. Also on trial or in the pre-trial stage are cases against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, a militia leader from the Democratic Republic of Congo, who is on trial for recruiting children under 15. The ICC also has open cases on DRC commanders Bosco Ntaganda, Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui for their crimes against children.

The Special Court for Sierra Leone is nearly finished trying a case in The Hague against Liberia’s Charles Taylor for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including conscripting or enlisting children into armed forces or groups and using them to participate actively in hostilities. The trial of a former president is a strong message to the world that even leaders of nations are not beyond the reach of international law when it comes to protecting the rights of children.

Calls for future action

Tackling impunity remains a key priority for the international community. “Concerted emphasis must be maintained on fighting the impunity of perpetrators,” said Coomaraswamy’s office. 

It is also strengthening the data collection and reporting on sexual violence, in the hope it will allow for better identification of perpetrators and better analysis of trends on sexual violence against children. The proliferation of small arms is another issue that the UN would like to see addressed in order to make sure weapons do not end up in the hands of children.

In 2010, Coomaraswamy, with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence against Children, UNICEF and the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, launched the Zero Under 18 Campaign: a two-year initiative to achieve universal ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict by 2012. The push is premised on the belief that the strongest defence against impunity for child rights violators is to have an international moral consensus that no child should take part in armed conflict - and a strong enforcement mechanism to back it up.

“I think the political will is there. What is lacking is the momentum, and that is what we hope to achieve in this campaign,” said Coomaraswamy.

Ending child soldiering remains a daunting challenge. “The military imperatives of the group and the political, economic and social factors that drive conflicts and cause children to enlist – often underpinned by local cultural attitudes towards the age of majority – can outweigh legal and moral arguments,” said the 2008 Coalition report.

The report analyzed 21 conflicts where children were used or deployed and found that children will “almost inevitably” become involved when armed conflict breaks out.

And no matter how strongly the international community pushes for stronger protection and decreased impunity, national laws have to reflect the same in order for change to take place.

Governments must also remember that the problem has deeper and more human roots than the conflict du jour. Because children are more likely to be drawn to armed groups if they have experienced human rights violations or other forms of violence, “governments and societies that fail to prioritize the promotion and protection of children’s rights – economic, social and cultural, as well as civil and political – share responsibility for driving children into the ranks of armed groups”, says the Coalition report. Understanding these deep-seated drivers of child involvement in conflict will be essential in devising a plan to protect them, and punish those who do not.

jb/mw/oa
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94657</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201170934140626t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - At end-November 2011, Somalia and the Central African Republic became the latest countries to commit to end the use of child soldiers – a move seen as “encouraging” by the UN, albeit with the proviso that the situation in both countries remains volatile.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>BANGLADESH: Rohingyas wary of Burmese reforms</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002180809440308t.jpg" />]]>COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.</description><body><![CDATA[COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.  

They are skeptical about a string of reform moves by the Burmese government, saying they are not aware of any real improvement in the conditions which forced them to flee their country.  

“The situation has not improved,” Mostak Ahmad, 35, an undocumented Rohingya refugee who fled 10 years ago, told IRIN. “We were hopeful during the 2010 election as we were given voting powers but now we are frustrated.”  

Since taking office in March 2011, President U Thein Sein, a former general, has released hundreds of political prisoners, legalized labour unions, eased censorship, held talks with Washington and London, and signed a ceasefire with ethnic Karen rebels - a major step towards ending one of the world's longest-running ethnic insurgencies.  

But for Rohingya, an ethnic group who fled to Bangladesh en masse from neighbouring Myanmar years earlier, there is little optimism.  

Fazal Karim, 40, who fled to avoid forced labour, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88240 ] had recently spoken with his relatives in Myanmar.“ They said that in some cases the situation had worsened,” he said.  

Rohingyas [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?indepthid=82&reportid=86669 ] - an ethnic, linguistic and religious (Muslim) minority who fled persecution decades ago - are caught between a rock and a hard place, activists say.  

Under Burmese law, the Rohingyas are de jure stateless, but they fare little better in Bangladesh.  

Most Rohingyas in Bangladesh have no legal rights and few employment opportunities. 

According to Refugees International, they live in squalor, receive limited aid and are vulnerable to arrest, extortion and even physical attack.  

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are some 200,000 Rohingyas in Bangladesh, of whom only 28,000 are documented and living in two government camps assisted by the agency. Close to 11,000 live at the Kutupalong camp, with another 17,000 farther south at Nayapara - both within 2km of Myanmar.  

Rakhine State  

Activists say Rohingyas in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State still have no freedom to travel or marry and remain subject to extortion, intimidation and abuse.  

“While there are some improvements in the Burmese government's rhetoric, there is no change on the ground,” said Lynn Yoshikawa, a campaigner with Washington-based Refugees International.  

Following the 2010 elections, forced labour was as pervasive as ever and may have increased, with some labourers as young as 10, a 2011 report [ http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs12/AP-Forced_labour_after_the_elections-2011-08-22.pdf ] by the Arakan Project, a group campaigning for Rohingya rights, revealed.  

Chris Lewa, the group’s coordinator, said there had been no sign of improvement for Rohingyas in Myanmar, either in terms of policy towards them, or on the ground, “and little hope” that things could change in the near future.  

The new Burmese government still considered Rohingyas “illegal immigrants from a neighbouring country” and has no intention of granting them citizenship or relaxing restrictions on them, she added.  

Straws in the wind  

However, during a December visit to Myanmar by Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Burmese President U Thein Sein expressed his desire to cooperate with Bangladesh in resolving the Rohingya issue, and two days after the visit Bangladesh officials said Myanmar had agreed to take back documented Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh after verification by its authorities.  

But the agreement will have no impact on the vast majority of Rohingyas who are unregistered, Yoshikawa said.  

There is little chance that many registered refugees would agree to return under the present conditions in Myanmar, though if conditions were to improve significantly many would not hesitate, said Lewa.  

“Who wants a refugee’s life?” asked Faruque Ahmed, a documented Rohingya refugee at the Kutupalong refugee camp. “We are always prepared to go back to Myanmar but we demand the same rights as other citizens,” he said.  

Each year scores of Rohingyas - from Myanmar and Bangladesh - attempt to escape by boat, often turning up in Thailand, Malaysia or as far away as Indonesia.  

In December, at least 23 Rohingyas are known to have died when the two boats carrying them and 200 others capsized in the Bay of Bengal, while on 2 January a number of Rohingyas reached the Australian coast after an arduous voyage from Malaysia, the Arakan Project reported.  

“We know it is a risky journey, but we have no other option,” said Hasan Ali, a documented Rohingya at Kutupalong camp. 

mw/ds/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94639</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201002180809440308t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COX’S BAZAR 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - While the Myanmar government takes significant strides in political reform, Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh fear their condition may not change any time soon.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: UN highlights &quot;security vacuum&quot; as northern clashes continue</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.

On 26 December, members of this group, the Front Populaire Pour le Redressement (FPR – Popular Front for Recovery) clashed with fighters of a domestic insurgency, the Front Démocratique du Peuple Centrafricain (FDPC – the Central African People’s Democratic Front) in the northern village of Vafio, on the road between Kabo and Batafongo, according to a bulletin released by the country’s Humanitarian Development Partnership Team, which said two FPR fighters were killed.

The prospect of retaliatory attacks by both sides led the UN to suspend movement along the road.

According to unconfirmed press reports, four civilians were killed and several houses burnt a few days later when 300 FPR elements attacked the town of Kabo.

“Panic gripped the town after these criminals burned one of their victims alive,” one report quoted Kabo’s deputy mayor, Philippe Gonzay, as saying.

“The population can no longer go about its daily business. We regret that the security forces present in the region did not react to these rebel attacks on the civilian population,” he said.

The FPR, which arrived from Chad in 2008, has also been implicated in security incidents in the central province of Ouaka, where a November 2011 report by local officials said the group “had taken up position in several villages and settlements where they extorted more than 900 cattle, several motorbikes and a large sum of money”.

According to local sources, the FPR has also conscripted members of the Peul community, an ethnic group - sometimes called Fulani - present in many West African states, as well as CAR, Chad and Niger. The FPR claims to be protecting the wider Peul community.

UN response

In a 21 December resolution, the UN Security Council expressed “deep concern” about the “extensive recruitment and the acquisition of weapons by the FPR, which threaten peace and security in the Central African Republic and the region and constitute violations of the commitments made by the FPR to lay down its weapons and enter into discussions towards peace in the Final Communiqué signed on 13 June 2011 by FPR leader Baba Laddé and the national mediators of Chad and the Central African Republic”.

The resolution went on to condemn “human rights violations perpetrated by the FPR, and [to encourage] the Government of the Central African Republic to continue to liaise with the Government of Chad to reach a solution”.

According to the 13 June communiqué, a peace agreement was supposed to have been reached within a month on the understanding that this would lead to the return to Chad of 400-500 FPR fighters.

A 28 November Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council said talks aimed at implementing the agreement had stalled, “mainly over the issue of security guarantees for the return of Baba Laddé to Chad”.

The same report said a faction of another armed group, the Armée populaire pour la restauration de la démocratie (APRD – the Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy), had said it would only join in a national programme of disarmament and demobilization if the FPR returned to Chad.

Two days after the report was released, CAR President Francois Bozizé said of the FPR, “We will resume previous negotiations to send them back to Chad and if the dialogue fails we will take this matter into our own hands.”

But, as the Security Council report underlined, a “serious security vacuum in many parts of the country” is a direct result of “the lack of state authority outside the capital. The national security and defence forces, which should function as primary security providers in the remote areas of the country, are under-resourced and largely incapable of fulfilling their responsibilities.”

While the Secretary-General’s report noted “significant progress” in disarming former combatants in CAR, the head of the UN Peacebuilding Office in the country, Margaret Vogt, warned of the dangers of under-funding this process.

“Failure to consolidate security in the CAR would increase its attractiveness as a safe haven for regional brigands and rebel groups operating in the region,” she said on 14 December.

For his part, Laddé denies accusations of abusing civilians, and recently told a local radio station his group was working to protect people from criminal gangs – known as Zaraguinas - which have long preyed on civilians in several parts of the country.

cd-k/tl/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94624</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL: New law designed to stop “infiltrators”</title><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231052030685t.jpg" />]]>TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.</description><body><![CDATA[TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.

The “Law to Prevent Infiltration” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86964 ] allows for the detention for up to three years - without trial - of anyone who crosses the border without a permit, including families and minors. Anyone convicted of helping them once they enter, including aid workers, can be jailed for up to 15 years, according to the new law. 

“Its entire purpose is to deter refugees from entering Israel,” the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) said in a statement, [ http://www.acri.org.il/en/2012/01/10/draconian-infiltration-law-passes-final-reading/ ] which describes the law as “draconian and immoral”. “The law blatantly disregards Israel’s most basic commitments as a member of the community of nations and as a signatory to the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.”

The law is part of a US$167 million plan approved by the Israeli cabinet on 11 December 2011 to crack down on migrants and slow their entry. In addition to extending the length of legal detention, the plan also aims to complete a 227-km fence between Egypt and Israel, enlarge the capacity of detention centres, fine employers who employ illegal migrants and come up with a strategy to repatriate asylum-seekers to Africa.

While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has distinguished between illegal migrants and asylum-seekers in recent statements, rights groups say the government’s policies have lumped them together, targeting genuine refugees as well. They also say of the tens of thousands of people who have claimed asylum in Israel in recent years, almost none have access to a proper Refugee Status Determination (RSD) process. (see side bar) 

According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, at least 40,000 “infiltrators and asylum-seekers” - mostly from Sudan and Eritrea - have entered Israel in the past six years, usually smuggled in through Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula by Bedouin tribesmen. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92921 ] Netanyahu has described illegal workers as a “threat” to the country’s very foundation. As he speaks of “fighting the infiltration”, some Israeli neighbourhoods have formed vigilante guards to drive out migrants. 

In the midst of all this, here is what some asylum-seekers and aid workers have to say: 

S.D, a Sudanese asylum-seeker in Tel Aviv: 

“We [the community] don't know anything. Will they round us up and put us in detention centres? Will they force us to leave for another country? We have no idea what tomorrow will bring. I understand that Israelis see us as a mass of people who are a burden on [their] economy and welfare, but what choice did we have but to come here? If they think we are not refugees, they should examine each of us and not make general decisions. I cannot go back to Sudan and I don't think it is fair to jail me for wanting to have a safe life.''

Nassima, a 23-year-old asylum-seeker working as a maid:

“If we cannot work, what will we do? Steal? Beg? I came here because I would not enlist [in the Eritrean army] for life and I am an honest good worker. Much of the trouble in the community is because of unemployment. When you do not have work, you drink; you loiter in the park; that is what makes the Israelis afraid of us, and now the problem will only get worse. I know that Israel is not our country but I think [the state] should try and work with us and not against us. We are human beings, not cattle to be put in a cage.”

Oscar, an asylum-seeker residing in Israel for over 10 years: 

“I cannot tell the state of Israel what to do; I believe laws are needed to govern properly but I don't think the law [should be] punishment. If there are illegal migrants amongst the asylum-seekers, how can you tell which are which if you do not allow access to some RSD process? How can you tell which of us is a refugee and who's an illegal migrant? The way I see it the [government of Israel] is going to invest a lot of money in a failed solution.'' 

Ibrahim, a Sudanese asylum-seeker who arrived in Israel four months ago:

“I don't understand the thing about refugees and migrants. Do you think I would have put my life in danger to come here, as I have, if I were a migrant? I don't understand how you can say that to me. We have been through hell on the way to find a safe place and now you say we should be in jail or returned to our country? You need to think about what you are doing to innocent people.''

Sudanese asylum-seeker who requested anonymity: 

“I see how the people in Tel Aviv look at us. It is not easy to have many people come to your city with no money, no work. But even though I understand their fears, I think that they should help us instead of trying to drive us out.”

Sigal Rosen, co-founder of Moked, a hotline for migrant workers: 

“This is an outrageous plan. The state intends to hold children and families in long-term detention?… We know that some are economic migrants but in order to decide that, they must all have access to proper RSD process. Worldwide statistics show that over 80 percent of Eritrean asylum-seekers are granted refugee status and over 60 percent of Sudanese asylum-seekers as well. I assume the numbers in Israel would be the same if the cases were reviewed.”

Oded Feller, an attorney with the Association for Civil Rights in Israel: 

“We are not against the state's right to guard its borders but we believe that since Israel is a state that was erected for refugees, it should consider the moral and legal obligation it has not to jail asylum-seekers. The state cannot punish asylum-seekers or detain them for long periods of time. It should differentiate between infiltrators [migrants] and refugees and set different standards for dealing with each population.” 

td/ha/cb

---------------------------------
Side bar

Israel’s policy towards asylum-seekers 

- Israel signed the 1951 Geneva Convention but in the last 50 years only about 650 people have been officially recognized as refugees, including 452 Darfuri asylum-seekers given refugee status and temporary residency in 2007 as a “humanitarian gesture” by former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

- The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) offices in Israel passed the duties of Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to the RSD unit at the Ministry of the Interior in July 2009. The training process for RSD officers was closely monitored by UNHCR.

- Arrivals from Sudan and Eritrea - the bulk of asylum-seekers in Israel - are automatically given collective temporary protection if they can prove their countries of origin. This protects them from deportation, but does not give them any social benefits or permanent status in the country. Human rights activists say this is not an adequate RSD process. 

- Those arriving from these countries undergo a brief interview at a detention centre after they cross the border and are then released carrying an asylum-seeker’s permit, which has to be renewed every three months. 

- Arrivals from other countries are judged on a case by case basis. Some get temporary protection; others are detained - sometimes for years; still others are deported. 

- Under the new law, anyone who enters the country illegally - including Sudanese and Eritreans - can be detained for up to three years, even if there is no intention of deporting them. In some cases, this time period can be extended, even indefinitely.

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94620</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231052030685t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TEL AVIV 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - Following a heated public debate, the Israeli cabinet passed on 9 January a tough new law intended to deter the entry of what the government calls “illegal migrants” or “infiltrators”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Dadaab leaders flee after killings, threats*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 mostly Somali residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.

These deaths, and threats to other refugees, came after an agreement by refugee leaders to step up vigilance with patrols in Dadaab after roadside bombings. Police blamed the attacks on Al-Shabab, a Somali insurgent group, now being targeted by the Kenyan military in Somalia.

The police, one of whose officers was killed in the latest blast, on 19 December, believe Al-Shabab has established a presence in the complex. Some refugees told IRIN that police, during a robust response, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94528 ] had told them to hand over the “evil ones” living among them.

Police detained several people in two of Dadaab’s camps – Ifo and Hagadera - during the vigilance patrols.

A few days later, on 29 December unidentified gunmen shot dead Ahamed Mahmoud Mohamed, a community leader in Hagadera camp. Three days after that, another community leader was fatally shot in Ifo camp.

Both men played prominent roles in Community Peace and Security Teams (CPSTs), a kind of volunteer police service set up several years ago.

“These people were killed in the fight between Kenyan [police] forces and Al-Shabab,” one refugee leader told IRIN, asking not to be named.

“It is not safe any more to work as a leader during this critical situation. If you don’t work with the police the police will crack down, but if we cooperate, Al-Shabab will target us,” he said.

One inhabitant of Ifo camp, where residents last week handed over to police bomb-making equipment they had discovered, said: “We sleep with a lot of fear in the night, because we are afraid of being attacked by those who hid the explosives.” 

A youth leader from Dagahaley, another of Dadaab’s camps, said he left the complex after receiving “several threatening calls” and hearing about unfamiliar people searching for me in the [residential] blocks. 

“Since I was part of the community security team, I am very fearful for my life.” 

He said the caller had warned him, in Somali: “If you don’t stop what you are doing, we will come to where you are.”

“There is no protection in Dadaab, it is just [becoming] like Somalia. People are killed in broad daylight so I can’t risk my life there,” he added.

Threats

“There have been some people who have received threats who have been evacuated,” Lennart Hernander, Kenya representative of the Lutheran World Federation, an NGO that provides training for the CPSTs and is responsible for housing and security in Dadaab.

While these refugees had some position of responsibility in Dadaab, they were not all working with the CPSTs, he said.

“We don’t know why it happened and don’t want to speculate,” he said of the two killings.

The CPSTs “are extremely important in solving daily problems in the camps, such as domestic violence, arguments between refugees, queue jumping, all sorts of problems that occur”, Hernander told IRIN.

“They are especially important for the protection of women; they patrol the camps day and night. We are quite sure they prevent sexual abuse.

“We have to review the whole [CPST] system,” he said.

Insecurity in Dadaab has resulted in the humanitarian presence and response being limited to essential services only. General food distributions were briefly interrupted in late 2011, but resumed shortly before the New Year. 

“Now that the community leaders who played the role of aid workers are targeted, we will have no one to rely on. Delivery of services is turning very difficult. We are in a very bad situation,” said Hassan Bunow, a long-term resident of Ifo camp. 

All these factors, coupled with high food prices and good rains back home, have prompted some refugees to return to Somalia, according to Mohamud Jama, a community leader in Ifo camp.

“We know and have seen that many families who lived in Ifo 2 have gone back to their farms in southern Somalia. They had initially fled from famine but now there is rain. If you visit now, you will find very many empty tents,” he added, without giving details of numbers.

Police criticized

Several youths were detained on 5 January after community members reported bomb-making equipment found in Ifo camp. 

“They arrested our innocent children for no reason when we volunteered to cooperate with them. Now the whole village is in terror of the police. Other sections of the camp are afraid to give information [after seeing] how violent the police acted today,” said one resident.

Citizens’ Rights Watch, a lobby group, gave a damning account of the police response after it visited Dadaab recently, accusing the police of committing several gang rapes and looting and destroying property.

However, Kenya Police deputy spokesman Charles Owino Wahongo dismissed the allegations.

"Claims of police harassment of people in Dadaab or in northern Kenya in general are not sincere because nobody has ever reported to the police about these claims,” he told IRIN.

“If indeed there are cases of high-handedness by security agencies, including the police in their security operations in Dadaab, we are open to receive such complaints and deal with them within the law. Up to this point, we can’t talk much about them," he added.

mh/am/mw

*This is a revised version of a story first published earlier on 9 January

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94596</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EGYPT: Calls for minors to be kept out of political clashes</title><pubDate>Thu, 05 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112210656030269t.jpg" />]]>CAIRO 05 January 2012 (IRIN) - The involvement of children in violence during ongoing clashes between protesters and police in Egypt should be addressed because it is against international norms, say child rights activists.</description><body><![CDATA[CAIRO 05 January 2012 (IRIN) - The involvement of children in violence during ongoing clashes between protesters and police in Egypt should be addressed because it is against international norms, say child rights activists.
  
 “I have seen hundreds of children leading the fight against military and civilian policemen in violent clashes across the nation over the past months,” Mahmud al-Badawi, a lawyer and the chairman of local NGO Egyptian Association for the Assistance of Juveniles and Human Rights, [ http://www.euromedalex.org/fr/node/14635 ] told IRIN. “This is totally against local and international laws.”
  
 Children were caught up in deadly clashes between demonstrators and military policemen guarding the cabinet and parliament buildings in central Cairo on 17 December. Some were seen hurling stones at the police and setting public buildings on fire.
  
 Some children were injured, others were killed in the violence, which has persisted since protests began against former president Hosni Mubarak in February 2011.
  
 “Too often children are caught up in the spiralling violence,” said Philippe Duamelle, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative in Egypt, in a statement [ http://www.unicef.org/egypt/media_6754.html ] on 22 December. “Reports and first-hand testimony by children paint a graphic picture of how the latest confrontations affect them.”
  
 Children were also caught up in deadly clashes near Cairo’s Tahrir Square on 23 November. Activists say most of those involved in violence live on the streets. That is why the problem of street children should be at the top of the National Salvation government’s agenda, they say.
 
 “The government has to pay some attention to these children who suffer a deplorable lack of the most basic services,” said Fadia Abu Shahba, an expert from the state-run National Centre for Social and Criminological Research. “These children have found no care whatsoever from society.”
  
 Cash inducements?
  
 According to Mahmud al-Badawi, children have been exploited and cajoled into participation in Egypt’s political conflicts.
  
 When clashes occurred outside the cabinet building on 17 December, he hurried to the scene along with other colleagues and found children holding money and cigarettes. 
  
 “The fact that these children were holding money shows that they might have been paid by somebody to be part of these incidents,” said al-Badawi. 
  
 Whether these children were paid to attack military policemen guarding the cabinet and the parliament buildings remains to be seen. A large number of juveniles taking part in the clashes were arrested and are being interrogated, according to local media reports.
 
 “UNICEF urges the authorities and all other parties to fully respect the rights of children and protect them in accordance with Egyptian and international humanitarian and human rights law,” said Philippe Duamelle. “They should not be victims of violence nor unnecessary witnesses to violence.”
  
 ae/eo/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 05 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94587</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112210656030269t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CAIRO 05 January 2012 (IRIN) - The involvement of children in violence during ongoing clashes between protesters and police in Egypt should be addressed because it is against international norms, say child rights activists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
 oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MYANMAR: Donor aid begins to flow</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051031250019t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country. 
 
 “Myanmar has been called an aid orphan in the past because its per capita assistance is so low,” London-based Myanmar analyst Ashley South told IRIN. 
 
 The country received close to US$5 per person in overseas development assistance in 2010, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) [ http://stats.oecd.org/qwids/#?x=2&y=6&f=3:51,4:1,1:2,5:3,7:1&q=3:51+4:1+1:2+5:3+7:1+2:120+6:2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010 ] - a 28 percent drop from 2009. 
 
 While careful not to draw any link between donor decisions and nascent political change, donor consortiums and NGOs in Myanmar are finding that attaining funds has become easier. 
 
 “More funding is available now,” said Andrew Kirkwood, funding director for the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT), [ http://www.lift-fund.net/ ] a multi-donor association set up in 2009 to support food security in Shan, Kachin, Rakhine and Chin states. 
 
 In recent weeks LIFT donors signed grants of up to $130 million for 2012, a $30 million increase on the 2009 target, while extending operations until 2016, two years past the original planned exit. 
 
 “We are now able to increase our implementing partners and expand to more townships,” [ http://www.themimu.info/docs/MIMU565v01_101014_LIFT%20Country%20wide%20Implementing%20Partner_UNOPS_A3.pdf ] said Kirkwood. 
 
 But the increase can only cover so much of the country’s needs, he added. “Aid to Myanmar has always been low, and remains extremely low, despite the increase.” 
 
 In Chin State, eight out of 10 households are food insecure, according to the World Food Programme, while hundreds of thousands were internally displaced as of June 2011 and in need of assistance, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/%28httpEnvelopes%29/7E38BA7B2364451AC12578C4005318B8?OpenDocument ] 
 
 Access 
 
 The European Commission Humanitarian Office (ECHO), which distributes the European Union’s humanitarian aid, has earmarked $16.3 million for Myanmar’s poorest ethnic areas outside the economic hub of Yangon in 2012, according to Matthias Eick, ECHO spokesman for East and Southeast Asia. 
 
 “ECHO will in particular target areas not reachable by development assistance, or will complement such assistance where humanitarian needs exist.” 
 
 In 2010 it gave about $12.7 million, excluding aid for Cylcone Nargis recovery, according to the UN Financial Tracking Service. [ http://fts.unocha.org/reports/daily/ocha_R4aidtype_E15809___1201040204.pdf ] 
 
 The government of Japan announced last November that it will start “working-level talks” which could lead to the resumption of full-fledged development aid. The country cut off new overseas development assistance in 2003, while it has continued to give humanitarian aid. 
 
 And while the UK and Australian governments - among Myanmar’s biggest bilateral donors - have increased aid in recent years, they still circumvent the Burmese government when carrying out projects. 
 
 The UK government, which has pledged $56.4 million in 2012, [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/op/burma-2011.pdf ] abides by the EU council decision on Burma, [ http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2011:101:0024:0121:EN:PDF ] which “requires implementation to be through the UN, NGOs and through decentralized cooperation with local civilian administrations”. 
 
 But it has started considering ways to change how it gives aid, according to the UK 2011-2015 giving plan to Myanmar. 
 
 “In the event of a major improvement in government accountability and respect for human rights our choice of aid instruments would widen. Although we cannot anticipate significant political change over this Plan period, we are making some investment in preparing the ground for the day when we can consider alternative delivery options.” 
 
 Change 
 
 Recent political reforms [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94149 ] by the first nominally civilian government in decades include the release of prisoners of conscience; allowing the formation of labour unions; and the passage of legislation which paved the way for the major opposition party, National League for Democracy, to participate in upcoming parliamentary elections. 
 
 “The new government has significantly improved its cooperation and dialogue with NGOs and civil society,” said Lynn Yoshikawa, the Asia advocate for the Washington DC-based NGO Refugees International. She added that humanitarian access to displaced people in conflict areas is now more likely. 
 
 For the first time since fighting broke out in parts of Kachin State last June, the government recently allowed UN agencies limited access in December. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94149 ] 
 
 But despite the government’s pledge to reach peace with ethnic minority groups in the north, some researchers and residents say little has changed on the ground. 
 
 “Human rights abuses are still taking place in [the northern] Karenni State,” said a Karenni leader speaking from a refugee camp in Nan Soi in Thailand’s northern Mae Hong Son Province near the Burmese border. 
 
 Visiting Myanmar last November, UK International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell said: "I am making this unprecedented visit because there are tentative - but real - signs of progress in Burma, which I welcome. But my message is clear: we need urgent further progress.” 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94584</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051031250019t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Former pro-Ouattara rebels still need reining in</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131312360137t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.
 
 Ten civilians were killed and about 15 wounded this month in fighting between the former rebels, which now form part of the national army, and civilians in Vavoua, west-central Cote d’Ivoire, and in Sikensi in the south. 
 
 In a statement on 29 December, the UN Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) [ http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unoci/ ] called on the government to stop the violence. “UNOCI encourages the Ivorian authorities to implement the tough measures they announced and to strengthen discipline" within the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI), UNOCI spokesman Hamadoun Touré said. 
 
 He said UNOCI remained concerned about the “numerous violations of human rights attributed to FRCI in several parts of the country which have led to the reactions by residents of the affected communities.” He cited cases of arbitrary arrest and illegal detention in Abidjan, the commercial capital.
 
 Adding to this, Ivoirian Human Rights League President René Legré said: "We note that despite the promises to ensure security, there has been no progress. People are still armed.”
 
 He said the unrestrained behaviour by FRCI soldiers was beginning to anger the public, which would defend itself. 
 
 "We fear that the day will come when people will no longer respect the army,” he added. 
 
 Following the Vavoua incident, Ouattara ordered the soldiers to return to barracks but they refused. 
 
 In Abidjan, the former fighters have swapped their uniforms for civilian clothes, while keeping their guns and still occupying some police stations. This was true in the Ouattara party stronghold of Abobo, a commune 8.7km northwest of Abidjan. 
 
 Gendarmes and police have been deployed to the country’s interior, but unarmed, and they have had to work under the authority of the warlords who settled in those areas when other pro-Ouattara forces advanced on the south from the north in March. 
 
 “State impotence”
 
 "We do not know whom to trust in these circumstances,” said Kady Kouyaté, a health worker in the western town of Gagnoa. “Those who have been training to provide security do not have the tools. Meanwhile, those who have weapons, rather than reassuring us, have become our tormentors."
 
 She said over a two-month period armed people in military uniform had attacked her and colleagues. 
 
 Describing the government’s response to the insecurity as “state impotence”, Legré said many soldiers in villages and towns which his team had inspected appeared to be taking orders from outside the official military structure. Moreover, he quoted solders as saying that since the government was not paying them salaries, they would pay themselves by abusing the public. 
 
 "When they face an obstacle, they do not hesitate to use their guns," Legré added. He said ex-rebel combatants within the military should be quickly identified and disarmed since they were unfit to bear arms. 
 
 However, Diarrassouba Lamine, president of the Convention of Free Associations and Organizations of Civil Society in Côte d'Ivoire, said more extensive measures were need.
 
 "You have to identify the causes of the clashes and think about the army generals. Because there may still be areas of tension wherever the army goes, the ongoing peace process could take a hit,” Diarrassouba said.
 
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Watch: In Search of Stabiity http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4710 an IRIN film examining the prospects for peace and justice in Côte d'Ivoire

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94571</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104131312360137t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - Eight months after President Allassane Ouattara assumed office at the end of a prolonged civil conflict, peace remains fragile amid abuses and killings by former rebel fighters who once provided him support.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>BANGLADESH: Indigenous groups face land-grabbing in north</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104280301430348t.jpg" />]]>DINAJPUR 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Northern Bangladesh’s mostly Hindu indigenous people are still coming under land-grabbing pressure from the country’s predominantly Bengali Muslim population, say activists.</description><body><![CDATA[DINAJPUR 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Northern Bangladesh’s mostly Hindu indigenous people are still coming under land-grabbing pressure from the country’s predominantly Bengali Muslim population, say activists. 
 
 “There is a process through which the indigenous population is being deprived of their land rights,” Mizanur Rahman, chairman of Bangladesh’s government-appointed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), told IRIN. 
 
 “There is a problem of land-grabbing of Santals [a northern indigenous group] and other people in the name of development, social forestation - to plant trees on their land for the overall benefit of society. It is later sold as `khas’ land [public land],” he said. 
 
 Mesbah Kamal, secretary-general of the National Coalition for Indigenous People (NCIP), says 75 groups distinct from ethnic Bengalis are still found in Bangladesh. Collectively, they are referred to as Adivasis. 
 
 But ethnic Bengalis make up 99 percent of the country’s over 140 million people, making minorities vulnerable to land-grabbing by Bengalis, say activists. 
 
 A 2009 book entitled Life and Land of Adibashis (Adivasis) by the Human Development Research Centre (HDRC), [ http://www.hdrc-bd.com/ ] a Bangladeshi NGO, found that dispossession of land among northern indigenous tribes was “extensive”. 
 
 The book says 65 percent of the indigenous Santal community based in the north has experienced dispossession of land - in total, 818sqkm of land valued at nearly US$900 million has been forcibly grabbed from northern indigenous tribes. 
 
 Such loss of land has had grave repercussions for the indigenous population, most of whom are rural and derive their income from the land, activists say. 
 
 Absolute poverty 
 
 According to HDRC, 60 percent of Adivasis living in the northern plains fall below the UN’s definition of absolute poverty, compared to 39.5 percent of people in rural Bangladesh. 
 
 Land-grabbing peaked between 1971 and 1980 in the immediate aftermath of the independence war fought by Bangladesh against Pakistan, experts say. 
 
 “Our land was grabbed with little pretence, with brute force,” remembers Ganesh Shoren, a Santal activist. “As many Santals had fled to India during the war, many Bengalis thought `hey we can get this land for free,’ and occupied it. The returning families [after the war] then had to start their lives from scratch, without land, without a source of food.” 
 
 The Bangladesh Indigenous People’s Forum, commonly known as the Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, alleges that land-grabbing is continuing in the northern plains. 
 
 The government has also been accused by activists of using the Enemy Property Act, renamed the Vested Property Act in 1974, to seize Adivasi land. The Act allowed the government to take over private property by declaring an individual an enemy of the state, and the US Department of State, [ http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2002/14021.htm ] among others, have held it responsible for causing internal displacement not just of indigenous people but of almost 10 million ethnic Bengali Hindus as well. 
 
 And while the act was repealed in 2001, activists say property seized has yet to be returned and that the law essentially remains in force. 
 
 “As long as the Vested Property Act is not amended, Bangladesh will remain a non-secular state,” said NCIP’s Kamal. 
 
 Undercounting of minorities? 
 
 The government has also been accused of undercounting minority populations in order to further marginalize them. 
 
 “Indigenous groups claim there are three million Adivasis in Bangladesh, but the government officially acknowledges an indigenous population of only 1.4 million,” Kamal told IRIN. 
 
 The 15th amendment of the Bangladeshi constitution in 2011 classified the Santals and other groups as “ethnic minorities” rather than “indigenous people”. 
 
 According to indigenous activists, this allows the government to circumvent its obligations related to the land rights of indigenous groups, including the rights of ownership to land they traditionally occupied, and the right to the natural resources there. 
 
 “In India there are laws to protect indigenous land: They are specially regulated lands,” said Santal activist Shoren. 
 
 Earlier this year, Foreign Minister Dipu Moni controversially remarked that Bengalis are the true indigenous people of the area, and that tribal people came to Bangladesh as asylum-seekers and economic migrants. 
 
 “Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh," she said in a 26 July meeting with senior diplomats and media editors on the constitutional amendment. 
 
 But government-appointed NHRC Chairman Rahman disagrees: “Our position was very clear from the very beginning: there is an indigenous population and they need special protection and recognition… We are also advocating that Bangladesh signs and ratifies International Labour Organization Convention 169, [ http://www.ilo.org/indigenous/Conventions/no169/lang--en/index.htm ] which deals with the land rights of indigenous populations.” 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94558</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104280301430348t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DINAJPUR 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Northern Bangladesh’s mostly Hindu indigenous people are still coming under land-grabbing pressure from the country’s predominantly Bengali Muslim population, say activists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
