<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Horn of Africa</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 17:30:36 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Life on the margins of Dadaab</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205070903370623t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - For new arrivals to the world’s largest refugee complex, in eastern Kenya, life is particularly difficult.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - For new arrivals to the world’s largest refugee complex, in eastern Kenya, life is particularly difficult.

In October 2011, when thousands of people were fleeing famine and conflict in Somalia, Kenyan authorities halted the registration of refugees arriving in Dadaab, citing deteriorating security conditions.    [  http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94185/AFRICA-Insecurity-undermines-aid-access-in-Dadaab ]. Some 4,500 Somalis have since come to the complex.

“We get access to food rations but what we receive is never enough, and sometimes we don’t get any,” Saney Farah, 39, an unregistered asylum-seeker who arrived at Dadaab’s Ifo camp about three months ago, told IRIN. “During the first four weeks of my arrival, I did not receive any food. Whenever I went to the distribution centre I was told that my token serial number was not in the manifest.”

When new refugees reach Dadaab, they stay with fellow refugees in the outskirts of the complex. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) then takes their details and provides them with a waiting card with which they can access food rations and health care. The refugee ration card is only issued after full registration with Kenya's Department of Refugee Affairs entitling the refugees to shelter and other assistance.

Those who do not have waiting cards, such as Kadija Aden, a mother of four, face significant problems. “I never thought it would be so difficult here in Dadaab. We are caught between scorching sun and flooding rain under tents that prevent none of them,” said Kadija at the Kambioos extension camp.

“I feel less important since I am not fully registered and I am worried for the future of my children.”

Unregistered asylum-seekers such as Kadija often miss out on essential services such as vaccination as they have mingled among other refugees in the complex.

Regarding the resumption of registration, Emmanuel Nyabera, the UNHCR spokesperson in Kenya, said: “The commissioner of refugee affairs indicated about two weeks ago that registration will start soon but we are yet to get a date.”

Refoulement

In a March report, [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/30/kenya-somalia-unsafe-refugees-return ] Human Rights Watch (HRW) urged the Kenyan government to re-open refugee reception centres in the border town of Liboi, which were closed in 2007, to ensure that newly-arriving refugees are screened for security purposes and safely transported to Dadaab, instead of suspending registration or encouraging refugees to return to Somalia.

The government has been calling for the return of Somali refugees to areas in Somalia under the control of Kenyan defence forces there, citing security and environmental concerns, noted the HRW report, which said Somalia remains unsafe for such returns.

The Kenyan army has since October 2011 been engaged in an intervention [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94018/KENYA-SOMALIA-A-risky-intervention ] in Somalia targeting Al-Shabab militants blamed for a series of cross-border attacks and abductions as well as grenade explosions in Dadaab.

Originally intended for 90,000 people, the Dadaab complex now hosts more than 463,000 refugees with chronic overcrowding, risk of disease and seasonal floods among the challenges, according to UNHCR.

Attacks in Dadaab

While the high refugee numbers put pressure on the complex, notes a March report [ http://csis.org/publication/dadaab-refugee-complex-powder-keg-and-its-giving-sparks ] by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Kenya’s incursion into Somalia has led to a sharp rise in attacks by Al-Shabab sympathizers in Dadaab, prompting a harsh response and widespread allegations of abuse by the Kenyan police. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94528/KENYA-SOMALIA-Refugees-injured-in-Dadaab-crackdown ]

“The insecurity has placed several constraints on the operations of NGOs in the complex, reducing assistance to life-saving services. Sexual violence has become endemic, and police abuse and inaction commonplace and resented by the refugees,” said the report which called for a coordinated response from UNHCR, the Kenyan government and the international community “to prevent this volatile stew from erupting into deadly violence”.

“Refugee frustration and fear of an abusive police presence could lead to the radicalization of the refugee population, which would be an unfortunate consequence for both refugees and Kenyans,” added the report.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95456</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205070903370623t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - For new arrivals to the world’s largest refugee complex, in eastern Kenya, life is particularly difficult.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Hundreds of Somalis complete military training</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140719080629t.jpg" />]]>IBANDA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Over 600 Somali troops completed six months of military training in southwestern Uganda on 10 May and are heading home to boost the forces fighting Al Shabab.</description><body><![CDATA[IBANDA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Over 600 Somali troops completed six months of military training in southwestern Uganda on 10 May and are heading home to boost the forces fighting Al Shabab. 

Col Winston Byaruhanga, head of Bihanga military training school in Ibanda District, told IRIN the 603 soldiers who trained alongside 248 Ugandans will help bring peace and stability to the country. 

“These soldiers will significantly reinforce the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and contribute to more stable conditions to deliver aid and bring the country on the way to development,” Byaruhanga told IRIN. 

Mohammed Ali Hassan, who emerged as the best student, told IRIN. “We are determined to go back and pacify our country from the Al Shabab. We are now equipped and ready for the battle.” 

The training included urban warfare exercises, and covered such things as mine awareness, weapons, administration, health, and political education. 

The soldiers are the third batch to be trained in Uganda under the European Union military mission to contribute to the training of Somali security forces (EUTM). [ http://www.consilium.europa.eu/eeas/security-defence/eu-operations/eu-somalia-training-mission?lang=en ] By the end of 2012 around 3,000 Somali soldiers and officers will have received the EUTM training. 
 
“These soldiers will form the nucleus of [the] Somali army. Show them where Al Shabab are, and they are ready for the job,” said Lt-Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, commander of Uganda Land Forces. “These soldiers will make peace in Somalia. We are optimistic that will happen in Somalia soon,” he said at the passing out ceremony. 

“You are the peace and hope to the people of Somalia. Don’t let your efforts go wasted but struggle to stabilize and make peace in Somalia,” said Gen Jeje Odongo, Uganda’s state minister for defence. 

TFG controls mainly the capital, Mogadishu, and is now trying to expand the area under its control with the help of AMISOM troops. In February, the UN Security Council raised the pan-African peacekeeping force’s authorized troop levels from 12,000 to 17,731. 

Aside from the EUTM programme, Kenya and Ethiopia have provided training and military support to militias allied to the TFG. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95449</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140719080629t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">IBANDA 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Over 600 Somali troops completed six months of military training in southwestern Uganda on 10 May and are heading home to boost the forces fighting Al Shabab.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: A quick reaction force moulded by Africa&apos;s circumstances</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention. 

Originally intended to become operational in 2010, the deadline for the ASF has been reset for 2015; but despite the delay, the ASF is becoming increasingly woven into the operating procedures of current AU security operations. 

The ASF “is very much a work in progress”, African Union Commissioner of Peace and Security Ramtane Lamamra told IRIN, but “at the political level there is a strong support for it under the guiding principle of bringing about African solutions to African problems.” 

Once up and running, the ASF will be based on five regional blocs each supplying about 5,000 troops: the Southern African Development Community (SADC) force (SADCBRIG), the Eastern Africa Standby force (EASBRIG), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) force (ECOBRIG), the North African Regional Capability (NARC), and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) force (ECCASBRIG), also known as the Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC). 

The regional forces are not a standing army like national forces. As the AU Peace and Security Council protocol of the ASF stipulates, they “shall be composed of standby multidisciplinary contingents with civilian and military components in their countries of origin and ready for rapid deployment at appropriate notice.” 

The ASF is the legacy and logic of the Constitutive Act of the AU adopted in 2000, the successor to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In a complete break from the OAU, which had advocated non-interference in member states, the Act gave the AU both the right to intervene in a crisis, and an obligation to do so “in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. 

Lamamra said the ASF “Implies the immediate availability of the instruments [of intervention and prevention] to be translated into concrete deeds... when they relate to some kind of enforcing decisions of the legitimate organs of African Union, such as cases of unconstitutional changes of government… or armed rebellion, such as the terrorist situation in northern Mali.” 

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was held up as an example of what the ASF could be. “I believe the learning curve for the standby force is AMISOM. We have to deliver on the lessons learned in the AMISOM process - five years of effective presence on the ground under quite challenging circumstances,” Lamamra said. 

“The lesson of AMISOM is that Africans should be ready to make sacrifices, and Uganda has wonderfully shown that they are ready to make sacrifices for the common good of Africa.” Uganda has supplied most of the AU troops supporting the Somali government against jihadist rebels. 

The AU has deployed 14 staff officers to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, “in the first ever deployment of ASF elements,” El Gassim Wane, AU Commission director of peace and security, told IRIN. 

A field exercise - Amani II, following the Amani I mapping exercise in 2010 - is being planned for 2014 and three of the five brigades are expected to take participate. 

Article 4 (h) 

Lamamra was confident that by 2015 all of the ASF’s regional brigades - with the probable exception of NARC, owing to the disruptions of the Arab Spring - would be operational and able to fulfil all the criteria of AU’s Article 4 (h), which influenced the international development of the UN Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. 

There are six scenarios in Article 4 (h). The lowest rung is the attachment of a regional military advisor to a political mission; then an AU regional observer deployed within a UN mission; followed by a stand-alone AU regional observer mission; and deployment of a regional peacekeeping force under the auspices of a Chapter VI mandate, all within a timeframe of 30 days or less. Scenario five is a multidimensional AU peacekeeping force deployed within 90 days, and scenario six relates to “grave circumstances”, such as genocide, and deployment within 14 days. 

Lamamra said the timeline of 14 days for level-six intervention should be reassessed to about seven days. “For instance, resolution 1973 of the UN Security Council was adopted on 17 March and the actual military operation started on 19th March - 14 days would have been too much in terms of protecting civilians.” 

In a 2010 paper, The Role and Place of the African Standby Force within the African Peace and Security Architecture, [ http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/209.pdf ] Solomon Dersso, a senior researcher at the Addis Ababa office of the Institute for Security Studies, a Pretoria-based think-tank, notes that “Article 4 (h) not only creates the legal basis for intervention but also imposes an obligation on the AU to intervene to prevent or stop the perpetration of such heinous international crimes anywhere on the continent.” 

However, implementation of R2P rests with the Security Council, while the imposition of Article 4 (h) resides with the AU and does not require the Security Council’s blessing. 

Scenario six of Article 4 (h) has yet to be used by the AU and Dersso told IRIN he “sincerely doubted” the article would be invoked in the short term against member states, as “it would deprive the AU of any leverage it has over a target government,” and the AU has already “shied away” from implementing the article in Darfur. 

He expected the ASF to be close to being able to comply with Article 4 (h) level-five scenarios by 2015, but the development of regional forces was proceeding at different paces. 

The two-speed progress of the regional brigades - in which ECOWAS and SADC are recognised as the furthest along the path - is not just a consequence of the two regional blocs housing the continent’s economic power houses of Nigeria and South Africa, AU Commission director of peace and security El Gassim Wane told IRIN. 

“ECOWAS and SADC have made tremendous progress, EAS Brigade too, while NARC in the north was lagging behind, but then started speeding up, but the Libyan crisis meant progress had to stop,” he said. “Money may play a role, but money alone cannot explain that. ECOWAS and SADC focused early on conflict and security issues, so had a competitive advantage in the very beginning. Experience, length of involvement in peace and security issues, have certainly played a key role.” 

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation, told IRIN the availability of a standby force could cloud judgment. 

“Intrinsically, in most of these situations what is needed is a political response, and there is a temptation that if you have a standby force to use it because you have a military capacity… And my concern over something like Mali would be that the military option runs the danger of getting the AU into a Somalia-type situation, where the use of military force five or six years ago by the US and Ethiopia very seriously rebounded. But having said that - yes, in a situation where there is a need for some sort of peacekeeping deployment in the context of a political initiative, it makes sense.” 

Alternatives to the ASF? 

Analysts have questioned whether 30,000 troops would be sufficient to deal with the continent’s crises, and 2012 has illustrated that such concerns are valid. A range of crises this year erupted within the space of a few weeks, from the uneasy relationship between South Sudan and Sudan deteriorating into skirmishing, to coup d’etats in Mali and Guinea-Bissau. 

Wane said the establishment of the ASF did not necessarily mean it would be the only security option at the AU’s disposal, and the four-country operation against Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army, (LRA) a rebel movement that started in northern Uganda, could be considered as a useful model for the future. 

“It’s not an ASF operation per se, as ASF has its own processes, and it was not really conceived as an ASF operation - it was conceived as an ad hoc, very flexible arrangement to enhance effectiveness to deal with the LRA once and for all. It’s a very flexible and creative way of dealing with a specific security issue… Who knows? We may replicate it elsewhere, where there is a security problem,” he said. 

The force ranged against the LRA - comprising soldiers from the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Uganda - has fought against the LRA in past, but is set apart, as it operates under the aegis of the AU. 

Abou Moussa, the Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), based in Libreville, Gabon, told IRIN: “The specific nature of this deployment [against the LRA] is termed ‘authorised’ as compared to ‘mandated’.” 

“Under authorised deployment, each country provides for the needs and requirements of their respective troops without the AU's contribution. This is extremely important, as this can be considered as their own contribution towards the determination to put an end to Kony's actions. It is very costly. However, the AU covers the needs of staff officers - some 30 of them posted to the various coordinating centres.” 

The AU task force has three operational centres, located in Dungu, DRC, at Obo in CAR, and Nzara in South Sudan, with its headquarters in Yambio, South Sudan. 

“The Regional Coordination Initiative means more subtle changes in the way the operation is run, with representatives of all four countries involved in the command structure in Yambio,” which sidesteps the politically sensitive issue of the DRC’s refusal to host Ugandan forces on its soil, Ned Dalby, a central Africa analyst for the International Crisis Group, a conflict resolution NGO, told IRIN. 

In July 2005, the International Criminal Court indicted Kony and four of his commanders, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen, Raska Lukwiya and Vincent Otti, for a variety of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Lukwiya and Otti have subsequently been killed, but the arrest warrants for the remaining three remain outstanding. The LRA has not been active in Uganda since 2006. 

go/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95426</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: Still too many deaths in childbirth</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107111326360929t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - A lack of awareness of the importance of skilled hospital deliveries in Ethiopia, cultural beliefs, and transport challenges in rural areas are causing a high number of deaths during childbirth, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - A lack of awareness of the importance of skilled hospital deliveries in Ethiopia, cultural beliefs, and transport challenges in rural areas are causing a high number of deaths during childbirth, say officials.  

Only 10 percent of deliveries take place within health facilities, according to the Ethiopia’s latest (April) Demographic Health Survey results. Nevertheless, the figure is a significant improvement on 6 percent in the previous 2005 survey. 

Commenting on the results, Health Minister Kesetebirhan Admasu said: “About 60 percent of mothers who did not attend health facilities while giving birth do not see the benefit of delivering in health facilities, while the remaining 30 percent abstain from going there by giving culture and beliefs as their reason. 

 “That [the] majority of women did not appreciate the value of institutional delivery, calls for a concerted effort to educate women and families about the importance of skilled birth attendance and postnatal care.”  

Many women prefer delivering at home in the company of known and trusted relatives and friends, where customs and traditions can be observed, according to a 2011 study [ http://ejhd.uib.no/ejhd-v24-sn1/100%20Care%20seeking%20for%20maternal%20health%20challenges%20remain%20for%20p.pdf ] published in the Ethiopian Journal of Health.  

“Even though communities are aware of the dangers around childbirth, contingencies for potential complications are rarely discussed or made, such that most families hope or pray that things will turn out well. When things go wrong precious time is lost in finding resources and manpower to assist in the transfer to a health facility,” the study said.  

About 80 percent of all maternal deaths in Ethiopia, are due to haemorrhage, infection, unsafe abortion, hypertensive disorders, and obstructed labour, along with HIV/AIDS and malaria, said a senior Health Ministry maternal health expert, Frewoine Gebrehiwot.  

The maternal mortality ratio in Ethiopia is 676 for every 100,000 births. This compares to an average of 290 per 100,000 births in developing countries, and 14 per 100,000 in developed countries, according to the UN World Health Organization. [ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs348/en/index.html ] 

 Besides death, at least 500,000 Ethiopian women and girls who miss out on skilled health care during delivery, end up suffering other complications including obstetric fistula.  

Behaviour change needed 

 The Health Ministry is working on behaviour change through health extension programmes and is providing each of Ethiopia's 550 districts with an ambulance to facilitate transport for pregnant mothers who want to deliver in health facilities free of charge.  But some of the hospitals are lacking in equipment, skills or policy guidance to enable them to provide basic emergency obstetric and newborn care, according to a study by the Health Ministry and its partners, who, using 2008 data, found that only 51 percent of hospitals qualified as offering comprehensive care.  

“Most of the health facilities which are far from Addis Ababa are either not fully staffed with skilled service providers or fully equipped with the necessary supplies and equipment that can provide quality services related to complications during pregnancy and childbirth,” said the UN Population Fund (UNFPA).  

“Limited human resources, especially midwives, hamper efforts to provide adequate services, especially in rural areas. Gaps in training and remuneration have led to attrition and turnover among public sector health care professionals.”  

According to UNFPA, public facilities routinely suffer stockouts and obstetric care equipment shortages due to budget deficits and poor management. 

 Free services provided at health centres are to blame for the shortages, according to the Health Ministry which hopes a new health insurance scheme, to be piloted in 13 rural districts, will help to provide more funding.  

At present, the ministry is seeking to increase the number of women delivering in hospitals by tapping into those seeking antenatal care and providing sustained family planning services at the district level.  

“We are particularly trying to decrease mothers’ deaths by retaining the significant numbers of pregnant women who come to receive antenatal care from hospitals but [go] missing [during] delivery,” said Frewoine. 

 At least 34 percent of pregnant women aged 15-49 receive antenatal care from a skilled health provider such as a doctor, nurse or midwife, but only 10 percent give birth there. 

 “The same can be said about the high unmet need for family planning in couples and also among young people,” she said, adding that plans are under way to assign two midwives to every health centre in every district in the next three years.  

So far, close to 1,630 nurses have been trained as midwives in a one-year accelerated training programme. Their number is expected to reach 4,674 by 2015. 

 bt/aw/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95356</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107111326360929t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - A lack of awareness of the importance of skilled hospital deliveries in Ethiopia, cultural beliefs, and transport challenges in rural areas are causing a high number of deaths during childbirth, say officials.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Talking truth to power</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191228560856t.jpg" />]]>BAHIR DAR 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - On the surface it had all the trappings of a gathering of current and former heads of state: Legions of presidential bodyguards speaking into their sleeves, electronic security at every entrance, rooftop snipers, road closures and a small army of waiters serving snacks and coffee on the banks of Ethiopia’s Lake Tana. </description><body><![CDATA[BAHIR DAR 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - On the surface it had all the trappings of a gathering of current and former heads of state: Legions of presidential bodyguards speaking into their sleeves, electronic security at every entrance, rooftop snipers, road closures and a small army of waiters serving snacks and coffee on the banks of Ethiopia’s Lake Tana. 

To the casual observer it was indistinguishable from any meeting of African Union (AU) luminaries, but at the opening session of the inaugural 14-15 April Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa, chaired by former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, it became apparent diplomatic protocols were to be dispensed with: In an act of pure theatre Obasanjo removed his formal traditional robe to highlight the intent of informality. 

The Tana conference, coordinated by Addis Ababa University’s Institute for Peace and Security Studies, borrowed elements from the Munich Security Conference founded by German publisher Ewald-Heinrich von Kleist-Schmenzin, who recognized diplomatic protocol can often stymie debate. 

Oliver Rolofs, spokesperson for the Munich conference, told IRIN the meeting provides an “open forum and free discussion” and acts as a “catalyst” for security issues providing fresh ideas and insights for when participants return to the niceties and strictures of diplomacy. 

Ethiopian President Meles Zenawi in his welcoming speech to the delegates acknowledged he had been influenced by the style of the German conference and hoped for more of the same at the Tana gathering. 

A soft approach 

The architecture of Africa’s peace and security structures since the launch of the AU in 2002 and the subsequent May 2004 ratification of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) endowed the continent with a comprehensive security armoury allowing for intervention in states to resolve or prevent conflicts, using such instruments as the yet-to-be-constituted African Standby Force (ASF) and the Panel of the Wise - an AU five-member consultative body drawn from the continent’s five geographical regions, to provide views and opinions for conflict prevention and resolution. 

A delegate at the Tana conference lauded the AU’s peace and security structures, but noted these were rigid and “hard”, that did not allow for a “soft” approach to the issues, and the Tana conference was envisaged to provide such a layer of interaction, where there was equal access to debate for presidents, ambassadors, academics, activists and AU officials. 

Hesphina Rukato, the forum’s coordinator, said in an opening address: “We wanted to create a different type of gathering, more a retreat than a conference, and with the wide participation of people who are concerned and open to share their experiences.” 

The discussions were off-limits to the media, apart from the opening and closing sessions, in the interests of garnering an intimacy among the participants that was designed to flow from the meeting room, to the corridors and dinners - under the two guiding themes of managing diversity and state fragility. 

Alex de Waal, a veteran Africa analyst and executive director of the World Peace Foundation, was effusive about the format. “What was great about this was the extent to which there was a conversation. There were a couple people there who you just felt were giving their government position. But that was very exceptional. There was real substance as to what was being said. And the issues were really coming out in the discussion and that was very unusual.” 

Among present and past leaders were host Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, President Ismail Guelleh of Djibouti, President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed of Somalia, former South African president Thabo Mbeki, and Mozambique’s past prime minister Luisa Diogo, although the flattening of hierarchies came as a shock for some. 

Museveni makes waves 

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni was not scheduled in the programme to make a speech, nor was he selected as a panellist, but he eventually made an off-the-cuff address from the podium following intense lobbying by his aides. 

He questioned the West’s penchant for sanctions against countries for their treatment of homosexuals, or disrespect for women’s rights, and asked why they did not impose similar economic measures on states that failed to provide such social services as electricity to their citizens. He then managed to provoke a walk-out by a Libyan national after slamming the 2011 “unconstitutional removal” of Muammar Gaddafi, creating a “diplomatic incident” in the absence of diplomatic protocols. 

Brig-Gen Hadi Ali Gibril, executive secretary of the North African Regional Capability (NARC), walked out as a Libyan and not in his capacity as an official of the regional ASF. “Although I respect his [Museveni’s] friendship with Gaddafi, there are many things he does not know,” he told IRIN. 

“Libyan people were suffering for 42 years. There was no freedom. And when the people said they wanted freedom, he killed them and ordered his soldiers to rape the women. Do you know the capital of Libya [Tripoli] with two million citizens has no sewage and no water system,” he said. 

There was a sharp exchange between a sitting president and a past president, the latter accusing the former of “taking his country to hell”, according to a source privy to the discussions. 

Odd bedfellows 

The diverse array of delegates made for odd-bedfellows, Mahmood Mamdani, the executive director of Uganda’s Makerere Institute for Social Research, told IRIN. “[Politicians] by their very nature are very present minded and fixed on the moment and are impatient with scholarly talk, and scholars think practitioners and policymakers are always rushing to solutions and just never solving the problem, because they never really understand it.” 

He said politicians used consultants “who know which side their bread is buttered and tread softly when it comes to critiques. By getting them in touch with scholars who are not employed by them and who have much more freedom to talk, I think that is useful”. 

Governor of Nigeria’s Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, told IRIN the conference’s billing was “to speak truth to power and I am not sure we have successfully done that. It was meant to be a no-holds bar conversation. 

“Hierarchy by its very nature is recognized in Africa. We respect age, we respect authority and order and those representations of authority are notionally assumed to also have wisdom and knowledge, which is not necessarily true, and we have seen that replicated here. Those in political office are not necessarily the smartest in the room,” he said. 

Daniel Adugna, youth programme manager at the AU commission, told IRIN the difference between the 17th AU Summit in the capital of Equatorial Guinea, Malabo, in June 2011 and the Tana conference “was we were not able to engage leaders and talk to them directly because of certain procedures the [AU] summit has. But here we could raise our hands together with our leaders and make a comment.” 

When the delegates overlooked youth in the diversity debate, Adugna said he was able to put it back on the agenda. “The opportunities I would have to sit and speak in the same room as the prime minister were probably impossible, close to zero and it has never happened until today… Having no protocols is a big advantage, as you are able to understand how structures, institutions and certain personalities think.” 

Francis Deng, special adviser to the UN Secretary-General on the prevention of genocide, told IRIN the diversity theme was discussed at length “as the way we deal with our mandate on genocide prevention is to demystify genocide and see it as an extreme form of identity related conflicts that result from denial of rights, inequality [and] marginalization… and this is connected with the fragile states [theme].” 

He said “there was decent informality… people were very candid on sensitive issues and all in all it was a good beginning… As Obasanjo said, within the AU if you mentioned a country negatively there would immediately be responses of hands raised and people saying point of order. Here there were no such sensitivities and it is a good model to be continued with.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95323</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191228560856t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAHIR DAR 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - On the surface it had all the trappings of a gathering of current and former heads of state: Legions of presidential bodyguards speaking into their sleeves, electronic security at every entrance, rooftop snipers, road closures and a small army of waiters serving snacks and coffee on the banks of Ethiopia’s Lake Tana. </td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Burkas to tracksuits</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111314210022t.jpg" />]]>MOGADISHU 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Somali Athletics Federation will select one female runner from a field of 10 to compete in the 400-metres at this year&apos;s London Olympics. The youngest of those currently training in Mogadishu is Najma, 10. She started running six months ago, shortly after Al-Shabab left the city. “My father encouraged me,” said Najma.</description><body><![CDATA[MOGADISHU 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Somali Athletics Federation will select one female runner from a field of 10 to compete in the 400-metres at this year's London Olympics. The youngest of those currently training in Mogadishu is Najma, 10. She started running six months ago, shortly after Al-Shabab left the city. “My father encouraged me,” said Najma. 

She knows she is lucky - most girls in Somalia do not enjoy such freedom. The head coach of the Athletics Federation, Ahmed Ali Abikar, said it is very difficult for female athletes in Mogadishu to train. "Society doesn't understand about sport for girls. They cannot train everywhere, they are teased. But they know why they're doing it," he said. 

Najma and Leila, 15, meet every Saturday to race around the 400m track at the bullet-ridden Konis Stadium in downtown Mogadishu, a city which until August 2011 was occupied by Al-Shabab insurgents. Leila, a slight and self-possessed young woman with a bright red scarf covering her hair and glittering gold earrings, remembers a time when she had to conceal her tracksuit beneath a burka until she was in a secure compound where it was safe to run. "The stadiums were closed because of the fighting", she said. 

Leila has been training for three years and says she has always been interested in sport - something which both the mayor of Mogadishu and the prime minister of Somalia regularly express their desire to promote. She says girls in Mogadishu can now choose from basketball, handball and athletics. "When I'm running, I'm happy. It gives me real pleasure", she said. 

Determined girls like Leila are staking their claim to freedom and choice.  

Nick Birnback, spokesperson for the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), agrees that change is in the air. Following the decision to grant women 30 percent representation in parliament, he said many had sought advice from UNPOS to understand their rights and request support. “They're willing to be really engaged in the political process knowing that the context of Mogadishu is a very hard environment,” he said. 

At a February conference in Garowe, the administrative capital of Puntland, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) convened the second in a string of UNPOS-facilitated meetings to work towards the completion of, and transition to, a new constitution by 20 August 2012. Currently women have 12 percent representation in government, but it was agreed that in the new federal parliament of Somalia they will have at least 30 percent. 

“Historic” Women’s Day celebrations 

The head of the Somali Women's Federation, Asha Omar, is another determined character. She was responsible for organizing Women's Day celebrations in Mogadishu this year. Omar returned to Somalia two years ago after 21 years in Sweden. “We are the peace-lords, we're working hard,” she said. “It's the men who left their work - they're just fighting between themselves. Everyone wants to be a president. I tell them, be a president in your own home." 

Omar says decades of male migration and drought have promoted women to non-traditional roles; many now are at the head of their families. "Women have no tribes, they have families", she explained, adding that Somali women lose their ties to the clan structure on marriage. 

However, on women running for parliamentary office, Omar warned that because the clan structure has no tradition of female leadership, it will be a case of the men choosing for them, perpetuating inequality. 

Abdi Hosh, TFG minister for constitution, described this year's Women's Day celebrations as historic. "It was the first such event I ever observed in Somalia; it was the first such event held at the venue in 21 years, as it was being used by IDPs [internally displaced persons], and it was significant for me because I fought for 30 percent membership for women in the next parliament," he said. 

The city centre was awash with the vibrant colours of ceremonial outfits, hand-painted signs and flags, with many wearing matching turquoise and white dresses in the print of the Somali flag. "We are wearing the same dresses to show we are organized", said Hawa, a 22-year-old from Mogadishu, at the celebrations. 

A long way to go 

But a source at the Ministry for Information described the move towards 30 percent representation in parliament as a “gesture”. He called for action: economic empowerment such as loans for women, mandatory education for girls, a legal framework to promote equal rights and “a sensible reinterpretation” of social, traditional and religious norms. 

 
Many of the women entering politics in Mogadishu now are either from the diaspora, or have spent time in Nairobi - like Omar. 

While some women are returning to Somalia, many are still moving away. Ahmed Ali Abikar, the athletics coach, has dealt with the disappointment of promising runners moving abroad to seek better opportunities.  

Samia Yusuf Omar, the girl he trained to run for Somalia at the Beijing Olympics, now lives in Ethiopia having made contacts abroad through her training with the Somali team. Mo Farah, one of Britain’s top Olympic hopes whose family fled Mogadishu shortly before the fall of the Said Barre's regime, is perhaps the most high profile example of this. 

Osman, a 66-year-old security guard at Konis Stadium, says he has not missed one day of work in the last 21 years, and has bandages covering the bullet wounds on his left arm and right ankle to show for it. He will be watching Somalia's Olympic runners on TV and firmly believes sport for females will continue to win acceptance. "They can't help but play," he said, of the young girls and boys who use the track. "It's good for everyone."  

Somalia has been caught up in a devastating 20-year civil war. Al Shabab militants have threatened to carry on their war against the government and the African Union despite having been evicted from much of Mogadishu and losing territory to Kenyan and Ethiopian troops in the south: Two top Somali sports officials were among at least six killed by a suicide bomber in a Mogadishu theatre in early April. 

jh/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95308</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204111314210022t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MOGADISHU 17 April 2012 (IRIN) - The Somali Athletics Federation will select one female runner from a field of 10 to compete in the 400-metres at this year&apos;s London Olympics. The youngest of those currently training in Mogadishu is Najma, 10. She started running six months ago, shortly after Al-Shabab left the city. “My father encouraged me,” said Najma.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HORN OF AFRICA: Greater food insecurity forecast</title><pubDate>Thu, 05 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108101236460309t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 05 April 2012 (IRIN) - Food insecurity in the eastern Horn of Africa is expected to worsen as a result of less rain than previously forecast falling in the key March-to-May season.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 05 April 2012 (IRIN) - Food insecurity in the eastern Horn of Africa is expected to worsen as a result of less rain than previously forecast falling in the key March-to-May season.
 
The US Agency for International Development’s Famine and Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) warned [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/SR_EA_MarchMay_Forecasts3_040312.pdf ] that rainfall in this period would be 60-85 percent of the long-term average and that there was a 30 percent chance of the lower figure materializing.
 
“An expansion in the size of the food insecure population and an increase in the severity of food insecurity is likely,” FEWS NET said in an 3 April report.
 
The report warned of “significant impacts on crop production, pasture regeneration, and the replenishment of water resources” in a region that in 2011 suffered one of its worst drought-related food crises in decades.
 
March to May is the major rainfall season for pastoral and agricultural areas of northern Kenya and Ethiopia and parts of Somalia, and accounts for 50-60 percent of annual rainfall in the region.
 
In an effort to prevent future weather shocks translating into new humanitarian crises, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional body, and international development partners, have launched an initiative to strengthen resilience in the region.
 
“We have mobilized funds [US$340 million] to support resilience programmes, and while the problems cannot be solved overnight, it is important to appreciate the need for long-term investments in such areas as education, water, and the need to identify problems early and deal with them in good time. People need to be helped to recover quickly from disasters,” Kristalina Georgieva, European commissioner for international cooperation, humanitarian aid and crisis response, told IRIN.
 
Political commitment from IGAD member countries, apart from development partners’ support, will play a crucial role in creating sustainable solutions to help people cope with the effects of the region’s recurrent droughts, according to Sileshi Getahun, Ethiopia’s minister of agriculture, in whose country some 3.2 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance.
 
Time to “stand up and be counted”
 
“We [regional governments] can’t talk about the same thing [drought] over and over and yet do nothing to help people. This is the time for regional governments to stand up and be counted,” Sileshi said.
 
Speaking to IRIN, the UK’s development minister, Stephen O’Brien, said: “Resilience programme support is an important part of humanitarian support and response and provides a more sustainable way to deal with disasters.”
 
Among things to be prioritized will be the provision of drought-resistant seeds, water, education, investing in weather forecasting technology, and scaling up nutrition programmes.
 
Solving the various conflicts in the Horn of Africa, which have seen thousands of people displaced and many more killed, will be crucial in improving the ability of people in the region to be resilient in the face of disasters, Mahboub Maalim, executive secretary of IGAD, told IRIN.
 
“In the face of disasters like drought and famine, people’s livelihoods are disrupted and efforts towards halting the various conflicts we see [in the Horn of Africa] cannot be ignored, because people can’t cope when conflicts persist,” he said.
 
ko/am/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95247</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108101236460309t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 05 April 2012 (IRIN) - Food insecurity in the eastern Horn of Africa is expected to worsen as a result of less rain than previously forecast falling in the key March-to-May season.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95237</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Drought affecting thousands in Somaliland</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907291316380546t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - Officials in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia, are appealing for food aid and potable water for thousands of families who have lost their livelihoods in the current drought.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) -  Officials in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia, are appealing for food aid and potable water for thousands of families who have lost their livelihoods in the current drought. 

“You can see from far children running to the road waving empty bottles asking you for water and bread or biscuits,” Hussein Muhumed Hog, Somaliland's health minister, told IRIN.  

Families in the western Somaliland areas of Garba dadar, Gargaara bari, Gerisa and Osoli have lost all their livestock and do not have regular food supplies, said Hog, adding that other families in the Gargaara and Gerrisa areas (also in the west) are now relying on food provided under the UN World Food Programme’s (WFP’s) food-for-work initiative, and money sent in by Somalis abroad. Ceel la helay, north of the capital Hargeisa, is also affected. 

In February, WFP provided food assistance to nearly 150,000 people in Somaliland, according to Challiss McDonough, WFP's Senior Spokesperson for East, Central and Southern Africa. 

Of those, almost 38,000 were mothers and children under five, with more than 18,600 others receiving family rations or vouchers under the targeted supplementary feeding programme, which provides specialized treatment for malnourished children under five, pregnant women and new mothers diagnosed as undernourished. 

About 48,000 people also received food through the school meals programme; at least 42,000 received assistance through WFP’S food-for-assets programme and 8,000 others from its food-for-work activities. Food-for-work is a relief activity for communities or families recovering from shocks, while food-for-assets is considered a longer-term activity aimed at strengthening livelihoods. 

“Crisis level” food insecurity in some areas 

Food security in Somaliland’s Awdal, West Galbeed, Togdheer and Sanaag regions is classified until June 2012 as “stressed”, meaning that households have reduced food consumption, while most of Sool and southern Sanaag are classified as being at “crisis level”, meaning households have significant food consumption gaps with high or above usual acute malnutrition, according to the Food Security and Nutrition Analysis Unit (FSNAU) - Somalia. 

In the Baki area of the mid-western Awdal region, for example, the population is still feeling the effects of poor past `Deyr’ short rains.

“Even the families with some livestock can't buy food due to the high prices,” said Abdi-Rashid Sh. Mohamed, an elderly man in Baki. For example, to buy a 50kg sack of sugar valued at US$50, one has to sell two sheep, Mohamed said.  

Some 1,800 children in the mountainous rural areas of Baki are also moderately malnourished, Ahmed Mouse Ahmed, the Baki District health officer, told IRIN, adding that expectant and nursing mothers and the elderly are similarly affected.  

Malnutrition among IDPs 

High malnutrition rates have also been recorded among internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the area of Burco in Togdheer, according to an update by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [ http://ochaonline.un.org/OchaLinkClick.aspx?link=ocha&docId=1325144 ] where global acute malnutrition (GAM) rates of 20.3 percent and severe acute malnutrition (SAM) rates of 4.5 percent were reported in December 2011. The emergency threshold for GAM and SAM is 15 and 5 percent, respectively. 

With reduced pasture in predominantly pastoralist regions, concern remains especially if the 2012 `Gu’ (long) rains are below normal. 

Rains in the northern regions of Somalia started in mid-October 2011 but as the season advanced, lessened, becoming erratic and ended earlier than expected, according to the US Agency for International Development’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network. [ http://www.fews.net/docs/publications/somalia_fsu_2011_12.pdf ] 

WFP is shifting its focus from emergency assistance towards targeted programmes, including building reservoirs, wells and roads which support communities' resilience to seasonal shocks, according to spokesperson McDonough, who said that in the past year WFP had doubled the number of nutrition programmes in Somalia.

“WFP is using a more targeted approach to relief assistance for people and communities in crisis, including IDPs, using a combination of nutrition programmes and livelihood support programmes, such as food-for-work and food-for-assets, to ensure that immediate needs are met.”

 According to OCHA  Somalia,  “the overall drought situation in Somaliland is relatively less severe currently compared to the very harsh dry season at this time last year [2011] when water trucking was ongoing in almost all the regions in Somaliland.”  

maj/aw/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95207</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907291316380546t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - Officials in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia, are appealing for food aid and potable water for thousands of families who have lost their livelihoods in the current drought.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: Late rains threaten food security</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - Late and erratic mid-February to May (`Belg&apos;) rains could significantly reduce crop yields in central and southern Ethiopia and adversely affect food security, warn officials.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - Late and erratic mid-February to May (`Belg') rains could significantly reduce crop yields in central and southern Ethiopia and adversely affect food security, warn officials. 

"There is concern about the food security situation in `Belg’-producing areas,” Judith Schuler, Ethiopia's spokesperson for the World Food Programme (WFP), told IRIN. "Field reports, as well as remote sensing, confirm that the `Belg’ rains up to now are far below normal."  

She said there has been limited land preparation for, and planting of, sweet potatoes in northeastern parts of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region (SNNPR).

"Sweet potatoes are the major transitional crops consumed mainly among poorer households until the `Belg’ harvest begins in June," according to the US Agency for International Development’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET). [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/Ethiopia_FSOL__02_2012.pdf ]  

In the Amhara (central highlands) region, for example, only 3 percent of planned cropland had been planted as of 16 March, according to an update [ http://ochaonline.un.org/OchaLinkClick.aspx?link=ocha&docId=1328166 ] by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. `Belg’ crops there, and in eastern Oromia and Tigray regions, are normally planted by the end of February.

`Belg’ production accounts for 5-30 percent of annual food production in the northern `Belg’ cropping areas, and 30-60 percent, or more, of production in southern `Belg’ cropping areas. 

Experts recently warned of a high probability of drought returning to the Greater Horn of Africa [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94985/HORN-OF-AFRICA-Drought-warning-prompts-call-for-early-action ] amid fears of poor rains [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94842/HORN-Poor-rains-again-this-season ] in March-May 2012. 

"We don’t think the situation will improve any time soon and the rainfall might not come, particularly in southern and major ` Belg’ producing areas," Diriba Koricha, director of the Forecast and Early Warning Department at the Ethiopian Meteorology Agency, told IRIN. 

Almaz Demisse, a senior Ministry of Agriculture official, urged farmers to plant crops that have long cycle yields such as maize and sorghum. 

Expected low yields are contributing to an increase in cereal prices; inflation is already running at 36.3 percent. "Food prices are showing an unseasonable increase and are higher than the average of the last five years," said WFP's Schuler. 

"We are closely monitoring the situation since mid-February and jointly with the government we will do some rapid food security assessments in the coming weeks in SNNPR and possibly also in Amhara."  

Meanwhile, the government is planning ahead. "We are preparing to provide seedlings for farmers that want to replace what they already planted,” and “allocating enough food in every incidence command post located in [the] most affected areas," Aklog Nigatu, spokesperson of Ethiopia's Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Sector office, told IRIN. 

bt/aw/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95211</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104050855340125t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 30 March 2012 (IRIN) - Late and erratic mid-February to May (`Belg&apos;) rains could significantly reduce crop yields in central and southern Ethiopia and adversely affect food security, warn officials.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Border town in a fix over water</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200906151236290968t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Water scarcity in Tog-Wajale, a town straddling the border between northwest Somalia&apos;s self-declared republic of Somaliland and Ethiopia, is threatening the health and livelihoods of locals who cannot afford to buy it.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Water scarcity in Tog-Wajale, a town straddling the border between northwest Somalia's self-declared republic of Somaliland and Ethiopia, is threatening the health and livelihoods of locals who cannot afford to buy it.

"One barrel of water [200 litres] was only 20 [Ethiopian] birr [US$1], but the price has now reached about 50 Ethiopian birr [$2.5]," said Ahmed Jama Weirah, a father of seven in Tog-Wajale. "We can't provide for our families... because our earnings are not enough to provide food and water."

The Somaliland side of Tog-Wajale has had no official water supply since 1995, following the closure of the town's only well, which had fallen into disrepair. The town's main water sources are a seasonal river that acts as the border between Somaliland and Ethiopia, and expensive pumped water from Ethiopia.

"Now the [river] water is over and we can't afford to buy imported water," said Weirah.

"While livestock have been moved further north where they can find water, townsfolk face water scarcity," said Abdillahi Omar, a resident. "Some families use less than 20 litres per day to cook meals, and they don't take a bath for several days."

Local officials told IRIN they hoped the rains would start soon, but were focusing on long-term solutions.

The dysfunctional well used to supply less than 2,000 litres of water a day, so repairing it would not provide sufficient water for the town’s estimated 40,000 people (up from 10,000 in 1995), said Hashi Mohamed Abdi, the mayor of Tog-Wajale. 

Currently about 20,000 litres are pumped from Ethiopia every day, “which is not enough", he said, adding that water was also trucked in from Kalabiat and Gabiley to the northeast of Tog-Wajale.

However, the future looks brighter as the European Union (EU) has agreed to fund [ http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/documents/aap/2011/af_aap_2011_som.pdf ] a water project in the town.

The EU is funding water projects in several Somaliland towns, including Hargeisa, Burao, Erigavo and Tog-Wajale; the Tog-Wajale water project is due for completion in 2015. 

maj/kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95177</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200906151236290968t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 27 March 2012 (IRIN) - Water scarcity in Tog-Wajale, a town straddling the border between northwest Somalia&apos;s self-declared republic of Somaliland and Ethiopia, is threatening the health and livelihoods of locals who cannot afford to buy it.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Hargeisa stall demolitions infuriate traders</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203270818100867t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of traders in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, are incensed at having their businesses demolished in a city beautification drive, and some fear the move could lead to a crime wave.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of traders in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, are incensed at having their businesses demolished in a city beautification drive, and some fear the move could lead to a crime wave. 

An estimated 5,000 traders have lost their only source of livelihood, Abdillahi Hassan, a human rights activist in Hargeisa, told IRIN.  

“Every small business was a source of income for a family… The local government used force destroying the buildings, as well as the property inside. For this reason a lot of families have also lost their capital,” he said. 

On 6 March, at least one person was shot dead and several others injured when traders confronted the police. 

Zahra Hussein Ismail, 60, who had her stall bulldozed, said she now has virtually no income and fears the demolitions might lead to an increase in crime. 

“I come from a family of 20. We used to get our livelihood from an eating house in down-town Hargeisa. After it was demolished we lost about 90 percent of our income… We are afraid our teenage youngsters who used to do business in the streets may become gangsters due to the closure of their businesses.” 

Government officials say a growing population and an increasing number of vehicles have made movement within the city difficult, hence the need to demolish makeshift stalls along crowded city streets. 

Hussein Mohamoud Ji'ir, mayor of Hargeisa, told IRIN part of the project to revamp the city required the removal of makeshift stalls: “We are not accepting in the street smaller vendor-businesses.” 

The stallholders say they have received no compensation and that the government is not offering any alternative vendor sites, despite previous promises. 

maj/ko/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95162</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203270818100867t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of traders in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, are incensed at having their businesses demolished in a city beautification drive, and some fear the move could lead to a crime wave.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: New HIV policy focuses on HIV in the workplace</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910020817110641t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The government has teamed up with Ethiopia&apos;s main employees&apos; and employers&apos; associations to launch a new HIV/AIDS workplace policy that is to be implemented across the nation.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The government has teamed up with Ethiopia’s main employees' and employers' associations to launch a new HIV/AIDS workplace policy that is to be implemented across the nation. 

The new policy came into force in January 2012 and will be applied across the board in state and private organizations. It is expected to protect job seekers from mandatory HIV tests, while facilitating voluntary counselling and testing and defending the right of employees living with HIV to medical leave or job re-allocation. It also provides guidelines for the establishment of an AIDS fund to help employees cope with living with the virus. 

The new policy is in line with the country's goal of halving new HIV infections by 2015. "Where HIV/AIDS hurts the country most is in workplaces, where the productive part of the society -alongside their employers, family and the rest of their community - suffer finically, economically and socially in aftershocks of every new HIV infection," said Solomon Demissie, director of the Harmonious Industrial Relation Directorate at the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. 

"This is why combating HIV in workplaces holds a big stake in our fight. The sector needs a combined and revitalized effort from all concerned actors." 

According to a 2009 study, "Managing HIV and AIDS in the workplace" by the NGO, Stop AIDS Now, [ http://www.stopaidsnow.org/our_work_article/workplace_ethiopia ] most NGOs admitted that they did not have the skills to develop an HIV/AIDS workplace policy. 

"NGOs do not have concrete knowledge of the costs of developing and implementing a workplace policy, and most respondents worry that all activities for responding to HIV in the workplace have financial implications by increasing overhead costs. Furthermore, they are not sure of the sustainability of such undertakings," the report noted. 

Solomon said the ministry had met with all stakeholders to ensure they were on the same page. "Since this a set of new commitments that will demand considerable efforts, including financial obligations from everybody, we had to make sure all are comfortable with it. After a series of discussions, the policy document was endorsed by all actors unanimously." 

The new policy brings an agreement with the Ethiopian Employers Federation and The Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, and is also endorsed by the Ethiopian Privatization and Public Enterprises Supervising Agency, which oversees 53 state organizations. 

It stipulates that employers will make the necessary investments to ensure universal precautions in workplaces to protect employees from HIV infection, and are also expected to put in place a post-exposure prophylaxis system for their workforce. 

Employers committed to making available personnel and funds to implement the policy in their businesses, and to facilitate employees' access to condoms and treatment for sexually transmitted infections. 

"We have been actively working to fight HIV for more than a decade now. At times we were resisted by organizations, including state-run firms that were concerned by the financial ramifications of such commitments," said Tadele Yimer, president of the Ethiopian Employers Federation. 

"We made significant progress convincing both investors and government employers to prioritize the HIV agenda and undertake a number of initiatives including... schemes to support marriages and people living with HIV," he added. 

"What we hope it [the new policy] will do is bring about an agreed consent and uniform approach among employers to fight HIV/AIDS nationally." 
The federation brings to the agreement a commitment by around 700 organizations across a broad range of sectors like transport, construction, hotels, airlines, banks, insurance and others, many with their own trade union. 

Officials at the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions - who developed their own workplace HIV policy in 2001 - expressed relief that employers are now on board. "Employees' deaths were on the rise. There was stigma and discrimination at times, forcing employees to leave their jobs... [putting] their families in difficult positions," said Fissehatsion Biyadgelinge, head of the confederation's social affairs department. 

"Since the 2001 guideline, which was developed from the national policy with the support of international donors, including Pathfinder International, we have tried to reverse the trend by raising awareness through continued campaigns, and led various efforts to fight HIV/AIDS by encouraging voluntary counselling and testing and fighting for more rights for employees living with HIV/AIDS." 

The umbrella organization of over 400 employees' unions and an estimated 400,000 members, says some of its anti-HIV/AIDS campaigns have been failing short because of funding constraints. 

"With the new policy of establishing an AIDS fund, employees can contribute a small portion of money and from it we can finance HIV campaigns and cater for employees and families that are affected by HIV," Fissehatsion said. 

The AIDS fund will raise a monthly contribution from employees and will also be run with assistance from the organizations' credit and saving associations. Money from the fund will be used for treatment, care and support programmes such as medical checkups and balanced diets, and other social assistance programmes for employees and their families. 

"We cannot forever rely on donors," Fissehatsion said. "The ownership has to be ours - the employees." 

kt/kr/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95165</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910020817110641t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - The government has teamed up with Ethiopia&apos;s main employees&apos; and employers&apos; associations to launch a new HIV/AIDS workplace policy that is to be implemented across the nation.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: “I never regret being in Dadaab”</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107180839560213t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - IRIN&apos;s freelance journalist Moulid Iftin Hujale, in this third installment of his account of life in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, reflects on his hope of returning to his homeland, Somalia, to help rebuild the country amid heightening insecurity in the Dadaab camps.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - IRIN's freelance journalist Moulid Iftin Hujale, in this third installment of his account of life in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, reflects on his hope of returning to his homeland, Somalia, to help rebuild the country amid heightening insecurity in the Dadaab camps. 

Dadaab, which is home to an estimated 463,000 Somali refugees, has since November 2011 recorded a series of  abductions and road-side bombs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94596/KENYA-SOMALIA-Dadaab-leaders-flee-after-killings-threats ] which the Kenyan police attribute to people linked to Somalia's insurgent Al-Shabab group.

[Hujale] It is another year in Dadaab, one that finds me still struggling for a better life, a better future and of course freedom; freedom to live independently and to decide the path that will shape my ambitions. 

I never regret being in Dadaab though. I believe if I had been in Somalia for the past two decades I would have either been caught up in the crossfire or my future would have been ruined. But the past four months have been quite tough and very scary with unprecedented grenade explosions, killings and rigorous police operations; Dadaab has never been the same again. 

Fear 

I remember one morning in late December 2011 when the police entered the residential blocks and started beating people; I heard people screaming and policemen shouting. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94528/KENYA-SOMALIA-Refugees-injured-in-Dadaab-crackdown ] I saw many people running behind our fence as they called out for me to follow. My mother was frightened, she was scared for me. From the look on her face I could tell how helpless she was feeling as she grabbed her falling headscarf. I did not run at first, until I saw the police beating an old man. 

I wandered through the residential blocks with other colleagues the whole day, returning home in the evening.

I took my notebook and camera to document the aftermath of the incident. What I saw was horrifying: women complaining of attempted rape, a mother whose youngest child was beaten in front of her, injured men sleeping on mats in their houses with no medical care, shops that had been broken into and businessmen who had lost their savings. 

I feel that Dadaab does not offer full protection for refugees; it has become a place where anyone can be targeted. Refugees fear an unknown enemy and the sad thing is that even when the police offend you, you cannot talk about it. Fear has engulfed the whole camp; I feel unsafe.

However, these days it is getting calmer. Aid operations are resuming [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94185/AFRICA-Insecurity-undermines-aid-access-in-Dadaab ] and there has been no terror incident for quite some time now; I pray that the situation remains the same.

Stalled dreams 

Despite all this, 2012 is showing promise and I am very optimistic that I will achieve my dreams even though the so-called scholarship [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93906/KENYA-SOMALIA-A-day-in-the-life-of-a-refugee ] that I got from the Somali government last year did not work out. I was extremely excited having been sponsored by my own Somali government; I thought I had regained my identity at last, but what followed was disappointing. The programme was cancelled for reasons that were not clarified. 

Since 2011 over 1,000 students have been taken from Mogadishu by the Somali Transitional Federal government to Turkey, Sudan and Malaysia. But none of the learned Dadaab youths have been given the opportunity. Many people say that some of the students who were sponsored by Mogadishu were not qualified, others were even repatriated from Turkey after failing to adapt to university life; many of them got the opportunity through nepotism and corruption. 

Rebuilding Somalia 

Anyway, I am glad that at least there is some development in my country despite the complications in its administration and that will never kill my spirit to dedicate my skills to rebuilding my home country.

In the recent past, there has been a shift in focus among the Dadaab youth which I also strongly feel. We need to go back to Somalia to bring about the change the Somali people are yearning for. Some years ago, most of the youth wanted to resettle either in America or Europe to escape the harsh conditions of the camps; the encampment policy and the limited opportunities. 

However, these days almost all the educated youths are willing to go back to Somalia to take part in the reconstruction of their war-torn country as resettlement chances become slimmer. 

The main evening talk at the tea shops among my friends is about Somalia these days. The 23 February London conference [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94918/SOMALIA-Could-London-Conference-mark-a-turning-point-on-road-to-peace ] was also a hot agenda; there is a glimmer of hope. Our attention is now focused on the hope of stability in Somalia and I find comfort in that. 

Empowering refugees 

After living this long in a refugee camp, since 1997, how am I preparing to be a future leader of my country? Is there a long-term vision for refugees to be trained as leaders rather than just calling for donations to feed them? As the international community gathers to stabilize Somalia, what plans does the UN Refugee Agency have for Dadaab refugees who are supposed to go back and rebuild their home country? How much capacity do we have to run our own development programmes as managers to steer the fallen nation towards success? I think we had better learn how to fish instead of waiting for free fish.

I am asking these questions because I hear them every day echoing in my mind and from my friends too. 

The Somali Diaspora youth are in a better position than us. I have been following one of these Somali Diaspora-based youth organizations known as, Worldwide Somali Students and Professionals, [ http://worldwidesomalistudents.com/ ] who are mobilizing learned Somali youths from around the world. I am hoping to follow them into Somalia in June 2012 as they bring over 1,000 Diaspora youths to train fellow Somalis in literacy, health, agriculture and general education for two to three months. 

This is a voluntary service and I hope to have enough money then so that I will be able to proudly participate for the betterment of my people.

mh/aw/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95142</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107180839560213t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 23 March 2012 (IRIN) - IRIN&apos;s freelance journalist Moulid Iftin Hujale, in this third installment of his account of life in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, reflects on his hope of returning to his homeland, Somalia, to help rebuild the country amid heightening insecurity in the Dadaab camps.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Thousands displaced by fighting in Gedo</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909151151390531t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand people have been displaced by clashes between Al-Shabab insurgents and Somali troops assisted by Ethiopian and Kenyan soldiers in Somalia&apos;s southwestern Gedo region, locals told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand people have been displaced by clashes between Al-Shabab insurgents and Somali troops assisted by Ethiopian and Kenyan soldiers in Somalia's southwestern Gedo region, locals told IRIN.

"In the last couple of weeks, we have had some 5,000 people displaced by the conflict; we already had hundreds of families who were displaced," Mohamed Abdi Kaliil, governor of Gedo, told IRIN from Garbaharey, the regional capital. "We are trying to find some help for the displaced in our area but so far nothing."

Families have been "forced to move from one town to another and from one village to another", because of Al-Shabab activity, he told IRIN. "Their main aim is to hide from the violence; the people desperately need help with shelter, health, water and food."

The fighting has cut off the region from trade with the capital, Mogadishu, and the town of Baidoa, and public services have not fared any better. According to Kaliil, more than 10 health centres across Gedo region have closed due to the conflict. 

Adan Abdi Hashi, administrator of the main hospital in Garbaharey, said its laboratory was burned down a week ago. "We had an attack by Al-Shabab and our facility was hit by an exchange of gun-fire and it caught fire," he said.

The hospital serves four districts in Gedo. "We have no way of testing any patient for anything," Hashi said. "We currently have dozens of patients with TB [tuberculosis} who need to be tested every two months to see how they are responding to the treatment but we cannot even do that."

Drugs too were in short supply, he added.

Education hit

Apart from hospitals, the fighting has also affected schools. "In the parts still controlled by Al-Shabab, they closed down schools and are forcing children to take up guns," the governor told IRIN.

Some schools in areas under the control of the pro-government forces have also closed for various reasons. In the only secondary school in Garbaharey town, many students are absent because they have already left the area, according to the principal, Ali Mohamed Isse.

"The trend is that people are still wary of the situation, so they left for safer areas and are not sending their children to school; I cannot really blame them," Isse said.

Uncertainty 

A local journalist, who requested anonymity, said Al-Shabab - which has lost Garbaharey and other parts of Gedo to the combined forces of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Ethiopian and Kenyan troops - "is close by and carries out attacks at will.

"This has created a great deal of apprehension and uncertainty as to what will happen next," the journalist said, adding that Kenyan air raids in parts of southern Somalia, including Gedo, were causing fear among the population.

"This has forced many people to flee any area they think is close to Al-Shabab," the journalist said, adding that this had contributed to the displacement in the region. "It is a confused and continuous movement of people."

According to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, Gedo region is home to an estimated 77,000 displaced people. But for almost a year, Kaliil said, the area has been inaccessible to aid agencies due to the presence of Al-Shabab. 

ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95077</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200909151151390531t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 15 March 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand people have been displaced by clashes between Al-Shabab insurgents and Somali troops assisted by Ethiopian and Kenyan soldiers in Somalia&apos;s southwestern Gedo region, locals told IRIN.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Diaspora for development</title><pubDate>Fri, 09 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160746510852t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 09 March 2012 (IRIN) - Somalis living abroad send home more than US$1 billion - perhaps even as much as $2 billion - every year, and they have kept on doing so, despite bureaucratic obstacles. Now a report commissioned by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) considers how the outside world can help Somalis abroad contribute to the country’s development.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 09 March 2012 (IRIN) - Somalis living abroad send home more than US$1 billion - perhaps even as much as $2 billion - every year, and they have kept on doing so, despite bureaucratic obstacles. Now a report [ http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/13076/1/Cash_and_compassion_final.pdf ] commissioned by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) considers how the outside world can help Somalis abroad contribute to the country’s development.  

Almost every member of the Somali diaspora sends money home to their family, to help with food, rent, school fees and other daily expenses. But clan and hometown groups also collect money to build schools and clinics, even hospitals and universities, and to repair damaged infrastructure. Professionals in the diaspora support their colleagues back home with money and expertise. 

And investors help entrepreneurs, large and small, to create business ranging from tea stalls to international mobile phone companies.  The study was written by Ali Ibrahim Dagagne, an agriculture and livestock specialist who used to work with UNDP, and Laura Hammond of London University’s School of Oriental and African Studies. Hammond hails the effectiveness of diaspora support as one of Somalia’s success stories. 

“The Somali diaspora have succeeded in some ways where the international community has not been able to succeed,” she says. “Over the past 20 years, since the state collapsed, the diaspora has been a lifeline really for the country, and one of the reasons why we haven’t seen much more suffering.”  

While the international community has concentrated predominantly on humanitarian relief, the diaspora is more engaged in reconstruction and development, and their money reaches parts of the country where international organizations and foreign-supported NGOs find it very hard to work. 

Most of the money sent home goes through kinship and similar networks and because people are personally known to each other, the level of trust between donors and recipients is very high.  The money is usually sent via the hawala system of money transfer agents, some of which, like Dahabshiil, have grown into major international companies. 

“One of the amazing things,” says Hammond, “is that the transfer industry has moved with the people, and so even if people have been displaced, you are still able to reach them, because the agent on the receiving end has moved as well.”  The report identifies various problems, some related to the marginalized nature of diaspora communities. Somalis tend to have to wait longer than most migrants for their status to be recognised, they struggle to find employment and stable housing, and low wages mean they have little money to send. Once communities get more settled and better integrated, their ability to help increases; the authors think the countries where they settle could do more to speed up this integration.  

Even where help might be available, Somalis do not always use it. Some community associations, for instance, are registered as charities in Britain, but many more are not, simply because their founders do not understand this means they would get substantial extra funds from tax rebates. The authors also found suspicion and mistrust of international organizations, which prevented what could be useful collaboration on projects in Somalia.  Finally, the Somali diaspora and their money transfer companies have had to cope with the fallout of 9/11. Banks in the US have stopped dealing with them, and compliance regulations have become ever stricter. Individuals and community groups fear falling under suspicion of fund-raising for Al-Shabab or Al-Qaeda.  

Dagagne and Hammond say the challenge for the international community is to work out how to help without interfering. They can provide a more enabling environment, encourage collaboration, and seek to create a multiplier effect.  

Making a difference  

At the launch of the report, Safi Farah and Sahra Abdillahi, both from Somaliland, a self-declared independent northwestern province, spoke to IRIN. They work with Somali women’s groups in the UK and collect money from the community for clinics and hospitals. Abdillahi said: “We raise money to build hospitals, to build schools, to train midwives. And when something bad happens, like the recent drought, we clubbed together with Islington Council and we raised half a million.” They say they want help in the form of training and funding, so they can do the work rather than using outsiders who do not understand the language or the culture. 

Mohamed Abdulkadir is a young mental health worker. He told IRIN, “My parents and four of my young brothers and sisters are in Kismayo, which is still in the hands of Al-Shabab, and I was glad this study has come out really, because it will make the western world understand that we are sending [money] to our parents, not to Al-Shabab. Because here when we send money they will say, ‘Where does it go?’ There is suspicion about where the money goes.”  

Abdulkadir would like to visit his parents, but feels he cannot because, as a young man going to an Al-Shabab area, he would fall under suspicion.  

Mohamed Keenan said he was one of those who struggled to find the money to send to his aunts and sister in Mogadishu. But for him the only thing that can really help is political stability. “As long as it is politically stable, then people can go out and get a job, and I can save my [$100] a month and go back there myself and contribute.”  

eb/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95043</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160746510852t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 09 March 2012 (IRIN) - Somalis living abroad send home more than US$1 billion - perhaps even as much as $2 billion - every year, and they have kept on doing so, despite bureaucratic obstacles. Now a report commissioned by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) considers how the outside world can help Somalis abroad contribute to the country’s development.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Benefits - and risks - of Puntland oil</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203071330530657t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - The recent discovery of oil deposits in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, could improve its population&apos;s livelihoods as long as it is handled properly, officials and locals told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - The recent discovery of oil deposits in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, could improve its population's livelihoods as long as it is handled properly, officials and locals told IRIN. 

"The discovery of a valuable natural resource anywhere in Somalia is welcome and it should benefit all the people of Somalia. The finding of adequate oil in Puntland would change the lives of the people of Somalia for the better provided it was managed properly and Somali authorities learned from the experiences of other African countries where oil was found. Oil has the potential of bringing corruption and curses to a country if not handled well," said Mohamed Abshir Waldo, an independent analyst and Somalia expert. 

Farah Ali Jama, Puntland Minister of Finance, said he was confident that any money from the oil would be handled properly and improve the lives of all Somalis. "I am 100 percent confident that this resource will improve people's livelihoods," he said, adding, "we will not fall into the mistakes made by others." 

Jama said any funds from the oil find, which is expected to come on-stream soon, "will not fall into the pockets of any individual or group. This is for all of the Somali people wherever they may be." 

However, there is as yet no legal framework in place for who will collect the money. "We are working on a legal framework for the relationship between the TFG [Transitional Federal Government] and the Puntland government on who will do what," said the minister. 

He said the draft constitution, which is expected to be completed before August 2012, "will make it clear how resources will be divided”. Until then, "we [Puntland] will make sure that whatever money comes out of this will be handled transparently and every penny accounted for". 

Great expectations 

Farah Hassan Atosh, a traditional elder and resident of Armo town, 28km northwest of the oil field, said: "We are expecting great things. It will change our lives for the better. Insh’Allah [God willing] we will never depend on others to give us food again." 

He said that change was already happening in Armo town (population 25,000). "You can see many more people arriving every day and it can only add to the development of the town." 

Drilling began in January 2012, and locals support the project, he said. "We not only support it, we will defend it from anyone who wants to stop it." 

He said the project was also contributing to peace-building in the area. "They are employing many young men who would have been idle and easy prey for recruitment into militias." 

Benefits 

Awad Husein Ali, the former district commissioner of Armo, told IRIN that residents were already feeling some of the benefits. "Businesses are starting in the area. We have a construction boom going, with hotels and big houses being built to accommodate the [oil] company employees and contractors." 

Ali said that even the Somali shilling had started to appreciate against the dollar. "A few months ago we were exchanging US$1 for 32,000 Somali shillings. Today it is 23,000 Somali shillings. Who knows, our shilling may become like the Kuwaiti Dinar!" 

New infrastructure projects are expected to follow the oil, he said. "They are already putting in roads and hopefully, schools and hospitals will follow soon." 

Reality check 

However, a regional analyst, who requested anonymity, told IRIN that although the Puntland administration had so far said all the right things, "it does not mean that all will be well when the money starts flowing". 

He also questioned if Somalis had the expertise to deal with an international oil company. "It is not even clear how much the Somalis will get and how much the oil company will get. There needs to be transparency on how much money the company will get. Is it 50 percent, 20 percent or more?" 

He warned that, given the TFG's poor record on handling finances, there had to be "a way to monitor how any money collected is spent. There should be a stringent legal framework in place to make sure that the money goes to the people of Somalia and not to individuals' pockets." 

ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95031</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203071330530657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - The recent discovery of oil deposits in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, could improve its population&apos;s livelihoods as long as it is handled properly, officials and locals told IRIN.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: Finding space for people with disabilities on HIV agenda</title><pubDate>Thu, 08 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010211004000789t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians with disabilities say they have been largely excluded from the government&apos;s national HIV programmes and are unable to access services.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians with disabilities say they have been largely excluded from the government's national HIV programmes and are unable to access services. 

"What comes first is the lack of awareness among persons with disabilities. This is mainly due to the fact that... most modes of communications the campaigners have chosen are not accessible to them and primarily target persons without disabilities," said Liya Solomon, inclusive family planning/reproductive health services project coordinator at the Ethiopian Centre for Disability and Development (ECDD). "The other challenge is inaccessibility of HIV-related services for the group. 

"For those small numbers that the messages reach and who do come seeking HIV-related services, they face all sorts of challenges, starting from physical barriers in health centres that make it impossible for them to use services like VCT [voluntary HIV counselling and testing]," she added. 

According to the government [ http://www.unaids.org/en/dataanalysis/monitoringcountryprogress/2010progressreportssubmittedbycountries/ethiopia_2010_country_progress_report_en.pdf ], an estimated seven million Ethiopians - 10 percent of the population - are living with some kind of disability. There is a shortage of data on HIV prevalence among people with disabilities, but one 2008 study of 132 blind people in the northern region of Tigray found an HIV prevalence of 4.5 percent, higher than the national average of about 2.4 percent. 

The Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia's 2011 Demographic and Health Survey states that an estimated 97 percent of women and 99 percent of men have heard of HIV, while 56 percent of women and 82 percent of men know that consistent use of condoms prevents HIV transmission. This knowledge is significantly lower among people with disabilities. 

Poor knowledge 

Genet Adamu, a health service provider, recently completed a study, Accessibility and Utilization of HIV/AIDS Services among People with Hearing Disability in Addis Ababa, as part of a post-graduate degree. She found that out of 238 respondents in the capital, Addis Ababa, only 39 - about 16 percent - had comprehensive knowledge about HIV/AIDS. The study also found that more than 67 percent of respondents had poor safe sexual practices that could potentially lead to HIV infections. The study further revealed that utilization of services such as VCT was low, at just 28 percent. 

According to ECDD's Liya, poor health worker attitudes further complicate disabled people's access to HIV services. "In a study... we found that some of the service providers are of the opinion that a person doesn't have a sexual need because he or she has some kind of disability," she said. "This directly or indirectly leads them not to be willing to provide counselling and other services for persons with disabilities, let alone encouraging them to access it." 

ECDD has been training service providers such as VCT counsellors in sign language; the organization partnered with state organs to run a training scheme between 2009 and 2011 that reached 26 health centres and five hospitals in the capital; two major regional cities were later included as well. 

Access issues 

"Between August 2010 and June 2011, sign language training was offered to 18 counsellors from Awassa [in Ethiopia's southern region], 21 counsellors from Addis Ababa and 20 counsellors from [the southern] Oromia region," said Retta Getachew, inclusive HIV/AIDS services project coordinator at ECDD. "The trainees have begun offering the services to clients with hearing impairments." 

The challenge now is "getting the clients to come", she said, adding that they were working with disabled persons' associations to publicize the services. 

"Part of our efforts has been revamping three selected hospitals, including Zewditu Hospital in Addis Ababam," said Retta. "After we overhauled Zewditu Hospital, once any person with any sort of disability reaches the gate, they can go all the way to the VCT centre to access the services without any facing any challenge. Both the facility and services are accessible." 

Mainstreaming 

"A much simpler solution is to make the facilities accessible to persons with disabilities right from their inception," Retta said. "According to research, there would only be a 2 percent increase in construction costs, which is much cheaper than demolishing and reconstructing later." 

The Addis Ababa Health Bureau says although the small improvements are a step in the right direction, the true solution is to mainstream the disability agenda into all government policies. 

"We have the model heath centres in place and have deployed trained counsellors across the major cities' health centres and hospitals; the remaining task, already being done, seems to be introducing the services to the clients. But when the flow of clients surges, it is inevitable that the existing centres will not be enough to accommodate them," said Tariku Molla, social mobilization and mainstreaming case team coordinator at the city's health bureau. "When we consider building a heath centre or draw up a policy document, we need also to consider needs of peoples with disabilities. And for that we need to be able to mainstream the agenda; that is where I think the real solution lies." 

kt/kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95032</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010211004000789t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 08 March 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians with disabilities say they have been largely excluded from the government&apos;s national HIV programmes and are unable to access services.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Mogadishu terror continues, despite Al-Shabab &quot;withdrawal&quot;</title><pubDate>Thu, 01 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109050610450272t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 01 March 2012 (IRIN) - Although Al-Shabab insurgents announced their withdrawal from the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in August 2011, insecurity in the city has continued, as evidenced by the targeted killing of a journalist and a bomb blast in the past week.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 01 March 2012 (IRIN) - Although Al-Shabab insurgents announced their withdrawal from the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in August 2011, insecurity in the city has continued, as evidenced by the targeted killing of a journalist and a bomb blast in the past week.
 
Abukar Hassan Kadaf, the director of the private Somaliweyn Radio station, was "killed in front of his home at around Magrib time [sunset prayer, 3pm GMT] on 28 February", according to Ahmed Mahamud, a journalist in Mogadishu.

"Security will not be achieved in government-controlled areas until those who are responsible for attacks on media workers and activists are held to account," said Michelle Kagari, deputy director for Amnesty International's Africa programme.

"Every effort must be made to stop a re-emerging pattern of targeted killings against civil society actors. This includes conducting thorough investigations into the murders, ensuring that perpetrators are brought to justice in fair trials, and re-establishing the rule of law."
 
Mahamud said the current wave of insecurity in Mogadishu was affecting all residents.
 
"On Monday [27 February], five children were killed and 22 injured when a bomb exploded in the field where they were playing [football] in Wardhigley district of the capital," Mahamud said.
 
He said a security official in the area where the children died had been arrested in connection with the explosion. 

Another journalist, who requested anonymity, told IRIN the government had begun recruiting youths who have reportedly defected from Al-Shabab. "The idea is they know Al-Shabab so they can be used to defeat them."

However, many of the recent killings, including the bomb blast, have been blamed on them, he said. "The so-called defectors are the biggest contributors to the current wave of insecurity."

The journalist said the government had reportedly recruited close to 1,000 such individuals into the National Security Agency (NSA) "and the only requirement for them to get a job with the NSA is to be former Al-Shabab".
 
Journalists have become the easiest target, he said. "Senior government officials are tightly guarded, so the perpetrators are looking for easy targets. Unfortunately, journalists are easy to get to and they are high profile. So we fit the bill."

Living in fear 

However, government security forces dismissed the claim that defectors were involved in the insecurity.

Khalif Ahmed Ereg, head of the NSA in Benadir region (Mogadishu and environs), said defectors could not carry out the attacks. "These are people who are in our hands. We know where they are and what they are doing at all times." 

Ereg blamed Al-Shabab members "who are still hiding among the public; we know it is them and we will catch them".

Kadaf is the third journalist killed in the past two months, said Mohamed Ibrahim, the Secretary-General of National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSJOs).

In the past, the city was divided between the government and Al-Shabab, "so you knew where the danger was coming from". Now the whole city is under government control, yet "we don't know where the danger is coming from”.
 
"The fact that no-one has ever been booked or brought to court for the death of a journalist sends a message that it is okay to kill one."

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Somalia is the most dangerous place in Africa for journalists. 

Pressure to flee

Ibrahim said Kadaf's killing had added pressure on journalists in the capital and many might flee, "leaving even fewer journalists to cover the story of Mogadishu and Somalia".

Even the displaced in the city had not been spared, said a civil society source. "They get robbed, raped and even killed sometimes. It is really tragic that seven months after Al-Shabab has been driven from the city we are still living in fear."

There are an estimated 400,000 internally displaced people in and around Mogadishu, with more coming into the city fleeing fighting [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94976/SOMALIA-Thousands-flee-to-Mogadishu-after-Afgoye-fighting ] between government forces supported by the African Union, Ethiopian and Kenyan troops and Al-Shabab in southern Somalia. 
 
ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94988</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109050610450272t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 01 March 2012 (IRIN) - Although Al-Shabab insurgents announced their withdrawal from the Somali capital, Mogadishu, in August 2011, insecurity in the city has continued, as evidenced by the targeted killing of a journalist and a bomb blast in the past week.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HORN OF AFRICA: Drought warning prompts call for early action</title><pubDate>Wed, 29 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281303480107t.jpg" />]]>KIGALI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - Drought is likely to return to Somalia and other parts of the Horn of Africa over the next three months, say regional climate scientists meeting in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. The forecast comes just weeks after the UN declared the Somali “famine” over.</description><body><![CDATA[KIGALI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - Drought is likely to return to Somalia and other parts of the Horn of Africa over the next three months, say regional climate scientists meeting in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. The forecast comes just weeks after the UN declared the Somali “famine” over.
 
“There is a high probability of drought returning to the Greater Horn of Africa…Poor rains are a definite in all of Somalia, Djibouti, northern Kenya, southern, eastern and northeastern Ethiopia,” said Laban Ogallo, director of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) [ http://igad.int/ ] Climate Prediction and Applications Centre (ICPAC), which provides forecasts for the Horn. 
 
“We have put the message out there. It is now up to governments, civil society and the media to prepare… for the worst-case scenario even if the worst does not happen. There is no harm in being prepared,” he said. “We must realize many of these areas are already facing the cumulative impact of several droughts.”
 
Youcef Ait Chellouche, deputy regional coordinator of the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, [ http://www.unisdr.org/ ] said the coping mechanism of people in most of these areas who experienced severe drought in 2010-2011, is almost non-existent. In the coming days, he said, he would be meeting disaster risk managers from various countries and agencies to draw up a plan for early action.
 
“We cannot wait for people to show up in Dadaab [refugee camp in eastern Kenya] yet again. We have to take preventive action now. We need to find ways to secure livestock and provide cash transfers to people now. These are some of the lessons from last year’s drought,” he added.
 
It took scientists three days of brainstorming over rainfall and temperature data, the status of ocean currents and the strength of the La Niña [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93204 ] to make the forecast at the 30th Greater Horn of Africa Climate Outlook Forum in Kigali.
 
Increased cyclonic activity recorded over the Indian Ocean in the past few weeks was one of the major factors drawing moisture away from the Horn, explained Ogallo. “The Indian Ocean is rather warm at the moment and will continue to be over the next few months.” He cited the recent cyclones recorded near Madagascar.
 
Climate scientists Andrew Colman with the UK Met Office’s Hadley Centre and Vadlamani Kumar from the US government’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) said the residual effects of a dying La Niña were also a factor in possible poor rains over the Horn.
 
La Niña occurs when the surface of the central and eastern Pacific Ocean - the world’s largest body of water - cools, and has a climatic impact in other regions of the world. A particularly strong La Niña was recorded in 2010-2011 and parts of the Horn experienced their driest period in 60 years.
 
“We are in a transition phase. It [La Niña] seems to be dying out but it always gets a bit chaotic now [weather-wise] during such time,” said Peter Ambenje, deputy director of Kenya’s meteorological department.
 
“Near normal to below normal rains” - meaning the outlook is not very hopeful - have also been forecast for southern, eastern and northern Tanzania; Burundi; Rwanda; Uganda; and western and southern Kenya.
 
High temperatures
 
“We have already recorded some of the highest temperatures ever in the past 13 years in northern Kenya in January 2012,” said Ambenje. The government, he said, was already planning contingency measures. “People will need water and their livestock will need to be secured.”
 
The US Agency for International Development’s FEWS NET said people should expect erratic rain in southern Somalia and southeastern Kenya. It would be releasing a detailed outlook in the coming weeks.
 
Ethiopia’s pastoralists in the Somali Region and the agro-pastoralist communities in southern Oromia could be in for hard times ahead, and The Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region (SNNPR), one of Ethiopia’s poorest, is also likely to face a drought, say climate scientists.
 
However, Dula Shanko, head of Ethiopia Meteorological Department, said they expected the drought to be less severe than last year, as most parts of Ethiopia had received good rains towards the end of 2011.
 
Djibouti is already facing water shortages, said Osman Saad Said, chief of the country’s Met Division. At least one in eight people there was in need of emergency aid in 2011, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. “We are already drilling more and more bore-wells in the city,” he said.
 
Many disaster experts cited the slow response by governments and donors to the early warning forecasts of the 2010-2011 Horn drought. 
 
Abbas Gullet, secretary-general of the Kenya Red Cross, said his organization had responded to the warning and launched an appeal in early 2011, but it had not managed to raise sufficient resources as the government had failed to ring official alarm bells. Only after it went to the people later in the year as part of the “Kenya 4 Kenyans” campaign were sizeable funds raised.
 
One of the problems highlighted was the lack of linkage between early warning and early action. “There is no framework that allows the trigger of funds when the early warning bell is sounded,” said one aid worker.
 
“Governments and people must take pre-emptive action on their own accord and not wait for donors to provide funds,” said another.
 
"It will be interesting to see how humanitarian actors - and donors - will factor this information into their decision-making, what they will be doing on this basis in the next few weeks,” said Maarten Van Aalst,  director of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre, and co-ordinating lead author of the summary of the special report on Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change (SREX) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94301 ] produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2011. 
 
“Given the moderate strength of the forecast signal, I think the best options would be no-regrets investments, particularly aimed at high-risk areas still suffering from the current crisis, and proper monitoring so that further scale-up can be fast when it is needed,” he added.
 
Given the moderate strength of the forecast signal, I think the best options would be no-regrets investments, particularly aimed at high-risk areas still suffering from the current crisis, and proper monitoring so that further scale-up can be fast when it is needed."
 
jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94985</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281303480107t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KIGALI 29 February 2012 (IRIN) - Drought is likely to return to Somalia and other parts of the Horn of Africa over the next three months, say regional climate scientists meeting in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. The forecast comes just weeks after the UN declared the Somali “famine” over.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Thousands flee to Mogadishu after Afgoye fighting</title><pubDate>Tue, 28 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281252140114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - A renewed offensive against Al-Shabab insurgents by Somali government forces, backed by Ethiopian, Kenyan and African Union troops, has sparked another influx of civilians to the capital Mogadishu, locals told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - A renewed offensive against Al-Shabab insurgents by Somali government forces, backed by Ethiopian, Kenyan and African Union troops, has sparked another influx of civilians to the capital Mogadishu, locals told IRIN.

"Since 18 February, we estimate that between 10,000 and 11,000 families [60,000-66,000 people] have arrived in Mogadishu, fleeing fighting or the fear of fighting in their home areas," said Abdullahi Shirwa, head of the government's National Disaster Management Agency. 

Most new arrivals are coming from the Afgoye corridor, "but a significant number are coming from the towns of Beletweyne and Baidoa [which were recently liberated from Al-Shabab by Ethiopian forces supporting the Transitional Federal Government]".

Shirwa said there was a likelihood that more displaced would be coming to Mogadishu in the next few weeks if the conflict in Bay, Bakool, Middle and Lower Juba (southern Somalia) escalated.

As famine conditions have ended in the country, many of the displaced have begun to return home but the renewed fighting in parts of southern Somali will make it impossible for many, said Shirwa. "We should not be talking about resettlement in the midst of conflict but rather emergency assistance to those who are coming daily."

A local journalist in the town of Baidoa, who requested anonymity, told IRIN many residents were leaving. "People are afraid and don't know what to expect so they are leaving. I think it is driven more by uncertainty of what to expect from their new rulers and the fact that any young man is suspected of being Al-Shabab until they prove otherwise," he said. 

A civil society activist told IRIN that as the military pressure on areas under Al-Shabab control increased, the likelihood of more displaced coming to Mogadishu would also increase. 

"I have seen people who left Merka [100km south of Mogadishu] and they told us that they were running from the military activities in the area. They don't want to get caught in the middle." 

She said unknown airplanes and helicopters were flying over many parts of the southern Somalia "and it is scaring people", adding that they were also leaving "because they cannot access much humanitarian assistance in Al-Shabab territory. We were planning for massive returns but that now is not going to be possible."

Hawo Abikar, a mother of five, came to Mogadishu 10 days ago from the Lower Shabelle region with nine other families. "We left our home near Janaale town because we were afraid. There are so many planes flying low and Al-Shabab is forcing people to join the fighting."

She said they had to sneak out of town at night because Al-Shabab "does not allow anyone to leave but I am sure many more will leave because everyone is afraid of what is coming".

Al-Shabab still controls much of southern Somalia, despite pressure from the Ethiopian, Kenya, African Union and TFG forces. 

So far, the displaced are staying in a temporary camp in the south of the city, said Abikar. 

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates the number of IDPs in Somalia at approximately 1.36 million.

"Humanitarians are concerned about the impact of large-scale population movements from the Afgoye corridor on the fragile humanitarian situation in Mogadishu, where displaced people are already living in precarious conditions," said Russell Geekie, head of public information at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Somalia.

"An escalation of hostilities deeper into the Afgoye corridor will likely lead to an additional influx of tens of thousands of people into Mogadishu, straining the capacity of the camps and host communities," he told IRIN by email. 

"Humanitarians in Mogadishu are doing everything within their capability to provide immediate help to those most in need, wherever they are. They have also been assessing the capacity of existing assistance structures and stocks available to extend assistance to the additional population in need and target, in particular, the most vulnerable families." 

ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94976</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281252140114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 28 February 2012 (IRIN) - A renewed offensive against Al-Shabab insurgents by Somali government forces, backed by Ethiopian, Kenyan and African Union troops, has sparked another influx of civilians to the capital Mogadishu, locals told IRIN.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Military emphasis at conference “puts more civilians at risk”</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The London Conference on Somalia ended with a seven-point plan aimed at boosting humanitarian aid and support for African Union troops, and tougher action on piracy, but “fell short on the measures required to address the risks faced by civilians”, said Amnesty International.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The London Conference on Somalia ended with a seven-point plan aimed at boosting humanitarian aid and support for African Union troops, and tougher action on piracy, but “fell short on the measures required to address the risks faced by civilians”, said Amnesty International. [ http://world.myjoyonline.com/pages/news/201202/82024.php ] 

“The recent surge in military operations increases civilians’ vulnerability to attacks and displacement, and brings more arms into a country already awash with weapons,” said Benedicte Goderiaux, Amnesty International’s Somalia researcher. 

“This is a lethal mix that could fuel further human rights abuses. At this conference we hoped to see more efforts to improve the safety of the Somali population.”

Delegates to the 23 February conference included UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the African Union and Arab League and regional presidents, a small Somali team including the president, prime minister and speaker of the Transitional Federal Government – as well as new players, such as Qatar and Turkey.  

One speaker after another urged Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG)  to sort out the political situation, and quickly. Clinton said: “Time is of the essence and I want to be clear, the international community will not support an extension of the TFG's mandate beyond the date set in the roadmap, 20 August...  It is time – past time – to buckle down and do the work that will bring stability to Somalia for the first time in many people’s lives... Attempts to obstruct progress and maintain the broken status quo will not be tolerated.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94926 ]

Turkey is now very active in Somalia, and its foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, urged his colleagues to be less fearful. “We have to be visible and present on the ground. We cannot have conferences distant from Somalia. All of us, we have to be present there... And here we call on all participant countries to open embassies. This is psychologically very important to give the impression that things will be getting normalized in Somalia.”

Talking to Al-Shabab?

The Qatari minister, Dr Khalid bin Mohammed al Attiyah, implicitly called for Al-Shabab to be part of the process of boosting confidence and inclusion among all Somali parties. “The exclusion of any party at this stage will disrupt these efforts,” he said, “and render any talk about security and stability unrealistic and inconsistent with the realities on the ground in Somalia.”  [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94917 ]

But Clinton “adamantly opposed” any engagement with Al-Shabab, although there were signs that not all America's European partners would be as absolute. Italy's foreign minister, Giuliomaria Terzi, pointed out that the insurgents still controlled more than a third of Somalia and added, “Their capacity to control that territory does not lie solely in coercion.” 

The main emphasis of the meeting, however, was on military solutions, worrying for humanitarian agencies trying to work on both sides of the lines in the south and centre of the country. TFG Prime Minister, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, endorsed the idea of targeted air strikes on those he described as part of Al-Qaeda.

AMISOM mandate

There was a general welcome for the Security Council resolution extending the mandate of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), with its promise of more stable funding, extra equipment and more troops. The Kenyans already operating in Somalia (although not their Ethiopian colleagues) will now be “rehatted” as part of the AMISOM forces.  

President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia both made much of their troops' successes in recent days, the capture of Baidoa and the extension of what they see as liberated areas in the south. The host of the meeting, UK Prime Minister David Cameron, announced the creation of a Stability Fund for these areas now on the transitional government side of the lines, to which Britain, the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark and the United Arab Emirates would contribute. 

“This is absolutely vital,” said Cameron, “for those areas which have been freed of Al-Shabab control, to help people build safer, better governed areas, and show those people in the areas still held by Al-Shabab that there is a better alternative.”

Help for refugees

These areas are also being eyed by Kenya, which is chafing under the burden of hosting the vast Dadaab refugee camp near its eastern border with Somalia. Kibaki said: “Kenya expects this conference to map out firm and durable solutions, including the return of these populations to their home country...  The humanitarian actors should now take advantage of the areas secured from Al-Shabab to settle these populations. This is a matter of utmost urgency, as Kenya can no longer continue carrying the burden occasioned by this situation.”

However, Rahma Ahmed, coordinator of the Somali Relief and Development Forum, told IRIN: “We believe that neither the sharp deterioration in the security situation in Dadaab, nor the changing, but unstable situation within Somalia – including areas identified by the government of Kenya for repatriation – are conditions which might trigger a repatriation programme which would comply with international refugee and human rights law.”

Britain will give three-year support packages to help with the refugees – more than US$56 million to Kenya and more than $23 million to Ethiopia. A spokesman for Britain’s Department for International Development told IRIN this was not intended as money for repatriation; it was meant to be spent in the refugee camps, where it was hoped that it would improve conditions.

eb/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94936</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - The London Conference on Somalia ended with a seven-point plan aimed at boosting humanitarian aid and support for African Union troops, and tougher action on piracy, but “fell short on the measures required to address the risks faced by civilians”, said Amnesty International.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Somalia&apos;s political roadmap</title><pubDate>Wed, 22 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 22 February 2012 (IRIN) - In August, Somalia faces constitutional limbo if the key provisions of a political &quot;roadmap&quot; agreed in September 2011, and one of the topics of this week&apos;s conference in London, are not met.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 22 February 2012 (IRIN) - In August, Somalia faces constitutional limbo if the key provisions of a political "roadmap" agreed in September 2011, and one of the topics of this week's conference in London [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94918 ], are not met. 

What governance structures exist in Somalia?

The internationally recognized and funded administration in Somalia is the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), appointed by parliament in 2004 after three predecessors and more than a dozen major and often internationally sponsored conferences failed to establish a nationally effective government, something Somalia has lacked since the fall of Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991.

The TFG's legislative branch is the 550-seat Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP). It and the TFG are defined in the Transitional Federal Charter, a sort of proto-constitution, and have outlived their original mandate, which expired in 2011. New governance structures are supposed to be in place by August 2012.

The fact that the TFG has little presence or control outside Mogadishu and is unelected, being a product of prolonged negotiations in Djibouti between armed groups, former warlords, international mediators and some elements of civil society, weakens its legitimacy. 

The TFG depends on foreign military and financial assistance, including 10,000 African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces in Mogadishu. Large parts of southern and central Somalia are controlled either by loosely allied factions, militia and self-regional administrations or "micro-states" or by the hard-line Al-Shabab. Kenyan and Ethiopian troops are attempting to push Al-Shabab out of key towns and economic strongholds in the south and centre. 

Meanwhile, stable northwestern Somaliland has claimed independence since 1991 but plays no part in the TFG. 

What is the roadmap?

The "Somalia End of Transition Roadmap" is a detailed nine-page list of dozens of tasks designed to steer Somalia towards more permanent political institutions and greater national security and stability.

These tasks are grouped under the headings of security, a new constitution (due by June 2012), political outreach and reconciliation, and good governance. 

The roadmap includes measures for countering piracy; co-opting local militia groups (although there is no specific reference to Al-Shabab); preventing the recruitment of children into armed groups; demarcating territorial waters; reducing the size of parliament and planning for elections; developing peace-building initiatives; and tackling corruption.

It was announced in Mogadishu on 6 September 2011 and initialled by the Somali prime minsister, leaders of regional entities Puntland and Galmudug, the head of the Ahlul Sunnah wal Jamaa'ah (ASWJ) militia group, the UN envoy to Somalia, representatives of the League of Arab States, the African Union and the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

What support does the roadmap enjoy inside Somalia?

Augustine Mahiga, the UN Secretary-General's Special Representative to Somalia and head of the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), described the document as "probably the most inclusive instrument and most inclusive process" of all the efforts to rebuild Somalia's governance. Mahiga pointed to the involvement of regional entities such as Puntland and Galmudug.

"We have also brought in civil society, which is a whole array of social and political actors, including women, elders, religious leaders, the youth, business community and the diaspora... Our [UN] role was only to facilitate in terms of logistics; it continues to be Somali-led and a Somalia-owned process," said Mahiga.

In early February, Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali declared his government's commitment to the roadmap "and to fulfilling the tasks that will allow us to move into a new era of security, stability, political inclusivity, and financial integrity.

"We believe government should come from the people. We need to re-establish that link between our parliament and our public - that is why we must reform our parliament," he added.

Do legislators back the roadmap?

Not all of them. In early January, 185 legislators, led by second deputy speaker Ahmed Dhimbil Asawe, wrote to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon complaining that a copy had not been submitted to parliament for approval. 

"The word 'roadmap' is being used to mislead and confuse the Somali public," he said, adding that the only substantive topic of discussion at related conferences was reducing the legislature's size. The letter also called for the TFP's mandate to be extended for three years.

One legislator, Omar Islaw Mohamed, told IRIN the roadmap was "the brainchild of the international community with very little Somali input. Only a small group of Somalis - who appointed themselves - are pushing something many Somalis have no clue about." 

Mahiga told IRIN the reforms had "created insecurities among parliamentarians" because the changes "will not only reduce their numbers but also define new criteria on representation in parliament".

What other issues are contentious?

Political analyst and president of the Somali Canadian Diaspora Alliance Abdi Dirshe said the roadmap "undermines the sovereignty of the state institutions of Somalia as the institutional oversight mechanisms are now in the hands of external forces", such as the UN, AU and IGAD, as well as Uganda and Ethiopia.

"This approach will undoubtedly strengthen support for resistance and the likelihood of wider support for groups like Al-Shabab," he warned in an article published on the Somali Talk website. [ http://somalitalkradio.com/2011/oct/newsomalia_roadmap.pdf ]

Dirshe said priority should rather have been given to the restoration of law and order by reinforcing national security forces and establishing an effective judiciary.

Countering the charge of unwanted foreign meddling, Abdihabib Yasin Warsame, a US-based Puntland Diaspora Forum leader, wrote in a recent article [ http://codkawaamo.com/2012/02/is-somalias-roadmap-too-big-to-fail/ ] that "an honest inspection of history reveals that Somalia has been bogged down by its own leaders refusing to reach a collaborative solution. The lack of personal accountability and the never-ending crisis among our leaders was the rationale that led the creation of the roadmap."

Political scientist Oduesp Eman said that by failing to focus on bolstering and unifying the army, the roadmap "sets the stage for indefinite dependency on AMISOM".

Concern has also been raised about the clout accorded in the roadmap process to select regional entities such as Galmudug and the ASWJ, given their unelected status and alleged financial backing from neighbouring states. The exclusion of other similar entities, say critics, undermines the objective of political unity and confidence in the process and runs the risk of increasing the perceived legitimacy of groups such as Al-Shabab, which claim to champion the interests of the wider population against foreign intervention.

For Mahiga, there is no alternative to the current strategy. "The message is clear: the roadmap is the way forward and spoilers seeking to derail the process will not be tolerated," he said in December 2011.

While "engaged, constructive dissent" was welcome, he said there was "no place for those who work to unravel years of work advancing the cause of peace in Somalia".

Is the roadmap on track?

Mahiga told IRIN the document's deadlines were being met and that the London Conference would give "added momentum" to the process and provide new ideas about what has to be done after the transitional period expires in August.

But independent Horn of Africa analyst Rashid Abdi said that despite progress on drafting the constitution, there was only a "minuscule" chance that all the benchmarks would be achieved on schedule. Parliamentary infighting and dysfunction, he said, would slow down the key pillar of legislative reform. 

Some analysts argue that members of the TFG and TFP would like the roadmap not to be completed, because they could then avoid elections and remain in a governance structure they believe the international community would have no option but to continue to recognize.

ah-am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94926</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221039320333t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 22 February 2012 (IRIN) - In August, Somalia faces constitutional limbo if the key provisions of a political &quot;roadmap&quot; agreed in September 2011, and one of the topics of this week&apos;s conference in London, are not met.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: Great (and small) expectations for the London Conference</title><pubDate>Tue, 21 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108081106340512t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Many Somalis expect the London Conference on 23 February to lead to peace and stability, while others have questioned what a five-hour meeting can achieve. IRIN spoke to a cross-section about their expectations and whether or not it would help to stabilize the country after more than two decades of civil war:</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Many Somalis expect the London Conference on 23 February [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94809 ] to lead to peace and stability, while others have questioned what a five-hour meeting can achieve. IRIN spoke to a cross-section about their expectations and whether or not it would help to stabilize the country after more than two decades of civil war: 

Abdullahi Shirwa, head of the National Disaster Management Agency in Mogadishu:  

"I have hopes and fears for the outcome of the London Conference; my hope is that there will be a coordinated intervention plan from the international community and we will not have the current haphazard intervention.  

"Secondly, I hope whatever is decided [ensures] that the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity will be safeguarded and respected. I would also like to see clear commitment from the international community to help Somalia, not only in humanitarian terms, but politically and economically. 

"I would also like to see that help inside Somalia. It does not matter what city or region. You cannot help Somalia from Nairobi, Geneva or New York; it has to be inside [the country] to have any tangible effect.

 “My fear is of an outcome that legitimizes a parallel intervention whereby the African Union is doing its own thing, the UN something else; IGAD [Intergovernmental Authority on Development] operating on its own and the EU is doing something and the US doing its own thing. That would be a disaster not only for Somalis but for the international community. 

"Somalis are eagerly awaiting the outcome of the London conference; I hope it will be one that leads to lasting peace and stability in the country." 

MARYAN, a trader in Galkayo, south-central Somalia, who asked for his full name not to be published: 

"I know whatever decisions that will come out of London have been decided. [For over 20 years] we have been unable to solve our problems. I don't see anything wrong with the world being fed up with our problems, saying enough, this is what you are going to do. 

"We have a saying [that] if you cannot decide for yourself someone else will do it for you; for Somalia, that time is now. In my opinion, the best option right now to reunite Somalia and end this nightmare is for the world to ask
[Ahmed Mohamud] Silaanyo [president of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland] to be the next president of Somalia. 

"He is the only Somali who was elected through the ballot box. People stood in line and voted for him. What so-called Somali leader can claim that? I hope that those powers who are making decisions for us will add to their calculations this fact." 

A Somali political observer in Nairobi, who requested anonymity:  

"They [the organizers] bring together groups [of Somalis] that are not fighting but ignore the one group [Al-Shabab] that is engaging in war with the TFG [Transitional Federal Government] and the so-called international community." 

"They may be under military pressure at the moment but those who believe that it is the end of this fanatical group are either deluding themselves or are ignorant of the facts on the ground. I hate to say it, but Al-Shabab has to be engaged if we want a real solution," adding that otherwise, Somalia's humanitarian, political and security nightmare will continue." 

ABDISHAKUR MIRE ADEN, an assistant minister in the government of the autonomous region of Puntland, based in the town of Garowe: 

"The conference is different from past conferences on Somalia; it is the first time that a major power has shown interest in Somalia.  

"The UK is not only hosting but has invited over 40 countries. That in itself is positive. It shows that western powers have finally turned their attention to us. I expect the conference to come up with a Somali government that is worthy of the Somali people and that will build on what has so far been achieved. 

“Any government should be broad-based and inclusive. Whatever is discussed, the interests of the Somali people must be paramount.” 

OMAR ISLAW MOHAMED, a member of Somalia's Transitional Federal Parliament, in Mogadishu: 

"I hope Somalis from all over will have the chance to talk and come to a unified agreement; it is very important for Somalis to have space to have a dialogue." 

In addition, he hoped the conference would lead to a unified Somalia that would put in place strong institutions that give priority to security and a strong judiciary. 

MOHAMED SAID KASHAWIITO, a civil society activist, based in Bossaso, Puntland:  

"I am not sure what a five-hour conference will accomplish unless decisions have already been made and the outcome is predetermined. I am hopeful that a strong Somalia will emerge from the conference but I am suspicious that since we Somalis have failed to decide our future the world is deciding for us and that we will be back to trusteeship. That is my worst fear. If those attending agree to anything like that, history will not be kind to them.” 

HAJIYO ANUNI, a civil society activist, based in Mogadishu:  

"I have no great expectations from London. Nothing good will come out of it because of the people who are representing Somalis. These are the same people who put us where we are today. They cannot and will not find any durable solution to our problem. They are the problem. 

"The best outcome and the best present the world can give to the Somali people is to push them [these representatives] all out.” 

MOHAMEDRAHSID MUHUMUD FARAH, a Somaliland journalist:  

"The only outcome I can see is Somalia ruled by foreigners. 

“The best outcome would have been to give the Somalis some space and allow them to [conduct a] dialogue but that does not look like it is going to happen. Those Somalis who go to London will be told to sign an already prepared document and will have no input." 

Bashi Do'oley, a member of the Somali diaspora in Canada: 

“My expectation for the London conference is that the outcome and the speeches have already been planned and scripted. Therefore the attendance of Somali participants does not change the outcome of the conference. It may result as in the Libyan conference held in London in 2011 that Britain will go to the UN with a claim that the representatives of the Somali people have requested a no-fly zone by a coalition of the willing (Britain, France, US and probably Qatar). This will result in more conflict for the suffering Somali population who went through a drought and famine a few months ago. The infamous quote from the Vietnam war comes to mind: ‘It became necessary to destroy the village in order to save it.’ 

“The real solution is in allowing the TFG to talk to Al-Shabab. If the US is openly talking to the Taliban why not allow [President] Sheikh Sharif to talk to his erstwhile allies? Such an outcome may take us forward.”  

ah/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94917</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108081106340512t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 21 February 2012 (IRIN) - Many Somalis expect the London Conference on 23 February to lead to peace and stability, while others have questioned what a five-hour meeting can achieve. IRIN spoke to a cross-section about their expectations and whether or not it would help to stabilize the country after more than two decades of civil war:</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
