<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Guinea</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 17:30:51 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Farmers and forecasts</title><pubDate>Mon, 02 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203301412410080t.jpg" />]]>BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.</description><body><![CDATA[BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.
 
Marc Kouamé, a farmer in the north who grows okra, peanuts and cassava, told IRIN that farmers “no longer know where to turn” because of the changing seasons. "I lost half of my peanut production because I didn’t plant it at the right time,” he said. Many farmers feel more and more helpless in the face of such uncertainty.
 
Between 1971 and 2000, rainfall in Côte d’Ivoire dropped by 15 percent, according to Augustin Kouakou Nzue, head of agro-climatic studies in the National Weather Service (Direction Météorologie Nationale), although it has increased slightly since 2000.
 
In southern Côte d’Ivoire, farmers took clearly defined seasons for granted until the 1980s: rains from April to mid-July; a short dry season from mid-July to September; a short rainy season until November; and finally a long dry season from December to March. Now, the rains come later and finish earlier, with longer dry seasons and patchy distribution, says Nzue.
 
Most growers rely on rain-fed production, so the long-term impact of this shift could devastate Ivoirian farmers, who make up 60 percent of the workforce. Cocoa, the country’s main export crop, could also be affected - a September 2011 study by the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture, based in Cali, Colombia, predicts that rising temperatures may make it too hot to grow cocoa by 2050. [ http://www.ciat.cgiar.org/Newsroom/Lists/News/DispForm.aspx?ID=80 ]
 
Sidiki Cissé, head of the National Agency to Support Rural Development (ANADER) in the commercial capital, Abidjan, is clearly worried. "The desperation of farmers is clear to see," he told IRIN.
 
Poor and erratic rainfall in 2011 and the subsequent poor harvests across the southern Saharan band have thrown 13 million people into a food security crisis in the Sahelian zones of Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Mali and Senegal. [ http://reliefweb.int/disaster/ot-2011-000205-net ]
 
Donors and investors are channelling climate adaptation funds into improved weather forecasting and more sophisticated climate science, but few groups are focusing on how climate information can better be used by farmers and communities in disaster-prone areas.
 
“People don’t see this kind of stuff as a critical research priority,” said Amane Tall, who is affiliated to the US-based Johns Hopkins University and the International Committee of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre in The Netherlands. “They invest in improving the science of climate change – which is great – but how do we make links between the science and the decision-making at all levels?”
 
The various communities working on climate change – scientists, environmentalists, humanitarian NGOs, disaster risk reduction experts – have tended to work separately, in their silos, but now dialogue is needed, said Emma Visman, Futures Group Manager at the Humanitarian Futures Programme (HFP), which tries to prepare the humanitarian community for future disaster scenarios. “Dialogue seems to be the key word,” she said, “but we don’t yet have the resources or space to do it.” [ http://www.humanitarianfutures.org ]
 
A few groups are attempting to bridge the information gap, including various national meteorological agencies, the World Meteorological Organization, the HFP, and some humanitarian and development NGOs such as Christian Aid.
 
Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Gambia, Mali, Guinea and Togo, among others, are part of the West Africa Metragri programme, co-funded by the World Meteorological Organization and the State Agency for Meteorology (AEMET) in Spain. The plan is to train 200 farmers in Côte d’Ivoire to become more aware of rainfall patterns in their areas, and how to use rain gauges to monitor precipitation. [ http://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/wcp/agm/roving_seminars/west_africa_fr.html ]
 
Nzue told farmers at a training session in Bingerville, Côte d'Ivoire the best time to sow certain crops is one or two days after the first 20mm of rain has fallen. In 2011 this would have been on 21 March in Bouaké in central Côte d’Ivoire, and on 11 April in San Pedro in the southwest.
 
Farmers are asked to send the rainfall data they collect to the National Weather Service [Direccion Météorologie Nationale), so that agronomy research centres can draw up new crop calendars to help them adapt planting schedules to their particular micro-climate, said Amin Gbo, chief executive officer of ANADER.
 
Sidiki Cissé, head of ANADER, says corn, rice, sorghum and millet are most affected by changing rainfall patterns. In Burkina Faso local corn varieties suffer most because unlike imported varieties, they have not been designed to grow more quickly with less water, said Judith Bienvenue Fanfo, head of the Burkina Faso National Meteorological Office, which also collaborated on a project that has trained 450 farmers since 2007 to use climate and weather information.
 
HFP has worked on pilot studies in the Mbeere district of eastern Kenya and flood-prone Kaffrine in central Senegal to bring together communities, humanitarian partners (Christian Aid Kenya and the Senegalese Red Cross) and National Met offices to determine how to improve the exchange and use of weather information.
 
In Senegal, weather forecasts are broadcast on national radio, in newspapers, on television and via the internet, but these avenues are not readily accessible by local communities, said Visman.
 
The Kenya Meteorological Department (KMD) makes available daily, weekly, monthly and seasonal forecasts, but most people are unable to access the channels it uses to distribute this information and find the format difficult to understand, so they resort to using inaccurate information in uncertified channels instead.
 
Catering to the information preferences of individual groups can be resource-intensive. In one Senegalese village, asked to set up a climate road show women traders wanted a face-to-face information exchange; men wanted to use the mosque, while youths thought it best to share information under “talking trees” where they gather in the late afternoons.
 
After just a few months, the information exchange in Senegal started paying off, said Tall. Families said they kept their children home from school when forecasts predicted strong winds and rain. “There is also a psychological element – people are relieved to have the information and it can be very empowering,” she said. In Kenya the project has run less than 12 months and it is too soon to measure the results.
 
The Met Offices in both countries have signed memorandums of understanding with the humanitarian partner involved to ensure better collaboration.
 
Funding
 
Richard Ewbank, Climate Change Coordinator at Christian Aid, says such projects are likely to remain limited, due to a lack of funding for mitigation and resilience-building. Despite a complex web of climate change adaptation funds – including those of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), money from foundations and multilaterals, and promises by developed countries to mobilize US$100 billion to boost adaptation efforts by 2020 – it took HFP two years to find funding for its 12-month pilot project, before it eventually tapped into the UK Department for International Development’s Climate and Development Knowledge Network. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88070/AID-POLICY-Climate-change-and-adaptation-funding-equally-unpredictable ]
 
Christian Aid has its own church-based funding source. “It’s hard to persuade donors to pre-fund season forecast information – they prefer to fund humanitarian situations when they hit,” Ewbank told IRIN.
 
However, as donors start to see the pay-off from more detailed weather information in the right hands, it may generate more interest. “If climate services get more accurate,” he said, “then clearly our scope to use these tools will also improve.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95214</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203301412410080t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BINGERVILLE/DAKAR 02 April 2012 (IRIN) - Unpredictable rainfall in parts of Côte d’Ivoire cost some farmers over half of their harvest in 2011 producers told IRIN, but, armed with more knowledge about how to get weather reports and interpret them, they might still have been able to boost their output, say agricultural specialists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Charging of top army official makes waves</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911161344360343t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - “This simply doesn’t happen in Guinea,” a civilian in the capital, Conakry, said of the 8th February decision by judges to charge a top army official for alleged involvement in crimes against civilians. Guineans and rights experts say the move is an opening up to the rule of law, but the country must overcome forces that have long fed impunity.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - “This simply doesn’t happen in Guinea,” a civilian in the capital, Conakry, said of the 8th February decision by judges to charge a top army official for alleged involvement in crimes against civilians. Guineans and rights experts say the move is an opening up to the rule of law, but the country must overcome forces that have long fed impunity. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82544 ]
 
The three judges investigating the 28 September 2009 brutal crackdown by security forces have filed charges against Col Moussa Tiégboro Camara (henceforth Tiégboro), then and now head of the national agency to fight drug-trafficking and organized crime. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86330 ]
 
Tiégboro is one of three people an international inquiry commission named in a December 2009 report as probably criminally responsible for the assault in which hundreds of people were killed, raped or injured. The two others cited by the inquiry commission are former junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara and Aboubacar Chérif Diakité, known as ‘Toumba’, who was chief of the presidential guard at the time. [ http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/662/59/PDF/N0966259.pdf?OpenElement ]
 
Human Rights Watch estimates 150-200 people were killed, and dozens of women raped, when security forces attacked a pro-democracy rally at the stadium in Conakry on 28 September 2009. 

The brutality of the September 2009 incident shocked the nation, but Guineans have long been used to grave violations by security forces, and they have seen promises of accountability come and go. Today, with the charges against Tiégboro and a few other separate cases in which officials have been called before a judge, people say they are hopeful but wary. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=75461 ]
 
Untouchable
 
Amsaou Diallo, president of a national victims’ association, said the judges' move to charge Tiégboro was momentous precisely because victims have been voiceless against the powerful for so long. “These judges dared,” she told IRIN. “We are talking about people who are untouchable, and this time the judges really dared.”
 
Those judges and the victims must be protected, she said. “Many victims have yet to testify so we’ve got a lot of work ahead and protection must be in place so the process does not get derailed.”
 
Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher for Human Rights Watch, said the case is a huge challenge for the government. “For decades, the institutions responsible for the protection of citizens - the police, gendarmerie, military - have been the very perpetrators of abuses… The government must fulfil its responsibility to ensure the protection of witnesses, victims, judges and human rights defenders associated with this case.” [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/02/09/guinea-progress-massacre-probe ]
 
Guinea’s international partners should use this as an opportunity to help set up a witness protection programme, she said. 
 
Politics and justice
 
Aly Fancinadouno, a Conakry doctor who has worked closely with 28 September victims, said it remains to be seen whether politics will stay out of the judicial process. “Will this be like past scenarios when those in power influenced the judiciary? We don’t know.” 

Pointing out that Tiégboro and others must be seen as innocent until proven guilty, he said: “The charges against him show that the work launched after 28 September is getting somewhere. If those in power don’t interfere, the judicial process could be carried out.”
 
Political considerations could figure, at least in the short term, said Vincent Foucher, an analyst with the International Crisis Group in West Africa. “Politics could get in the way of bringing charges against Dadis Camara. He is significant politically for Guinea’s Forest Region, and [President Alpha] Condé might fear that allowing justice to go after Camara [Dadis] might cost the support of voters in that region ahead of the much-delayed legislative elections... That's not the case for Tiégboro.”
 
Foucher said whatever the political considerations of charging only Tiégboro for now, the judges’ decision is “excellent news” for Guinea. “What counts is that someone who is suspected of very grave crimes has had to come before a judge. This is a huge victory… It says to any soldier or police officer, `one day you could see real consequences for any wrongdoings’. That is the beginning of what we call rule of law.”

Shift expectations
 
And what it says to Guinean citizens, and all West Africans, according to Dufka, is that they can shift their expectations. “There is a culture of low expectations on the part of the people - they just expect the powerful to get away with abuses,” she said. “The charges against Tiégboro come after the indictment and trials against [former Liberian president] Charles Taylor and [former Ivoirian president] Laurent Gbagbo; of course Tiégboro is not at that level, but the dynamic was the same - that the politically powerful and connected are above the law.”
 
The shift has already begun. “With charges having been filed against Tiégboro, I will be more self-confident around members of the military, free of fear,” sociologist Ibrahima Kalil Bamba told IRIN. “What happens is the image of soldiers becomes increasingly demystified.”
 
Rights groups and Guineans are watching for further indicators that the shift towards rule of law is real - removing Tiégboro from his current government job, for starters. He has been charged, but retains his post. “Putting him on administrative leave would send an official signal that the government is squarely behind this process and believes in the seriousness of the process and the charges,” Dufka said. 
 
Rights experts have noted that the investigation into 28 September has been relatively well resourced by the government. But Guinea’s notoriously weak justice system needs an overhaul if the rule of law is to take hold beyond this case which has the world’s attention. 
 
Guinean law is not up to the international conventions the country has ratified, and there is a grave lack of lawyers and magistrates, said Foromo Frédéric Loua, lawyer and president of the Guinean NGO Mêmes Droits pour Tous. He said Guinea has about 200 lawyers for a population of 12 million. 
 
Justice or peace?
 
Loua said he is concerned that Guinea’s truth and reconciliation commission could disrupt the judicial process. “What politicians want is calm and order, so they want to avoid anything that could spark trouble… It’s difficult to talk about reconciliation while at the same time having people charged or convicted. These two things can seem contradictory, so the commission could be tempted to call for amnesty.”

President Alpha Condé set up a truth and reconciliation commission in early 2011 to collect people’s testimony of ethnic and political violence. 
 
Mamadou Taran Diallo, a civil society activist who works on governance and transparency issues, said Guineans must not let longstanding ethnic tensions cloud their view of the judicial process. “Success in establishing rule of law needs all Guineans - government and citizens alike,” he told IRIN. “We must all avoid making this an issue of politics or ethnicity or a settling of scores. It must be seen for what it is - strictly a judicial matter in which people suspected of crimes are brought before a judge. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94405 ]
 
Some Guineans say they see the judges’ decision to charge Tiégboro simply as a move to prevent the case going to the International Criminal Court (ICC). A UN panel investigating the 28 September massacre said the same three named individuals should be referred to the ICC. 

The ICC, which has analysed the 28 September case, can open an investigation into serious crimes if member countries are unable or unwilling to do so. 
 
“Detractors should not lose sight of three things,” Dufka told IRIN. “The ICC is a court of last resort; a trial in Guinea would more directly and meaningfully send a message to would-be perpetrators that such crimes will not be tolerated; and a trial in Guinea could serve to simultaneously strengthen the judiciary and provide needed relief to the victims.”
 
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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94862</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200911161344360343t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - “This simply doesn’t happen in Guinea,” a civilian in the capital, Conakry, said of the 8th February decision by judges to charge a top army official for alleged involvement in crimes against civilians. Guineans and rights experts say the move is an opening up to the rule of law, but the country must overcome forces that have long fed impunity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
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 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Evading the cholera epidemic*</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112121256120216t.jpg" />]]>CONAKRY 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - With just two cholera cases reported in 2011 Guinea escaped a West and Central Africa-wide cholera epidemic that infected 85,000 people and killed 2,500 in the first ten months of 2011. Luck, as well as targeted prevention efforts on the part of aid agencies and the government, brought this about, specialists told IRIN, but a far deeper overhaul of the water and sanitation system is needed country-wide to diminish the likelihood of such disease outbreaks in the long term.</description><body><![CDATA[CONAKRY 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - With just two cholera cases reported in 2011, Guinea escaped an epidemic in West and Central Africa that infected 85,000 people and killed 2,500 in the first 10 months of 2011. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93949 ] Luck, as well as targeted prevention efforts on the part of aid agencies and the government brought this about, specialists told IRIN, but a far deeper countrywide overhaul of the water and sanitation system is needed to diminish the likelihood of future outbreaks.
 
After widespread cholera infection in 2009, the government and aid agencies boosted prevention efforts in Guinea, making chlorine to sterilize water more readily available, spreading hand washing and clean water storage messages, and improving access to drinking water in schools and villages. These efforts have paid off: the absence of “cholera is one of the few highlights” this year, said Julien Harneis, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Guinea. 
 
Fish faeces and hand washing
 
Prevention is working better than in the past partly because aid agencies have developed a more sophisticated understanding of what drives the disease. In coastal areas of Guinea, including the capital, Conakry, fish proved to be an effective cholera host, passing it on through their faeces at markets across the city. 
 
Cases dropped significantly once fish storage and transportation were cleaned up. “Approaches to cholera treatment and prevention are more sophisticated now, and are based on a more in-depth scientific understanding,” said Harneis, who recently returned from a regional workshop in the Senegalese capital, Dakar, on how the disease is spread in the region. 
 
A cholera emergency contingency team - made up of representatives from the Ministry of Health, the International Committee of the Red Cross, administrators from the principal hospital, Donka, NGOs such as Action Contre la Faim (ACF) and UN agencies, including UNICEF - now meets regularly to discuss early warning and response. 
 
Hygiene practices and access to clean water are the main problems in Guinea. One marker of poor hygiene practices is that diarrhoea prevalence is similar in areas with high or low access to clean water, and in Conakry it is double that in rural regions. “The vast majority of people use unsanitary shared latrines… and the seaside is used for defecation in large parts of the city,” said Lalit Patra, head of water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) at UNICEF in Guinea. 
 
ACF tackles cholera by using street theatre to educate residents in at-risk neighbourhoods in cholera prevention, backed up by house-to-house visits where they distribute hygiene kits and give further advice. 
 
In Matoto, northeast Conakry, an actor representing cholera infects all who approach him. In the question and answer session after the show, another actor asks the audience of mainly women and children, “How can someone be infected by cholera?” A woman grabs the microphone to answer: “With dirty hands, and when you don’t store your water well.”
 
Hand washing and other hygiene practices have improved. “People are doing better - they wash their hands, there are more toilets in schools, but there remains too much to do,” Hawa Touré, Joint Director of Community Health at the Ministry of Health, told IRIN. 
 
No water surveillance
 
Emergency prevention and response in Guinea are working well, but a more holistic water and sanitation strategy is needed to prevent future outbreaks, Patra told IRIN.
 
Cholera is unlikely to disappear anytime soon - the nature of the disease in the region has changed to become “hyper-endemic”, meaning it is ever-present, with regular peaks, say aid agencies.
 
There has been no systematic water quality surveillance in Guinea to date, but it is highly likely to be polluted, as sources are not protected and sewage can enter pipes. 
 
The work of aid agencies such as ACF and UNICEF has had an impact. UNICEF has helped build water points and latrines in schools, and has worked with communities in 120 villages to discourage open defecation [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=83127 ] but Patra said more resources are needed to scale up such work throughout the country, and access to clean water should be made cheaper.
 
The government, private sector and large agencies have traditionally turned to drilling boreholes as the answer to a lack of water, but at $10,000-$12,000 per borehole this approach is very expensive. Cheaper solutions include using local equipment to manual drilling - successfully tried in Chad and Democratic Republic of Congo - installing hand-pumps, or building water pipe systems in mountainous regions. “I was shocked that nothing else had yet been tried here,” Patra told IRIN. 
 
Trying alternatives will not be easy. Trainers will have to be imported from abroad and a monopoly of French and Germany manufacturers will need to be dismantled, said Patra, who suggests India as a cheaper alternative, based on his experience in promoting governance and community management of locally appropriate WASH technologies in Bangladesh, Indonesia and India.
 
Bold steps are needed to keep Guinea cholera-free in the long term. As Harneis put it: “We have been lucky… but whether or not we get cholera next year - that will be the real lesson.”
 
*This story was amended on 12 December

aj/ic/he
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94449</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112121256120216t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CONAKRY 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - With just two cholera cases reported in 2011 Guinea escaped a West and Central Africa-wide cholera epidemic that infected 85,000 people and killed 2,500 in the first ten months of 2011. Luck, as well as targeted prevention efforts on the part of aid agencies and the government, brought this about, specialists told IRIN, but a far deeper overhaul of the water and sanitation system is needed country-wide to diminish the likelihood of such disease outbreaks in the long term.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Avoiding ethnically-driven elections</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061221480536t.jpg" />]]>CONAKRY 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Politics remain ethnically divisive in Guinea a year after violent clashes marred a bitterly divided Presidential election. Analysts and civil servants say more concerted reconciliation efforts between ethnic groups are needed on the part of the President to avoid another pitched battle in upcoming legislative elections.</description><body><![CDATA[CONAKRY 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Politics remain ethnically divisive in Guinea a year after violent clashes marred a bitterly divided Presidential election. Analysts and civil servants say more concerted reconciliation efforts between ethnic groups are needed on the part of the President and opposition leaders to avoid another pitched battle in upcoming legislative elections. 

Voting was originally scheduled for the end of 2011, but senior officials told IRIN it is more likely to take place early next year as the census, registration process and other key preparations are nowhere near complete. 

“Ethnic tensions are getting worse, not better,” said Vincent Foucher - a researcher at the International Crisis Group (ICG), a conflict thinktank - who wrote Putting the transition Back on Track. “Everyone is playing the ethnic card… horrible statements are being made from all sides.” [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/guinea/178-guinea-putting-the-transition-back-on-track.aspx ] 

The main political party, President Alpha Condé’s Rally the Guinean People (RPG) is supported by the Malinke, while main opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo’s party, the Union des Forces Democratiques de Guinée (UFDG), is closely associated with the Peulh community. Peulhs are the dominant ethnic group in Guinea, followed by the Malinke and Sousou. 

Favouritism 

Corinne Dufka, head of Human Rights Watch (HRW) in West Africa, says the current administration has fomented ethnic tension rather than trying to reduce it. The President has shown clear favouritism in appointing Malinke to civil service and ministerial posts, and has used the judicial system - based on French civil law, customary law, and decree - to discriminate against Peulh political groups. 

Currently, Peulhs hold just six ministerial positions, including the Youth and Tourism portfolios, while the military is Malinke dominated. 

Many people fear that Condé is concentrating power in the executive. “Past Presidents had to balance the ethnic positions at least a little, but now there is not as obvious a need,” said Foucher. Even military junta leader Dadis Camara had to put more effort into getting the support of different ethnicities during his short-lived time in power, he added. 

Public discourse has been peppered with ethnic rhetoric in recent months. On 21 September 2011, the Governor of Conakry Region, Resco Camara, talked of ordering containers of water from the Mayimbo River to pour on protesters - the river is popularly believed to have dangerous powers against members of the Peulh community. 

Mouctar Diallo, leader of the New Democratic Forces party (NFD) and President of a group of opposition parties, Collective Parties Politique Finalisation de la Transition, told IRIN he has never seen Guinea as divided as it is now. “You say your name and you know your ethnicity - and that is how people are defining themselves. An ethno-strategy has become part of the Guinean politics… the situation is very serious.” He too, has shocked many with his strong statements – earlier this year saying President Condé would need to expand his cemeteries and hospitals to bury protesting militants - referring to strong crackdowns by security forces on protesters. 

A rice vendor at Concasseur market in the capital, Conakry, told IRIN that Peulhs feel increasingly marginalized in society and politics. Those in the diaspora have made a number of vitriolic statements, with online news site Guineé Presse speaking of impending civil war and a “genocide“ being planned against the Peulh community. “They talk of genocide when there are arrests. Key officials are making strong statements - it is worrying,” said Foucher. 

Nevertheless, strained relations between the President’s party and the opposition improved recently when Condé held meetings with opposition leaders to discuss the upcoming elections. He described the meeting as “cordial and rewarding”. 

Moustapha Naïte, director general of the Patrimoine Partie Politique, which is linked to the Presidency, told IRIN that although ethnic division is at a high pitch, poverty, not politics, is the root cause of tension between the various communities. 

Economy not ethnicity 

“People are mistaking economic issues for ethnic issues. What people are really concerned about is the economy and jobs, and that is starting to look up,” he told IRIN, referring to a recent spike in investment in the mining sector, and mining reform that could increase the government’s share in the sector by up to 35 percent. 

“We are committed morally and religiously to reconciliation,” Naïte said. “We need to have a debate about the problems that have been posed. There is a sense of frustration in the country, and deepening poverty has accentuated some tensions, but the roots are much more in poverty than in ethnicity.” 

Guineans have become poorer in the past 15 years. In 1995 some 40 percent of the population was living in poverty, but in 2010 this figure reached 58 percent, according to the UN. 

Oumar Baldet, head of International Alert, a conflict resolution non-profit, agrees. “The biggest danger in Guinea is poverty. One percent of the population takes most of the country’s revenue - it is very corrupt - yet this is somehow socially tolerated.” 

HRW’s Dufka said poverty need not be divisive. “All ethnic groups have suffered from bad governance, corruption and a weak rule of law,” she pointed out. 

Marriages, baptisms 

Some worry that politically driven ethnic division has seeped into communities, creating tension where previously there had been inclusion and tolerance. For instance, in the city of Conakry, most marriages and baptisms have traditionally been inclusive events to which all ethnic groups were invited. Dufka told IRIN that lately she has heard of more ceremonies being limited to one group or another. 

In the marketplaces, a few Peulhs, who are angry with what they see as the government’s efforts to undermine them economically and politically, have started to set different prices for Peulhs and for others, say traders. 

A Malinke woman at Concasseur market, who asked to remain unnamed, said she was charged 18,000 GF(US$2.67) for a bottle of milk, while the Peulh woman just before her had been charged 15,000 ($2.21). But, she said, this practice was far worse during the election period in 2010. 

President Condé has tried to break up monopolies in the import market, traditionally dominated by Peulhs, causing some to feel targeted, said a vendor. Many Peulhs left Guinea for neighbouring Cote d’Ivoire when its President Alassane Ouattara eliminated taxes for traders there. 

“Had President Condé pushed for inclusion - ‘let’s all work together; how can I encourage Peulhs to continue to invest in Guinea?’ - this could have mitigated some of these problems and would not have sabotaged the economy,” said Dufka. 

Others feel it is high time that the power of what they call “mafias” - who manipulate the market and fix prices - is broken. “It is the President who says monopolies in the market should be broken up to help everyone compete for the benefit of the population… he has not stigmatized one ethnic group over another,” Diallo, a Conakry resident, told IRIN. 

Moving forward 

Ethnic tensions have long simmered in the country, but with so many Guineans having seen first-hand the impact of such violence in West African neighbours Sierra Leone and Liberia, the appetite for violence is low. Thousands of refugees from these countries fled to Guinea during their civil wars. “Ethnic problems are not fundamental here [Guinea], they’re power-related,” International Alert’s Baldet told IRIN. 

Diversity is so fundamental to most city-dwellers’ lives that any degree of ethnic politicking will only go so far, a Conakry-based journalist says. “Many Guineans have more than one wife, each of a different ethnicity. It’s not unusual to find a Guinean with a Peulh mother, a Malinke wife and a Soussou or Forestier father… things are mixed here.” 

Lounceny Camara, President of the Independent Election Commission (CENI) in Guinea, told IRIN he hoped ethnicity would play a far smaller role in upcoming legislative elections. The problem is that political debate remains highly polarized in the fledgling democracy. “We have never before seen a second round [of voting in an electoral process] - there is no real middle ground yet,” he said. 

Before political campaigning begins, political parties should sign up to a code of conduct committing them to refrain from any comment that risks stirring up inter-communal tensions, says the International Crisis Group. 

Most analysts agree that on top of imposing limits and rules, a deep countrywide reconciliation process needs to take place. “It is easier to move ahead with elections than to open such delicate debates as reconciliation,” Baldet told IRIN. “But if you do not address the problems of the past, they’ll just recur... the state has always acted with impunity here, and there has still been no catharsis.” 

For years, International Alert has been hosting a dialogue on reconciliation and peace-building with political figures, religious leaders, security sector representatives and civil society organization representatives. 

“The President came with intentions to take a South African model [of reconciliation]. Then the reality of power changed and it dampened his ardour,” said Baldet, referring to the assassination attempt against the President in July 2011. According to the ICG, ethnic resentment probably played some role in the event, and most of the people in the first group indicted for the crime are Peulh 

The government recently appointed religious leaders to set up a reconciliation commission to address past tensions as well as the roots of inter-community divisions. Baldet told IRIN he hopes it will be as inclusive as impossible. 

Dufka supports the idea. “I cannot emphasize enough the importance of pushing this,” she said. “This could help focus Guineans on what they have in common…Corruption and impunity affect all Guineans and all ethnic groups - Guineans often lost sight of that.” 

But if the initiative is to work it needs buy-in from all sectors of society, she said, and at the moment many civil society members have not even heard of it. 

ms/aj/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94405</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112061221480536t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CONAKRY 06 December 2011 (IRIN) - Politics remain ethnically divisive in Guinea a year after violent clashes marred a bitterly divided Presidential election. Analysts and civil servants say more concerted reconciliation efforts between ethnic groups are needed on the part of the President to avoid another pitched battle in upcoming legislative elections.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Free childbirth unsustainable, say critics</title><pubDate>Fri, 11 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111101128480049t.jpg" />]]>CONAKRY 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Maternal mortality rates in Guinea have dropped significantly over the past two decades, but efforts to speed up progress on the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce maternal mortality by three-quarters by 2015 through a ban on childbirth fees, including for Caesarean sections, are stalling due to poor planning and lack of resources, say critics. </description><body><![CDATA[CONAKRY 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Mortality rates in Guinea have dropped significantly over the past two decades, but efforts to speed up progress on the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce maternal mortality by three-quarters by 2015 through a ban on childbirth fees, including for Caesarean sections, are stalling due to poor planning and lack of resources, say critics. 
  
 No sustainable costing plan has been put in place to cover the fees. A health insurance scheme has been set up, but functions on a very small scale.
 
 “You can’t just say something is free - you have to plan. Making maternal delivery free burdens health structures, which have not been given enough new money to cover it… for the most part delivery is free now, but the money will soon run out and they will have to find new sources,” the National director of community health and disease prevention, Hawa Touré, told IRIN.
 
 In Guinea, 680 women die out of 100,000 live births, down from 1,200 in 1990, according to the UN. 
[ http://www.unicef.org/sowc2011/ ]
 
 Health not prioritized
 
 In 2010 just 2.5 percent of the annual national budget was allocated to the Ministry of Health, according to the Health and Public Hygiene Minister, Naman Kéita. This rose to between 4 and 5 percent in 2011 - a marked improvement - but still far lower than the goal of 15 percent set in the Abuja Declaration. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88735 ]
 
 As a result, the bulk of the health budget is covered by donors such as the Global Fund, GAVI, which promotes vaccination, the World Bank and the World Health Organization; and individual donors such as France, Japan and Spain.
 
 Abolishing user fees works when there is a plan in place to boost the number of medical staff and equipment available to address expected higher demand; and a financial strategy to cover the care costs, according to lessons learned from similar schemes in Sierra Leone, Burundi and Mozambique. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=86281 ]  
  
 Fatou Sikhé Camara, Director General of Guinea’s largest public hospital, Donka, in the capital Conakry, told IRIN the government had given the hospital a subsidy to cover costs, but she could not specify the amount, or how it had been used.
 
 Asha Camara, 21, said she stayed overnight at the hospital but had not paid to give birth. “I paid for food - not much else,” she told IRIN on leaving Donka with her newborn baby.
 
 “Too medicalised”
 
 The scheme would have more impact on maternal mortality if ante-natal and post-natal care visits were also covered, said Julien Harneis head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Guinea. “The approach is too medicalised - covering ante-natal consultations would identify at-risk women and highlight in advance those who require more assistance.” 
  
 Ifonou Estelle Montserey, who is eight months pregnant, waited for her prescription on a bench outside the ante-natal unit at Donka Hospital. She showed IRIN separate bills of US$10 for her monthly scan and a $3 consultation fee. “Last month I paid $7.40 [for the scan]. Nothing is consistent here… and nothing is free in Guinea.” 
  
 The effect of the fee abolishment is as yet unknown: a countrywide district health survey addressing maternal mortality rates, among other issues, is underway and the results will be published in 2012. 
 
 But a prominent development specialist told IRIN she expected the strategy to have little added impact, given the way it’s been delivered. “On the plus side, it’s good that the government proposed it, but they now need to finance it,” she said.

Minister Kéita told IRIN he hopes the health budget will be increased in 2012, and if it is the government will set aside funds to finance the plan. "Maternal mortality is one of our priority areas. But we lack resources. We need more personnel, more money, and more equipment to make this work." 

 Recruitment drive
 
 The number of medical staff per capita remains very low in Guinea: 401 midwives are thought to be practicing in the country, according to the UN Population Fund. To reach the MDG target of 95 percent of births covered by a skilled birth attendant, a further 2,294 personnel are needed. [ http://www.unfpa.org/sowmy/resources/en/main.htm ]
 
Kéita said the government had launched a drive to recruit some 1,800 midwives and nurses earlier this year, the first such campaign in five years. According to UNFPA there is just one private school with a three-year midwifery programme.
 
 Funding is often drained through widespread corruption according to medical staff at Donka. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=78535 ]
 
 “Maternal mortality needs more work, here,” said Harneis. “Progress on reducing maternal mortality is taking too long. Donors and the government need to come up with a joint vision to fight it… we are not where we need to be.” 
  
 Acknowledging the challenge, he noted that “You can’t vaccinate against all the risks associated with pregnancy - while polio or measles can be tackled with once-a-year campaigns, the response to maternal mortality is oriented around the quality of the healthcare structure, which in Guinea is consistently poor.”
 
 aj/ic/he
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94178</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111101128480049t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CONAKRY 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Maternal mortality rates in Guinea have dropped significantly over the past two decades, but efforts to speed up progress on the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to reduce maternal mortality by three-quarters by 2015 through a ban on childbirth fees, including for Caesarean sections, are stalling due to poor planning and lack of resources, say critics. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Sahel the danger zone for food insecurity</title><pubDate>Thu, 27 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109241342030732t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.
 
“We are definitely going to have a difficult year,” said Patricia Hoorelbeke, West Africa head of NGO Action Against Hunger (ACF), adding that the NGO is considering expanding its food and nutrition programmes in the region.
 
Food production
 
Food production is expected to be lower than usual in parts of western Niger, Chad’s Sahelian zone, southern Mauritania, western Mali, eastern Burkina Faso, northern Senegal and Nigeria, according to a report by the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and a separate assessment by USAID’s food security monitor FEWS NET. [ http://www.fews.net/Pages/region.aspx?gb=r1&l=en ]
 
Tahoua and Tillabéry in central and northwestern Niger respectively are expected to see significantly reduced outputs, according to FEWS NET.
 
In most of the above-affected areas the rains either started too late or too early, or were unevenly distributed.
 
Cereal production is expected to reach 43-52 million tons for the region, near the 2009 average, according to FEWS NET. More precise figures will be known in mid-November once the harvest is collected.
 
Pastoralists
 
Pastoralists are expected to fare better than they did last year, when hit by drought in the Sahel, but in some agro-pastoralist zones, rains have been delayed, which could lead to poor pasture levels, according to the WFP/FAO report. 
 
“We are worried because these irregular rainfalls have occurred in very vulnerable areas where people’s resilience is already very weakened,” said livelihoods specialist at WFP Jean-Martin Bauer. Many Sahelian households live in a state of chronic food insecurity, he said. “They are the ones with no access to land, lost livestock, without able-bodied men who can find work in cities - they are particularly affected by a decrease in production.” 
 
A government-NGO April 2011 study in 14 agro-pastoral departments of Niger noted that pastoralists with small herds lost on average 90 percent of their livestock in the 2009-2010 drought, while those with large herds lost one quarter. Those who had lost the bulk of their assets have already reduced the quality and quantity of food they are consuming. 
 
The Niger government and partners are currently studying the food insecurity situation, so more will be known soon, he said, adding that it is clear the government will need to carry out some kind of emergency food distributions and food subsidies imminently. 
 
Nutrition
 
Parts of the Sahel year-on-year experience global acute malnutrition rates that surpass emergency thresholds. A third of the population of Chad is chronically undernourished, regardless of the rains or size of the harvest; and more than 50 percent of the population in Niger suffers from food insecurity, with 22 percent extremely food insecure, according to the World Bank in 2009.
 
Global acute malnutrition [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93701 ] in parts of the Sahelian zone of Chad was on average 15-20 percent over the past five years, and could reach 25 percent this year, according to ACF’s Hoorelbeke.
 
Returnees from Libya
 
The return to Niger and Chad of migrants from Libya who previously sent money home to help mitigate crop deficit is already pushing some families into further food insecurity, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM). “These returns have aggravated extreme poverty and hunger which is affecting more than half of Niger's 2.5 million people threatened with food insecurity this year,” said IOM.
 
While international attention and government involvement has been relatively high in Niger compared to the devastating drought of 2005, Oumarou Lalo Keita, principal adviser to the prime minister, said international agencies have been slow to respond to government appeals for increased aid over recent months as a result of the return of some 90,000 migrants from Libya. “There is clearly cause for concern,” he said. Following the 2009-2010 drought, the country does not have sufficient emergency food stocks, he said. “We experience difficulties year-on-year, and there is still a gap between needs and the support we receive.”
 
While governments and aid agencies in West Africa are for the most part well-versed in responding to food insecurity, readiness and capacity is still low in some areas. 
 
Part of the Chadian Sahel and eastern Burkina Faso are not receiving as much international attention, said ACF’s Hoorelbeke. “Chadian Sahel is hardly covered - there are not enough agencies there… If there is a situation that we hear very little about, it is eastern Burkina Faso, where we are likely to see a real problem this year,” she told IRIN. 
 
However, even were more money available, many Sahelian governments lack the capacity to absorb it, notes a report just out by the Sahel Working Group entitled Escaping the Hunger Cycle: Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.groundswellinternational.org/wp-content/uploads/Pathways-to-Resilience-in-the-Sahel.pdf ]
 
Some Sahelian countries, such as Mali, have built up decent emergency buffer stocks following a good 2010 harvest, according to food security analysts. But region-wide, more food security stocks are needed as promised in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) agricultural policy, says the Sahel Working Group.
 
Some governments, such as Senegal, are trying to reduce dependency on international rice markets by boosting their own self-sufficiency. However, boosting agricultural production is only one of many interventions required to boost food-security. Intervening to improve access to food, is equally important, particularly for those who do not work in agriculture - the very poor, pastoralists, urban dwellers and others.
 
Costly food imports
 
Some 40 percent of West Africa’s rice consumption is imported, according to WFP’s Bauer. The Thai government’s recently-issued policy to raise the minimum price guaranteed to farmers has produced tensions on the international rice market. One ton of top quality Thai rice, which is a reference on the food market, has already gone up from US$380 dollars in September 2010 to $495 in September 2011. With the terrible floods currently affecting Thailand, prices should continue to rise, say experts. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94021 ]
 
Most likely to be affected in West Africa are Senegal, Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau and other coastal states. 
 
International wheat prices have also risen since June 2011 because of poor wheat prospects in the USA. The cost of US wheat was up 24 percent in August 2011 from its August 2010 level, according to FAO’s September Global Food Price Monitor. [ http://www.fao.org/giews/english/gfpm/ ]
 
Imported wheat counts for two-thirds of grain consumption in Mauritania: in the capital, Nouakchott, prices have risen by 50 percent since this time last year; while in the desert town of Ouadane in the central-north, wheat prices are at record highs. Even before wheat prices shot up, one in five households was food-insecure in the south, according to the Commission for Food Security and humanitarian partners, and 8 percent had already reduced the amount of food they were eating.
 
Regional markets also require close monitoring, say market analysts. High rice prices in Guinea this year, for instance, drew many of Liberia’s and Sierra Leone’s rice producers to export there, leaving significant grain deficits in Liberia, and a 38 percent price rice since 2010 in urban areas. 
 
The Niger government is working hard to ensure that its local harvest stays predominantly in-country so as not to repeat the problems faced in 2005 when the strength of the Nigerian currency (the naira) against the CFA franc meant Niger and Chad sold more cereals to Nigeria. The naira rose against the CFA in September. However, government interventions to protect markets are also a “double-edged sword”, said adviser to Niger’s prime minister Keita, as it encouraged neighbouring states to do the same, stagnating the market. 
 
Existing safety nets and food aid are inadequate to cope with the spikes in food prices caused by droughts or international markets that the region has experienced in recent months, says the Sahel Working Group. A far more robust regulatory framework is needed to help protect food security, despite market volatility.
 
cb/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94081</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109241342030732t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 27 October 2011 (IRIN) - Erratic rains and high imported rice and wheat prices against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity and malnutrition in parts of the Sahel, will leave millions of people at risk of food insecurity, according to the latest crop assessments.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA: Cholera thriving two years on</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101191305510629t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 
 
Three multi-country epidemics are ongoing – each with separate strains - : the Lake Chad Basin, affecting Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria and Niger; the West Congo Basin, with impacts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic; and Lake Tanganyika - which encompasses DRC and Burundi. In Chad and Nigeria, the epidemic started in 2010. 
 
Why so persistent?
 
“If something is not working, you have to question if the response is appropriate,” said David Delienne, water and sanitation adviser at UNICEF’s West Africa office. “To stamp out cholera you need good surveillance systems to identify the epicentres of the disease - these do exist but it in some places surveillance is not systematic enough.” 
 
Surveillance systems along the (very long) Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad borders are generally quite patchy, said Grant Laeity, emergency head for UNICEF, as the areas are so remote, with few health facilities, and tend to be far from the nearest administrative capitals (Abuja, Yaoundé and N’djamena, respectively). Some remote areas, such as north and northwest Cameroon, have very high case fatality rates of up to 22 percent, according to the World Health Organization (WHO).
 
Chad
 
According to WHO, five countries - Ghana, DRC, Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad -account for around 90 percent of the total number of cases and deaths.
 
The epidemic is the worst in Chad’s history, with 16,000 cases and 433 deaths. The country’s vast territory, and large-scale population movements, makes it hard to respond to each and every case, said Michel-Olivier Lacharité, programme director for Chad at Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) France. 
 
In remote health districts where there are only two or three cases, MSF, which alongside the government has treated 11,000 people thus far, may have to forgo treating them, prioritizing higher-density caseloads. 
 
But even a small number of cases can cause the disease to spread further. “If it were a camp for displaced people, where no one was going anywhere, it would be a lot easier to contain,” Lacharité pointed out.
 
Over half of Chad’s health districts have been affected thus far. 
 
Paradox
 
“This disease is a paradox,” said Lacharité, “as it is very easy to treat with generic antibiotics and rehydration fluids.” But equally, it is very easy to spread, particularly since carriers often do not know they are infected, he said. 
 
In northeastern Nigeria containing the disease has been hampered by high population density, and by sporadic conflict which has left health clinics empty in some districts, according to Laeity.
 
All of the affected countries have poor water and sanitation facilities, and none are on track to meet the Millennium Development Goal for basic sanitation. While there is more awareness of the need for better water and sanitation in the region, it has not necessarily led to changes in funding and behaviour, said Delienne. “Ghana, Mali have made some efforts…but overall, it [progress] needs to accelerate.” 
 
Cross-border prevention
 
Preventing cholera from spreading does not have to be complicated: setting up systematic information-sharing systems across borders to identify cholera “hotspots” is effective; as are practical measures such as encouraging hand-washing at borders, or disinfecting boats crossing to and from DRC capital Kinshasa to Congo-Brazzaville capital Brazzaville. 
 
The governments of Guinea and Guinea-Bissau eventually set up effective information-sharing at the border, and encouraged those crossing to wash their hands, acts which contributed to the eventual decline in caseload. 
 
But setting up a sanitation-police system at the border does not really make sense, said MSF’s Lacharité, partly because it would be so hard to administer. 
 
Questions authorities need to ask include: “Is there enough water treatment going on in cholera hotspots? Is there adequate separation of drinking water from sewage systems? What kind of border checks are set up?” said Laeity. 
 
In late 2010 UNICEF undertook a study to identify the key cholera hotspots and how the infection was spreading across borders; it is now working on how to implement the findings.
 
Health experts in Cameroon, Nigeria and Chad met in late September to discuss how to work more closely together to try to stem the spread of the disease, said WHO spokesperson Tarek Jasarevic. WHO is supporting health ministries in all of the countries involved, to improve disease surveillance and identify new cases; as well as sending out rapid response teams.
 
Third year running?
 
It is still “too early” to say whether each outbreak has reached its peak, said Laeity. While fewer cases have been reported in Chad and Cameroon over the past month, in Kinshasa and in Brazzaville, heavy rains are just starting, so transmission could well rise. 
 
Health authorities in the Central African Republic declared an outbreak just two weeks ago - tests are under way to determine if it is the same strain as in a previous epidemic.
 
In Chad, the disease could well continue until 2012, said Lacharité. “It should continue to diminish now the rainy season has ended, but could easily stick around and climb again in next year’s rains.”
 
aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93949</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101191305510629t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA-MAURITANIA: Worst forms of child labour still widespread</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200612262t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 10 October 2011 (IRIN) - The law does not necessarily make much difference when it comes to child labour: In Guinea and Mauritania the worst forms of child labour persist despite it being banned by law, leading child protection experts to call for a better understanding of the dynamics behind it.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 10 October 2011 (IRIN) - The law does not necessarily make much difference when it comes to child labour: In Guinea and Mauritania the worst forms of child labour persist despite it being banned by law, leading child protection experts to call for a better understanding of the dynamics behind it. 

West Africa adviser for child protection at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Joachim Theis told IRIN: “Until now there has been very little discourse which makes the links between strategies taken by parents to find a solution for each child in the context of informal employment, and the application of international norms.”

Mauritania

In Mauritania the law prohibits putting children under 14 to work, and penalizes those who are guilty of exploiting minors. But in reality, according to a late September report [ http://www.ituc-csi.org/report-for-the-wto-general-council,9740.html?lang=enby ] the International Trade Unions Federation (ITUC) under-14s continue to be sent to work, including some in “slave-like” conditions. 

While most of the children are girls working as domestics for families, boys are often forced to beg; or are sent to work in the construction industry, on buses as money-collectors, or in criminal gangs. They are also forced to beg by Koranic teachers who are supposedly giving them a religious education - as is the case with hundreds of thousands of children across West Africa. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88828 ] In rural areas, boys work in the fields or herd animals.

Domestics work on average 10-hour days, according to a 2009 study by UNICEF and the Ministry of Welfare for Children and the Family; while those working as beggars or in agriculture may work as many as 16 hours. Of 265 children interviewed, just under half said they were beaten by their bosses. 

A long tradition of slavery complicates the situation. A law was passed in 2007 forbidding slavery but it is not rigorously enforced, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91528 ] according to Mamadou Niang, head of external relations at the General Confederation of Workers in Mauritania.“The authorities are usually lax in these cases, and the administration often ignores them - in some cases they may dissuade the families of enslaved children from bringing a case forward,” he said.

One fifth of the Mauritanian population is affected by slavery in one form or another, according to a 2009 study by NGO SOS Slavery. 

Guinea

In Guinea, despite legislation banning work for under-16s, “children carry out dangerous work in farms, in mines and in fisheries.” According to the ITUC, some children in artisanal mines work 15-hour-days, seven days a week, from age five. 

Child trafficking is also a problem: Moving children across borders into forced begging and other activities is still prevalent, though it has declined in recent years.

ITUC calls on both governments to more rigorously impose child labour laws and penalize individuals and organizations that do not comply, while recognizing that capacity in ministries remains very low.

Grégoire Tonguino at the child protection and pre-school education department of Guinea’s Ministry of Children and the Family, told IRIN: “Guinea is good at developing laws, but applying them still poses some problems.” Few people other than child protection experts even know about child labour laws in Guinea, he added.

However, a gap in the law means that even with boosted capacity, it would be hard to crack down: the law does not cover children in the informal sector, where most domestics and agricultural helpers work. 

Cultural reality

Child labour is commonplace in poor rural societies in West Africa, as it is a way of training children and assuring them jobs in the future. In Guinea, for example, "fostering" or giving a child to a family as an apprentice, is considered beneficial to the child.

Sending a child into work is part of a family’s risk-spreading strategy to combat poverty, said Theis.

As Olivier Feneyrol, regional adviser for NGO Terre des Hommes in West Africa once put it to IRIN: “Children have been moving around the region for centuries and working just as long. That is the cultural reality here.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82225 ] 

"The debate on this issue is contentious,” says Mariama Penda Diallo, head of international relations, solidarity and humanitarian action at the Trade Union of Workers of Guinea (USTG), “because people say that it’s better to place the child from an early age so they can learn how to work,” she said.

Most poor urban families have no choice but to send their children to work, added Niang in Mauritania. “With the rural exodus, many families have settled in slums with their children. In the absence of public strategies to look after them, poor parents have no alternative but to send their children to work.” 

To make a difference to children’s lives, authorities need to better understand the context they are working in, said Theis: “It is important to understand the decision-making process that families go through because policies are not necessarily based on real situations that can have concrete results.” 

For the ITUC the priorities are clear: it recommends investigating instances of children being forced into work to pay for their religious education; more prosecutions of those individuals who force children to work; turning the Mauritania anti-slavery law from theory into practice; and expanding Guinea’s child labour law to include children involved in unpaid, temporary, contract work.

But given the reality, just as important, said Diallo is to improve conditions for the thousands of children who will inevitably end up working, and to find a way to help them also attend school. 

cb/ic/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93921</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200612262t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 10 October 2011 (IRIN) - The law does not necessarily make much difference when it comes to child labour: In Guinea and Mauritania the worst forms of child labour persist despite it being banned by law, leading child protection experts to call for a better understanding of the dynamics behind it.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Civil society studies West Africa &quot;counter-terrorism plan&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Aug 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/1181t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar. [ http://www.ecowas.int/ ]
 
 Main issues that emerged were the need to strengthen regional cooperation and to address root causes of terrorism - poverty and lack of education, said Biram Diop, director of the African Institute for Security Sector Transformation, who facilitated discussions. “If people are poor and cannot satisfy their basic needs they are fragile and easy to recruit,” he told IRIN. “Teaching literacy [is important] so people are empowered to think independently.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90703 ]
 
 “It’s important to have media and civil society involved because they play a more and more important role in our countries’ stability,” Diop said, adding that these institutions can “serve as a bridge” to communicate information to the public, and “pressure politicians to make the right decisions at a national and district level”. 
 
 Issues discussed at the meeting are to be incorporated into the plan, which ECOWAS is to present to member countries. Experts say “terrorist” activities and organizations know no borders and a regional approach is needed. 
 
 wb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93458</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/1181t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 09 August 2011 (IRIN) - Journalists and civil society members in West Africa analysed a “counter-terrorism plan” drawn up by the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) at a 4-5 August meeting in the Senegalese capital Dakar.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Nutrition finds a place in agriculture plan</title><pubDate>Thu, 07 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008040924t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 07 July 2011 (IRIN) - The quality of a baby’s first solid food and teaching families about proper nutrition and hygiene are now part of Guinea’s agricultural investment strategy. Experts working on the 2011-2015 agriculture plan, to be finalized in the coming weeks, say the first-ever nutrition component stems from an increasing recognition that agriculture must be harnessed to improve nutrition and health.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 07 July 2011 (IRIN) - The quality of a baby’s first solid food and teaching families about proper nutrition and hygiene are now part of Guinea’s agricultural investment strategy. Experts working on the 2011-2015 agriculture plan, to be finalized in the coming weeks, say the first-ever nutrition component stems from an increasing recognition that agriculture must be harnessed to improve nutrition and health. 
 
 “There is a realization that agriculture is not production alone,” said Kaba Camara of the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock. “We need to ensure people are educated about proper feeding habits and monitor people’s nutritional status.” 
 
 The new section of the investment plan covers nutrition education, improving access to nutrient-rich foods, treatment of malnutrition, and complementary feeding for children aged 6-24 months, according to Mamady Daffé, head of nutrition in the Health Ministry. 
 
 “Of course the important thing will be implementation,” he told IRIN. “But it’s already a quite important step that we have integrated nutrition into the agriculture scheme.” 
 
 Camara said the move stems in part from a 2010 forum of the Economic Community of West African States, at which experts said it was time to do away with the institutional walls between the health and agriculture sectors and incorporate nutrition into overall development. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90601 ] 
 
 Quantity, quality 
 
 For decades agricultural research and development focused on maximizing production, with nutrition policy and monitoring on a separate track; but in recent years there has been more of a focus on agriculture’s role in improving health and nutrition, especially of poorer populations. In February policymakers, donors and agriculture and nutrition experts met in New Delhi [ http://www.ifpri.org/2020-agriculture-nutrition-health ] to discuss the interconnections. 
 
 Gaps remain in research and data on how agriculture can help boost people’s nutritional status. A 2007 report by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and World Bank said: “Malnutrition remains an urgent global public health concern. Yet the question of how agriculture can most effectively contribute to improved nutrition outcomes remains essentially unanswered.” [ http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTARD/0,,contentMDK:21608903~pagePK:148956~piPK:216618~theSitePK:336682,00.html ] 
 
 One of the paper’s authors, Marie Ruel, director of IFPRI’s poverty, health and nutrition division, says this question is still largely unanswered, partly because any initiatives over the years have not been well documented. 
 
 What has changed in the past few years, however, is that many more policymakers, donors and researchers are talking about it, she said. “A lot more people are recognizing that we really don’t have the choice; we have to bring the sectors together, we have to make agriculture recognize better its role in providing not just enough food to feed people but also enough of the quality, nutritious foods, and that these are made more accessible to the poor.” 
 
 Agriculture could boost nutrition either by increasing income so a family can purchase more and higher quality food, or by helping farmers produce more nutrient-rich foods. The merits and effectiveness of both are still under study but, IFPRI’s Ruel said, neither approach can be standalone. 
 
 Food knowledge 
 
 “Having the right foods at the household level, either because you produce them or because you buy them in the market is not enough; people need to know how to use the food and how to use it for the age groups that are most vulnerable to malnutrition - that is, of course, young children and women of child-bearing age. 
 
 “The key to success [in countries that have made progress] has been to press all the buttons at the same time, that is, address the problems in the society that contribute to poor nutrition, while also targeting vulnerable groups with specific nutrition interventions, for example, micronutrient supplementation and promotion of optimal breastfeeding and complementary feeding practices.” 
 
 She said the 2007-2008 food price crisis had been a wake-up call about the need to incorporate nutrition into other social sectors. “I think the fact that nutrition was always the orphan and always falling between the cracks is maybe less of an issue now because other sectors are… interested in finding ways to incorporate nutrition in social protection, in agriculture, in education.” 
 
 Guinea has abundant mineral resources but also some of the region's best farmland and rainfall. Still, given poor infrastructure, high illiteracy and a weak health system, living conditions are difficult for most people. Chronic malnutrition rose by 50 percent from 2005 to 2010 and as of last year nearly a quarter of Guinea's 9.8 million people were moderately or severely food insecure, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 
 
 Guinean officials are to hold meetings in local languages with farmers in the country’s four main regions later this month before finalizing the agriculture investment plan, according to Mamadou Kaba Souaré of the Food and Agriculture Organization, which is working with the government. 
 
 np/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93169</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008040924t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 07 July 2011 (IRIN) - The quality of a baby’s first solid food and teaching families about proper nutrition and hygiene are now part of Guinea’s agricultural investment strategy. Experts working on the 2011-2015 agriculture plan, to be finalized in the coming weeks, say the first-ever nutrition component stems from an increasing recognition that agriculture must be harnessed to improve nutrition and health.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92550</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Opposition building to Great Green Wall</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti. 
 [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] 
 
 An estimated 10 million people faced severe food shortages due to recurrent drought and climate change in the Sahel region last year. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=34840&Cr=Africa&Cr1=hunger ] In Niger alone, the famine in 2010 left half the country’s population needing food aid and one in six children suffering from acute malnutrition. Some villagers in Niger described 2010 as worse than the 1973 drought that killed thousands of people, according to Malek Triki, West African spokesperson for the World Food Programme (WFP). [ http://www.wfp.org/content/aid-workers-warn-famine-disaster-niger ] 
 
 The Great Green Wall (GGW) project, originally proposed by Burkina Faso’s Marxist leader Thomas Sankara in the 1980s, was later resurrected by former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo in 2005 before receiving approval by the African Union in December 2006. In June 2010, 11 countries involved signed a convention in Chad to further the development of the project, but the plan remained on standby until February when it was officially approved at an international summit in Bonn, Germany. 
 
 During the summit, the Global Environment Facility (GEF) [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/whatisgef ] set aside US$115 million to fund the wall. Mohamed I Bakarr, a senior environment specialist with GEF, told IRIN the wall “is in reality a metaphor to reflect the vision of African leaders for an integrated land-use system that addresses environment and development needs across all affected countries”. The GEF foresees the wall adopting a “mosaic” of “sustainable land-management systems with stakeholders, including grassroots communities, in all 11 countries implementing options that are appropriate to the local context”. 
 
 The plan entails each country implementing its own land, water and vegetation-management projects on up to two million hectares of land, under the framework of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] Monique Barbut, CEO of the GEF, said in a statement it would not fund “an all-out tree-funding drive from Dakar to Djibouti”, but rather, would allocate the funding according to national priorities, which have yet to be finalized. In a paper adopted by the Sahara and Sahel Observatory (OSS) in 2008, alleviating poverty is said to be one of the wall’s principal objectives. 
 
 The paper outlines national and regional objectives, including consolidating and expanding existing greenbelts of trees, conserving biodiversity, restoring and conserving soil and promoting income-generating activities, as well as carbon capture and storage of 0.5-3.1 million tons of carbon per year. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/donnees/Concept_Note.pdf ] 
 
 Indigenous communities "threatened" 
 
 The project has faced opposition, despite its stated commitment to combating drought and desertification, which have exacted a heavy toll on the region as a whole. Wally Menne, a member of Timberwatch, the African NGO focal point for the Global Forest Coalition, told IRIN the organization was sceptical. “In our view it seems poorly conceived in terms of both ecological and socio-economic considerations. Its chances of being a success could be limited, and it may even cause more harm to the environment,” he said. The Global Forest Coalition campaigns for the rights of indigenous and forest people and for socially just policies. 
 
 Menne added that the inclusion of carbon sequestration activities and the potential future development of REDD projects (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) as components of the GGW would require converting suitable land within the belt to fast-growing foreign species of monoculture tree plantations and carbon sinks opposed by many indigenous groups in the Sahel. Growing plantations would also require displacing people living on land earmarked for the GGW and would lead to further depletion of scarce water sources. 
 
 A concept paper on the kinds of vegetal species to be included in the GGW states that the wall will run through both inhabited and uninhabited areas, but will be located in areas where the average annual rainfall is higher than 200mm. It also stated that the only species to be adapted to the wall would be "primarily those that are found, live and develop there". [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/donnees/especes_vegetal.pdf ] 
 
 However, in a statement to the Indigenous People’s of Africa Coordinating Committee, IPACC, Sada Albachir, director of Association Tunfa, a Tuareg human rights group in Niger, said that “international agreements in the past introduced alien invasive species into the Sahara, without tackling the root problems of poor governance, dangerous uranium mining, and a failure to conserve biodiversity and water security in the arid region. I think the idea of planting a Green Wall across Africa is not to be entertained by indigenous people living in the proposed sites, unless the project has been studied in collaboration with them and they are also involved in the implementation.” [ http://www.ipacc.org.za/eng/news_details.asp?NID=276 ] 
 
 The programme coordinator for the OSS, Jihed Ghannem, told IRIN such concerns were baseless. “The full participation of communities is essential,” he said. 
 
 Timberwatch’s Menne told IRIN: “In my experience, ‘consulting’ local communities usually means misinforming them about the potential impacts of a project by exaggerating how they will benefit, whilst neglecting to inform them of the negative impacts. When they say that local communities will be an integral part of the project, it normally means that they will be used to provide cheap labour.” 
 
 Part of the GGW concept plan includes a section on “Food for Work” designed to recruit unemployed workers in each country to help with the planting of the greenbelt in the Sahel. According to OSS, under the scheme, “members of the communities assuming responsibilities are paid in part at the time of planting. The remainder is paid two years later on the basis of the plant growth scale.” The plan also indicates that private businesses, including “initiators of safari parks, modern farming, ecotourist sites” will find “some economic opportunities” in the wall. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/objectifs.php ] 
 
 Menne said the wall could be a useful tool to combat desertification only if “viewed as an exercise in adaptation, rather than as an opportunity for climate change mitigation and making money from CDM/REDD carbon offsets as presently envisioned”. 
 
 According to Khadija Hassan*, representative of an indigenous people’s organization, the GGW might also interfere with migration patterns of pastoral communities and instead should incorporate ancestral systems of land management. “It would be best to protect what already exists in the region, stop the felling of trees in valleys and oases, repair damage caused by climate change, educate communities about REDD and restore livestock that has been lost,” she said. “I find the project is good, but too ambitious.” 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 zm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92422</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Obstacles, omens and opportunities</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103211444470478t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 21 March 2011 (IRIN) - Alpha Condé, a former student activist, trade unionist, radical publisher, lecturer, political prisoner and exiled opposition leader, finally took over the presidency of Guinea at 72.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 21 March 2011 (IRIN) - Alpha Condé, a former student activist, trade unionist, radical publisher, lecturer, political prisoner and exiled opposition leader, finally took over the presidency of Guinea at 72. 

Sworn in on 2 December 2010 before 13 African heads of state, Condé promised: "I say loud and clear: poverty and underdevelopment in the Republic of Guinea does not to have to be our destiny." 

But Condé admits to having inherited empty state coffers and daunting social and economic problems. The prices of key commodities have risen sharply in the markets of Conakry. A sack of rice that was about 175,000 Guinean francs (US$23) before the elections is now 280,000 francs ($36). The government imported 35 tons of rice, which sold for 160,000 francs a sack, but supplies were limited. There have been similar rises in commodities such as sugar and peanut oil. Ironically, as Guinea loses its pariah status and attempts to become a functioning democracy, living costs are increasing and patience is being severely tested. 

"There has been no change yet," says Mariame Sacko, out shopping in the market. "We are in a difficult position. You can see for yourself that everything in the market is expensive." 

Yolande Guilavogui agrees. "Prices have more than doubled, but you don't see any increase in salaries. If it continues like that, we find ourselves risking being put in the street." 

Blame game 

The price hikes have been blamed in some quarters on local traders, overwhelmingly from the Peul community, engaging in profiteering. But there have been warnings too of a dangerous simplification of complex problems. 

"People are engaging in a false debate," a local journalist told IRIN. "How can people say that it is bureau de change owners [accused of currency speculation] and Peul traders [one of the two big ethnic groups] who are responsible for inflation and rocketing prices in the market?" 

He accused Condé and his supporters of allowing Peul traders to be made scapegoats. He pointed out that Condé's election campaign had focused strongly on the poor governance and mishandling of the economy under previous regimes, but once in office Condé had chosen former ministers of the same discredited administrations. 

Ministers have also publicized budgetary problems from the previous administrations, hinting at profligacy and a lack of accountability on the part of the previous military leaders in charge. A Conakry-based diplomat acknowledged that "the financial situation is even worse than Condé and his colleagues had feared". 

Inclusion or division?

The challenges go well beyond a bruised economy. While the elections won by Condé were markedly freer and fairer than any held previously, they were marred by ominous outbreaks of violence between the Peul and Malinké. Condé and his party, the Rassemblement du Peuple de Guinée (RPG), faced persistent accusations from opponents of playing the ethnic card and mobilizing a coalition to block the political advancement of the Peul, in this case represented by defeated candidate, former prime minister Cellou Dalein Diallo, leader of the Union des forces démocratiques de Guinée (UFDG) from the Peul heartland of Fouta Djallon, or Moyenne Guinée. 

While Condé's speeches have highlighted the need for inclusivity and an end to sectarianism, there has been no easy accommodation with the opposition. Diallo has repeated accusations that Condé is far from being a peacemaker and unifier, and has demanded wholesale changes in the Commission Electorale nationale Indépendante (CENI) before legislative elections can take place. 

Senior human rights activist Thierno Madjou Sow, who is president of the Organization Guinéene de Défense des Droits de l'homme (OGDH), acknowledges that Condé had inherited a country where education, health, infrastructure and public administration have been allowed to go into steep decline and was "starting from zero". 

However, for Sow Condé's pledges on change counted for little so far. "We are all used to speeches," Sow told IRIN. "But we have seen no real signals from Condé. We want concrete measures.

"It should be remembered that we came close to a situation of genocide in the last elections," Sow told IRIN. He cited in particular areas such as Siguri in the northeast, "where thousands of people whose families had lived there for over 100 years were forced to flee because they were no longer seen as Guineans". 

A report by the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide after a mission to Guinea in March 2010 offered a bleak account of past atrocities and the state's inability deal with them effectively. "Impunity is the norm; perpetrators of past violence and human rights violations have gone unpunished, including those responsible for massive human rights violations committed during the previous regimes of Sékou Touré and Lansana Conté." 

Sow said nothing had changed with the election of Condé. "Look at the events of September 28, 2009, when you had hundreds of people killed at the stadium, thousands more injured, women and girls raped and killed in public. But it's as if nothing happened." Sow says despite the interest of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the support of other bodies, the Guinean government was doing little to bring the perpetrators of the stadium massacre to justice. 

What to do with soldiers?

A major concern for both civil society activists and international partners is the continuing strength of the military. But as the International Crisis Group (ICG) noted in a report, Reforming the Army, issued in September 2010 [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/guinea/164-guinea-reforming-the-army.aspx ], restructuring and scaling down the armed forces will not be easy. "The army's well-deserved reputation for indiscipline and resistance to democratic civilian rule is a product of its troubled past," the ICG warned. Successive regimes have built up their own patronage networks, often favouring troops from their own ethnic group and/or home region, or recruiting from outside. As the ICG pointed out, Guinea plays host to "multiple militias and irregulars". 

Where is the wealth? 

Despite the country's mineral wealth, Guinea came 156th out of 169 in the UN Development Programme's Human Development Index (HDI) for 2010. Development analysts are quick to concede there is no prospect of the country meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). There is a unique opportunity to make more of Guinea's resources, particularly bauxite and iron ore. But there are obvious caveats about corporate interests and Guinea's own priorities and the extent to which partnerships that look lucrative on paper will deliver employment, amenities and major new revenue streams. 

Overcoming poverty 

The International Fund for Agricultural Development's (IFAD) Country Strategic Opportunities Programme (COSOP) for 2009-2014 highlights key priorities for the 75 percent of the population in rural areas: only 1.2 million hectares of land cultivated when 6.2 million ha should be available; the low levels of mechanization and agro-inputs; the small size and non-sustainability of farms; the high level of post-harvest losses and the weakness of local market systems. Condé's campaign speeches made frequent references to the need for food self-sufficiency in Guinea and a steady move away from food imports, but Guineans point out that that is contingent on significantly improving productivity.

Child nutrition remains a major problem, as are maternal and infant mortality. Helen Keller International (HKI), a long-established NGO in Guinea, has attributed 18 percent of maternal deaths and 23 percent of peri-natal deaths to anaemia, and warned of the continuing dangers of Vitamin A deficiency. An under-resourced health service has struggled to work effectively against malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS. The severe flooding in September 2010 exposed the fragility of the water system, leaving thousands vulnerable to water-borne diseases.

Humanitarian headaches 

Condé's early focus on social and humanitarian issues has been applauded by Guinea's aid partners, but there are also longstanding concerns about capacity and funding. Speaking from Kankan in eastern Guinea, the head of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) in Guinea, Julien Harnais, said initial signals were promising. "On the positive side, there is a government that is concerned about the population," Harnais told IRIN. "The challenge the country is going to have is in converting good intentions into good results for kids." 

The wealth of Guinea's resources has been repeatedly documented. In addition to the huge reserves of iron ore and bauxite, there are large deposits of diamonds and gold, as well as titanium, manganese, copper, nickel, zircon, platinum and uranium. "There are a lot of companies coming in, but we must choose those that can really bring something to Guinea," Condé has emphasized. "It is for us to defend our own interests, to create competition between different interests and work out who is bringing most to Guinea."

Condé has been circumspect about the government's approach to investors, telling reporters: "There will be three to five difficult months, since we've decided not to renegotiate contracts but instead to define a new mining policy." 

At a recent meeting in Conakry, the Publish What You Pay coalition argued for communities in mining areas to be directly involved in discussions on contracts. Civil society activists hope that Guinea's renewed membership of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) may help create more transparency and accountability. Whatever corporate players come and go, small-scale artisanal mining will remain a crucial, if modest, source of income for large sections of the population. 

Artisanal mining has been practised since at least the 12th century and offers a modest livelihood to hundreds of thousands of Guineans today, particularly in the northeastern gold belt region of Haute-Guinée and in the riverbeds and other alluvial sites in the southeast. Conditions remain precarious. A technical mission by the Blacksmith Institution and the UN Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO) in 2006 warned of serious safety and sanitation concerns and suggested artisanal mining in Guinea was a long way behind other parts of sub-Saharan Africa, describing the gold processing methods used as "the most primitive ones on the planet". 

Exploiting assets

Guinea has the world's largest deposits of bauxite, accounting for more than one-third of the world's known reserves. Bauxite and alumina constitute about 60 percent of exports and generate a quarter of the country's tax revenues. Production was initially dominated by a French company, Pechiney Ugine, but others from North America, Russia, Australia and the Middle East have become involved.

As the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has noted [ http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2008/cr0820.pdf ], "Annual production of bauxite is very low considering the proven reserves," while the sector's contribution to GDP and taxes has declined. Factors behind this under-achievement include: taxation problems, difficulties in relations between governments and corporations and a weak investment climate. 

Given that a ton of alumina (aluminium oxide) is worth more than 10 times a ton of bauxite, industry analysts have long argued for sustained investment in the domestic transformation of bauxite to alumina. Finally, this looks likely to happen, with several new projects at various stages of development. [ http://www.guineaalumina.com/index.php?id=15 ]

Guinea is reported to have more than four billion tons of high-grade iron ore. The main deposits are in the Simandou hills, near Nzérékoré in the southeastern Guinée Forestière region, and at Kalia, 360km east of Conakry, just north of Guinea's border with Sierra Leone. 

For gold, the open-pit Siguiri gold mine 850km northeast of Conakry has a proven reserve of about 60 million tons. Relations with the previous government proved difficult at times but South African group AngloGold Ashanti says it is optimistic about the new administration. The other major gold-producing belt is the Lefa Corridor, 700km northeast of Conakry. 

Diamond production has risen and fallen in recent years, but Guinea can normally be expected to produce at least 500,000 carats, while total reserves are estimated at between 20 and 25 million carats. As with the gold sector, artisanal mining dominates, with thousands working in the riverbeds in the southeast. 

cs/ic/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92253</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103211444470478t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 21 March 2011 (IRIN) - Alpha Condé, a former student activist, trade unionist, radical publisher, lecturer, political prisoner and exiled opposition leader, finally took over the presidency of Guinea at 72.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SAHEL: Meningitis - the role of dust</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101120725490578t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 14 February 2011 (IRIN) - Researchers are analysing dust from the Sahel to study its role in the spread of bacterial meningitis in this region hardest hit by the debilitating and often fatal disease.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 14 February 2011 (IRIN) - Researchers are analysing dust from the Sahel to study its role in the spread of bacterial meningitis in this region hardest hit by the debilitating and often fatal disease. 
 
 Study of the link between climate and infectious diseases is increasingly important as environmental changes appear to be pushing the so-called meningitis belt - from Ethiopia to Senegal – southwards, experts say. 
 
 Researchers with the International Research Institute for Climate and Society (IRI) [ http://portal.iri.columbia.edu/portal/server.pt ] at Columbia University, which looks at how climate information can be incorporated into preventive measures or early warning systems, are collecting dust samples in Ghana, Niger and Senegal in the study’s initial phase. 
 
 In the meningitis belt meningococcal meningitis outbreaks come with the dry season and taper off with the first rains, and dust has long been seen as contributing to the spread. Experts say mineral dust could be irritating membranes making people vulnerable to infection, or in other ways favour the spread of the bacteria. [ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs141/en/index.html ] 
 
 “The mechanism by which dust may influence meningitis epidemic occurrence remains unclear,” IRI senior research scientist Madeleine Thomson told IRIN. “But the most common explanation for this role is that physical damage to the epithelial cells lining the nose and throat in dry and dusty conditions permits easy passage of the bacteria into the blood stream.” 
 
 The study will further probe the dust’s characteristics. “We will look at the properties of the dust and other climatic and environmental variables and determine whether, or to what extent, they influence the spatial and temporal occurrence of either carriage [when bacteria are present in the nose and throat but are non-invasive] or disease [when the bacteria are in the bloodstream],” Thomson said. 
 
 Researchers must also consider other potential mechanisms, said Thomson. For instance, she said, dust particles may impact the fluid dynamics of airborne transmission of the bacteria as well as preceding viral infections, and the high iron content of Sahelian dust may help activate the iron-hungry meningococcus bacteria. 
 
 High dust levels might also affect human behaviour: Crowding in small rooms with windows blocked can reduce ventilation, and facilitate transmission. Dust could also have an impact on other climatic variables, such as temperature and humidity, which may also be important drivers of meningitis infection and disease, Thomson explained.
 
 While several diverse factors play a role in bacterial meningitis outbreaks, an understanding of how the dust might be affecting people’s vulnerability can significantly boost prevention efforts, experts say. 
 
 In support of vaccine strategies 
 
 The dust research adds to a broader international World Health Organization-led project called MERIT [ http://merit.hc-foundation.org/ ] (meningitis environmental risk information technologies), which is designed to support current vaccine strategies as well as the African Meningoccocal Carriage Consortium (MenAfriCar), [ http://www.menafricar.org/ ] and the distribution of the new proactive vaccine currently being rolled out in West Africa. The new vaccine provides 10 years of protection as opposed to two or three. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90773 ] 
 
 Meningococcal disease - bacterial meningitis - occurs throughout the world, but attack rates in the meningitis belt are many times higher than those in other parts of the world. Death rates are generally 5-10 percent, according to MenAfriCar. The disease can also cause blindness, hearing loss, brain damage and loss of limbs. 
 
 The dust study is being funded by the NIEHS Center for Environmental Health in Northern Manhattan [ http://www.cumc.columbia.edu/dept/niehs/ ] and by a grant/cooperative agreement from the US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. [ http://www.noaa.gov ] 
 
 IRI’s Thomson said interdisciplinary research into such burdens in poor countries is particularly difficult to fund, but that study of climate-sensitive infectious diseases like meningitis and malaria is increasingly important. “Climate and environmental change have the potential to impact on the effectiveness of disease control programmes,” she told IRIN. “For instance, there is a major concern that changes in the climate and environment are pushing the meningitis belt southwards; if this is the case there will be important implications for the development of meningitis control strategies.” 
 
 Burden 
 
 While meningitis is not the top killer disease in the Sahel, the frequent, major epidemics deal a heavy blow to health systems and to families and communities. 
 
 “Meningitis not only kills, it maims,” IRI’s Francesco Fiondella told IRIN. “It has long-term impacts on society. It draws resources from families and societies when people either die from the disease or become deaf or blind or lose a limb.” 
 
 Kandioura Touré, head of epidemiological surveillance and infectious illness in Mali’s Health Ministry, said meningitis is a constant burden and any progress in reducing cases has a huge impact. 
 
 “Meningitis weighs heavily not only on families - with deaths and cases of deafness and other disabilities - but also on the health system,” he told IRIN. “Each year we face these epidemics.” 
 
 Mali is one of three countries where the new vaccine is being rolled out. “These efforts give us hope we can finally eliminate the burden of this disease,” Touré said. 
 
 np/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91916</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101120725490578t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 14 February 2011 (IRIN) - Researchers are analysing dust from the Sahel to study its role in the spread of bacterial meningitis in this region hardest hit by the debilitating and often fatal disease.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Serious about food</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency. 

Shortly after Malawian president Bingu wa Mutharika became AU chair in 2010, he announced a plan to make Africa food secure in the next five years. 

Martin Bwalya, head of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) said the AU’s seven-year roadmap to put the spotlight on farming so as to promote food security and economic growth, and reduce poverty, had been set in motion five years ago. 

By the end of 2010, the agriculture development plans of 18 African countries had undergone a rigorous independent technical review and were being rolled out. 

Over 60 percent of Africa’s people live in rural areas and most depend on farming for food and income. Agriculture contributes between 20 percent and 60 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) to national coffers. 

In a document called The African Food Basket, Mutharika spelt out the details of his plan, which requires countries to allocate a substantial portion of their budget to agriculture, provide farming input subsidies, and make available affordable information and communications technology. 

This would be possible with the help of a new strategic partnership between countries, donors, aid agencies and the private sector. 

CAADP, initiated in 2003, covers all the main aspects of Mutharika’s plan, including the commitment to devote at least 10 percent of their budgets to agriculture. 

Under the programme, countries draw up comprehensive investment plans that include the four CAADP pillars: sustainable land and water management; improved market access and integration; increased food supplies and reduced hunger; and research, technology generation and dissemination. 

“We expect the countries to contribute at least 10 percent of the annual expenditure budget demonstrating local ownership and responsibility…”, said Bwalya. 

He added while development aid financing remained important, it was also crucial that countries consider measures to attract direct private sector financing to agriculture.

Uganda, one of the 18 states to undergo the review process, has accounted for about 65 percent of its funding requirements from its own budget. 

The AU’s development agency, the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which runs CAADP, helps countries to mobilize funds. 

Is achieving food self-sufficiency in five years a realistic goal? It would be a tough call said Ousmane Badiane, director for Africa at the US-based International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). 

He noted that the AU had 53 members with varying degrees of agriculture investment, development and needs, and some countries did not have the structural capacity to reach the target of food self-sufficiency for many reasons including civil conflicts. 

Going regional 

A more realistic option, Badiane said, would be for countries with the potential to improve food production to produce enough to feed their less productive neighbours. This called for expanding regional trade and investment in transportation, including ports, railways and highways linking countries. 

AU members have begun to take regional economic integration “seriously”, noted Calestous Juma, professor of international development at Harvard University in his recently released book, The New Harvest. 

He lists regional markets as one of the three opportunities that could fortify Africa’s food security against the rising threat of climate change. 

There are at least eight Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community (EAC) “that are recognized by the AU as building blocks for pan-African economic integration”. However, “regional cooperation in agriculture is in its infancy and major challenges lie ahead." 

Regions could become food secure “by capitalizing on the different growing seasons in different countries and making products available in all areas for longer periods of time”, he wrote. 

Both Mutharika and CAADP emphasize the development of regional markets. Mutharika listed 12 regional trade corridors identified by the various RECs and suggested the AU draw up an institutional framework for each corridor. 

Science and technology 

In his book Juma lists advances in science and technology as another factor that could propel Africa towards food self-sufficiency, and called for more investment in the creation of regional hubs of research and innovation. 

Research is being carried out by groups created under NEPAD, such as the Biosciences Eastern and Central Africa Network (BecANet), which has been leading research on food crops, including banana, teff, cassava, sorghum and sweet potatoes. More investment in networks, especially agriculture-related ones, could produce far-reaching results. 

Subsidies 

Underuse of fertilizers has often been cited as a major cause of low production in Africa. Only four countries – Egypt, Malawi, Mauritius and South Africa – have exceeded the 50 kg per hectare target set by the AU, Mutharika noted in his plan. 

Fertilizer use in Africa accounts for less than 10 percent of the world average of 100 kg per hectare, “Just five countries (Ethiopia, Kenya, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria) account for about two-thirds of the fertilizer applied in Africa,” Juma said. 

Mutharika, who promoted the provision of subsidised fertilizer in Malawi, makes a strong case for this approach. At present 19 African countries are implementing various programmes providing fertilizer. 

Juma sees leaders like Mutharika, who has prioritized food security as the third factor that could set Africa on the path to food security. The Malawian government devotes 16 percent of its national budget to agriculture. 

Yet IFPRI’s Badiane sounded a note of caution on subsidies and cited the case of Senegal. After independence the West African country put in place an agriculture subsidy programme in the 1960s that was even more comprehensive than Malawi’s. “It had a dramatic effect on agriculture in Senegal, but by 1979 one of its [agriculture] agencies had worked up a deficit amounting to 98 percent of the national budget.” 

Carefully managed subsidies, run for a short term, and aimed at strengthening existing markets and agricultural infrastructure, were a lot more effective, he said. 

The Rwandan government provided free fertilizer to farmers for four years after 1994. In 1998 it wanted to hand over importing and distribution to the private sector, which unfortunately lacked capacity, so the government continued to procure and import fertilizer but left distribution and selling to the private sector. 

Since then, aid from financial institutions has helped the private sector build capacity to import, and at least 20 bodies now import several hundred tonnes of fertilizer, Badiane said. 

Way forward 

The AU’s plans for agriculture also tackle other major issues affecting food security, such as irrigation (only four percent of Africa’s crop area is irrigated, compared to 39 percent in South Asia); improving soil fertility (more than three percent of agricultural GDP in Africa is lost annually as a direct result of soil and nutrient loss); post-harvest storage loss (sub-Saharan Africa loses about 40 percent of its harvest per year, against one percent in Europe); setting up databanks to share early warning information and energy. 

There is a high level of engagement between countries on agriculture. “They meet regularly and we support them in building evidence-based information,” CAADP’s Bwalya noted. 

If they stayed the course in implementing CAADP, Badiane said in five years a large number of African countries, if not food secure, would be in a much better position to feed themselves. 

jk/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91547</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Pick of the year 2010</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011181906140831t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - This year in West Africa natural and man-made disasters - from floods to fighting - brought anguish and emergency assistance, and left communities, aid workers and analysts mulling the long-term causes.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - This year in West Africa natural and man-made disasters - from floods to fighting - brought anguish and emergency assistance, and left communities, aid workers and analysts mulling the long-term causes. 
 
 The always harsh lean season brought a nutrition crisis in Niger, Chad and other parts of the Sahel; a massive aid operation saved many lives, experts say, but the very fact that under-nutrition regularly kills children in the region means prevention measures need just as much attention. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88385 ] 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89734 ] 
 
 Parched earth soon turned into waterways in much of the region, including in Benin where agriculture experts said farming families will feel the impact of this year’s floods well into 2011. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91022 ] 
 
 In a region where emergency humanitarian needs often stem from long-term structural problems, aid groups grapple with how to work sustainability into short-term life-saving operations. Researchers are examining whether donor aid to the public health sector lets governments off too lightly. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=88785 ] 
 
 Governments and governance continue to be put to the test in West Africa - with mixed results. The world watched nervously as Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea held overdue, high-stakes presidential elections. By the end of 2010 Côte d’Ivoire - with two governments and severe unrest - was shoved out of the African Union, and Guinea - with its first-ever elected civilian leader - welcomed back in. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91426 ] 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89627 ] 
 
 In another state with a turbulent political history, analysts wondered whether a coup in Niger, where then President Mamadou Tandja was working to prolong his stay in power, was not a turn for the better. The country is scheduled to start the new year with presidential elections. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=88174 ] 
 
 Elections are also set for early 2011 in Nigeria, where government and civil society continue to battle chronic unrest in the Niger Delta and communal violence in the centre and north. 

 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=88906 ] 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89242 ] 
 
 Some looming security threats are regional, such as organized crime or the presence of organizations like al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb; analysts say more coordination is needed. 
 
 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90703 ] 
 
 np/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91494</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011181906140831t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - This year in West Africa natural and man-made disasters - from floods to fighting - brought anguish and emergency assistance, and left communities, aid workers and analysts mulling the long-term causes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Sickle cell disease still feared and deadly</title><pubDate>Thu, 30 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20058153t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - A century after the drawing of an anaemic patient’s sickle-shaped red blood cells came out of Chicago in the USA - a sketch that officially placed this still pervasive genetic disorder into medical books - confusion, discrimination and lack of treatment continue to surround sickle cell disease (SCD), especially in Africa where more than 200,000 babies are born every year with the disease.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - A century after the drawing of an anaemic patient’s sickle-shaped red blood cells came out of Chicago in the USA - a sketch that officially placed this still pervasive genetic disorder into medical books - confusion, discrimination and lack of treatment continue to surround sickle cell disease (SCD), especially in Africa where more than 200,000 babies are born every year with the disease. 

“Sickle cell is a true public health problem with medical, human and social dimensions,” Oumar Ibrahima Touré, Mali’s health minister until earlier this month, told IRIN. 

Despite advances in treatment and research over the past century, SCD is still largely undiagnosed in the world's most affected areas where the problem is too complex for any quick-fix solutions, researchers say. 

And without treatment there is a 50 percent chance a sickle cell patient will die before the age of five, most commonly of a blood infection. 

For its impact on lives and livelihoods, SCD has been deemed a “threat to the economic and social development of Africa” by the West Africa-based Federation of Associations Combating Sickle Cell Disorder in Africa (FALDA). 

Still misunderstood 

“People still don’t know about this sickness and there’s a lot of judgment, forcing sick people to hide,” said Dramane Banao, president of a national initiative to fight SCD and mother of a 19-year-old woman with SCD in the West African country of Burkina Faso. 

Sickle cell disease is inherited and present at birth, but can show no symptoms for the first four months of life. 

Characterized by irregular haemoglobin (iron-rich, oxygen-transporting protein in red blood cells), the disease causes red blood cells to morph into a sickle-shape (crescent) instead of a disc, which leads to clumping and blocked blood vessels. 

This clumping can cause pain, infection and, in some cases, organ damage. 

When sickle-shaped cells die, sickle cell anaemia, the most common form of SCD, takes hold. 

Anti-cancer drugs and bone marrow transplants have extended the life expectancy of sickle cell patients into their 50s. 

“Life expectancy has increased, which is a huge accomplishment in the fight against the disease,” Dapa Diallo, director-general of the Centre for Sickle Cell Disease in Mali, said. “Sickle cell cannot be cured, but with proper care [the health of a patient] can be improved.” 

But life expectancy for a person with SCD in Africa, where a proper diagnosis is scarce, is still less than 20 years on average. 

“They didn’t know at all what the sickness was and treated me for malaria,” Abdoul Karim Ouedraogo, a 42-year-old sickle cell patient, said. At first, he was thought to be cursed, and now walks with crutches when SCD, prior to his diagnosis, damaged his hip. 

Discrimination 

Up to one in four adults in sub-Saharan African countries like Nigeria carry the sickle cell trait, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). 

Though carriers do not necessarily experience symptoms, testing is recommended for genetic counselling. A man and woman, if both are carriers, have a 25 percent chance of having a child with SCD. 

But the development of genetic testing, which has resulted in improved prenatal diagnosis in some parts of the world, is underutilized in the most heavily affected parts of West Africa, and has even led to discrimination and fear. 

Finding a marriage partner can prove difficult for carriers of the trait: Carriers can be perceived as being sentenced to having a very sick child. 

“We see ourselves as burdens on our families,” Moussa Soulale, diagnosed at 13 and now 25, said from Mali where she is a teacher who has learned to live with her illness. 

Screening, education, prenatal diagnosis and treatment have proven effective in fighting the disease among smaller populations, such as in the eastern Mediterranean country of Cyprus. 

But affected countries in Africa - where some populations have up to a 45 percent carrier rate, according to WHO - pose other challenges.  

“The level of care and quality of management of the crisis are not well studied in Africa,” said Brahima Soumaoro, a Mali-based medical researcher. 

There is an urgent need to put in place training for health workers “based on standards of proven efficacy,” he said, in the hope of containing SCD as it has been contained in the USA and Europe. 

GLOSSARY:

Anaemia: a condition in which blood has a lower than normal count of red blood cells.

Haemoglobin: An iron-rich protein in red blood cells that carries oxygen from the lungs to the entire body. 
Sickle cell disease is characterized by irregular haemoglobin.

Sickle cell anaemia: Healthy red blood cells live about 120 days in the bloodstream, but sickle-shaped red cells die within 20 days, which creates a shortage of red blood cells and less oxygen movement. This is the most common form of sickle cell disease.

Inherited disease: When an offspring is born to two parents who carry the sickle cell trait. 

Sickle cell crisis: Sudden pain throughout the body when blood clumps and oxygen is not delivered. A crisis can last for hours to weeks.
 
Sickle cell trait: Carrying one copy of the sickle cell gene does not translate into experiencing symptoms of the disorder; rather, the trait is passed to offspring, which have a 50 percent chance of carrying the disease and a 25 percent chance of having two copies of the trait and thus having the disease. 
[ http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/health/dci/Diseases/Sca/SCA_Causes.html ]
 
(Source: US National Institutes of Health) 
[ http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/health/dci/Diseases/Sca/SCA_WhatIs.html ]

TIMELINE: 

1910: James Herrick, a doctor in Chicago in the USA notices “peculiar elongated and sickle shaped” blood cells in Walter Clement Noel, a dental student from Grenada suffering from anaemia. Sickle cell disease, though known for years in Africa, was then formally reported in the US medical journal, Archives of Internal Medicine. 

1917: The genetic basis for sickle cell is first suggested by Victor Emmel, an American anatomist, in the US medical journal, Archives of Internal Medicine. 

1922: Three more cases are reported in the USA and the disease is formally named. 

1923: Doctors at the Maryland-based Johns Hopkins University conclude sickle cell disease is an “autosomal recessive characteristic” - two copies of the gene must be present for it to be expressed. 

1927: It is discovered that “sickling” happens because of a lack of oxygen. 

1940: The connection is made between abnormal haemoglobin and the tendency of red blood cells to sickle. 

1949: It is determined that carrying the sickle cell trait can be symptomless. 

1954: Anthony Allison hypothesizes that the sickle cell trait offered protection against malaria. As more research was done, it is discovered that those with the sickle cell trait, not the disease, are protected against malaria. But those with sickle cell disease either die from the blood disorder or die after coming into contact with malaria because of a weakened immune system. Subsequent research has called into question the sickle cell trait’s ability to protect against malaria. 

1970s: Forced testing for black people proliferates when sickle cell screening programmes began in the USA. 

1979: Calculations suggest the sickle cell gene developed 70,000-150,000 years ago. 

1994: It is recognized that all of the areas where sickle cell disease originated have been, or are now, endemic locations of malarial infestation. 

1995: Hydroxyurea, an anti-cancer drug, is found to be an effective therapy in reducing complications from SCD. 
[ http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199505183322001 ] 

1996: Bone marrow transplants are now used to treat sickle cell disease in children. 
[ http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199608083350601 ] 

1996: The Federation of Associations Combating Sickle Cell Disorder in Africa (FALDA) is formed. 

2000: The introduction of pneumococcal vaccine greatly reduces child mortality in the USA as those with SCD were at high risk of developing pneumococcal meningitis. 

2003: Hydroxyurea increases life expectancy for sickle cell patients. 
[ http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/289/13/1645.full ] 

2010: Mali President Amadou Toumani Touré opens a research centre to promote SCD research, training and genetic counselling for medical follow-up, with the ambition of creating globally influential advancements. Touré calls the centre part of the fight against poverty. 

nb/pt/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91483</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20058153t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - A century after the drawing of an anaemic patient’s sickle-shaped red blood cells came out of Chicago in the USA - a sketch that officially placed this still pervasive genetic disorder into medical books - confusion, discrimination and lack of treatment continue to surround sickle cell disease (SCD), especially in Africa where more than 200,000 babies are born every year with the disease.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: MSM groups hail pill to prevent HIV</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011241354350201t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 24 November 2010 (IRIN) - Gay rights groups have hailed the results of the first study to show that an antiretroviral (ARV) drug can prevent HIV as an important step in the fight against HIV, but say that in countries that criminalize homosexuality, the breakthrough is unlikely to have a significant impact.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 24 November 2010 (IRIN) - Gay rights groups have hailed the results of the first study to show that an antiretroviral (ARV) drug can prevent HIV as an important step in the fight against HIV, but say that in countries that criminalize homosexuality, the breakthrough is unlikely to have a significant impact. 
 
 The Iniciativa Profilaxis Preexposicion or Prexposure Prophylaxis Initiative (iPrEx) study [ http://www.iprexnews.com/english.html ] found that daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) - the use of ARVs to prevent HIV in high-risk groups - reduced HIV infection risk among participants who took the ARV Truvada by an average 43.8 percent. The clinical trial of 2,499 men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender people was conducted at 11 sites in Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, South Africa, Thailand and the United States. 
 
 "We are as happy as anyone out there about the findings from this study, but fear that unless our countries reconsider their laws, many MSM will not benefit from its results," said David Kuria, chairman of the Gay and Lesbian Coalition of Kenya [ http://galck.org ]. 
 
 He noted that the frequent arrests of gay men in countries like Kenya already made it difficult for those who were HIV-positive to strictly adhere to their ARV regimen and would certainly create challenges in rolling out any pre-exposure prophylaxis policy. 
 
 The study found that PrEP was more effective in people at higher risk for HIV - based on reports of unprotected receptive anal intercourse - and among those who took the pill more consistently; for instance, those who reported using PrEP on 90 percent or more of the days saw 72.8 percent efficacy. 
 
 Implementation challenges 
 
 "Implementation of PrEP is highly unlikely in countries where access to ARVs is already seriously limited. Even in places where access to ARVs is more stable, PrEP will likely be targeted to groups most at risk for HIV, including MSM," said a statement from the Global Forum on MSM and HIV [ http://www.msmgf.org ]. "This would in turn require disclosure of same-sex behaviour, which could prove difficult or even dangerous in countries where violence, stigma and discrimination against MSM persists." 
 
 According to the AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition [ http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2010-11/avac-faq112310.php ], the UN World Health Organization (WHO) and UNAIDS must "move without delay to issue a statement clarifying the implications of the results” for MSM. 
 
 Globally, around 80 countries criminalize same-sex relationships, creating obstacles to HIV prevention. 
 
 Right to health services 
 
 A senior government official in Kenya says while homosexual activity remains illegal in the country, government HIV agencies are working to understand and better serve the MSM community with health services. 
 
 "Access to health is a right enshrined in the constitution, and this right does not discriminate between gay and straight," said Nicholas Muraguri, head of the National AIDS and Sexually transmitted infections Control Programme, NASCOP. 
 
 "We know gay people have a hard time accessing health services; many health workers are ignorant or stigmatize MSM - we are starting to train them on these issues," he added. "We are also conducting a study on the health needs of MSM, and will use their own networks to ensure they have access to services." 
 
 The study's authors urged WHO, UNAIDS and other global and national HIV policymaking bodies to develop clear recommendations for next steps in the study of PrEP. 
 
 According to the Gay Men's Health Crisis (GMHC) [ http://www.gmhc.org ], an NGO providing HIV services in New York, while the study's results are welcome, it is important to keep using other prevention methods. 
 
 "We know that by far the most effective prevention technologies remain condoms and lubricant, and clean needles," said Marjorie J Hill, chief executive officer of GMHC. "We support further research to develop effective biomedical prevention interventions, even as we spread the word about what works best now." 
 
 kr/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91180</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011241354350201t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 24 November 2010 (IRIN) - Gay rights groups have hailed the results of the first study to show that an antiretroviral (ARV) drug can prevent HIV as an important step in the fight against HIV, but say that in countries that criminalize homosexuality, the breakthrough is unlikely to have a significant impact.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: The waiting game - state of emergency</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007141320420565t.jpg" />]]>CONAKRY 19 November 2010 (IRIN) - With military authorities having declared a state of emergency, Guineans face an anxious waiting period before confirmation of final results from the 7 November presidential elections by the Supreme Court.</description><body><![CDATA[CONAKRY 19 November 2010 (IRIN) - With military authorities having declared a state of emergency, Guineans face an anxious waiting period before confirmation of final results from the 7 November presidential elections by the Supreme Court.
 
 While the interim government of President Sekouba Konaté has promised to act strongly against any acts of civil disorder, banning meetings and all types of political activity in the build-up to the court’s announcement, human rights activists have warned of persistent violence in several parts of the country, accusing security forces of exacerbating tensions and abusing their power. 
 
 Despite conciliatory messages from both candidates, independent observers point to growing militancy among party activists, with the final outcome of the elections likely to be hotly contested. Under Guinean electoral law, the Supreme Court is meant to give a final, definitive verdict on results. But there is some confusion over the time frame for the court’s review process, with court insiders hinting that a final ruling could come as late as 2 December.
 
 According to the results released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) on 15 November, Alpha Condé, long-time opposition leader and candidate of the Rassemblement du peuple de Guinée (RPG), took 52.5 percent of the vote in the second round of voting on 7 November. Condé’s opponent, former prime minister Cellou Diallo won 47.5 percent of the vote, a remarkable shift in fortunes from the first round in June when Diallo emerged as the clear front-runner.
 
 Interviewed as incoming head of state by French international TV station France 24, Condé talked of breaking with Guinea’s past and tackling key problems, including “water, electricity and self-sufficiency in food”. He stressed his readiness to form a government of national union, hinting that Diallo featured in his plans. Condé deplored the international media’s emphasis on inter-ethnic tensions in Guinea, arguing that the electoral contest had been wrongly depicted as a battle between the Malinké, the ethnic group most strongly identified with his own campaign, and the Peul, often described as forming the principal support base for Diallo and his Union des Forces Démocratiques de Guinée (UFDG). 
 
 Condé argued that a large part of his own vote had come from Peul, Soussou and other non-Malinké groups. 
 
 But discussions about a political settlement in Guinea and the country’s economic future have been completely eclipsed by outbreaks of violence and the strong response by the military. Despite appeals for calm by both candidates before and after the poll, there were serious clashes in the capital Conakry and in the interior of the country, notably in the northern region of Moyenne-Guinée. 
 
 The government imposed a State of Emergency on 17 November - a military spokesman making frequent appearances on national TV and radio to announce a ban on demonstrations and political gatherings of any kind and a 12-hour curfew running from 6pm until 6am, warning of serious consequences for those found in breach of the new rules. The government has since reinforced the curfew, blocking movement by cars during the same hours.
 
 Bread prices double
 
 Early reports from Conakry said the government’s announcement had had an immediate impact, with most people off the streets after dusk on the first evening the curfew came into force and many shops and businesses staying closed the following morning. Major price hikes have been reported in the capital’s markets, with bread prices doubling in some areas. The curfew has meant a general slowing-down of activity, including at the workplace, with many civil servants and other public sector workers heading home by early afternoon. Conakry residents confirm a heavy deployment of troops, with gunfire heard in many parts of the city overnight, while there are persistent rumours of fresh attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals by militants of both camps despite the military’s high profile intervention.
 
 Human rights activists have accused the military of exploiting the situation, with soldiers harassing civilians and engaging in theft, rape and assault. The President of the Organisation Guinéene de Défense des Droits de l’Homme (OGDH), Thierno Madjou Sow, says that serious human rights violations before and during the elections have got worse since the polls closed. 
 
 “There should be clear instructions from the authorities to security forces to stop mistreating the population”, Madjou Sow told IRIN from Conakry. “Soldiers should be intervening instead on behalf of ethnic groups that are coming under attack.” 
 
 In speeches and web-postings, both RPG and UFDG accuse the other of inciting inter-ethnic hatred and engaging in systematic violence. Independent observers point to serious abuses from both sides. 
 
 In Conakry, Madjou Sow says Peul communities have been victimized in several districts, with Peul women traders expelled from market areas and soldiers joining anti-Peul actions led by young militants supporting Condé. 
 
 In a communiqué issued on 18 November, the International Crisis Group (ICG) noted reports of “Red Beret soldiers, notorious for human rights abuses, roaming in Peul neighbourhoods in Conakry and hunting down Peul businessmen.” But the ICG communiqué also noted attacks by UFDG supporters on property belonging to Malinké and Peul supporters of the RPG. Ratoma, the only one of Conakry’s five communes to vote for Diallo, has been particularly volatile.
 
 Northern region of Moyenne Guinée
 
 In the northern region of Moyenne Guinée, where there is a strong Peul majority, there have been reports of anti-Peul actions directed by security forces and of violence instigated by Peul activists against other communities. Serious clashes were reported in towns like Labé and Pita, where the préfet was replaced for alleged “weakness” in facing down attacks by Peul militants. Madjou Sow says Peul minority communities have been attacked in other areas, notably Siguiri in the east, triggering a major exodus. Madjou Sow said local authorities had failed to respond to critical situations that could clearly have been foreseen with dangerous consequences.
 
 No official casualty figures have yet been issued. Press reports point to at least 12 deaths since the post-elections violence, but there are concerns that other fatalities may have gone unregistered by medical authorities, while many injured, particularly in the interior, will have little access to health care. 
 
 Stressing that violence was being instigated by groups on both sides of the political divide, an independent observer monitoring recent developments told IRIN: “The party leaderships are saying one thing in public, saying they want reconciliation and appealing for an end to the violence, but that is very much at odds with the message going out to the party militants.” 
 
 Concern is already being expressed about the humanitarian fall-out from the elections, particularly the destruction of property and the rapid movement of communities in flight. For example, in Labé, the main town in Moyenne Guinée, there are reports of at least 300 civilians seeking protection at the local gendarmerie headquarters, overstretching the authorities’ thin resources.
 
 France, the USA and Canada have all warned against breakdown and appealed to political leaders to respect constitutional procedures. Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, proposed in the past as an external mediator in Guinea, has pushed the same message in contacts with Diallo, Condé and Prime Minister Jean-Marie Doré, who has been particularly vociferous in blaming Diallo’s supporters for the upsurge in violence. 
 
 Warning that the situation in Guinea now goes well beyond “party supporters protesting election results”, the ICG calls for more discipline from the armed forces, strong messages of concern from the UN Security Council and International Criminal Court, more effective human rights monitoring and a joint effort from Diallo and Condé to diffuse tensions and “address the ethnic polarization seen during the second round of polls”.
 
 ic/cs/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91136</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007141320420565t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CONAKRY 19 November 2010 (IRIN) - With military authorities having declared a state of emergency, Guineans face an anxious waiting period before confirmation of final results from the 7 November presidential elections by the Supreme Court.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GENDER: &quot;Raped in Guinea, then raped again in Senegal&quot;</title><pubDate>Wed, 10 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010111721330504t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 10 November 2010 (IRIN) - On 28 September 2009 in a Guinea stadium, Djeneba* was raped by a soldier while another beat her head. Calling her a criminal and a whore, the men then shoved a wooden club into her vagina. “I was hanging between life and death.”</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 10 November 2010 (IRIN) - On 28 September 2009 in a Guinea stadium, Djeneba* was raped by a soldier while another beat her head. Calling her a criminal and a whore, the men then shoved a wooden club into her vagina. “I was hanging between life and death.” 
 
 In a way, she still is. Now living in the Senegalese capital Dakar, where she and several other women raped that day received medical treatment, she is far from her family and has abandoned her studies, “which were my life, my future… That is how I was going to contribute to my parents.” She said she would have finished her Master’s in economics this year. 
 
 “I’m among ‘the rape victims’. But I’m still a militant of a political party and someone who wants to fight for Guinea.” People demonstrated on 28 September in the capital Conakry to call for an end to military rule in Guinea - to say No to the presidential candidacy of coup leader Moussa Dadis Camara. 
 
 Human Rights Watch reckons 150 to 200 people were killed when security forces attacked the pro-democracy rally at the stadium in Conakry. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90652 ] Dozens of women, of all ages, were raped. 
 
 “Young women were raped along with their mothers - it’s abominable,” said Ibrahima Baldé of the Centre Mère et Enfants, a clinic in the city where rape victims continue to turn for medical and psychosocial care. 
 
 Djeneba makes a slicing motion at her chest as she says: “One of the red berets [presidential guard] cut off the breast of a young woman - probably 17 or 18 - right in front of me. At that moment in my mind I was saying, ‘This is it. It’s over.’” 
 
 Apparently not all of the soldiers were ready to kill and rape that day. A woman who identified herself as A. B., who lives in Conakry’s Hamdallaye neighbourhood, told IRIN that after two soldiers raped her, another man in military uniform intervened. 
 
 “He brought me to an area where there were some other women, and two youths came and said they would protect us. Then the first group of soldiers came and shot the young men. The soldiers ordered us to laugh and applaud.” 
 
 Engraved 
 
 In Dakar, Djeneba’s food and rent are still covered by donors helping stadium victims. But the 30-year-old university student who was active in civic life said her life today - mostly eating and sleeping, with the occasional chat with building-mates and fellow Guineans - leaves far too much space for memories - especially at night but even during the day, thoughts and visions of the violence flood her mind. “That day is engraved on our minds.” 
 
 The event persists in another indelible way for Djeneba - in colour photographs that clearly identify her and two other rape victims, published in a Senegalese magazine. She keeps a copy in a knapsack with her medical and university documents. 
 
 The women said they had no idea their images were going to be published. The magazine circulated in Guinea and was covered on national TV there. “My family saw it. Some people in Guinea were saying we took money to denounce our country and Dadis. 
 
 “We were raped in Guinea, then raped again in Senegal. I still see that publication in shops. To this day people say to me, ‘Hey - didn’t I see you in that magazine?’ I tell them it’s not me. There are days I simply dare not go out. Imagine - even people in Guinea who don’t know me will now see me as someone who was raped. This all just weighs too heavily on me. The adage is ‘where there is life there is hope’ - a lot of people died in the stadium that day - but I don’t know when the hope is going to emerge.” 
 
 HIV 
 
 Sitting on a mattress in her room in Dakar, Djeneba hands over some medical documents. “HIV positive’’ is written in bold black in the middle of the first page. This is the second thing blocking her from returning home to Guinea. 
 
 “In Guinea if you say you have HIV, people will be afraid of you. Especially in my ethnic group - Peulh... People will say I’m going to contaminate them. They won’t eat with me, they will reject me… I long to see my parents. I miss my country. But when I think of the HIV I decide just to stay on here for now. 
 
 “I always envisioned a family, children, a good husband. But now, with HIV, how could I ever have a husband? Back in Guinea, if the family were ever to say there is a man who wants to marry me, once he learns about the HIV he would never come around again. That hurts.” 
 
 She said she sees a doctor periodically to check her CD4 count, which measures the strength of one’s immune system; for now it is not at a level to start antiretrovirals. 
 
 Even were she to find someone who would accept her HIV status, she is not sure she could ever interact in any meaningful way with a man again. 
 
 “Just seeing a man is agonizing for me. When I see a man it’s as if instantly I’m naked in front of him. I used to say hello to men and we’d kid around. But now, even if sometimes I say hello, it’s not coming from me. Deep inside I’ve got hatred. All men did this to me.” 
 
 Move on but don’t forget 
 
 Djeneba said she remains broken partly because her country still is. Like many others in Guinea, she had hoped the events of 28 September would make a long-overdue political transition irreversible in Guinea. But since a presidential election on 27 June, political strife and violent clashes between supporters of the two second-round candidates have marred the process. 
 
 She is alarmed by the uncertainty and the ethnic hostilities. Her own peace of mind and future, she said, hangs largely on how things will evolve in Guinea. When she heard of longstanding ethnic tensions surfacing in the election campaign, she feared Guinean leaders were forgetting 28 September. “All of Guinea’s ethnic groups were in that stadium that day. When I hear people so focused on ethnicity - this burns me inside. I’m worried about it… It’s as if they’ve forgotten." 
 
 Supporters of the two candidates - Cellou Dalein Diallo from the 40-percent-strong Peulh ethnic group, and Alpha Condé from the second-largest group, the Malinké - are largely divided along ethnic lines. 
 
 “I cannot be at peace until the country is stable,” Djeneba said. “Guinea’s leaders must remember the girls, the women, the grandmothers who were raped on 28 September, put ethnocentrism aside and think of our collective future… It was because of us, because of the rapes, that the world paid attention and things turned around… But today there’s no telling where Guinea is going.” 
 
 (*not her real name) 

Click here for In-depth: Coping with crisis
http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?InDepthID=87&ReportID=90978

 np/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=90974</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201010111721330504t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 10 November 2010 (IRIN) - On 28 September 2009 in a Guinea stadium, Djeneba* was raped by a soldier while another beat her head. Calling her a criminal and a whore, the men then shoved a wooden club into her vagina. “I was hanging between life and death.”</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Plan to remove toxic chemicals on hold </title><pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908112028110060t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 05 November 2010 (IRIN) - More than a year after their discovery, toxic and flammable chemicals stored throughout the Guinea capital Conakry remain in place - a UN plan to remove them repeatedly held up by political instability.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 05 November 2010 (IRIN) - More than a year after their discovery, toxic and flammable chemicals stored throughout the Guinea capital Conakry remain in place - a UN plan to remove them repeatedly held up by political instability. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=85678 ]

A UN official said the substances (see box) - many of which can be used to make or refine illicit drugs - are safely stored and under police guard so they are not likely to pose a threat if there is unrest during the presidential run-off election set for 7 November. Since the 27 June first-round presidential election, Guinea has seen widespread unrest as ethnic strife has marred a transition to democratic civilian government after decades of repressive military rule. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89627 ] [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90940 ]

“These products are under the authority of the Security [and Civil Protection] Ministry and guarded by police, and most of these sites are not in public areas where people might hold political demonstrations,” UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) West Africa deputy representative Cyriaque Sobtafo told IRIN. [ http://www.unodc.org/ ]

During an apparent crackdown on the illicit drug trade Guinea armed forces in July 2009 seized large quantities of chemicals at a number of sites throughout Conakry. The authorities later asked the international community for assistance in handling the substances and eventually destroying or removing them, saying Guinea did not have the means. 

UNODC has been working on a plan to remove the chemicals, but instability following the 28 September 2009 military attack on civilians forced delays, according to Sobtafo. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=87091 ]

UNODC recently contracted a French company to remove the substances but is waiting until after the election to proceed. Sobtafo noted that the authorities also have yet to sign the necessary papers. 

“We think that once the elections are over we’ll be able to re-launch the process; for now the atmosphere is such that perhaps it’s not the best time for the authorities to sign the documents necessary to proceed,” Sobtafo told IRIN. 

“All the papers were submitted to the Guinea government in August 2010… The government must sign these to permit the company to come in and operate in a transparent and official manner. Perhaps due to the fact that everyone is focused on the elections, the Guinean authorities have not yet signed the documents.” 

Safe storage 

After an August 2009 mission UNODC said it is critical the substances are properly stored to avoid detonation. IRIN visited two of the sites in August 2009; the substances were in air-conditioned buildings sealed off and guarded by security forces. 

Sobtafo said he last saw the substances in place in May 2010. “Since then the authorities assure us that the chemicals remain stored as they were.” 

While the substances are commonly used in industrial processes, the quantities discovered surpassed Guinea’s legitimate demands, according to UNODC. 

Guinean authorities could not be reached for comment. 

np/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91006</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908112028110060t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 05 November 2010 (IRIN) - More than a year after their discovery, toxic and flammable chemicals stored throughout the Guinea capital Conakry remain in place - a UN plan to remove them repeatedly held up by political instability.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA: Reining in ethnic violence </title><pubDate>Mon, 01 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281529210546t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 01 November 2010 (IRIN) - In Guinea, religious and traditional leaders, youth groups and citizens are scrambling to contain ethnic unrest after clashes between the two main groups, Malinké and Peulh – rivals in an upcoming second-round presidential election.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 01 November 2010 (IRIN) - In Guinea, religious and traditional leaders, youth groups and citizens are scrambling to contain ethnic unrest after clashes between the two main groups, Malinké and Peulh – rivals in an upcoming second-round presidential election. 

The run-off candidates, Alpha Condé, a Malinké, and Cellou Dalein Diallo, a Peulh, were to have toured the country together last week to call for calm, but Condé supporters told him not to participate, saying they wanted answers about the alleged poisoning of followers by members of his opponent's party. 

Tensions were already high and the alleged poisoning incident triggered attacks in the week of 18 October, according to a resident of the northern town of Siguiri - a Condé stronghold. "People here said enough is enough," he told IRIN. 

Since independence in 1958, Guinea has had Malinké and Soussou presidents, then two years with a military ruler from the Forest Region. Many Peulh, the majority ethnic group, insist it is "our turn now". 

In the most recent violence, Malinké youth destroyed shops belonging to Peulh in several towns, according to witnesses, including Malinké residents of their native Siguiri; in some cases people attacked Peulh residents with clubs and iron bars, according to one man who said he saw such attacks in the southeastern city of Kissidougou. Hundreds of Peulh have now fled homes and businesses in predominantly Malinké cities in the north. 

Youths in Siguiri told IRIN they do not want to fight with the Peulh - they simply want the government to shed light on alleged attacks by Diallo supporters and condemn any wrongdoers.

Many of the displaced have fled to the mostly Peulh Fouta Djallon region. Their arrival itself threatened to trigger fighting when Peulh in the central city of Mamou wanted to retaliate upon seeing injured people among the displaced. 

Healing message 

Religious leaders in the main Fouta city of Labé quickly dispatched a letter to traditional leaders in Kankan, Kissidougou, Siguiri and other towns, asking them to avoid ethnic conflict. 

“We told them to avoid attacks on Peulh in their towns and that here in Labé, Peulh would not attack Malinké,” El Hadj Badrou Bah, the imam at Labé’s main mosque, told IRIN. “We are all Guineans; we are all one another’s sons and brothers – this is the message we sent out.” 

He said Peulh living in the clash-hit areas also sent delegations to Labé, urging Peulh not to attack Malinké, for fear of reprisals up north, where Peulh traders have lived and worked for generations. 

Bah said Labé residents of the city were collecting money to provide food to the displaced, mostly children. 

Guineans in several main cities said as of 31 October things were calmer and they hoped stability would prevail, but that the fear of more and worsening clashes remains. 

“This is a problem that is enormously difficult to manage, because it has become purely racial,” said Alpha Oumar Baldé, who fled Kissidougou – where he has a store – and joined his wife and children in Labé. 

“Please tell the international community to watch this closely. The situation is critical. Everyone fears civil war.” 

Baldé has returned to his family in Labé but left his livelihood behind. Asked how he would now support himself and his family said: “It’s only God who will come to our aid now. Everything’s at a standstill. There are [displaced] families who have no idea how they’re going to find enough to eat.” 

He said displaced Guineans wonder how they will be able to vote in the second-round poll, set for 7 November. 

Guineans were cautiously hopeful after the 27 June first-round that the country was finally seeing the beginnings of a transition to stability and civilian rule, but violence has marred the political process since. More than 1,000 people have been injured, three women raped and at least 17 people killed in unrest since campaigning began for the first round, according to a health sector crisis committee led by the World Health Organization and the Health Ministry. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?Reportid=89627 ]

“We take one step forward and five steps back,” said Thierno Baldé, head of a youth association, who since before the first round has travelled around the country talking to youth about how to avoid conflict. 

He finds hope in the fact that not all young people want to fight. A vendor in Mamou who preferred anonymity said: “I and my friends didn’t want to take revenge against the Malinké, so we didn’t.” 

np/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=90940</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281529210546t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 01 November 2010 (IRIN) - In Guinea, religious and traditional leaders, youth groups and citizens are scrambling to contain ethnic unrest after clashes between the two main groups, Malinké and Peulh – rivals in an upcoming second-round presidential election.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
