<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Governance</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 18:30:39 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>SUDAN-SOUTH SUDAN: Pressgangs &quot;still operating in Khartoum&quot;</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260939470421t.jpg" />]]>JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital. 

Although the alleged forced recruitment appears to have died down since a reported spate of abductions in late December, South Sudan’s information minister and government spokesman Barnaba Marial Benjamin said it was still taking place sporadically. 

It happens “from time to time, it is random; they don’t have specific dates when they carry it out. Even if it goes down [in frequency], doesn’t happen for two or three days, you hear again a week later the same process is being repeated over and over again,” he told IRIN. 

Benjamin accused “national security authorities in the Republic of Sudan [of] encouraging the militia groups that are in Khartoum to forcefully recruit some of the [southern] students from the University of Khartoum” and send them to training camps “to be part of the militia groups” fighting the Juba government. 

Although Sudan has denied any involvement, Benjamin said a government delegation travelled from Juba to Khartoum in January to call “for this type of activity to stop. But it seems that nothing is stopping... and I think that this is actually spoiling the principle of building relations between the two states."  

In late December, Simon*, a 49-year-old Southerner living in Khartoum, told IRIN about his own narrow escape from recruitment. 

“There were seven of us in the middle of a big market in Khartoum at around 2pm. I saw seven people coming to us. Two of them had pistols under their jackets. ‘Come with us,’ they told us. We were taken in a pick-up truck to an empty house in west Omdurman. 

 “There were five others prisoners. They chained our feet and left us only an empty jerry-can to use as a toilet. They told us they wanted to bring us to the South to fight against the SPLA," he said, referring to the Sudan People's Liberation Army, the regular army of South Sudan. 

Simon says he owes his freedom to his employers, who paid the abductors the equivalent of about US$1,500 for his release. 

It is unclear how many such abductions have taken place. One aid worker in Khartoum said in late December, “We have heard from embassies, press reports, local organizations and NGOs that about 200-300 South Sudanese people have been kidnapped in Khartoum in the last couple of months. There is no official figure, only unofficial reports.” 

A man reliably introduced to IRIN as a southern rebel commander, William Goikang, said he helped to plan the abductions.  

“Now we are taking students. Some follow us without quarrel and for others we have to use force... We only take men between 20 and 30,” he told IRIN in late 2011. 

Goikang said the conscripts were taken to one of six training centres in South Sudan’s Unity and Jonglei states, but he denied any ransoms were demanded or that the Khartoum government had any role in the recruitments. 

Sudanese Information Ministry spokesman Rabbie Abdellati Ebait told IRIN his government was “against all crimes such as abductions. If cases arise, the police are there to track down and catch the criminals. It has nothing to do with political matters." 

*Not his real name 

mg-hm/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94811</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260939470421t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA-KHARTOUM 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Rebel groups fighting South Sudan’s government have bolstered their ranks through the forced recruitment of southerners living in Khartoum, according to a senior official in Juba, a self-styled rebel leader, and a man who escaped a pressgang in Sudan’s capital.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Leprosy fight still flagging</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202071354370157t.jpg" />]]>DIMBOKRO/TOUMODI 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s leprosy programme was consistently under-funded during the civil war (2002-2007) and last year’s political turmoil, say health practitioners, leading to a loss of expertise in terms of detecting or treating the disease.</description><body><![CDATA[DIMBOKRO/TOUMODI 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s leprosy programme was consistently under-funded during the civil war (2002-2007) and last year’s political turmoil, say health practitioners, leading to a loss of expertise in terms of detecting or treating the disease.
 
Not considered a public health priority, the government and donors de-prioritized the leprosy fight over the past decade, with funding dropping to 30 percent of the original total, according to Alain de Kersabiec, Côte d’Ivoire and Benin representative for French NGO the Follereau Foundation (FRF), [ http://www.who.int/buruli/partners/AFRF/en/ ] which helps treat existing and new leprosy patients around the country.
 
The World Health Organization (WHO) considers a disease to be a public health emergency if the prevalence is greater than one case per 10,000 inhabitants (a 0.01 prevalence rate). In 2009, the leprosy prevalence rate was 0.36 in Côte d’Ivoire.
 
While there is enough medicine available to treat leprosy - WHO provides it all - detecting and monitoring new cases in remote areas is difficult given the lack of qualified nurses and means of transport such as motorcycles to reach villages, said Joachim Akochi, one of 70 state nurses trained to detect and treat leprosy countrywide.
 
FRF has in many cases been stepping in to fill the gaps: It provides nurses with petrol coupons to help reach leprosy patients for instance - but now it is trying to ease off, said Kersabiec, hoping state institutions will step in to take responsibility, he told IRIN. 
 
There is good news: The caseload is going down. In 2011 some 770 new cases were detected versus 887 cases in 2009, according to the Côte d’Ivoire Health Ministry, though Kersabiec notes the number of cases being detected is “stagnating”, so it is it is difficult to give accurate figures.
 
Over the past few years the health system’s understanding of leprosy has gradually been eroded, said Kersabiec. “A nurse at a health centre may never have encountered a case of leprosy - they are not accustomed to treating it,” he said. 
 
Too many cases are left to develop into advanced stages, said Kersabiec, who describes the disease as “insidious and silent”: A painless incubation period can last for years, while the first symptoms can take up to 20 years to appear. “The symptoms appear very late. Thus, when a new case is detected, it is very difficult to know where and when the person was infected,” he told IRIN.
 
Another problem is that many people live up to 20km from their nearest health clinic, making it difficult for them to visit.
 
Leprosy can be treated in 6-12 months, at which point the patient will no longer be contagious, but once symptoms such as loss of limbs or blindness have set in, they cannot be reversed.
 
Treatment is particularly patchy in the north, which was ruled by the ex-rebel Forces Nouvelles for a decade, during which time much of the state infrastructure was neglected. Many nurses left northern Côte d’Ivoire to work in the south, according to health practitioners.
 
Many leprosy patients are reluctant to come forward as some associate the disease with having been cursed, said Akochi, who works in the southern central department of Tomoudi. "Once they [patients] start to lose their limbs, many patients become ashamed and hide,” he said.
 
Traditional healers often play into this dynamic, having little medical knowledge of leprosy and giving patients inappropriate treatment, said Akochi. 
 
Shame, poverty
 
Part of the shame may also be linked to poverty: Leprosy mainly affects poor and remote parts of the country, partly because unhygienic living conditions help the bacteria carrying leprosy to spread (it is spread via droplets in the mouth or nose). 
 
"Leprosy is a disease of poverty: it is caused by poverty and throws sufferers into even greater poverty once they contract it,” says Kersabiec.
 
A nun, Sister Pauline, runs a health clinic in Dimbokro, south-central Côte d’Ivoire, and looks after people living with leprosy in the village of Chrétienko 5km away, trying to build their confidence and help them lead productive lives. 
 
"They are encouraged to get to work, not to pity themselves or their situation,” Sister Pauline told IRIN. 
 
"We try to help patients but not so much that they become overly-dependent,” said Sister Pauline. "To be mutilated will always be painful, but people must leave the house, do what they can to survive. They must live,” she said.
 
Former leprosy patient Samuel, lives in Chrétienko, where he is undergoing training to become a shoemaker, making special shoes for people living with leprosy. "I am very proud because it allows me to show the world that despite the handicap, we can do things," he told IRIN.
 
Views on leprosy are changing slowly, said Sister Pauline. "Things are moving in a positive direction, and there is less [societal] rejection than before," she said.

After just eight months in power, it is too early to tell if President Alassane Ouattara’s government will reinvigorate the leprosy fight, said Kersabiec. But, having met the health minister on 2 February, he has hope: “I wait to see if the engagement is real, the resources put in place, and promises kept.”
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94814</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202071354370157t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DIMBOKRO/TOUMODI 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s leprosy programme was consistently under-funded during the civil war (2002-2007) and last year’s political turmoil, say health practitioners, leading to a loss of expertise in terms of detecting or treating the disease.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Players who could throw the upcoming elections off-track</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.

While some observers argue that the election is a mere change of guard, others suggest it is the only way to save Yemen from collapse - ending President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule in accordance with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered agreement signed in November 2011.

The GCC deal aimed to end a year of fighting that led to a deepening humanitarian crisis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94506 ] But the election is being held under difficult circumstances. 

Violence remains widespread across the country and the election is being opposed by Islamist militants, some elements within the Southern Movement, and the Houthis, who were left out of the November deal.

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), [ http://reliefweb.int/node/474598 ] data compiled by the government’s executive unit for internally displaced persons (IDPs) shows that 144,000 people have been displaced in southern and central Yemen since May 2011, and over 80,000 in Abyan Governorate alone.

In Kisher District in the northern governorate of Hajjah hundreds of people have been displaced by recent clashes between Houthis and Salafists. Hajjah is also where tens of thousands of IDPs have been displaced since 2004 by conflict between government and Houthi forces. Over 300,000 remain displaced in Sa’dah Governorate.

Saleh, now undergoing medical treatment in the USA, remains influential within the army, where his son commands an elite brigade; in the economy, where his relatives and cronies hold sway; and in politics where he remains head of the ruling General People’s Congress (GPC). 

Hadi, who has been vice-president since 1994 and is GPC deputy chairman, is considered to be more open to dialogue with the opposition, including influential figures such as Gen Ali Mohsen (an erstwhile Saleh supporter) and Hamid al-Ahmar (a wealthy Sheikh from the opposition Islah Party). In view of the support he has among opposition groups he is viewed as the “consensus” candidate, who will guide the country through a two-year transitional period, in an attempt to resolve issues in the contested South and North, reunite the army and security forces, and prepare the country for competitive elections.

After approving Hadi’s nomination, parliament suspended its proceedings until after the election, essentially rejecting all other nominations, with the view that a competitive election at such a tense time could spark violence. The intention of the coming elections is to transfer power smoothly from Saleh, avoid violence and restore peace and services in Yemen. But many obstacles remain. 

IRIN looks at some of the other key players and groups who could influence the polls.

Al-Musaibly

Ahmad al-Musaibly, a TV announcer supported mainly by youthful protesters, had tried to contest the presidency, but parliament did not accept his credentials. 

Al-Musaibly has no party affiliation, and says he is an “independent revolutionary”. He used to work for Yemen's main state-run TV, but resigned from his job in March to join the anti-Saleh protest movement.

“We need an independent president for the transitional period who believes in the legitimacy of the Youth Revolution against the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh,” the Organizing Committee of the Youth Revolution (OCYR), which supports his candidature, said in a statement on 15 January.

“There are millions of independent Yemeni citizens whom we expect will support this independent presidential candidate,” OCYR media coordinator Zaki Sallam told IRIN. “We expect the international community, which rejects the granting of immunity to killers, to support our candidate.”

His supporters, who had already started printing campaign materials, are likely to be frustrated by his inability to run and could cause trouble. 

GPC

Despite some defections since political unrest began in February 2011, the GPC still has nearly 200 members in the 301-seat parliament, and holds half the posts in the 34-member interim cabinet. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94482 ]

In power for 10 years, and with a nationwide membership going back to when it was founded in the 1980s, party members head many institutions at governorate and district levels. The GPC will no doubt exploit the electoral advantages of incumbency.

Tensions within its leadership have, however, become evident lately. On 10 January, Hadi threatened not to run for president after GPC members accused him of defying Saleh’s authority, with some calling him a traitor.

The issue of immunity from prosecution for Saleh and his closest associates is likely to cause further problems for the GPC: Observers believe the GPC could have difficulty explaining the amnesty to a disgruntled electorate.

The cabinet recently approved a draft law granting amnesty to Saleh, but the decision has sparked widespread anger especially among young Yemenis, and criticism from human rights watchdogs. Yet party stalwarts seem determined: "No election may take place unless the capital Sana’a is cleared of gunmen and a draft law granting immunity to Saleh and his aides is approved," said Sultan al-Barakani, head of the party's parliamentary bloc.

JMP

Established in 2003, and active nationwide, Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) is a coalition of six major opposition parties: the Islamist Islah Party, the Yemeni Socialist Party, the Nasserite Unionist Popular Organization, the Arab Baath Party, the Union of Popular Forces, and the Haq Party.

It is chaired by Abdulwahab al-Anisi of the Islah Party. In December 2011, it took up half the seats in the interim cabinet under the GGC-brokered deal, including the position of prime minister. It has some 60 members in parliament.

JMP has been heavily involved in the nationwide protests against Saleh, and has been accused by GPC of involvement in staff protests at several state institutions - where JMP called for the ouster of institutional heads who are GPC members.

Najiba Mutahar, a political analyst at Taiz University, said attempts by some JMP parliamentarians to obstruct the amnesty law shows the JMP’s lack of support for it. 

JMP, particularly Islah, has widespread support nationwide. It wants the current first-past-the-post system replaced by proportional representation, believing it to be more democratic.

The coalition is supported by “powerful and wealthy figures including Hamid al-Ahmar”, Ahmad al-Zawqari, a member of local NGO Yemen Election Monitoring Network (YEMN), told IRIN.

The "revolutionaries"

Despite the GCC deal, tens of thousands of young protesters calling themselves "revolutionaries" are still camping out in Sana'a and other main cities.

The “revolutionaries” who started the protest movement in February 2011, have long been wary of opposition compromises with the Saleh regime, a fact which may explain their reluctance to support the GCC-brokered deal.

They are opposed to immunity for Saleh and his aides, and are therefore unlikely to back any political group which supports the amnesty. 

"Why give immunity to killers… who killed thousands of us… We will continue protesting until the killers are tried before our eyes," Tawakkul Karman, a young protest leader and Nobel Prize laureate, [ http://www.freep.com/article/20111113/NEWS02/111113026/Nobel-Peace-Prize-winner-decries-Yemeni-President-Ali-Saleh ] told IRIN. 

Observers fear the young protesters could try and disrupt the elections. "Young protesters may escalate their protests, leading to violence and hindering the elections since they think parliament betrayed them by approving the immunity law on 21 January,” said Sheikh Nassr al-Shahiri, leader of the Supreme Council of Central Lands, a pro-JMP tribal coalition. They have already staged protests in Sana’a, Taiz and Aden.

The Southern Movement (SM)

SM comprises tens of thousands of people demanding the secession of the south.

Led by Hassan Baoum, the movement is active in the southern governorates of Dhalea, Lahj, Aden and Abyan; and the eastern governorates of Shabwa, Hadhramaut and Mahrah. It is opposed to the GCC-deal and the February elections.

In a rally in the southern port city of Aden in early January, hundreds of SM members burnt their voting IDs in front of cameras, indicating that they would boycott the elections.

"No polling station will be allowed to open in our territory… No citizen will be allowed to participate in the vote," Salah al-Shanfarah, an SM leader in Aden, told IRIN. "Any election will be illegitimate since our territory is being occupied by northerners."

Some SM members are armed. On 13 January clashes caused seven deaths and 26 injuries. “Their calls for boycotting the elections may find listening ears in the southern streets where people suffer poverty, poor basic services and feel they are excluded from real partnership in power and resources,” said YEMN’s al-Zawqari.

Islamic militants

Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), is a loose affiliation of foreign Al-Qaeda fighters and local militants that has been increasingly confronting the Yemeni government in southern Yemen. Abyan Governorate is its main stronghold, but it is also active in the adjacent governorates of Shabwa, Beidha, Marib and al-Jawf. 

Mostly from Yemen and Saudi Arabia, its militants have exploited the weak control of the central governorate over several parts of the country and gained more territory, recently expanding their operations to Radaa city in Beidha Governorate.

Sheikh Mohammed Bin Sabaa, from Abyan, told IRIN that Ansar al-Sharia are vowing not to allow the election management committees to enter the governorate. “They don’t recognize elections,” he said. “They see democracy as a Western concept introduced by the US.” 

Ongoing military operations against the militants have made various areas of the south unsafe. The movement and expansion of Al-Qaeda and affiliated groups will negatively affect political progress and lead to security tensions, Ayesh Awas, a security researcher at the Saba Centre for Strategic Studies, told the Yemen Times. [ http://yementimes.com/en/1543/news/267/Al-Qaeda-may-hinder-political-progress.htm ] "It's not reasonable to hold elections in the areas of conflict," he said.

The Houthis

Led by Shia cleric Abdulmalik al-Houthi, this Shia rebel group is active in the northern governorates of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Amran, as well as in some parts of Hajjah. It also has thousands of loyalists in Sana’a and other governorates.

They want more autonomy and ultimately the return of the pre-1962 Hashemite Imamate.

The Houthis are opposed to the GCC-brokered deal because of Saudi involvement: Saudi Arabia waged a war against them in 2009. They see democracy as a Western concept arbitrarily imposed on Yemen by the USA, but have supported anti-Saleh protests.

"In Islam, we have a caliphate, but not democracy which is an American concept," said Sameeh al-Rijami, a leader of the movement.

Observers say polling may not take place in Sa’dah and neighbouring areas due to insecurity. Currently, the Houthis are fighting Salafist Sunnis in some parts of Sa’dah, al-Jawf and Hajjah governorates.

Hashid Tribal Confederation

This Confederation of several tribes is loyal to powerful Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar, who has been involved in sporadic clashes with pro-government army units since May 2011.

The Confederation is believed to have tens of thousands of gunmen, mainly from Amran, Marib and Sana’a governorates. It has several hundred gunmen protecting al-Ahmar in the al-Hasaba area, north of Sana’a.

They have so far refused to leave Sana’a, as per the GPC-brokered deal, raising tension in the capital just weeks before the elections. “If Saleh wants immunity, he should leave Yemen," al-Ahmar told UN envoy to Yemen Jamal Bin Omar on 12 January.

Defected army units

Some 25-30,000 soldiers are believed to have defected, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94000 ] and represent a serious source of tension which could affect the elections, according to observers.

These include the First Armoured Division in the capital, and other divisions in the northwestern and eastern parts of the country which are loyal to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh, commander of the Northwestern Military Zone, who says he is in favour of the elections.

The GCC deal requires all troops to be confined to barracks before the elections, but Ali Mohsen Saleh has not complied, fearing his troops could be vulnerable to attack by Republican Guards.

Republican Guard (RG)

Led by Brig Ahmad Ali Saleh, a son of President Saleh, the elite force of 23 divisions is based in Sana’a and other governorates including Dhamar, Ibb, Taiz, Beidha, Hudeidah and Hadhramaut.

RG is estimated to have some 40,000 soldiers controlling almost all strategic mountaintop positions overlooking Sana’a city.

Troops which have defected to Maj-Gen Ali Mohsen Saleh are demanding that RG abandon such positions before they withdraw from Sana’a, a demand which has been rejected by RG commanders.

Sources:
http://www.arabic-military.com/t11420-topic
http://yemen-press.com/news3179.html
http://www.alahmar.net/
http://www.al-tagheer.com/news38651.html
http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=24733
http://marebpress.taiz-press.net/

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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94815</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202080902110728t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 08 February 2012 (IRIN) - After a year of mass demonstrations and street battles which brought the country to the brink of civil war, Yemen is preparing for presidential elections on 21 February; the sole candidate, Vice-President Abdu Rabo Mansour Hadi, kicked off his campaign yesterday.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>PAKISTAN: Quetta&apos;s Hazara community living in fear</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202070931490115t.jpg" />]]>QUETTA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Widespread fear of harassment, discrimination and killings has prompted some Hazara community members living in Quetta, the capital of Balochistan Province in southwestern Pakistan, to consider leaving the country, even by illegal means.</description><body><![CDATA[QUETTA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Widespread fear of harassment, discrimination and killings has prompted some Hazara community members living in Quetta, the capital of Balochistan Province in southwestern Pakistan, to consider leaving the country, even by illegal means.

“Over 600 Hazaras have been killed since 2000,” Abdul Qayuum Changezi, head of the Hazara Jarga, a group representing Hazaras, told IRIN. Media reports speak of dozens recently killed in attacks on the community in Quetta [ http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=9314&Cat=13 ] and in other parts [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/256419/gunmen-attack-bus-in-balochistan-20-killed/ ] of the province.

The Hazaras constitute a distinct ethnic group, with some accounts [ http://www.hazara.net/hazara/hazara.html ] tracing their history to central Asia. Almost all belong to the Shia Muslim sect, speak a dialect of Farsi, and are concentrated in central Afghanistan and some parts of Pakistan. There are some 6,000 to 7,000 Hazaras in the country, according to a Hazara chief, Sardar Saadat Ali.

In Quetta, many of them live in Alamdar Road. Close by, Ali Hassan, 55, and his two sons, both in their 20s, were engrossed in a fierce argument in their small house - when IRIN visited - about leaving the country, even if illegally.

According to the two, there is too much discrimination against the Hazaras for them to have a future. “It is simply too dangerous to live here. Besides, Hazaras get no opportunities in education or for jobs, because of the bias that exists,” said Ibrar Ali, 21, the younger of Hassan’s sons.

However, their parents were terrified of allowing them to try and leave, mainly because of an incident in December last year in which at least 55 Hazaras from Quetta were killed [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/309165/indonesia-boat-tragedy-55-quetta-youth-missing-at-sea/ ] when a boat carrying some 90 illegal immigrants to Australia capsized off the coast of Indonesia.

“The boat was overloaded with over 250 people, including children and women,” said Nasir Ali, whose brother was on the ill-fated boat, but survived.

“Persecution”

Following the incident, the autonomous Human Rights Commission of Pakistan [ http://www.hrcp-web.org/showprel.asp?id=249 ] demanded a government inquiry. In a statement, HRCP chairperson Zohra Yusuf said the fact that “Hazara young men chose to leave Pakistan by taking such grave risks is a measure of the persecution the Hazara community has long faced in Balochistan.” 

The statement also urged the government to act against those illegally ferrying people out of the country in exchange for large sums of money, and demanded it “take urgent steps to find a way to put an end to the persecution of the long-suffering Hazara community”.

The New York based monitoring body Human Rights Watch (HRW) has also condemned the sectarian killing of Shia Muslims [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/12/03/pakistan-protect-shia-muslims ] in Pakistan, and has noted: "Research indicates that at least 275 Shias, mostly of Hazara ethnicity, have been killed in sectarian attacks in the southwestern province of Balochistan alone since 2008." HRW Asia director Brad Adams says a start can be made to ending such killings "by arresting extremist group members responsible for past attacks”.

Anger within the Hazara community runs deep, and has been growing.

“The news of the killings and the desperation of the community is terrible. I weep often when I read of what is happening. I want to return to Quetta, because I love my home town; I want to be close to my parents and live there with my own family. But my fiancé and I ask if it will be sensible to raise our children in a climate of death,” Mina Ali, a medical student from the Hazara community currently based in Karachi, told IRIN. 

Her fiancé, also a Hazara, is keen to try and flee the country, whether “legally or illegally”, Mina said.

“Genocide”?

Statements to the media from top government officials, including the chief minister of Balochistan, have also been perceived as insensitive [ http://hazaranewspakistan.wordpress.com/2011/10/05/chief-minister-balochistan-mocks-hazara-killings/ ] in their failure to strongly condemn killings that some commentators have described as a “genocide”. [ http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C10%5C20%5Cstory_20-10-2011_pg3_2 ] Others in Pakistan are demanding that the International Court of Justice look into the matter.

Hazara chief Sardar Saadat Ali, a former provincial minister, told IRIN most Hazaras in the country were based in Quetta but there were “also some in Hyderabad [in Sindh Province] and other Baloch districts”.

Ali, who has lost close relatives including his brother in targeted killings of Hazaras, said: “We can expect nothing from the government; so we act for ourselves. I personally went to Indonesia to bring back the bodies of the young Hazara men who had died in the boat tragedy. They were fleeing because of the security situation and in search of a chance to gain an education.”

Hazaras, he added, were being targeted on “both ethnic and sectarian grounds” by extremist groups - mainly the sectarian Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba, which have origins in the Punjab. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90760 ] He was also concerned about further persecution if the Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan.

“I don’t understand much about politics, but I worry constantly for my grown children, and their children," said Zareen Bibi, 60, a Hazara resident of Quetta. "Too many Hazaras have died, for no reason - and this inhumanity has to end. We all deserve dignity and the right to life."

kh/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94806</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202070931490115t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">QUETTA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - Widespread fear of harassment, discrimination and killings has prompted some Hazara community members living in Quetta, the capital of Balochistan Province in southwestern Pakistan, to consider leaving the country, even by illegal means.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: London conference &quot;an opportunity&quot; for Somaliland</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006251010570984t.jpg" />]]>HARGEISA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - More than two decades after it unilaterally asserted its independence from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland plans to lobby hard at a major conference in London in February for something it has sorely lacked since its inception: international recognition of its sovereignty.</description><body><![CDATA[HARGEISA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - More than two decades after it unilaterally asserted its independence from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland plans to lobby hard at a major conference in London in February for something it has sorely lacked since its inception: international recognition of its sovereignty.

"Somaliland will attend because 44 nations will be there and those are the ones we need to lobby and explain why Somaliland should be recognized; we see it as an opportunity," Abdillahi Jama Geeljire, Somaliland's Minister of Fisheries and Ports, said.

The London Conference, hosted by the UK government, is expected to bring together "senior representatives from over 40 governments and multi-lateral organizations... with the aim of delivering a new international approach to Somalia", according to a statement posted on the website [ http://www.fco.gov.uk/en/news/somalia-conference/ ] of the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Geeljire said: "Somaliland was invited on equal terms with those nations that will participate; it is a golden opportunity for our country and will give us the exposure we need to present our case. It will provide Somaliland with the opportunity to share with our Somali brothers our experience and how we achieved the peace and stability we enjoy today and they are searching for."

The larger Somalia has been embroiled in conflict since 1991 and has not had a functioning central government since then. One of the aims of the conference is to help pave the way for a permanent administration to replace the transitional one whose mandate expires in August.

The meeting's agenda, which does not include the question of Somaliland's sovereignty, covers issues such as root causes of Somalia's conflicts, counter-terrorism, piracy and humanitarian coordination.

Mixed reactions

Somaliland's attendance required overturning a legal ban on participating in such international meetings. During a 5 February joint session of the bicameral parliament in Hargeisa, 101 legislators approved the change, with just three voting against it.

"It is a mistake and we should not be there [at the London Conference]," said Ahmedyassin Sheikh Ali, one of the MPs.

Ali said Somaliland had thrived in the past 20 years "because we stayed away from those conferences [about Somalia] and we should have done the same this time around".

He said parliament's decision was a "mistake equal to the one we made in 1960" - when the momentarily independent Somaliland, previously a British territory, chose to merge with the rest of Somalia, which had recently gained independence from Italy.

Ali added the best outcome from the conference would be a decision by the representatives of Somaliland "to reject any decision that will in any way drag us into the Somalia mess."

Mohamed-Rahsid Muhumud Farah, a veteran Somaliland journalist, told IRIN the conference should be about the Somalis talking directly to one another. The London Conference, he said, was a stage "where the UK government will dictate and the Somalis will have very little say”.

"The only conference Somaliland should attend should be one where Somalis talk, whether they agree to separate or reunite does not matter, but they should be talking," Farah said.

ah-maj/am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94809</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006251010570984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARGEISA 07 February 2012 (IRIN) - More than two decades after it unilaterally asserted its independence from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland plans to lobby hard at a major conference in London in February for something it has sorely lacked since its inception: international recognition of its sovereignty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SAHEL: Donors learning funding lessons - slowly</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202061151210348t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, say aid groups.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - DAKAR, 3 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=81&reportid=89910 ] However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94082 ] say aid groups. 

As of now, over US$150 million has been pledged to respond to food insecurity, drought and nutrition needs in the Sahel, whereas at the same point in 2010 donors were doing “almost nothing”, said Amadou Sow in the Africa coordination division of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

As early as December 2011 aid agencies and national governments campaigned for aid, while OCHA released its emergency appeal - whereas in the 2010 crisis this was not released until April, far later in the lean season.

The European Commission (EC) has directed $138 million to the region, according to Cyprien Fabre, head of ECHO (EU aid body) in West Africa, who says there is “great commitment at the EU level”, with the development and humanitarian commissioners working closely together on the Sahel crisis. The EU is also expected to release longer-term funding soon.

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) meanwhile, has channeled $67 million to the crisis, $25.5 million of it to the World Food Programme in Niger and Chad; France and the UK Department for International Development have each directed $10 million towards five Sahelian countries without yet specifying what is going where; the UN Central Emergency Response Fund has released $16 million of start-up funding; while Sweden, Germany, Austria and other donors have allotted smaller sums. 

Most of these figures are not yet reflected in the OCHA financial tracking system [ http://reliefweb.int/sahel-food-insecurity2012 ] which currently states that the Chad and Niger appeals are respectively 7 and 15 percent funded. 

While such pledges are welcomed, the EC Humanitarian Commissioner, Kristalina Georgieva, recently said a conservative estimate of the needs over the next six months would be 500 million euros [US$654 million], “so there is clearly a considerable gap to fill,” noted Stephen Cockburn, West Africa campaigns and policy manager at Oxfam. 

Avoid repeat mistakes

Donors may fear repeating the mistakes of the Horn of Africa, where everyone responded too late, and may also want to show that they have learned the lessons from past Sahel crises, say aid workers. 

“Donors are more interested in the Sahel now,” said Fabre. “They probably want to make sure they don’t miss the opportunity to have a correct, coherent, quality response this time.”

However, some fear donors are waiting too long to specifically allocate their aid by country, positing they are waiting for more detailed figures on needs to be published. An OCHA Sahel strategy paper with specific needs in each country will be launched imminently.

Donors must not fund Chad and Niger to the neglect of other affected countries, including Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Mali, Nigeria, and Senegal, warns OCHA’s Sow.

Longer-term still under-funded

While pledging has been swifter, the long-term aid that Sahel experts have been pushing for for years is still not prioritized, say Sahel experts.  

“The argument [for longer-term resilience-oriented aid] has “not been won yet”, said Fabre. 

A number of aid agencies are involved in longer-term resilience work, such as Oxfam’s project to give people cash transfers or cash-for-work to help vulnerable families cope with high food prices. “Some donors [the European Union and DFID] are beginning to fund this work, but as an approach it remains under-prioritized,” said Oxfam’s Cockburn.

The prevention and treatment of moderate acute malnutrition is one chronically under-funded sector in the Sahel: While over one million children are expected to face severe and life-threatening malnutrition this year, in a “normal” year the figure hovers around 800,000. 

West Africa UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) nutrition specialist Robert Johnston told IRIN: “It is still difficult to ensure funding from government agencies for long-term preventative activities when there are critical life-saving interventions that they can respond to immediately. It’s much easier [for them] to justify life-saving than long-term.” 

Likewise, it can be hard to get national governments on board: “In areas with low levels of education and poor healthcare systems, it is hard to plant the seed of prevention as an idea.”

However, donor attitudes here are slowly changing, he said. UNICEF programmes now come from the point of view that emergency treatment and longer-term prevention of malnutrition are two sides of the same coin. “Everyone is starting to get the message,” he said. 

Aid agencies and donors should see their response to the Sahel drought as an opportunity to change their approach, said Kazimiro Rudolph-Jacondo, head of OCHA’s West Africa office in Dakar. “This is a window of opportunity to build on lessons learned from the past and to resolve these problems over the long term,” he told IRIN. 

aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94799</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202061151210348t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - This year donors are stepping up more quickly to meet Sahel’s humanitarian needs compared to 2010, when they were slow to respond. However, they are still at fault for taking a quick-fix approach rather than addressing long-term disaster prevention and resilience needs, say aid groups.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SAHEL: Displaced Malians burden food-insecure hosts</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009200747560203t.jpg" />]]>BAMAKO/DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Some 12,000 Malians have fled fighting in the towns of Ménaka and Anderamboucane in northern Mali and reached already food-insecure villages around Tillabéri in western Niger, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Niger’s capital, Niamey.</description><body><![CDATA[BAMAKO/DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Some 12,000 Malians have fled fighting in the towns of Ménaka and Anderamboucane in northern Mali and reached already food-insecure villages around Tillabéri in western Niger, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Niger’s capital, Niamey. 
 
The Malian refugees are spread across the villages of Mangaizé, Chinégodar, Koutoubou, Yassan and Ayorou in Niger, according to the Malian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with the bulk of them - an estimated 7,000 - in Chinégodar, which is usually home to 1,500, according to Franck Kuwonu at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Niamey.
 
Fighting broke out between Touareg rebels and former soldiers from Libya, and the Malian army in mid-January. Rebel groups and former Libya fighters have reportedly acquired fresh weapons as a result of the Libya conflict and have launched a new movement, the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), which calls for the creation of an independent state encompassing the regions of Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu in northern Mali.
 
Niger’s Tillabéri region has been hardest hit by the 2011 drought and poor harvest and many inhabitants are already facing severe food insecurity, according to the government and aid agencies. Though assessments are still under way, the government estimated late last year that just under half of Niger’s population would be short of food this year.
 
“Chinégodar doesn’t even have enough grain to feed its own small population,” said Kuwonu, noting there are three tons of millet in the cereal bank. Millet prices in the area are 24,000 CFA francs (US$50) per 100kg bag, up from 19,000 CFA francs ($40) this time last year.
 
The ICRC and NGO Médecins Sans Frontières have been quickest to respond to refugees’ needs, the former having repaired water pumps in stressed host towns and distributed some blankets, shelter materials and food; the latter sending a nurse with basic medical supplies to help those in need. 
 
However, logistics are slow said Kuwonu, and more food and shelter is needed. The ICRC spokesperson in Niamey, Germain Mwehu, told IRIN there is enough aid to meet immediate needs but not over the long-term.
 
An inter-agency UN mission evaluated the area last week and agency representatives are meeting tomorrow to discuss their response. Oxfam has also assessed the situation. All agencies will closely coordinate with the government on their response, said Kowonu. 
 
Heading for Mauritania, Burkina, Guinea
 
According to PANA Press, [ http://www.maghrebemergent.info/actualite/fil-maghreb/8612-mauritanie-afflux-de-refugies-maliens.html ] some 6,000 Malians have also fled fighting in Léré, Niafunké and Goundam in Mali’s northern Timbuktu region, and are sheltering in Fassala Néré in Mauritania, some 1,260km east of the capital Nouakchott. A number of the children among them are allegedly severely malnourished, according to local NGO Association for Research and Development in Mauritania.
 
The local authorities and UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are currently assessing the situation in more detail, UNHCR spokesperson Elise Villechalane told IRIN from Nouakchott. An unknown number of Malians have also fled east to Burkina Faso and western Guinea, says the ICRC in Mali. 
 
Meanwhile, an unknown number of Malians are fleeing south to Mopti, some 640km north of the capital Bamako, and to Bamako itself. 
 
Amina Coulibaly, a producer with national radio in Gao, eastern Mali, told IRIN from the capital: “Fighting has not yet broken out in Gao [town] but given that it is one of the places the Touaregs want to make part of their republic, I prefer to leave now.”
 
Mali has been struggling for several years to contain rebel groups in the north, the rising power of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) factions, and widespread contraband traffickers in its northern regions. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90703 ]
 
sd/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94803</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201009200747560203t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAMAKO/DAKAR 06 February 2012 (IRIN) - Some 12,000 Malians have fled fighting in the towns of Ménaka and Anderamboucane in northern Mali and reached already food-insecure villages around Tillabéri in western Niger, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Niger’s capital, Niamey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Never so divided, never so united</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg" />]]>LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</description><body><![CDATA[LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.

The removal of the subsidy on 1 January raised petrol prices from 65 naira to 141 naira (40 to 90 US cents) per litre, and led to sharp increases in food and transport costs.

The public response was swift and widespread. Led by labour unions, professional groups and civil society, different communities across this nation of 167 million people marched through the streets, paralysing businesses and even threatening to shut down the oil industry. A stunned government backed down, settling for a 50 percent rather than a more than 100 percent hike in the fuel price.

"Nigeria has never been this divided since the civil war, and yet the country has never been this united in protest in its history," said Hussaini Abdu, a public policy analyst and director of ActionAid Nigeria. [ http://www.actionaid.org/nigeria ]

Many people see cheap fuel as one of the few benefits they get from an otherwise inefficient and corrupt government. The protesters were putting down a marker, say analysts. “Nigerians think that by paying more for fuel, they are only subsidizing corruption,” said Abdu. 

The government’s position is that removal of the subsidy would save US$8 billion a year which could then be spent on roads and social projects, and improve citizens’ lives. It says the subsidy only benefits middlemen, not the public, and supporters say the fuel subsidy favours the rich and encourages fuel smuggling to neighbouring countries.

The government believes [ http://www.fmf.gov.ng/component/content/article/3-trendingnews/64-nigeria-shall-succeed-as-a-nation.html ] Nigerians will gain from deregulation of the downstream petroleum sector, and points to the planned or ongoing construction, completion and rehabilitation of railway lines, refineries, highways, hydro-electric stations, information technology and water supply systems. 

SURE

These projects, which will benefit the public, are to be executed under a Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE), which also funds short-term social welfare programmes to cushion the impact of the subsidy removal. 

The degree to which the public will be convinced is debatable. Analysts say that apart from corruption, people showed unity in the protests out of bitterness at government policies which have left them poor: The minimum monthly wage increased in 2011 from the equivalent of US$46 to $112, but most Nigerians are paid less than this new wage level.

The Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA) [ http://www.cseaafrica.org/ ] says inflation caused by the fuel price rise could lead to poor people spending an even higher proportion of their income on food because they would be paying more for transport. (CSEA says food has the highest weight of 51 percent in Nigerian’s inflation basket; transport has the third highest weight of 7 percent.) 

CSEA also says a neutral stance by the Monetary Policy Committee, which sets monetary and credit policy, would help government’s efforts to boost the economy through its SURE programme and its emphasis on job creation. “In the medium term… prices may moderate as efforts are channelled towards addressing the infrastructure deficit in the economy through the SURE programme,” it adds.

The government may have to demonstrate, rather quickly, that it is different from previous ones; that it is accountable; and is attuned to current public sentiment. Otherwise, the show of united public anger against the central government may spill onto the streets again.

Safety consultant Jeff ‘vwede Obahor said the subsidy removal had brought Nigerians to a tipping point, and all they wanted now was good governance. "It's like a champagne effect; too many things have been going down and this is the last straw."

yi/oss/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94787</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031011490287t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LAGOS 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A month after an angry public launched protests across Nigeria over skyrocketing fuel prices due to the removal of a government subsidy, a measure of calm has returned and people seem to have settled into accepting a compromise.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Clashes highlight dangers of devolution</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030927370598t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions. 

The main two pastoralist communities involved, the Borana and the Gabra, have a long history of sometimes violent competition over resources.  But by many accounts, an unintended consequence of Kenya’s new devolutionary constitution has raised the stakes considerably. 

The prospect of real political and budgetary power - concentrated since independence in distant Nairobi - rather than water, pasture and cattle-raid vendettas, now drives the violence. 

“Every conflict in 2012 will have political and ethnic implications and can therefore not be treated as normal criminal activity,” Mzalendo Kibunjia, chairman of the National Cohesion and Commission (NCIC), said in a recent statement [ https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=172600292840170&id=133856426714557 ]. 

The NCIC is a government entity set up in 2008 to eliminate ethnic discrimination and promote inter-communal reconciliation. 

“The conflicts in northern Kenya must be treated as electoral related and not be dismissed as conflict over water, pasture and cattle rustling. 

The NCIC has established that the ongoing violent conflicts [in Moyale and Isiolo http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94312 ] are politically motivated in anticipation of the 2012 elections,” Kibunjia said. 

However, presidential, legislative and local elections might not be held until early 2013 according to a recent High Court ruling. 

The Kenya Red Cross added: [ http://www.kenyaredcross.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=251&Itemid=124 ] “The trigger of the current conflict is allegedly competition over positions in the county government structures as designated in the new Kenyan constitution and land-related issues.” 

Incitement  

The spate of sporadic clashes is thought to have been sparked by a single killing in early November just across the border with Ethiopia.  

Since then, political leaders from each community have allegedly incited violence against the other, regardless of whether those members are combatants. 

“Different communities used to share mixed schools, mixed waterholes, mixed shopping centres, mixed everything. Now they can’t be on the same street together,” said one aid worker, who recently visited the town. 

Several political leaders, including a former member of parliament, have been arrested on suspicion of fuelling the increasingly generalized conflict. 

“Here, a politician can kill his opponents, it happens every [election] year, but not a single politician or trader known to have planned and killed people has ever been convicted,” Aba Dika, an elder in Moyale, told IRIN. 

However, Eastern Province Police Commander Marcus Ochola told IRIN such impunity was on the way out. 

“I am confident our officers, who are still collecting additional evidence, will support strong cases against those responsible for these skirmishes,” he said. 

Another police official said detectives were investigating reports that some suspects had used social media to incite violence and congratulate kinsmen when prominent members of rival communities had been killed. 

Aid workers who visited Moyale said hundreds of houses had been burnt and that crops, livestock and property had been destroyed. 

There have also been reports of shortages and increasing food prices due to the interruption of transport and the closure or destruction of shops. 

Thousands of people – insecurity has prevented an accurate assessment - have been displaced from their homes, with many fleeing into southern Ethiopia.

The Red Cross estimates that 9,500 families – some 57,000 people – have fled, 60 people have been killed and more than 1,000 houses burnt. 

The worst-affected areas include the settlements of Heilu, Kinisa, Buthye, Bori, Mansile, Illadu, Manyatta and Odda. 

Traumatized  

“The extent of displacement now and the indiscriminate targeting of the violence – women, children and older persons, any member of the [rival] community has been killed – have left people really traumatized,” said one humanitarian official, who asked not to be named. 

“The fear is that between now and elections [we] will see displacement and returns, displacement and returns, with nothing really in balance. There won’t be much room for manoeuvre until some sort of political solution is agreed upon. 

That seems very far away right now, from what we have seen,” he added. “It’s not easy to arrange peace meetings when the parties are so mistrustful and fearful of the other’s intentions. Willingness and commitment are not there at the moment, it seems. Willingness to cease hostilities has been very low. It’s quite tragic,” said the aid worker.

Education blow Education has been badly affected in Moyale, with 18 of the area’s 31 schools yet to reopen after the Christmas break and many school-age children among the displaced, either in Ethiopia or in makeshift camps. 

Livestock trader Abduba Wario said his income had dried up because the town’s livestock market was closed and he had been unable to send his two daughters to school in the central Kenyan town of Meru. 

"It's risky, no trucks are available. I appeal to the government and NGOs to provide all school-children with transport and police escorts for learning in other parts of the country," he said. 

The state of education facilities serves as an important indicator of the wider security climate, according to the aid worker. 

“Children returning to school is the first step in terms of reconciliation, a return to normality. If it is safe for children to go to school it is also safe for health workers and others to return to their posts,” he said. 

Amid reports that leaders of warring communities have mobilized across the porous border, Kenyan security forces are working with those from Ethiopia. "We are liaising with our counterparts in Ethiopia to trace the fighters who fled when Kenyan security officers were deployed to quell the fight,” said a security official, who asked not to be named.  

na-aw-am/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94789</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202030927370598t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Politically motivated violence in the northern Kenyan town of Moyale, which has left dozens dead and tens of thousands displaced in recent weeks, shows little sign of abating and there are fears that the clashes could continue until elections are held for new local government positions.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Meningitis spreads as people scramble for vaccine</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</description><body><![CDATA[KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families. 
 
The Ministry of Health has declared the outbreaks in the departments of Kouto and Tengrela in the north as epidemics, and is providing free vaccinations in both locations through mobile health teams, with the help of the World Health Organization and UNICEF. 
 
Bacterial and viral meningitis are diseases which cause inflammation in layers of the brain and spinal cord, and the former has a high fatality rate. 
 
Residents of also-affected Saminkro in the centre of the country and Kani in the centre-west must pay US$5 each for a vaccination, or $3 if they come forward as a group. Ivoirians in these departments - and in surrounding areas - are lobbying the Health Ministry to bring down prices as many cannot afford to raise enough money to vaccinate their families.
 
“It’s a question of economics,” Jeremie Ipo, director of the district health centre in the village of Poungbè in Korhogo region, told IRIN. “We can only reduce the price of the vaccine as soon as there are enough people demanding it.”
 
The government recently abandoned the provision of free health care for all because of skyrocketing costs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94729 ] While birth deliveries and some immunizations for children under age six are still covered, meningitis is not included. 
 
Côte d’Ivoire is part of the meningitis belt of sub-Saharan Africa, which stretches from Senegal in the west to Ethiopia in the east. A 2009-2010 meningitis outbreak killed over 900 people and infected over 13,000 in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Nigeria. 
 
oa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94783</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KORHOGO 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - Eleven people have died from meningitis out of 40 reported cases in four departments across Côte d’Ivoire as of 31 January, leaving people scrambling to access the vaccine for their families.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ISRAEL-OPT: Key West Bank settlement outpost slated for evacuation</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now. [ http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/migron-petition ] 
 
“The prime minister is trying to implement the court’s decision peacefully,” by reaching an agreement with the Migron settlers which would include moving them from their homes to new housing on adjacent Israeli “state land”, Mark Regev, spokesperson for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, told IRIN.
 
According to the court’s ruling of 2 August 2011, the outpost is on privately-owned Palestinian land.
 
“If there is illegal construction on private land, it has to come down,” said Regev. Any agreement the prime minister reaches with the settlers will be put before the court, he added.
 
There are 18 cases regarding outposts, including Migron, before the high court, according to Peace Now, an Israeli pressure group which campaigns for a politically negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several have been going on for years.
 
Peace Now began petitioning the high court to pressure the Israeli government to take action against the “illegal” outposts, which occupy about 1,620 hectares of West Bank land. About 16 of the outposts are on nearly 100 percent Palestinian land and an estimated 22 are on at least 50 percent Palestinian land, according to Peace Now.
 
“During 2011, the state informed the court of its intention to officially establish 11 new settlements by legalizing `illegal’ outposts, which are home to some 2,300 settlers in 680 structures,” said Lior Amihai of Peace Now’s settlement watch team in Jerusalem. Since the petition was filed there has, however, been little building of outposts on private Palestinian land, said Amihai.
 
“Settlement” is the term used to denote Israeli civilian communities built in territory conquered by Israel in the 1967 Six Day War, now called the West Bank by Palestinians and the international community, and known to Israelis as Judea and Samaria.
 
Outposts are settlements built without official Israeli government blessing, typically after the mid-1990s. There are about100 outposts to date, many of which were supported by the Israeli government. [ http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Law/Legal+Issues+and+Rulings/Summary+of+Opinion+Concerning+Unauthorized+Outposts+-+Talya+Sason+Adv.htm ]
 
In 2003 the government of Ariel Sharon (in which Netanyahu was a senior minister) adopted the road map peace plan, which required Israel to "immediately dismantle" all outposts established after March 2001, including Migron. 
 
Settlement expansion in the West Bank accelerated in 2011. There were 1,850 new “building starts” for housing units (excluding East Jerusalem), an almost 20 percent increase on 2010, says the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_the_humanitarian_monitor_2012_01_19_english.pdf ]
 
Various initiatives by the Israeli government in 2011 were aimed at “legalizing” unauthorized settlement outposts built on private Palestinian land, reports OCHA.
 
About 300,000 Israeli settlers live in the West Bank - out of the West Bank’s 2.5 million people - according to UN estimates, while a total of 500,000 settlers live in occupied Palestinian land. Of these, about 4,000-5,000 settlers live in outposts, according to Peace Now.
 
Humanitarian concerns
 
The Migron settlers announced this week that talks with Israeli Minister Without Portfolio Benny Begin are under way with the aim of legalizing the outpost. Many community members are motivated by religious beliefs that they are entitled to the land.
 
About 322 Israeli settlers live in Migron, one of the largest outposts, which has 14 permanent structures and 56 caravans on about 36 hectares east of the West Bank city of Ramallah.
 
Spokesperson for the Migron community Aviela Deitch told IRIN that when the community was established in 1999 residents were led by the government to believe that they had legal rights to purchase the land.
 
The community is concerned they will not be relocated in a humane manner, says Deitch, noting the issues - some ongoing - surrounding the 2005 settler withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92358 ]
 
Three homes in Migron were destroyed by the Israeli authorities on 5-6 September 2011.
 
“Troops arrived with no forewarning in the middle of the night, without any paperwork, refusing to look at the homeowners’ paperwork, and destroyed three family’s homes," said spokesperson Deitch. “In one home, where five children aged 2-10 were sleeping, troops wearing face masks and carrying shields burst through the windows, terrifying the children.”
 
Families were given no alternative housing by the government, and many personal belongings from the home were destroyed, said Deitch, estimating the total loss at nearly US$300,000. 
 
Spokesperson for the Israeli Police Micky Rosenfeld told IRIN these decisions are in the court’s hands. “They are living there against Israeli law; no one has to tell them in advance to leave,” he said.
 
However, according to the Israeli government-commissioned Sasson Report, [ http://www.peacenow.org.il/eng/sites/default/files/Sasson_Report_EngSummary_0.pdf ] millions of shekels of public funds were invested illegally in the outpost, for example, to connect homes to the water and electricity network.
 
The transfer of settlement blocs in the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority (PA) will be essential to any final-status peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians, and the creation of a future Palestinian state.

Settler violence, [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_01_20_english.pdf ] including “price tag” incidents by Israeli settlers continues to affect Palestinians’ lives and livelihoods. 

The “price tag” strategy emerged during 2008, in which groups of settlers would exact a “price” against Palestinians and their property in response to attempts by the Israeli authorities to dismantle “unauthorized” settlement outposts,” reports OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_fact_sheet_2009_11_15_english.pdf ]

“We are seeing a general increase in price-tag attacks, and it is the Israeli army’s responsibility to protect Palestinian civilians,” said Amihai, from Peace Now, warning that attacks will increase if Migron is dismantled.
 
es/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94776</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103310726360644t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Israel’s High Court of Justice has ordered Israeli settlers in the Migron settlement outpost in the West Bank to leave by 31 March in response to a 2006 petition filed by seven Palestinian landowners and Israeli pressure group Peace Now.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Fighting in north leads to fresh displacements</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg" />]]>HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</description><body><![CDATA[HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.

“My husband coughs and coughs until he vomits blood… We have no medicine to give him,” Taqwa told IRIN. “It was the hardest trip in my life… We had neither food nor water nor even a blanket to protect ourselves from the cold.”

The elderly couple are among hundreds of families displaced by last week’s clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94724 ] between Houthi-led Shia fighters and Sunni Salafi members in Kisher.

Helene Kadi, an emergency coordinator with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told IRIN 580 families had been displaced by the fighting. “Over 30 percent of the IDPs [internally displaced persons] have taken shelter in five schools, a worrying trend we have seen with recent displacements in the country… Others have been hosted with families or have no shelter.”

According to Ali Meshaal, a social worker in Kisher, around 230 displaced families - mostly the elderly, women and children - fled to Hajjah Governorate’s Ahim District, while more than 250 families had made it to Khairan al-Muharaq. “The whereabouts of dozens of other displaced families is still unknown,” he told IRIN.

Hajjah Governorate is home to more than 100,000 IDPs displaced by fighting between government troops and Houthi rebels since June 2004, according to a December 2011 report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Kind hosts

People from the al-Khamisein area in Khairan al-Muharaq District warmly received several displaced families. “They are sharing their food and water with hundreds of displaced persons who reached their villages. They also freed up schools in the area so they could be used as shelters for the displaced,” he said.

Meshaal appealed to the government and aid organizations to intervene: “The condition of the IDPs is getting much worse due to lack of food and appropriate shelter,” he said.

Ali al-Dubai with local NGO al-Khair Social Charitable Society (ASCS) said more than 2,000 IDPs had been identified and registered for assistance in Hajjah Governorate.

UNICEF, according to Kadi, has distributed 316 hygiene kits and made efforts to raise awareness about hygiene issues among IDPs and the host community. The construction of 12 latrines has been completed and water trucking to IDPs is taking place in the al-Khamisein area. Seven more 1,000 litre tankers are to be deployed and eight emergency latrines will be constructed, and more hygiene kits distributed. Water, sanitation and hygiene assistance is being delivered by UNICEF's partner ASCS, Kadi told IRIN.

Stranded

However, several families are stranded “either on their way to safer areas or inside their homes after many villages in Kisher District became inaccessible and roads unsafe,” said Sheikh Abdullah Dhahban, a member of a recently established tribal mediation committee which is trying to persuade the warring parties to lay down their arms.

“Several dead bodies are still lying in the mountains… None of their relatives have come to collect them for burial,” Dhahban told IRIN.

Local witnesses who preferred anonymity told IRIN on 28 January that Houthi fighters were attempting to tighten their control of a strategic mountain-top position called Abu Dowar, and fighting was also continuing for control of Mishabah hill, which overlooks Suq Ahim (a local market) in Kisher District.

“If Houthis take over this hill it will be easier for them to control the entire district,” one of the witnesses told IRIN.

Waning central government influence due to political turmoil since early last year, has allowed the Houthis to tighten their control of Sa’dah Governorate and push into eastern parts of neighbouring Hajjah Governorate.

“The whole governorate [Sa’dah] is controlled by Houthis. We only have to deal with one party,” said Beatrice Megevand-Roggo, head of operations for the Near and Middle East at the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The fresh displacements are taking place as Yemen prepares for presidential elections scheduled for 21 February.

ay/cb]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94763</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201310812060713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HAJJAH 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Ahmad Hussein Naji, 75, and his wife Taqwa, spent three days in the open after fleeing clashes in Kisher District in Yemen’s northern governorate of Hajjah before eventually finding shelter in a school in the neighbouring district of Khairan al-Muharaq.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOMALIA: UN calls for access to the needy</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia's Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country's food security. 

"Over the past couple of months, ICRC distributed food to over one million Somalis in crisis; leaving so many vulnerable Somalis without food will endanger their lives and could also result in pushing a large number of people back into famine, reversing any gains made," Mark Bowden, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, said. 

"We appeal to all factions in Somalia to allow humanitarian actors to reach people most in need, wherever they are."  The ICRC was one of the last aid agencies operating in areas under Al-Shabab’s control. 

In a statement [ http://somalimidnimo.com/salafi/2012/01/al-katai%e2%80%99b-media-presents-new-statement-from-%e1%b8%a5arakat-al-shabab-al-mujahidin-%e2%80%9cclosure-of-the-international-committee-of-the-red-cross-icrc%e2%80%9d/ ] on 30 January, the group accused ICRC of "repeated distribution of expired food and false accusations". 

Al-Shabab said its Office for Supervising the Affairs of Foreign Agencies (OSAFA) "has decided to terminate the contract of ICRC permanently". 

A local journalist, who requested anonymity, said Al-Shabab was angered by the decision of ICRC to suspend its humanitarian activities on 12 January in Al-Shabab-controlled areas after its aid deliveries were blocked.  

In November 2011, Al-Shabab banned 16 aid organizations, including several UN agencies, from operating in areas under its control, accusing them of "illicit activities and misconduct".   

Somalia is still in the throes of a major food crisis, classified as famine in some regions. A civil society source in Mogadishu said the latest move "will be a setback for the recovery from the drought and famine. The timing is bad for those who are in need and those who were receiving seeds to plant."

An aid worker, who declined to be named, told IRIN a new approach was needed to deal with Al-Shabab.  

The aid worker said Al-Shabab was under a great deal of pressure from Kenyan and Ethiopian troops. Both countries’ forces have entered Somalia and captured Al-Shabab-controlled areas. 

"They [Al-Shabab] are seeing everything as an attempt to destroy or harm them." The aid worker said force alone would not work. 

"Maybe it is time to open channels of communication, preferably by the international community. Surely, if they [international community] can talk to the Taliban, they can talk to Al-Shabab to save lives." 

ah/js/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94768</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160738440163t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed concern over a ban by Somalia&apos;s Al-Shabab insurgents on aid distributions by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), with the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia saying the move would reverse gains made in the country&apos;s food security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CHAD: Why polio is so hard to eliminate</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311204350177t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies. 
 
The current outbreak in Chad has been ongoing since 2007, classifying Chad as a “re-established transmission zone” according to the World Health Organization (WHO). [ http://www.polioeradication.org/Dataandmonitoring/Poliothisweek.aspx ] Polio is endemic in Nigeria, Pakistan, India and Afghanistan - in other words, transmission of the disease in these places has never been broken. 
 
While a dysfunctional health system is linked to poor routine immunization coverage, “the primary reason [for the upsurge] is operational,” said Oliver Rosenbauer, spokesperson for the Global Polio Eradication Initiative at WHO in Geneva. “It is not to do with insecurity or lack of infrastructure… The outbreak response has not been sufficient to stop it [the outbreak]… They continue to miss too many children.”
 
Why children missed
 
Immunizers have missed children for a variety of reasons: In some cases government and agency staff or volunteers inaccurately mapped out where they lived; or may have ordered too few vaccines or too few ice packs to cover each district, said WHO. Often communities are not well-sensitized in advance so families remain reluctant to bring their children forward, some resist on religious grounds, or they simply may not know that they can immunize a child even if he or she is sick, said WHO and UNICEF’s West Africa communication for development specialist Irina Dincu.
 
Human error also plays a role, added Dincu, explaining that an ill-trained vaccinator may rest en route, breaking the cold chain, or a team may miss a few houses in a village. 
 
An outbreak of the polio virus would not spread so far if routine polio immunization coverage was better, said Rosenbauer. Polio immunizations are rigorous to administer: vaccinators must go house-to-house, and must give each child four doses over a 6-12 month period, reaching 90 percent of all children to eliminate polio, according to WHO. 
 
Coverage rates are estimated to be 60 percent at most in Chad, partly due to a poor-quality health system: Just 30 percent of health clinics are operational across the country; access to health care is poor; and routine immunization strategies are poorly planned. 
 
The godmother approach
 
To ensure fewer children are missed, immunizers need to make better use of “social data” to find out why and where a campaign is not working, says Dincu. Agencies used to take a purely medicalized approach to polio immunization but this has now changed. “Immunization campaigns are not just a medical intervention. You need to address campaigns from a medical, political and societal angle,” said Rosenbauer.
 
Social data has been used creatively in India and Nigeria to help vaccinators reach more children, according to UNICEF. In Nigeria’s Kebbi State households were assigned “godmothers” who came regularly pre-immunization day to discuss the disease and why vaccination was important. When poring over the data afterwards to find missed children, the “godmothers” could identify them by place, name and age, making them much easier to re-trace. 
 
These are the kinds of approaches that could be adopted in Chad, say practitioners, where despite its weak health system, polio should not be too challenging to control, says Rosenbauer. “We don’t face the same high-population challenges that we do in Nigeria, or insecurity as is the case of Afghanistan and Sudan. Here it is more a question of political and societal will.”
 
In his view, polio could be eliminated in six months if the government committed to doing so at all levels.
 
Government commitment
 
International efforts to combat polio are mounting: the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) [ http://www.cdc.gov/ ] has established an Africa-based emergency operations centre which will tackle public health crises, including polio.
 
Meanwhile, the Polio Eradication Initiative - made up of WHO, UNICEF, CDC, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rotary Foundation - has designated polio a “programmatic public health emergency” until eradication is achieved. 
 
The Chadian government appears to be taking polio seriously: President Idriss Déby has emphasized the importance of fighting it, and catalyzed the development of a six-month polio emergency action plan (which will then be renewed for a further six months). This includes targeting high-risk areas and analyzing what is and is not working. 
 
But commitment at the district and sub-district level in some parts of the country is weak, say aid agency staff. National authorities need to hold “sub-national” staff accountable for their performance, said Rosenbauer. “The virus doesn’t respect district boundaries so we need high commitment in every single one,” he told IRIN.
 
IRIN could not reach anyone in the Health Ministry for an interview.
 
Without local-level government commitment, elimination efforts will fail, says Rosenbauer. The number of cases in Nigeria rose from 21 to 57 between 2010 and 2011 partly due to local authorities focusing on presidential elections; while election-related violence also distracted from efforts to quash 36 cases that broke out in Côte d’Ivoire in 2011. 
 
And until polio is eliminated in Nigeria and in Chad, all West African countries are at high-risk, according to WHO. “There are immunization gaps in many countries - it can strike in the most unexpected places… that is why it is such a dangerous disease.”
 
aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94769</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201311204350177t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Poor-quality emergency immunization campaigns and low routine polio immunization coverage are helping the polio virus to spread in Chad, with 132 cases reported in 2011 - five times the number in 2010. More commitment is needed across the board, especially from local health authorities, to try to get immunizations right, say aid agencies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZIMBABWE: Typhoid stalks Harare</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200711146t.jpg" />]]>HARARE 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past few weeks some 900 residents of the Zimbabwean capital Harare have been diagnosed with typhoid, and about 60 have been admitted to hospital, say health authorities.</description><body><![CDATA[HARARE 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past few weeks some 900 residents of the Zimbabwean capital Harare have been diagnosed with typhoid, and about 60 have been admitted to hospital, say health authorities. 

“Initially, we were focusing on Dzivarasekwa high density suburb as being the source of the disease outbreak but we are now receiving patients from different high density suburbs in Harare such as Kuwadzana and Warren Park,” Harare’s health director, Propser Chonzi, told IRIN. 

There have been no confirmed fatalities from the disease, although senior health officials, who declined to be identified, told IRIN they were investigating the cause of some deaths at hospitals. 

Chonzi said about 20 tuberculosis (TB) patients had been relocated from the 144-bed Beatrice Infectious Diseases Hospital on the outskirts of Harare to another infectious diseases institution, the Wilkins Hospital in central Harare, to make way for typhoid victims. 

According to the UN World Health Organization (WHO), typhoid “usually occurs where water supplies serving large populations are contaminated by faecal matter.” The disease is “characterized by the sudden onset of sustained fever, severe headache, nausea, abdominal pains, loss of appetite, constipation or sometimes diarrhoea. The illness can last for several weeks and even months,” it says. 

Recent heavy rain in Harare is expected to compound the problem: Broken drains and water pipes have forced people to dig shallow wells, which are easily contaminated by human faeces. 

“I can bet my last dollar there is typhoid in Chitungwiza and Epworth [Harare commuter towns]. The hygienic levels there are not good,” said Chonzi in a recent interview with the daily The Herald newspaper. 

Furthermore, Chonzi said street food had been tested and found to be contaminated with Salmonella typhi, the bacteria which causes typhoid. 

“We all need to change our habits if this [typhoid] outbreak is to be contained. We need to work on improving on cleanliness such as washing hands and avoiding dirty open air vending sites,” he said. 

However, fish vendors, threatened with arrest by municipal police, have changed tactics and are selling their wares at night. 

Cholera fears 

Conditions which allow typhoid to flourish also provide favourable conditions for the waterborne disease cholera. Zimbabwe’s year-long cholera epidemic in 2008-09 killed more than 4,000 people and infected nearly 100,000 others. 

“We can have cholera any time. The environment is conducive for the outbreak. We need to be proactive and play our part,” Chonzi warned in the same newspaper interview. 

The Harare Residents Trust (HRT), an NGO campaigning for better municipal service delivery, said the spread of waterborne disease was due to the authorities’ failure to collect refuse, the erratic provision of water services, and the practice of pumping raw sewage into one of the main reservoirs supplying “drinking” water to Harare. 

“The city must guarantee adequate clean water supplies to avoid the 2008 cholera outbreak,” HRT’s Precious Shumba told IRIN. 

dd/go/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94758</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200711146t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">HARARE 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Over the past few weeks some 900 residents of the Zimbabwean capital Harare have been diagnosed with typhoid, and about 60 have been admitted to hospital, say health authorities.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SLIDESHOW: Living on the edge in Kenya&apos;s Turkana region</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya's vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.

On their own, meagre average annual rainfall of between 300mm and 400mm and frequent droughts pose surmountable challenges. In the past, the predominantly livestock-raising population was able to travel far to find browse and water; a sustainable, cyclical livelihood.

However, access to such greener pastures is now curtailed by agricultural development, out-of-bounds national parks, and the prevalence of small arms in the wider region.

View the slideshow
AccordingThere is little to fall back on. Infrastructure - roads, electricity, water supplies, schools, sanitation facilities, health centres, communications, social services and media access - are at best inadequate, if not virtually absent. Political clout is negligible. Poverty levels are at least 20 percent greater than the national average.

Insecurity, nomadism, and the sheer vastness of the remote region - it covers some 70,000 sqkm - have greatly limited intervention by government agencies and international partners.

All these factors contributed to malnutrition rates that topped 37 percent in some areas during the extreme drought of 2011. Food insecurity is permanent; many in Turkana have depended on food aid since before Kenya gained independence in 1963.

Related Reports

Drought exacerbates conflict in Turkana [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]
Illiteracy hampers treatment programmes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93324 ]
Turkana reels from severe drought [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93210 ]
The dangers of pastoralism [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85252 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94739</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201130915190726t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The 850,000 residents of northwestern Kenya&apos;s vast and parched Turkana region face some of the most inhospitable living conditions on Earth.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Basua community battles for survival</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg" />]]>BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV. 

Uganda has two indigenous forest communities - the Batwa people of the southwest, a larger group originally from Rwanda and Burundi, and the Basua in the west who came from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Already marginalized for their short stature and for being traditional forest dwellers, the Basua have continued to receive less assistance than the Batwa because they are more geographically isolated and have a smaller population, numbering just 100. 

Forced resettlement 

Western Uganda's Semliki Forest - the historical home of the Basua - became a National Park in 1993, and as a result, the community has lost its hunter-gatherer existence; they now have to request permission to fish and collect medicinal herbs and firewood, and are forbidden from hunting. 

The Basua have been moved around ever since, most recently to a village outside the small trading town of Bundimasoli in 2007, after a local NGO won a grant from the European Union to build a village for them, but the project collapsed under corruption allegations before it was completed. The community still has no clear rights to the land where it was resettled, and struggles to access basic services such as clean drinking water and healthcare. 

"Imagine someone is used to maybe going to the office, working, making phone calls, going to the ATM, withdrawing money... then you dump them in the forest instead," said Fred Lulinaki, a programme director at the East and Central Africa Association for Indigenous Rights (ECAAIR). “If they survive, it will be just by luck." 

Some Basua men and women find casual jobs such as hauling wood, but most sit around the village with nothing to do. Some have turned to alcohol. Of the 40 children, Lulinaki said only two attend school, either because they are orphaned or their parents cannot afford the cost of pens and school fees. Fifteen of the community's children are orphans. 

HIV 

Ezekiel Mugisa, local coordinator of the Organisation for the Survival of the Basua (OSIBA), said the first documented case of HIV among them was in 1985, but the virus really established a foothold when the Allied Democratic Forces - a Ugandan rebel group - launched a movement to overthrow the Ugandan government for the DRC in the mid-1990s. The Ugandan troops sent to fight the insurgents set up camp near the Basuas’ home; soldiers and suppliers offered money and goods in exchange for sex with Basua women, or raped them. 

Rumours have long circulated in Uganda that sex with Basua women cured back pain and HIV. Stan Frankland, an anthropologist at Scotland's University of St Andrews, has been working with and advocating for the community since he first visited them as a tourist in 1990. He helped establish OSIBA. 

Frankland said the myths stemmed from a belief that as forest dwellers, the Basua "have some spiritual aspect to them. That they're not fully human... they might transmit this power." 

Even with the troops gone and education campaigns debunking supposed AIDS cures, transactional sex remains common. For many women, it is the only viable way of supporting themselves. HIV is a secondary concern to getting enough to eat. 

There are no official statistics on HIV prevalence among the Basua, but those who do know they are HIV-positive have limited access to, or knowledge about, treatment. Since Save the Children pulled out recently, the nearest source of treatment is a health centre 20km away - few of the Basua can afford the transport costs. Even when they did have access to ARVs, there was no formal process to teach people why the drugs were important or how to take and store them. Instead, many would trade the drugs for food, according to Mugisa. 

"The [Basua] are dying," said Basua King Geoffrey Nzito, who had just concluded a burial ceremony. "I want people to join hands so at least they can come to a solution that is good for us." 

Powerless 

The Basuas’ situation mirrors the problems indigenous groups around the world are facing, says Rebecca Adamson, president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide (FPW), a group that makes small, direct grants to indigenous groups to help carry out livelihood projects that they design and develop. 

Adamson said she had seen many indigenous groups kicked off land they had lived on and cultivated for hundreds of years, so that governments and companies could access it for mining, industry or tourism. Once they are displaced, there is little funding to help the groups integrate into life outside the forests. 

The funding that exists is often driven by NGOs without the input of the indigenous people, so they "remain at the whims of what western society wants for them instead of what they want for themselves", she said. 

Adamson is afraid that "we will be seeing large-scale extinction of certain groups" like the Basua. 

ECAAIR is seeking funding to launch livelihood projects for the Basua community that build on the skills they have from life in the forest – fishing, bee-keeping, growing garlic - and turning them into sustainable businesses. As they wait for funding, association members have already started teaching basic bookkeeping classes to the community. 

"This skills training is aimed at reducing vulnerability and dependence, which will also reduce the HIV and AIDS," Lulinaki said. 

Frankland is also encouraging the community to be more active about protecting their health. In December he led a discussion about the dangers of transactional sex. The lesson seems to have stuck. Since the beginning of the year, Nzito said he and other members of the community have been driving away the men who come at night seeking out Basua women. 

It is a small step, but the community also urgently requires access to HIV treatment and education; other health crises – mainly malnutrition and untreated malaria - are also affecting the community. 

Frankland said the Basua acknowledged their fear that the community would soon die out. "There are only 100 of them. If you can't save 100 people, how are you going to make it work on a larger scale?" 

ag/kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94732</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Little hope of swift return for Abyan IDPs</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg" />]]>ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</description><body><![CDATA[ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.
 
But on a visit there in January he found nothing left of his two-storey home and his watermelon farm - the family’s sole source of income - had become a wasteland.
 
“I never expected to see our home in this condition. It is almost completely destroyed and our furniture has been looted,” al-Hasani told IRIN. “Our watermelon farm is littered with spent cartridges and unexploded devices.” 
 
Al-Hasani is one of some 2,500 [ http://yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35102 ] internally displaced persons (IDPs) who went back to Abyan in mid-January to check on their property and belongings.
 
After the visit, the IDPs returned to Aden, where they have been sheltering since May 2011 following clashes between government troops and armed Islamic militants (mainly Ansar al-Sharia, an offshoot of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsular).
 
According to the government’s Executive Unit for IDP Camp Management, more than 144,000 people have been displaced in southern Yemen since May 2011. [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/reliefweb_pdf/node-457544.pdf ]
 
Local sources told IRIN armed Islamic groups allowed the IDPs to enter Zinjibar city, the main militant stronghold, and other neighbouring areas. 
 
“We were received warmly by the militants - behaviour we have never seen before,” said Abdulkhaliq Abu Omar, a secondary school teacher in his thirties. “We fear they [militants] just want to seduce us to return and then use as human shields,” he told IRIN.
 
According to IDPs, armed militants and the army share control of Zinjibar city, and in some areas the two warring sides are only metres apart, making further clashes a distinct possibility.
 
Nadheer Kandah, a local journalist who accompanied the IDPs on their journey to Abyan, described Zinjibar as a ghost town, with all shops shut and no water or electricity. 
 
“A number of streets and neighbourhoods are no-go areas because of landmines,” he said. 
 
Compensation unlikely
 
“Our home is a wreck… Our grocery [the family’s sole source of income] has been burned down… How can we survive if we return?” asked Ali Saif, a 35-year-old IDP sheltering with his eight-member family in 22 May School in Aden.
 
“We will not return unless our homes are reconstructed and unless we receive compensation for our livelihood sources, which we lost, and unless security is restored… It is too early for us to think about homecoming.”
 
Edward Leposky, external relations officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN there has been no assessment of the dangers of mines and other unexploded devices in the Abyan area. The agency, he added, was monitoring developments and continuing to campaign for improvements on the ground to permit a safe return.
 
According to Ghassan Faraj, secretary-general of Zinjibar local council, the destruction of citizens’ homes and other property is huge. “No assessment has been conducted yet, but we can say that several hundred homes and farms have been damaged or destroyed, most notably in Zinjibar and Jaar cities,” he said. 
 
“The government hasn’t compensated Sa’dah IDPs displaced since 2004 [due to fighting between government forces and Houthi rebels]. This makes us pessimistic that it can do so in Abyan to prompt the return of IDPs," Faraj told IRIN.
 
Yemen is due to hold presidential elections on 21 February as part of a deal brokered by Gulf states to end a year of political turmoil that has left hundreds dead.
 
ay/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94716</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110270718240391t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADEN 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - When Abdullah al-Hasani, 55, fled his home in the Khanfar District of Yemen’s Abyan Governorate eight months ago, he hoped some day to return and grow watermelons.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Authorities move to curb illegal gold-mining</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg" />]]>TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</description><body><![CDATA[TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.

The departments in question are Korhogo, Ouangolo, dikodougou, Boundiali, Ferkesse Dougou and Sienematiali.

Artisanal mining has grown over recent years and farmers are having more and more difficulty securing their land to plant crops, according to farmers and several high-level officials - including Zakade Antoine, agriculture director of Tengrela in the Savanes region of northern Côte d’Ivoire, and Aly Koné, regional director of the Ministry of Mines, Petrol and Energy.

Artisanal miners dig holes in the ground up to 20 metres deep, and often do not fill them in afterwards, said Koné Namakoro, 63, village chief of Tengrela. 

“Today we are having trouble growing rice and millet as our fields have been taken over by miners who are operating in cahoots with certain chiefs and landowners,” he said.

According to Antoine, millet and rice production in Savanes has declined over the past few years as artisanal miners expanded their operations; in some communes of Tengrela and the sub-prefecture of M’bengué in Korhogo region food security is worsening as a result.

The World Food Programme could not confirm this trend, though Deputy Country Director Ellen Kramer, said the practice can cause food prices to rise.

Alongside industrial-scale mining, artisanal gold-mining has been steadily expanding across Côte d’Ivoire over recent years, local officials told IRIN, mainly because of the sums involved. 

“People can expect up to 20,000 CFA (US$40) for one gram of gold, so that creates a passion for gold exploration,” an expert of the industry in the commercial capital, Abidjan, who preferred anonymity,
told IRIN. 

“It’s quite amazing: a camp can be set up quite fast… it’s like a village rising from the ground,” the expert continued.

Illegal profits

However, the vast majority of artisanal mining is illegal: miners must apply for a license to mine from the local authorities before they start digging, but the industry expert estimates 95 percent of artisanal mining goes ahead without such regulation. 

Ex-Forces Nouvelles rebels dominated the artisanal mining industry for years, an international mining expert who asked to remain unnamed, told IRIN. According to Ouattara Daouda, prefect of Savanes Region, when rebels took control of northern Côte d’Ivoire many of them colluded with village chiefs and landowners to exploit it for gold.

The mining expert backed this up: “In the north, rebels and people with money were ruling everything from the top… There is always a way to “arrange” things…. When the rebels were involved nobody could really say no to them.” 

Despite new leadership structures in the north, with some ex-rebels being absorbed into the national military, Forces Républicaines de Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI - now known as the Forces Armées Nationales de Côte d'Ivoire or FANCI) and ex- rebel representatives still control the bulk of the sector, said the mining expert.

But former rebel leaders IRIN spoke to in Savanes, said lots of “bandits” claim to be with FRCI in order to gain a claim on the industry - and this lies out of their hands. 

Regulation

On 11 January, eight departmental heads said they would crack down on the sector - banning all unregistered mining enterprises. 

This comes in the middle of an exercise that government authorities are doing to consult local chiefs, miners, farmers and others on how best to regulate the sector at the local level, with a view to improving the impact on local populations and on the environment. 

The national government is also working to reform the national mining code, which addresses both industrial and artisanal mining. 

Regulation, rather than banning artisanal mining altogether is the only sustainable solution, said Abidjan-based mining expert. “To be honest, they won’t be able to prevent people from looking for gold. People are hungry and unemployed…The government can’t stop them,” he told IRIN.

In the 1990s, liberalization of the gold-mining industry meant a downward shift in terms of environmental, human rights and transparency standards in many West African states as each tried to lure foreign investors, said Moussa Ba, West Africa coordinator for the extractive industries programme at NGO Oxfam America. Now governments need to come together to harmonize these standards upwards, he said.

There has been some progress: The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is working on a new mining code to apply to all its members; it hopes it will be passed in 2014. In 2009 heads of state passed a directive on mining, which shows high-level commitment, said Ba. 

In the meantime, civil society networks in Côte d’Ivoire need to work hard to keep tabs on the industry at all levels, said Ba. With artisanal mining growing steadily, and industrial-scale mining set to significantly increase between now and 2020, according to statements by President Alassane Ouattara, there is no time to lose. 

oa/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94723</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201251331390899t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TENGRELA 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - Local authorities across eight out of 81 districts in northern Côte d’Ivoire have announced they are banning artisanal gold-mining in a bid to try to regulate the informal industry, and stop the encroachment of gold-miners on precious farmland.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Over 40 killed in sectarian clashes</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.

Yemeni independent news website Barakish.net [ http://www.barakish.net/news.aspx?cat=12&sub=11&id=25171 ] has also reported on the fighting and deaths which occurred there over the past couple of days.

“Houthi gunmen continue to increase their dominance over several areas and mountaintop positions in the eastern parts of Hajjah in what they say is ‘their effort to liberate these areas from mercenaries [members of the pro-government Islamist Islah Party]’,” Sulaiman said. 

According to Abu Hamza Mohammed al-Sori, a Salafi leader, 40 of the dead are Houthis, and six are from his Salafi group, while more than 20 Salafis were injured, some of them seriously. 

Al-Sori said the clashes began in Dhu Holais village, in the eastern part of the governorate, after Houthi fighters attacked a villager during a religious dispute.

“Tribesmen from Hajour District [in the adjacent Sa’dah Governorate, where most Houthis are based] backed residents of the village [Dhu Holais] in their fight against Houthis, inflicting on them heavy losses in equipment and personnel,” he said. 

Dhaifallah al-Shami, a Houthi leader, said the clashes were still going on. He vowed they would “behead those mercenaries” who killed Houthis. “They don’t want to coexist peacefully with us. They receive support from the government and Saudi Arabia to kill us,” he told IRIN. 

Many members of the Salafi Sect hail from the Damaj area of Sa’dah Governorate, but thousands of others live in Hajjah Governorate. Their leader is Muqpil al-Wadie, based in Sa’dah, and they are staunch supporters of outgoing President Saleh. The Houthis on the other hand have been fighting for more autonomy from central government for a number of years.

Salafis in Damaj released a statement on 24 January saying that Houthis had killed 71 of their people and more than 168 others had been injured over the past two months (not counting the most recent clashes) in the governorates of Sa’dah, Hajjah, Amran and al-Jawf. 

ay/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94724</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108021242270715t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - At least 46 people have been killed and dozens injured in clashes between Houthi-led Shia rebels and pro-government Sunni Salafi gunmen in the northwestern Yemeni governorate of Hajjah, assistant head of Hajjah security department Atif Sulaiman told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?”</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231001550169t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.  

Government and UN forces have failed to quell the ethnic violence that has reached a dramatic peak in recent weeks as a militia of up to 8,000 youths from the Lou Nuer, joined by some Dinka, attacked the minority Murle, exacting revenge for a long-standing vendetta over cattle that has turned increasingly deadly [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94673 ].  

Aid agencies and authorities in the newly independent nation, whose euphoric birth just six months ago united the nation after decades of civil war with Sudan, are increasingly concerned at the violent nature of attacks that have left mainly women, children and the elderly among the dead and injured as they could not run from attackers. Nyaluak Deng Awuol spoke to IRIN about her experience: 

“This child is my sister’s. She was killed in the attack with her other three children. 

“The Murle came and attacked the people. When they attacked, we escaped while they killed all the others. 

“They shot people with guns and killed people with knives. When they shoot someone and they are still alive, they have to finish them with a knife. 

“I have seen many people die, including my sister. “Those with children were killed. If you had three to four children, you could not run fast. Those without children could run faster, so those with several children died, and the old people. 

“I found my sister dead and this one child alive. 

“His mother had been killed with three children, and when I went looking for them, this one was still alive and sitting up, looking for someone. 

“The village has been burnt down and the people have been scattered. Even until now some people cannot be traced - it is a very big trouble. 

“They have killed people and they have stolen herds of cattle. “There is no protection - people in the village do not have guns, so they [attackers] just came in and killed people and took everything. “Those who attacked Duk Padiet are Murle army - they are the soldiers wearing the green uniform; it is revenge. 

“The ones who remain will die with anger. Some of them have even had their clothes taken. “People from my village are too weakened to [take] revenge. So many are dead. It is up to the government to think and act now. “But this child, who will look after him now?” 

hm/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94704</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231001550169t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nyaluak Deng Awuol is caring for her orphaned nephew, five-year-old Ajai Mawut Garang, who is recovering from a gunshot wound in Juba hospital. He was injured along with dozens more in the latest revenge attack in South Sudan’s Jonglei state, which the government said killed more than 80 people in the town of Duk Padiet, Duk County.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH SUDAN: Moving beyond violence in Jonglei</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba. 

At least 120,000 people have been affected by the violence, according to the UN’s latest assessment, which could easily rise. 

"The violence in Jonglei hasn’t stopped… our contingency plan for Jonglei could reach about 180,000 people," while half that number already need food aid, South Sudan’s UN Humanitarian Coordinator Lise Grande said on 20 January. 

Local officials have suggested "thousands" of people have been killed in the last few weeks, but this could not be independently confirmed and the UN said it was not possible to provide a count of casualties sustained over such a vast area in so short a time. 

In the hospital, Amon Lull Chop fans her four-year-old daughter Nyaduk, who was unable to keep up as the family fled an attack on the town of Duk Padiet in Duk County last week, which the government says killed more than 80 people. Another 70 or so died in similar attacks by members of the Murle community over the past two weeks. 

“She slept alone until I came back the following morning and I found the child, and her intestines were outside where they shot and stabbed her,” she says, pointing to a bandage stretching from Nyaduk’s navel up to her chest. 

These attacks came after about 8,000 Lou Nuer youths, reportedly joined by some of the country’s dominant Dinka group, marched in late 2011 on Pibor County, razing villages and killing and abducting woman and children. 

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) tracked the deadly column as it snaked its way towards Pibor town. But even with the support of 800 government soldiers, its 400 peacekeeping troops in Pibor town were greatly outnumbered so UNMISS could only advise civilians to flee into the bush or get behind protective lines in the town. 

Thousands of people like Lilkeng Gada took the advice and ran, but were hunted down in their hiding places. 

“We were going to hide from the Lou Nuer, and they came and found us,” she said. “We were just sitting down, and they came all of a sudden, and they shot us down. I fell on the floor and they left me, and one child ran, but two of my children and my husband were shot dead right there. 

“Now, I’m alone. I don’t know what to do now, how to bring up the children. We had cows and they were taken… I don’t know how we will survive.”
 
Targeting the vulnerable
 
Peter Nanou, on another hospital bed in Juba, with a cast on his leg from where he was shot, says he could not save his grandmother from the attack on his village near Pibor. 

“I was the one looking after her. When the Lou Nuer attacked I ran with my mother and my grandmother was left behind and shot dead,” he said. 

Aid agencies and the authorities have expressed shock at the number of women, children and elderly who have been killed or wounded in the attacks. 

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said half the patients it airlifted from an 11 January attack on Wek village, Uror County, were under the age of five. 

Most had gunshot wounds and had been beaten. According to the government, 57 people were killed and 53 wounded in Wek. 

South Sudan Red Cross volunteers are counselling about 150 unaccompanied minors in Pibor, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has tracked down parents of 109 children registered there. 

"I've seen at least 50 children that have been kidnapped by my people,” said a Lou Nuer aid worker who fled to the town of Akobo in early January. 

Conflict drivers 

In a country awash with small arms, decades of tit-for-tat livestock raids – some 80,000 cattle were taken over recent weeks - are often cited as the explanation for the clashes. But other conflict drivers are also in play. 

“The causes of the violence go beyond the retaliatory nature of cattle raiding in Jonglei state and touch upon broader issues of accountability, reconciliation, political inclusion, an absence of state authority, and development,” said Jennifer Christian, Sudan policy analyst for the Enough Project, in a 9 January statement. 

“The political and security-related isolation of the two communities has contributed to the rise of parallel authorities, and renders violence as one of the few mechanisms for addressing community grievances,” the statement added. 

According to the Sudan Council of Churches (SCC), social changes have also contributed to the violence. 

“There is a clear disconnect between the youth and both the traditional and political leaders. The tradition of youth respecting and listening to their elders has been lost. Without the youth's involvement, and their sense of ownership of the peace process, any attempt at peace will fail,” the council said in a 18 January statement. 

“Extremely young children are being ‘initiated’ into the hatred and killing, ensuring that it will continue into the next generation,” the statement warned. 

Stopping the cycle of violence 

On 19 January, UNMISS chief Hilde Johnson said that without a large government deployment to enforce a buffer zone, the UN’s 1,100 combat-ready troops in Jonglei  - half of all those deployed in South Sudan - would have to work “miracles” to stop the backlash of smaller attacks on remote villages. 

“The challenge with protection of civilians with the current [new kind of] counter-attacks means that the unpredictability of the attackers, the speed, the small groups they are moving in, makes it very, very difficult,” she said. 

Johnson also expressed alarm about the increasing use of messages threatening to “wipe out an entire ethnic group from the face of the earth,” warning they could further provoke “systematic ethnic violence”. 

Church-led mediation efforts were aborted without resolution in mid-December, when a scheduled peace conference was postponed indefinitely. 

“The church failed because it did not have government support,” said Joseph Giro Ading, visiting a Murle friend whose abdomen was torn to pieces when he was shot near his hometown Pibor.  

“If we keep on revenging, there will not be any solution to the problem; unless we come down [to Juba] and settle the problem in our area, Jonglei will be finished,” he said. 

On 19 January, the government announced it would disarm warring sides in Jonglei, using force if necessary. In the past, similar initiatives have met with limited, or temporary, success and were criticized by human rights groups for their excessive zeal. 

Earlier in January, a Nuer group – the White Army – warned that any new attempt to disarm it “"will lead to catastrophe". 

For the Enough Project, a broader strategy is necessary.  

“The delivery of basic services, provision of security, and establishment of rule of law by the government in Lou Nuer and Murle areas are critical toward ending inter-communal violence in the long term,” its statement urged. 

A view echoed by the SCC: “It is clear that under-development is a key driver of conflict in the area, and this is exacerbated by a perception that some communities are neglected. Development of the more isolated parts of Jonglei State must become a priority for government (eg roads), the business community (eg mobile phone networks) and the aid community.” 

Jonglei resident Ading drew a similar connection: “All those areas where there are attacks, there are no schools, there are no hospitals, there is nothing… they are just villages where cattle are kept,” he told IRIN.
 
“The government should open roads and schools to particular people who don’t even know their ABC. If they educate people who are illiterate, they will also know bad and good,” he said.
 
hm/am/mw

Also see: SOUTH SUDAN: Nyaluak Deng Awuol, “This child, who will look after him now?” [ http://www.irinnews.org/hovreport.aspx?reportid=94704 ]

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94706</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201231003550397t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 23 January 2012 (IRIN) - Wounded civilians from both sides of an escalating conflict between the Lou Nuer and Murle communities in South Sudan’s Jonglei state lie side by side in the steaming heat of a hospital ward in the new country’s capital, Juba.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DISPLACEMENT: Governments falling short on R2P, says new study</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg" />]]>GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</description><body><![CDATA[GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.
 
“The key finding in this study is that the governments do not quite meet the benchmarks,” for adequate protection of IDPs, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of IDPs Chaloka Beyani told IRIN.
 
Yet, much more could be done, said Elizabeth Ferris, one of the authors of the study of 15 countries which account for 72 percent of the world’s 27.5 million people internally displaced by armed conflict, ethnic strife and other forms of violence.
 
“If you take IDPs seriously here are a lot of things you can do to make their lives better that won’t cost you a lot of money. It’s all about being determined and having political will,” she said on the sidelines of a meeting in Geneva where she presented the study entitled From Responsibility to Response: Assessing National Approaches to Internal Displacement. [ http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/reports/2011/11_responsibility_response_ferris/From%20Responsibility%20to%20Response%20Nov%202011doc.pdf ]
 
While the study does not rank the performance of the governments, Ferris said Colombia, Georgia, Kenya and Uganda clearly were heading in the right direction, while the Central African Republic, Myanmar and Yemen would get the worst marks. The other countries looked at in the study were: Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Turkey.
 
Nearly half the countries surveyed have adopted some preventive measures on paper, “but all 15 have fallen short of actually preventing displacement in practice,” the report says. “Moreover, many national authorities themselves have been the perpetrators of violence or human rights abuses that have led to displacements, and many states foster a culture of impunity for alleged perpetrators of human rights violations.”
 
Under international law, states bear the primary responsibility to protect persons within their borders and must provide special protection for IDPs because of their particularly vulnerable condition. The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] provide an advocacy and monitoring framework for the assistance and protection needs of IDPs.
 
The October 2009 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa (also known as the Kampala Convention) [ http://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/GuidingPrinciplesDispl.pdf ] aims, among other things, to “promote and strengthen regional and national measures to prevent or mitigate, prohibit and eliminate root causes of internal displacement as well as provide for durable solutions”.
 
“Ultimately only the state can provide lasting protection for IDPs,” the study says.
 
“The state’s exercise of its national responsibility for IDPs, therefore, must be the basis for an effective response to internal displacement. It is not a matter of navigating around the principle of national responsibility but of being guided by that principle and consciously gearing all efforts to achieve an effective response.”
 
While “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) is often discussed in terms of the role of the international community, the report says R2P emphasizes “first and foremost” the responsibility of governments to protect the populations within their borders.
 
“If national governments satisfy their responsibility to protect IDPs then R2P is being met at the national level. This study brings the linkage of R2P and IDPs to the fore,” said Beyani, who is also co-director of the Brookings-LSE project on internal displacement.
 
Lack of capacity, political will
 
“While there is broad consensus on the principle of national responsibility, governments may lack the capacity to address internal displacement, or the political will to respond effectively; and in many cases deliberately trigger internal displacement or at least condone the actions that cause it,” the study says.
 
“In Sudan, government forces, militia and rebel groups have committed egregious human rights violations, including against those already displaced, and have mounted attacks that have resulted in massive displacement.”
 
A government’s public acknowledgement of a displacement is a key first step in protecting and assisting IDPs, but is not always forthcoming, the report says, citing the case of Myanmar, where “the government does not acknowledge the existence of conflict-induced displacement”.
 
In Turkey, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal, the governments “have been reluctant at certain points to highlight the fact that their military operations had displaced large numbers of people or that they had been unable to prevent other armed actors from displacing large numbers of people.”
 
Collecting detailed data on displacements can play a key role in getting governments to act, said Kate Haiff, who heads the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre at the Norwegian Refugee Council. 
 
“In many situations, governments will not acknowledge displacement is taking place. With core data, with evidence you can open doors. It’s about getting evidence that we have displacement - these are the numbers and these are the issues people are faced with.”
 
Recommendations
 
The study recommends that governments make the issue of IDPs a political priority, designate an institutional focal point to provide assistance to IDPs, amend or adopt relevant legislation, devote sufficient funds, support the work of national human rights institutions engaging in IDP issues, ask for international assistance where necessary, and search for durable solutions with the participation of IDPs.
 
Of the 27.5 million IDPs uprooted by conflict and violence in more than 50 countries as of the end of 2010, 11.1 million were in Africa - including 4.5-5.2 million in Sudan, and 5.4 million in the Americas - mostly in Colombia. In South and Southeast Asia there were more than 3.5 million, in the Middle East, 3.9 million and in Europe and Central Asia 2.5 million. Millions more have been displaced by natural disasters of development projects.
 
pfm/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94690</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221036040311t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GENEVA 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - The governments of 15 countries most affected by internal displacement have failed to adequately protect internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in many cases have themselves been perpetrators of violence or abuses that led to the displacements, according to a Brookings-London School of Economics study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
