<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Ethiopia</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 16:30:42 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>In Brief: Raids free enslaved migrants/refugees in Yemen</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.

In the last four weeks, 1,620 migrants, including women and children, have been freed in army raids around the northern town of Haradh close to the border with Saudi Arabia, according to information from the International medical NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) [ http://www.msf.org/article/yemen-msf-assists-migrants-freed-clutches-human-traffickers ]. It says most of the released migrants it treated at the MSF-run Al-Mazraq hospital had been victims of human trafficking, forced labour and slavery.

“There are clear signs of extreme violence. Fingernails have been pulled out and many are badly beaten. We welcome this clampdown, but there are almost certainly thousands more migrants in captivity, and for those released, welcome centres and humanitarian NGOs are seriously overstretched,” Tarek Daher, MSF’s head of mission in Yemen, told IRIN.

Migrants recently told IRIN horrific stories [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ] of the kidnapping and torture they had experienced after landing in Yemen. Around a 107,000 crossed from the Horn of Africa into Yemen in 2012, most originally from Ethiopia, according to UNHCR [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2010-2013-31-january-2013 ], and at least 30,000 have made the journey so far this year [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/over-30000-refugees-and-migrants-arrive-yemen-so-far-year ].

See previous IRIN reporting on migration in Yemen here:

Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture ]

DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated ]

ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen"
[ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ]

YEMEN: Tortured for ransom
[ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95051/YEMEN-Tortured-for-ransom ]

jj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97961/In-Brief-Raids-free-enslaved-migrants-refugees-in-Yemen</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081458460657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - The army in Yemen has started a crackdown on illegal smuggling hideouts in the north where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa are frequently held against their will and tortured by criminal gangs looking for ransom money.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Somalia, federalism and Jubaland</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304161357460972t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.

After more than two decades of civil war and inter-clan conflict, Somalia is undertaking an ambitious programme of national reconciliation and development, with federalism is a pillar of its plan. The national administration, in place since 2012, is called the Somali Federal Government (SFG), and the country’s basic law is the Provisional Federal Constitution. Both embrace the principle of power-sharing between central and regional authorities.

But the so-called “Jubaland Initiative” is exposing stark disagreements over how federalism should be implemented and over who should drive the process: the central government and parliament, or the regions themselves.

Who, what, where?

The regions involved are Lower Juba, Middle Juba and Gedo, which are adjacent to Kenya and Ethiopia.

They cover a combined area of 87,000sqkm and have a total population of around 1.3 million. This includes numerous clans, such as the Ogaden-Darod, Maheran-Darod, Sheekhaal, Coormale, Biimaal, Gaaljecel, Raxanweyn , Dir, Gawaaweyn, Murile, Bejuni Boni and various Bantu groups.

“Due to its natural resources and location, Jubaland has the potential to be one of Somalia’s richest regions, but conflict has kept it chronically unstable for over two decades,” according to the Rift Valley Institute.

The regions include some of the most remote and marginalized areas of the country, some of which are entirely cut off during the rainy season for months at a time.

The most important city is the port of Kismayo, a lucrative prize for various warlords who battled for control of it following the 1991 fall of president Mohamed Siad Barre.

Al-Shabab insurgents held Kismayo from 2006 to September 2012, when they were ousted by Kenyan troops and forces of the Ras Kamboni militia. In that time, they earned tens of millions of dollars a year in tax revenue, mainly from charcoal exports.

Al-Shabab still maintains a significant presence in areas outside Kismayo. Kenyan troops, who are largely integrated into the African Union’s military mission in Somalia (AMISOM) continue to be deployed in the three regions.

What is the humanitarian situation?

Like much of South and Central Somalia, Gedo, Middle Juba and Lower Juba suffered extensive infrastructural damage during the civil war. Most public buildings, such as schools and clinics, have yet to be rehabilitated. Road networks are in equally poor shape.

Current risk factors include limited access to humanitarian services, coupled with outbreaks of measles, acute watery diarrhoea, malaria, water-borne diseases and conflict-related injuries.

Aid agencies are able to access Kismayo and the city of Luuq. In January 2013, for the first time in four years, the World Food Programme (WFP) resumed operations in Kismayo, where almost half the households it surveyed were found to be food insecure, and almost a quarter of children under five malnourished. WFP has initiated a nutrition programme and provides hot meals to up to 15,000 people.

Insecurity persists, with many areas still controlled by Al-Shabab. “Even where Al-Shabab has left, the vacuum has been filled with local militias, competing warlords and rival clans,” said Mark Yarnell of Refugees International. Many NGOs are still forced to take AMISOM escorts, and negotiating with militias or insurgents is sometimes unavoidable.

What would a federal state look like?

This has yet to be determined. The constitution provides for the establishment of federal states, saying: “Based on a voluntary decision, two or more regions may merge to form a Federal Member State.”

But the constitution also holds that issues relating to new federal states should be sorted out by the lower house of parliament and a “national commission” that has yet to be set up.

Meanwhile, Somalia’s current regional structures are matters of great political sensitivity. Many regions exist largely as geographical entities, with little in the way of local government or administration. Somaliland, in the north, is a self-declared independent republic, and Puntland, east of Somaliland, is what the UN calls a “self-declared autonomous state” within Somalia.

What steps have been taken towards establishing Jubaland?

Current efforts to form a regional, secular administration began in 2010, some two years before the SFG came into being.

Kenya, keen to create a buffer zone to protect its territory form Al-Shabab incursions, played an important role in process, hosting talks among stakeholders and backing former defence minister Mohamed Abdi Mohamed (Gandhi) as the “president” of an entity then called “Azania”. Since the establishment of the SFG, these conversations have continued in the form of the Jubaland Initiative.

Neighbouring Ethiopia has also been keen to see a buffer zone in southern Somalia - so long as its leadership is not sympathetic to the Ogaden National Liberation Front, an Ethiopian rebel group. And the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), which comprises several states in the region, has also supported the Jubaland Initiative.

After Al-Shabab was pushed out of Kismayo in September 2012, discussions moved to the port city itself. In late February 2013, hundreds of delegates gathered for a formal Jubaland conference to push the process forward. A flag and three-year constitution were adopted.

News of this development prompted a huge celebration in Kenya’s Dadaab refugee complex, which is home to almost half a million Somalis, many of whom had fled southern parts of that country over the past 20 years.

The Kismayo talks were led by Ras Kamboni leader and former Kismayo governor  Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, who is said to enjoy support from sections of both the Kenyan and Ethiopian administrations.

The Jubaland process also enjoys significant support from the leaders of Puntland, who favour a decentralized form of federalism.

Is there opposition to the initiative?

Yes. The SFG, while agreeing in principle that the three regions have the right to form a federal state, says the Jubaland Initiative in its current form violates constitutional provisions about the formation of such states.

From Mogadishu’s perspective, Jubaland is being imposed on local inhabitants by their leaders, rather than emerging from a “bottom-up” process in which local administrations are formed before deciding to merge. Mogadishu officials, as well as politicians in the Juba and Gedo regions, have expressed concern that the emerging Jubaland leadership will not be fully representative of the various clans that live there.

Prime Minister Prime Abdi Farah Shirdon recently warned that the Kismayo conference would “jeopardize the efforts of reconciliation, peace-building and state-building, create tribal divisions and also undermines the fight against extremism in the region.”

Divisions have also appeared among members of the federal parliament over whether to support the Jubaland process.

Many Somalis have long accused Kenya and Ethiopia of having a destabilizing effect on Somalia; they see Kenyan and Ethiopian involvement in the Jubaland process as a self-interested attempt to establish proxies there.

Why does this dispute matter?

This row over who should be in control of setting up new federal states threatens Somalia’s internal stability and its external relations. It places the government in Mogadishu at odds with new leaders in Kismayo and established ones in Puntland, and potentially with Ethiopia, Kenya and IGAD.

The Jubaland affair is an important test case for the fledgling SFG, whose credibility depends in part on its ability to stand up to other centres of power in the country.

“Unless these tensions are managed effectively, Jubaland easily could unravel and eventually break up into areas that are controlled by smaller rival factions. This is an opportunity that a group like Al-Shabab would love to exploit,” according to one recent analysis [ http://somalianewsroom.com/2013/01/10/jubaland-close-to-becoming-somalias-next-state/ ].

For Andrews Atta-Asamoah of the Institute for Security Studies, the row “has become a bone of contention capable of derailing the progress achieved thus far” in ridding Somalia of Al-Shabab’s influence [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201304100027.html?viewall=1 ].

Al-Shabab fighters quickly filled the gap left by the recent withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from the town Huddur, just north of Jubaland, demonstrating the group’s ability “to act swiftly when it spots weakness”, Atta-Asamoah said.

Additionally, the longer political uncertainty about Jubaland’s governance continues, the harder it is for humanitarian agencies to scale up their activities there.

What next?

There is now a “full-fledged” showdown between Mogadishu and leaders of the Jubaland Initiative, according to Michael Weinstein, professor of political science at Chicago’s Purdue University [ http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_The_Show-Down_in_Jubaland_Begins.shtml ].

He pointed to the absence of a credible judicial system to resolve the constitutional row and warned that lack of clarity in the constitution itself was “an invitation to endless legal contretemps.”

There are also concerns about whether Jubaland is cohesive enough to ensure a viable state. Its constituent regions lack decent road links or any history of shared administration. “Geddo in the north links to Mogadishu, the south links to [the Kenyan town of] Garissa. But Middle and Lower Jubba roads are often impassable because of rains. There is no easy prospect of people and goods moving throughout,” said Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College.

 “Whatever solution emerges,” Matt Bryden, the director of Sahan Research, told a recent seminar in Nairobi, “Jubaland is going to have to deal with the kinds of issues we’ve heard about [for years]: sharing and management of resources and the perception among various clans that there is some kind of equitable distribution.”

jh-am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97860/Briefing-Somalia-federalism-and-Jubaland</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304161357460972t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uneven progress on child stunting in East and Central Africa</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition [ http://www.unicef.org/media/files/nutrition_report_2013.pdf ] by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.

Stunting can lead to irreversible brain and body damage in children, making them more susceptible to illness and more likely to fall behind in school. Based on UNICEF’s report, IRIN has put together a round-up of the nutrition situations in six East and Central African countries that are among 24 countries with the largest burden and highest prevalence of stunting.

Burundi: Under-five mortality in this small central African country dropped from 183 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 139 per 1,000 live births in 2012. This is far short of the 63 deaths per 1,000 live births necessary for the country to achieve UN Millennium Development Goal (MDG) [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/child_mortality/en/ ] 4, which aims to reduce child mortality by two-thirds by 2015. An estimated 58 percent of children under age five are stunted, compared with 56 percent in 1987, according to demographic and health surveys from those years.

According to the UNICEF report, Burundi has made “no progress” on MDG 1 [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/hunger/en/ ], which aims to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

Central African Republic (CAR): An estimated 28 percent of under-five deaths in CAR occur within the first month of a child’s life; the biggest killers of children under five are malaria, diarrhoea and pneumonia. The percentage of children under age five who are stunted has changed little since 1995, standing at 41 percent in 2010, as has the percentage of children who are underweight, which has remained at about 24 percent for the last 18 years.

There has, however, been significant progress in the number of mothers exclusively breastfeeding their infants. In 2010, 34 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed, compared to just 3 percent in 1995. According to UNICEF, infants who are not breastfed in the first six months of life are “more than 14 times more likely to die from all causes than an exclusively breastfed infant”.

Democratic Republic of Congo: Africa’s second-largest country bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, with 43 percent of children under age five suffering from stunting and 24 percent being underweight. Stunting is significantly higher (47 percent) in rural areas than it is in urban areas (34 percent).

The percentage of children who are underweight dropped from 34 percent in 2001 to 24 percent in 2010. DRC’s progress towards MDG 1 is described as “insufficient”.

Ethiopia: The Horn of Africa nation, which bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, has seen a steep drop in stunting levels, from an estimated 57 percent in 2000 to 44 percent in 2011. The percentage of underweight under-fives has also dropped significantly, from 42 percent in 2000 to 29 percent in 2011. Between 2000 and 2011, under-five mortality was cut from 139 deaths per 1,000 live births to 77 per 1,000 live births - within striking distance of its MDG 4 target of 66 per 1,000.

A national nutrition programme launched in 2008 has been key to reducing national food insecurity, a major cause of stunting. The country’s health service extension programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72371/ETHIOPIA-New-programme-boosts-village-health-service-delivery ] has also played a role in bringing nutritional interventions to villages.

Rwanda: Community interventions - such as kitchen gardens and increasing the availability of livestock, as well as measures to boost healthy infant feeding practices like exclusive breastfeeding and the provision of nutritional supplements - saw the percentage of underweight under-fives in Rwanda drop from 20 percent in 2000 to 11 percent in 2010. Enhanced data collection and analysis has also enabled the government to improve its planning and monitoring of child malnutrition.

The report describes the country as “on track” to meet MDG 1.

Tanzania: Bearing 2 percent of the world’s stunting burden, Tanzania has made significant strides in improving child nutrition. An estimated 50 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed in 2010, compared to 23 percent in 1992. The country has also brought under-five stunting levels down from 50 percent in 1992 to 42 percent in 2010, but continues to suffer significantly higher stunting in rural children (45 percent) compared to urban children (39 percent).

Tanzania’s under-five mortality rate dropped from 158 per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 68 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2010, putting it close to its MDG 4 target of 53 deaths per 1,000 live births. UNICEF’s report says the country is “on track” to meet its MDG 1 targets.

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97853/Uneven-progress-on-child-stunting-in-East-and-Central-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Migrant voices - Ethiopians in Yemen describe kidnapping and torture</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg" />]]>SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen ] to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.

Recent years have seen Ethiopians make up the majority of these migrants: Of the 107,000 recorded migrants crossing the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden into Yemen in 2012, around 80,000 were from Ethiopia.

Four irregular migrants with diverse backgrounds, all from Ethiopia, told IRIN about their journeys to Yemen.* While their stories differ in details, they all share a similar set of experiences: brutality, broken promises and extortion.

Marta, mid-30s, from Dire Dawa, eastern Ethiopia:

Marta says she fled Ethiopia in 2010 when she and her family were accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a state-designated terrorist group. “The government said, ‘You are with the party of OLF,’ and chased us out of country. I don’t know where my family ended up.”

“I spent a year and a half in Djibouti, where I gave birth to my daughter. After her father disappeared, we left for Yemen. I paid a broker 10,000 Djiboutian francs [about US$55] to ride in a boat with 15 others from Djibouti to Yemen.

“Our night-time crossing of the Red Sea was calm until the end. As we neared the Yemeni coast, the owner of the boat, who was part of the smuggling operation, threw us into the sea. No one knew how to swim because in Ethiopia, we don’t have a sea, just lakes. The brokers and their thugs were waiting for us as we came ashore. They raped me and the other women. I’m 9 months pregnant with a child from that night.

“When I arrived to Sana’a, I was tired and decided to stay. For seven months, I was a house maid, but now I can’t work because of the pregnancy, so I have no income. [Ethiopian] migrants from the community in Sana’a are supporting me.

“I’m interested in tackling my problems, but at the moment I am pregnant and I am tired. All my money goes to my daughter, so this makes me tired. One day I will win.”

Alima, 18, from Miesso, eastern Ethiopia:

Alima fled to Dijoubti after being accused of being a member of the OLF. “I worked for one year in Djibouti City, where life was not good but not bad, until gangs started robbing us near where we collected our salaries. That’s when I decided to go to Yemen, where I’ve been for five months.

“I paid a broker 20,000 Djiboutian francs [about $110] to take me to the island of Haiyoo, where we would take a boat to Yemen. Thugs captured us and demanded more money when we arrived to Haiyoo. Because I had no money, they raped me. Men who did not have money were beaten, and the women were raped. Eventually, I contacted family and convinced them to send $200.

“We arrived to Yemen, north of Bab al-Mandab [the Mandab Strait], in a 120-person boat, and were transferred to the Yemeni smugglers who control that part of the country. The gangsters raped most of the women and tortured and beat the men to extort more money.

“They sell women who can’t find more money to other brokers, who send them to work as maids in Yemeni households. A broker bought me and sent me to Radaa, where I worked for three months cleaning houses.

“One man who loved me paid for my release and married me. He was also in Radaa, working on a qat farm and raising livestock. We moved to Sana’a two months ago. He cleans in a restaurant and I’m a maid.

“If an opportunity arises, or if I make money, or if the situation in Yemen gets worse, I’m interested in going to a better country.”

Mesfin, 38, from Dese, north-central Ethiopia:

“I was born an orphan in Ethiopia, and grew up there. I had no family, and no one was helping me. Life was boring, so I decided to explore.

“I travelled five days on buses, trains and hiding out on heavy trucks before arriving at the border with Djibouti. I could have cut straight across the Welo desert to the Red Sea, but it was too dangerous. Most people spend their lives there.

“I paid brokers 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50]. That was supposed to cover the entire trip from Ethiopia to Yemen, but I was forced to pay 400 Ethiopian birr [$20] extra at Haiyoo.

“We crossed the Red Sea in a small fishing boat loaded with about 80 people. While we were boarding, I heard the brokers contact Abd al-Qawi’s* people, who said they were prepared to receive them near Mokha. About five hours later, we hit land, and Abd al-Qawi’s gangsters started beating the men trying to escape and raping most of the women right there on the beach.

“They took me and some of the men and women to a detention centre, where they tortured them until money was transferred. The building was like a jail; people are not helped until someone sends them money. The women were raped there. I was detained and tortured for five days. On the fifth night, they untied me because I was in charge of feeding the others, and I managed to escape.

“I ended up in the main street of Mokha and caught a ride to Taiz in a day. An Ethiopian migrant paid for me to come to Sana’a, where I’ve been for five days. I want to work here, make some money, then return to Ethiopia to search for relatives.”

Yassin, 23, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia:

“I had no political issues - not many - in Ethiopia, but I had economic problems. I am from a poor family in Addis Ababa: no father, only my mother, and I have many sisters and brothers. I went to Yemen imagining living a better life because my mother couldn’t provide for us.

“I stowed away on a train from Addis to the Djibouti border, and from there to Haiyoo we travelled in a Land Cruiser. I paid a broker 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50] for the whole trip.

“After a week of waiting in Djibouti, we took a fishing boat filled with 45 people to Yemen. Before pushing off on our four-and-a-half-hour journey, another boat left ahead of us, which was built to hold 25 people but 50 piled in. The boat split in half and sunk not long after its departure. We could hear their screams as they drowned in the night. When the bodies washed ashore, we buried them before leaving. During the pitch-black crossing, we encountered a ship which seemed like an island it was so big. The waves filled our boat with water, and we almost capsized. We arrived near Bab al-Mandab.

“The landing wasn’t very scary because we were dropped so close to shore. But as we waded to the beach, Abd al-Qawi’s thugs started shooting guns into the air to scare those who tried running away. They loaded us into trucks and took us to detention centres to extract money. Because I know different dialects, I acted as translator and was released with those who paid. I saw them rape women, hang men by their hands and beat them with metal rods and red-hot poles; they shot off fingers and toes, poked hot shards of metal into their eyes and poured boiling plastic on their bodies.

“I travelled one day by Hilux to Haradh along the Saudi border. I saw the same beatings and rapes for extortion in Haradh throughout my six months there. As you see in Yemen, there is no work, so I have plans to leave to anywhere by any means.”

*Full names withheld
*Most migrants referred to Abd al-Qawi as the name of the Yemeni gangs who carried out the abuses, though the origin of this name is not clear.

cc/jj/rz

For more information see:
Desperate Choices - conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen
http://www.regionalmms.org/fileadmin/content/featured%20articles/RMMSbooklet.pdf

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97826/Migrant-voices-Ethiopians-in-Yemen-describe-kidnapping-and-torture</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA’A 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Record numbers of migrants from the Horn of Africa are crossing into Yemen, most of them on their way to find better opportunities in Saudi Arabia and other rich Gulf countries. But many do not make it any further. Seeking a new life, they end up unwitting victims of a smuggling racket designed to exploit the migrants at each juncture of their journey.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In East Africa, heavy rains test emergency preparedness</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040922550914t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.

“Above-normal rains have occurred in several areas, including northern and western Tanzania; Rwanda; Burundi; the Lake Victoria Basin; western, southern and northeastern Kenya; southern and central Somalia; and eastern and south-eastern Ethiopia,” states an update by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/East%20Africa%20Seasonal%20Monitor%20April%208%202013.pdf ].

Even normal rains can cause flooding and damage in areas with poor drainage; this year’s heavy rains are already beginning to test the emergency responses in many flood and disaster-prone areas.

The rains, which have “caused significant flooding in the Lake Victoria basin in Uganda and Kenya, the southern Maasai rangelands in Kenya, and along the Wabi Shabelle in Ethiopia in late March and early April”, according to the update, started between mid-March and early April and are likely to continue through May.

Kenya 

In Kenya, at least 18,633 people have been displaced by flooding since the onset of the rains, according to the Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS) [ https://www.kenyaredcross.org/PDF/REPORTED%20sitrep%202013%20FLOODS%209th%20April%202013-1.pdf ]. Some 32 deaths have also been recorded, with others being injured.

The number of people displaced could rise to about 30,000 before the rainy season ends, said Nelly Muluka, the KRCS communications manager. 

“We are also working on searching for the unaccounted people and sensitizing communities on the need to move to safer areas,” said Muluka. KRCS is distributing food and non-food items to affected families, but there is a need for medical care and additional food and shelter.

Ahead of the rains, Kenya’s meteorological department had warned of generally enhanced rainfall over the western highlands, Lake Basin, central Rift Valley and the central highlands, including Nairobi, in March and April. 

“We expected floods in areas like Nairobi, Central, Coastal and Western Kenya, and have already put aside food and non-food items for potential victims,” Andrew Mondoh, the permanent secretary in the Special Programmes Ministry, told IRIN. 

In the coastal area of Tana River, hundreds of families marooned by floods have been rescued by helicopter and moved to safer areas, added Mondo. 

The rains have also destroyed roads in the Rift Valley areas of Kajiado and Narok and in the western area of Kisumu. 

In northeastern Kenya’s Dadaab refugee complex, home to about 463,000 mainly Somali refugees, the rains have displaced some families and affected commodity prices. 

Parts of a 90km road, linking the main region of Garissa to the Dadaab refugee complex, have been rendered impassable, affecting transport and commerce. 

Movement within the Ifo-1 and Ifo-2 camps becomes especially difficult during the rainy season due to flooding, which makes aid delivery difficult.

“It is a mixture of sad[ness] and happiness during the rainy season in Dadaab; we really need the rain because it is always very hot and we get more milk from the neighbouring locations, but we have no proper shelter and the prices of some foodstuffs become higher,” said Muhubo Aden Kusow, who runs a grocery store at one of the Ifo camps. 

The heavy rains are expected to continue over the next two weeks, according to Ayub Shaka, the deputy director of Kenya’s Department of Meteorological Services. “It is difficult to say where floods will occur in the next two weeks for example, but the best we can do is to ask people living in flood-prone areas to stay alert and safe,” said Shaka.

Somalia 

In neighbouring Somalia, heavy rains were recorded in the first week of April.

“Robust precipitation accumulations (>75mm) were again observed over central and southern Somalia,” states an Africa Hazards Outlook report for 11-17 April [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/afr_Apr11_2013.pdf ]. 

“Many local areas have already experienced more than three times their normal rainfall accumulation since the beginning of April, sustaining the risk for localized flash flooding and downstream river inundation over the Jubba and Shabelle River basins in eastern Ethiopia and southern Somalia.”

The Shabelle has already burst its banks in some places, according to a 10 April Shabelle River flood update by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization [ http://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/flood-update-shabelle-river-10042013 ]. 

“SWALIM [Somalia Water and Land Information Management] field reports in the last two days indicate river breakages at Hurway (about 8m wide), Eji (about 6m wide) and Maadheere (about 14m wide) villages all in Middle Shabelle Region. This has led to inundation of large areas, causing destruction of cropped area[s] of unconfirmed acreage, and displacement of several families.”

Ethiopia 

The southern and eastern regions of Ethiopia have also received “heavy and well-distributed precipitation totals”, according to the Africa Hazards Outlook, “with lesser amounts observed in the west and higher elevations of the country.” 

“This has already negatively affected cropping activities, with a reduction of planting over many local Belg [February-May rains]-producing areas of Ethiopia,” it says.

With the rains expected to continue, efforts are underway to mitigate their adverse effects.

Uganda 

According to Uganda’s chief weather forecaster, Deus Bamanya, there is an increased likelihood of near-normal to above-normal rainfall over most parts of Uganda, with the rains peaking between mid-April and early-May. Flash flooding could also occur in areas expected to receive below-normal rainfall due to sporadic heavy downpours.

“The expected impacts include increased lightning, hailstorms, floods and landslides,” Bamanya told IRIN.

The government plans to relocate vulnerable populations living in the eastern Mount Elgon region, which is prone to flooding and landslides [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88283/UGANDA-300-feared-dead-as-landslides-bury-villages-in-the-east ]. 

“We are worried [about] landslides, mudslides and flooding. There are already signs in the low-lying and hilly and mountainous areas,” Musa Ecweru, Uganda’s state minister for relief, disaster preparedness and refugees, told IRIN.

“The effects of the heavy rains last year were very devastating. We don’t want [a]repeat. We are going to relocate people in these vulnerable areas. We are only waiting for resources from our development partners to start the relocation exercise,” said Ecweru. The Ugandan government requires some 35 billion shillings (about US$13.5 million) for the exercise.

“We are going to de-gazette some government land to relocate these vulnerable populations. We are negotiating with [the] Uganda Wildlife Authority to have this done immediately. We must [re]settle these people as quick[ly] as possible,” he added. 

The districts of Mbale, Tororo, Kalangala, Bundibugyo and Masaka are among those most affected by hailstorms, according to Catherine Ntabadde-Makumbi, the Uganda Red Cross Society assistant communications director, who added that at least 8,362 people remain without assistance, with 5,681 of them displaced. The displaced are in urgent need of shelter kits, household items and water purifying tablets. 

Burundi 

In Burundi, flood-affected areas include the northwestern region of Bubanza, Bujumbura City and the plains of Imbo along the shores of Lake Tanganyika. 

"We have a problem with rain in the town of Gihanga [in Bubanza]. Houses and plantations were destroyed, causing the displacement of people and stopping work in the fields," Anselme Wakana, governor of Bubanza Province, told IRIN. 

At least 1,000 hectares of rice has been damaged there, raising food security fears. "We are harvesting rice that was not yet mature due to fear of flooding," said farmer Olive Ngayimpenda. 

Several homes have been destroyed in the areas of Gihanga.

According to Mbonerane Albert, the president of the local NGO Green Belt Action, the situation could worsen due to environmental degradation: deforestation in Bubanza has increased surface runoff, increasing the risk of flooding. 

Rwanda 

In neighbouring Rwanda, authorities have issued disaster warnings to those living in risk-prone areas.

"High-risk-zone dwellers have [been] given [a] new eviction ultimatum to relocate since we noticed that expected heavy rainfall could affect the vulnerable populations," Antoine Ruvebana, the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Refugees Affairs and Disaster Management, told IRIN. 

Rwanda, due its hilly terrain, is susceptible to erosion, flooding and landslides. 

According to the Rwandan meteorological services department, several western parts of the country could get ''above-normal rainfall'' during the mid-April to May 2013 period. 

rk-mh-dn-at-so/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97830/In-East-Africa-heavy-rains-test-emergency-preparedness</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040922550914t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Keeping pastoralist children in school in Ethiopia</title><pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Keeping pastoralist children in school in Ethiopia

ADDIS ABABA, 14 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.

In February, at least 17,000 primary school children in Ethiopia were reported [ http://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/ethiopia-weekly-humanitarian-bulletin-11-february-2013 ] to have dropped out since the beginning of the 2012-2013 school year, mainly due to drought-related migration.

In the northeastern Afar Region, some 15 schools have closed down due to a lack of water during the current dry season, affecting some 1,899 children, 29 percent of whom are girls, according to an 11 March update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Bulletin_11%20March%202013.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Ongoing conflict between the Oromo and Somali communities is also affecting education. “In conflict-affected areas of Oromia’s East Hararghe zone, some 10,600 children (40 percent girls) from 35 primary schools in Kumbi, Gursum, Meyumuluke and Chenasken [districts have remained] without schooling for over three months,” the update said.

In the southeastern Somali Region, seasonal flooding, ethnic conflict between residents in border areas, and even internal conflicts within the Somali ethnic group often adversely affect schooling, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

In 2012, for example, a flood emergency in the region severely affected schools in several districts. “During the flooding emergency that occurred in June 2012, around 3,196 girls dropped out of school. Most of the schools located in the seven woredas [districts] were flooded, with eventual destruction of all educational materials and school infrastructure,” said UNICEF.

During the emergency, UNICEF supported the creation of temporary learning spaces for the affected children.

Alternative schools

Children in pastoral regions often seasonally migrate with their families due to adverse weather or insecurity.

The Ethiopian government, through its Alternative Basic Education Center (ABEC) programme, has been taking schools closer to such children.

“It is to include the under-developed pastoralist regions that we needed to devise an inclusive and comprehensive strategy specifically for the areas. The regions and way of life there needed a different approach. We had to take the schools to the children, not the other way around,” Mohammed Abubeker, head of the special support and inclusive education department at Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education, told IRIN.

“And now, after years of efforts, we have in the regions… formal and non-formal schools. A student would find at least one informal school in every kebele [an administrative unit under the district].”

The ABEC programme has helped at least a quarter of a million rural Ethiopians living beyond the reach of the formal education system to access basic schooling, according to a statement [ http://transition.usaid.gov/press/frontlines/fl_may12/FL_may12_ETH_EDU.html ] by the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

But the alternative education ends at the fourth grade, and in some areas, children must walk two hours to the formal school to continue learning, notes USAID. “Not surprisingly, some still drop out, mainly for poverty-related reasons, including the families’ need for their children’s labour or their inability to pay for room and board near the schools.”

Pastoralists’ seasonal migration also means that, “learning spaces are closed, which results in [the] closure of more Alternative Basic Education Centres,” notes UNICEF.

‘Migrating’ education

In response to the pastoralists’ movements, education officials are seeking ways to ensure learning continues.

“In the pastoralist regions, people there often move either by choice or [are] forced due to conflicts or drought,” said Mohammed of the education ministry. “In such situations, we use mobile schools, which are really doing well. The teachers and education materials are made to move with the pastoralist[s], so the kids will continue to learn.”

“Also, we have recently started networking the schools so when kids leave one area, we alert schools in the areas they [are migrating to] so that they can take them in,” he added.

Jointly with the UN World Food Programme (WFP), the education ministry is also running a school feeding system programme that is helping to attract pupils to schools.

UNICEF is also trucking water to drought-affected areas. “If kebeles are benefitting from water trucking, schools will not be closed since the communities are getting water,” notes UNICEF.

Despite the challenges, some success has been seen in educating children in pastoral regions, Mohammed told IRIN, adding that the Afar and Somali regions had gross enrolment rates of 75 and 83 percent, respectively.

“We have been doing well…but there are still many problems we need to solve. Our wish is that not a single child drops out permanently. Unfortunately, we are not there yet.”

kt/aw/rz

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97662/Keeping-pastoralist-children-in-school-in-Ethiopia</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111181336170109t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 March 2013 (IRIN) - Thousands of children in the pastoral regions of Ethiopia are dropping out of school despite government and donor efforts to bring schools closer to them. Recurrent natural disasters such as drought and flooding, as well as inter-ethnic clashes, are major factors in school dropouts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Linking Ethiopia’s bean farmers to formal markets</title><pubDate>Wed, 06 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20063172t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 06 February 2013 (IRIN) - Over the years, small-scale farmers growing white pea beans in Ethiopia have sold their produce through the informal market, relying largely on middlemen who dictate prices and walk away with huge profits, often leaving the farmers in poverty.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 06 February 2013 (IRIN) - Over the years, small-scale farmers growing white pea beans in Ethiopia have sold their produce through the informal market, relying largely on middlemen who dictate prices and walk away with huge profits, often leaving the farmers in poverty.

“When smallholders sell their produce individually, they are easily shortchanged by middlemen who give them very little money for their products, and they can hardly provide for their families despite their hard work on the farms,” Legesse Dadi, agricultural project manager for Catholic Relief Services in Ethiopia, told IRIN.

Some traders on the informal market are also more likely to tamper with weighing scales, which means farmers get even less money for their produce.

“In a disorganized marketing system, farmers rarely get value for their farm produce,” Dadi added.

But between 2008 and 2011, a project called New Business Models for Sustainable Trading Relationships helped link multinational food companies to smallholders in Africa. It enabled some 15,000 white-pea-bean farmers - there are about 450,000 bean farmers in Ethiopia - to access formal export markets by producing better crops and organizing themselves into small cooperatives through which to sell their products and bargain for better prices.

Rising incomes

Many of the smallholders own half-hectare plots that can, during a good season, produce 500kg to 800kg of white pea beans.

But while smallholders often have the soils and skills to supply high-quality products to the food industry, according to a recent report [ http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/16035IIED.pdf ] by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), “their entry into these markets is constrained by increasingly stringent standards, volatile prices and lack of credit”.

The farmers’ problems had been exacerbated by the absence of a ready market for white pea beans, which are not locally consumed, experts say.

“Traditionally, white pea beans have very few consumers within Ethiopia, and this means the farmers have to rely on [the] export market… which they have very little access to,” Dadi said.

The project, facilitated by Catholic Relief Services, the International Institute for Environment and Development, Rainforest Alliance and the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture helped address these issues. Farmers received assistance organizing cooperatives, which enabled them to sell in bulk and improve their bargaining power.  They were also given access to storage facilities.

The government contributed by providing agricultural extension officers to teach farmers modern crop-handling methods. The bean farmers also received access to canning factories in the UK, which increased their productivity and product quality.

Five years ago, smallholders would receive US$0.12 from middlemen for 1kg of white pea beans; today the same quantity, sold on the formal market, fetches them $0.37.

According to the Sustainable Food Lab [ http://sustainablefood.org/ ], one of the organizations involved in implementing the project, 100kg bags of white pea beans now earn farmers twice the income they get from the same amount of sorghum, the staple crop that is typically intercropped with beans.

On average, farmers are able to earn a profit of $144 and $187 per household per harvest season, an improvement over profits made on the informal market. 

Gains all around

Experts say that access to formal markets, which allows farmers to fetch better prices, is an important element in increasing their income and quality of produce. Even so, the informal market cannot be wished away.

“The informal market is likely to continue to dominate in smallholder dried beans due to the highly dispersed and variable nature of production,” Bill Vorley, principal researcher on sustainable markets group at IIED, told IRIN via email. 

“But the formal market and its associated investments… lead to improvements in productivity and income. It also generates higher-quality jobs in sorting and processing,” he added.

For vulnerable small scale farmers, better market linkages will have enormous benefits.

“If farmers have a reliable market, and the benefits of cash cropping are shared fairly between genders, it is entirely logical for households to achieve food security (and cash income, e.g., for education and health) through committing some of their land to cash crops,” Vorley said.

A 2009 paper [ http://sustainablefood.org/images/stories/pdf/nbm%20linking%20worlds%20.pdf ] emphasized that small-scale farmers have much to gain when “risk, responsibilities and benefits” are shared among smallholders and traders. “It is not only market inclusion that is the goal, but fair and equitable inclusion, whereby smallholders can improve their economic opportunity through raising product quality and meeting or exceeding market standards,” it said.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97422/Linking-Ethiopia-s-bean-farmers-to-formal-markets</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20063172t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 06 February 2013 (IRIN) - Over the years, small-scale farmers growing white pea beans in Ethiopia have sold their produce through the informal market, relying largely on middlemen who dictate prices and walk away with huge profits, often leaving the farmers in poverty.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Tackling Ethiopia’s maternal deaths</title><pubDate>Thu, 31 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105121223560149t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ethiopia has made progress in lowering maternal mortality rates, but a weak health system means many women are still succumbing to preventable complications before, during and after childbirth.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ethiopia has made progress in lowering maternal mortality rates, but a weak health system means many women are still succumbing to preventable complications before, during and after childbirth.

Each year, an estimated 25,000 women die of complications during childbirth, and another 500,000 suffer long-term disabilities from pregnancy and childbirth complications, according to the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) [ http://www.unfpa.org/public/cache/offonce/News/pid/4210 ].

“There have been interventions, but the impact these have made has not been as significant. The health system is still very weak,” Luwei Pearson, chief of the health section at the UN Children Fund (UNICEF) in Ethiopia, told IRIN.

“There must be efforts to ensure that health facilities are not just available but that they are also functional by, for instance, fitting them with electricity and piped water.”

According to a 2010 report [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736%2810%2960518-1/abstract ], Ethiopia is one of five countries that together account for 50 percent of the world’s maternal deaths. In 2011, the country recorded 676 maternal deaths for every 100,000 live births, up from 673 in 2005. Ethiopia intends to bring this down to 267 by 2015.

The number of expectant mothers who delivered with the help of a skilled provider rose from 6 percent in 2005 to 10 percent in 2011, according to the 2011 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS).

Curbing maternal death

Studies [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19743789 ] show that abortion complications, ruptured uterus, puerperal sepsis, postpartum haemorrhage and preeclampsia/eclampsia were the five major causes of maternal mortality in Ethiopia.

The government says it has established measures to curb maternal deaths, such as the use of a scorecard to measure the effectiveness of the health system for mothers and children.

“The scorecard is a very powerful tool… You can really track at facility, community, region and national levels. So it will also give you the opportunity to make sure that you have an equitable health service delivery system across the country and to try to address the disparities we have in different parts of the country,” Kesetebirhan Admassu, the health minister, said.

Ethiopia's health extension programme, through which the government has trained some 30,000 lay extension health workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72371/ETHIOPIA-New-programme-boosts-village-health-service-delivery ], is also expected to improving women's access to skilled attendants during delivery.

So far, however, just 1 percent of expectant mothers deliver with the assistance of a health extension worker, according to the 2011 EDHS, largely because there are so few of them. According to the Ministry of Health, these workers each serve an estimated 2,500 people.

Rural areas

New approaches are particularly needed in rural areas, where 83 percent of the country’s 87.1 million people reside. While 45 percent of births in urban areas of Ethiopia are attended by skilled health personnel, this is true of only 3 percent of births in rural areas.

In these remote areas, women face a lack of adequate health facilities and harmful traditional practices - such as child marriage and female genital mutilation - that can increase risks during pregnancy and delivery. The underutilization of existing health facilities has made matters even worse.

“Reducing maternal deaths, especially in rural areas, will require not just medical care but a whole societal engagement. Significant would be reducing early pregnancies, early marriages, and ensuring that health facilities are accessible” UNICEF’s Pearson said.

A 2009 University of Addis Ababa assessment of the rural Tigray Region found that 80 percent of all maternal deaths happened at home, and 50 percent of these deaths were the result of delayed transportation to a health facility.

Many rural Ethiopians are still attached to traditional practices that normally accompany home births but are usually unavailable in health facilities. Pearson believes integrating some of these practices into the formal healthcare system would increase health facility deliveries.

“There are mothers who would want to, for instance, give birth in the presence of a neighbour or who would like a traditional coffee ceremony. These could be provided as a way of getting many mothers to deliver at hospitals,” she said.

Emergency and family planning services

Ethiopia could also greatly improve maternal health by increasing investment in emergency obstetric care. A 2012 Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) study [ http://www.msf.org/shadomx/apps/fms/fmsdownload.cfm?file_uuid=39A67349-18EB-49FC-A6F7-72A72F5A8B1E&siteName=msf ], conducted in Sierra Leone and Burundi, revealed that investing in simple and affordable emergency obstetric care had the potential to decrease maternal deaths by up to 74 percent.

Improved uptake of family planning services would also reduce the number of unwanted and adolescent pregnancies, in turn lowering maternal deaths. According to the 2011 EDHS, just 23 percent of women in rural Ethiopia had ever used a family planning method, compared to 53 percent in urban areas.

“We are optimistic that [the] goal [of reducing child and maternal deaths] is achievable… because we have seen Ethiopia achieve a more than 40 percent reduction in child mortality [among children] under five in the last five years. We have seen sub-Saharan African achieve a 39 percent reduction,” said Rajiv Shah, administrator at the US Agency for International Development (USAID), one of Ethiopia's major maternal health partners.

"We now know that we have new technology, new vaccines, new data and new approaches to reach vulnerable populations in their communities, in rural and urban areas, targeting the poor in a way that can continue to deliver accelerated results.”

ko-kt/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97383/Analysis-Tackling-Ethiopia-s-maternal-deaths</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105121223560149t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 31 January 2013 (IRIN) - Ethiopia has made progress in lowering maternal mortality rates, but a weak health system means many women are still succumbing to preventable complications before, during and after childbirth.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Reprieve for urban refugees in Kenya, but fear persists</title><pubDate>Thu, 24 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012220850140188t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.

On 18 December 2012, Kenya's Department of Refugee Affairs announced that all refugees should leave urban areas and move to refugee camps - the northeastern Dadaab complex for Somali refugees, and the northwestern Kakuma camp for all others. It further ordered an immediate stop to the registration of refugees in urban areas.

The directive was in response to a number of grenade attacks that have occurred in urban areas, follwoing Kenya's invasion of Somalia in October 2011. The attacks have been widely blamed on the Somali militant group Al-Shabab, although the group has not claimed responsibility.

The government was due to begin the relocation of an estimated 100,000 urban refugees to camps on 21 January, but a ruling on 23 January by Justice David Majanja halted the government's plan until 4 February, when a petition against the directive filed by Kituo Cha Sheria [ http://www.kituochasheria.or.ke ], a local legal rights group, is scheduled to be heard.

"I am satisfied that, in view of the international obligations Kenya has with respect to refugees, and the fact that under our Constitution refugees are vulnerable persons, the petitioner has an arguable case before the court, " the ruling stated. "A conservatory order... is hereby issued prohibiting any State officer [or] public officer agent of the Government from implementing the decision evidenced by and/or contained in the Press Release dated 18th December 2012 pending further orders of this court." 

A welcome ruling

Defenders of refugee rights have welcomed the judge's decision. "This is a very positive ruling by the court. We hope it will be widely spread and reduce the fear the refugee community has experienced since the December announcement," Melanie Teff, a senior advocate with the NGO Refugees International [ http://www.refugeesinternational.org ] (RI), told IRIN. "Of course, a lot of harm has already been done since the press release, and many urban refugees have already fled."

Fatuma Diriye lived in Nairobi's Somali-dominated Eastleigh neighbourhood for over five years. There, she ran a small business and sent money and supplies to her children in Dadaab. She recently moved back to Dadaab after the directive and police harassment.

"The police attacked my business several times. I had to pay them some money to stay safe from the harassment," she told IRIN, adding that she feels helpless now that she is totally dependent on aid for her family's needs.

For many refugees, the journey to from Nairobi to Dadaab is a treacherous one; Jelle Ibrahim, a father of six in Dadaab's Hagadera camp, said he had to go through five different police check-points along the way.

"We were asked to bring identification cards - when I showed my travelling document, they put us in a separate place [for questioning]," he said. "We were harassed until the conductor of the bus intervened and paid some money to the police."

Dadaab unprepared

Dadaab refugee complex, originally built to house 90,000 refugees, currently hosts an estimated 500,000 Somali nationals. An influx of refugees from Kenya's towns and cities would have a serious impact on the ability of aid agencies and the government to provide services.

"Dadaab is overcrowded and under-resourced - its population has risen by about 150,000 in the last year, while funding has reduced by about half," Mark Yarnell, Horn of Africa advocate for RI, told IRIN. "Insecurity remains a major issue in Dadaab, and some refugees are actually returning to Somalia for this reason."

Officials in Dadaab say they have not yet seen a significant rise in refugee arrivals from urban areas, but fear they would struggle to cope if they did. 

"The number of refugees arriving from Nairobi appears small. For the time being, it does not have any impact on service delivery or life in the camp. This can, of course, change if more refugees arrive," said Mans Nyberg, senior external relations officer in Dadaab for the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). 

"We encourage all new arrivals to reactivate their refugee cards so that they will get the benefits they are entitled to as refugees," he added.

Refugees remaining in Eastleigh and other urban centres have expressed relief that the directive will not take place immediately, but said they continue to live in fear of police harassment. 

Police harassment

"For now, we are happy from what we have heard and that the government is not implementing their directives soon... We can't go back to camps because even refugees residing in the camps have their problems. Food, water, health and even space to settle is a problem due to the number of refugee in Dadaab," said Ubah Hussein, who lives in Eastleigh. "We would like to go back to our country, but still there is no firm security and peace in most places."

"Here is where our children call home... The government has put us in a condition of fear, and we can't even move out of our houses. We are lacking freedom of movement. We don't open our businesses," said Abdi Mohamed, an elderly businessman in Eastleigh. "Some of my neighbours have left for Mogadishu, and others are on course if the government directives persist." 

RI's Yarnell said he had met with community leaders in Nairobi who had expressed fear of police harassment and feelings of helplessness.

"I have met community leaders from Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea - people who have been in Nairobi for years, who described feeling helpless and hopeless since the directive," he said. "They regularly experience abuse - mainly extortion - by security forces who detain them and ask for bribes...since the directive, the bribes have gone up from about 500 shillings [US$5.70] to 40,000 [$458], 60,000 [$687] and even up to 100,000 [$1145]."

Eric Kirathe, Kenya's police spokesman, told IRIN that extortion by police officers would not be tolerated and advised refugees to report any such incidents. "Cases of harassment and extortion are very unfortunate. There are channels for reporting - from the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission to police headquarters to the Independent Police Oversight Authority... Reporting to the media or talking about it in an ad hoc way won't get results," he said. 

Rights groups say the harassment of refugees - and Somalis in particular - is not limited to security forces, but also exists within wider Kenyan society. Rufus Karanja, a programme officer with the Refugee Consortium of Kenya [ http://www.rckkenya.org ], said there was growing concern about the safety of refugees in the run-up to the country's 4 March general election.

"In 2007, many refugees were victims of general xenophobia and insecurity, and many were displaced. We are trying to come up with contingency plans for them ahead of the coming election," he told IRIN. "Much of the xenophobia is fuelled by the media, who keep linking the attacks to Somali refugees... There is a need for media sensitization on broad aspects of refugee protection."

A number of civil society groups, under the umbrella of the Urban Refugee Protection Network, on 22 January called on [ http://www.rescue.org/press-releases/press-release-kenya-civil-society-calls-government-end-abuse-refugees-15171 ] the Kenyan government to end the abuse of refugees that had escalated following the 18 December directive.

"We will continue to pursue, through the courts, reports of extortion, arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention of refugees by security forces," Karanja said.

kr/mh/mod/rz

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97329/Reprieve-for-urban-refugees-in-Kenya-but-fear-persists</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012220850140188t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 24 January 2013 (IRIN) - Urban refugees in Kenya, threated with relocation to overcrowded refugee camps, are breathing a sigh of relief following a High Court ruling that has provisionally halted the move.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Concerns over HIV/AIDS funding cuts</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Major projected cuts in US government funding for Ethiopia’s health sector could greatly undermine the progress the country has made in the fight against HIV, authorities and experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 09 January 2013 (IRIN) -  Major projected cuts in US government funding for Ethiopia’s health sector could greatly undermine the progress the country has made in the fight against HIV, authorities and experts say.

“There’s an AIDS spending cliff in Ethiopia, and the government is already in free fall. Next year, Ethiopia will experience a 79 percent reduction in US HIV financing from PEPFAR [the US President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief],” wrote Amanda Glassman [ http://healthworkscollective.com/amanda-glassman/49746/ethiopia-s-aids-spending-cliff ], a director at Global Health Policy [ http://www.globalhealthpolicy.net/ ] and a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development.

Ethiopian government officials, however, told IRIN/PlusNews that, while they were concerned about the funding cuts, they had been expecting them.

“We are a bit concerned, but considering the current global financial crisis and the budget deficit in the US, we had anticipated this,” said Kesetebirhan Admassu, the new minister of health.

“Most of the cuts are going to be around softer programmatic activities that can be taken care of by mobilizing internal resources as well as using some innovative approaches like the health development army and so on,” Admassu added.

Steep declines

Aid to Ethiopia’s health sector would, according to the US government-run web portal ForeignAssistance.gov [ http://foreignassistance.gov/OU.aspx?OUID=171&FY=2013&AgencyID=0&budTab=tab_Bud_Planned#ObjAnchor ], fall to US$171 million in 2013 from $390.6 million in 2012. A major cut would be felt in HIV/AIDS programmes, which would receive only $54.1 million, a dramatic cut from the $254.1 million allocated in 2012.

However, a US government official in Ethiopia downplayed the likelihood of such steep funding cuts in an interview [ http://www.capitalethiopia.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2188:from-american-to-ethiopian-people&catid=37:interview&Itemid=61 ] with Capital, a local weekly newspaper. 

“We don’t have a budget for 2013 right now… We are not seeing those major reductions. Even though the prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS is coming down, there are still over 800,000 [people] on ART [antiretroviral therapy]; those still require investments and being cared for,” Dennis Weller, the director of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in Ethiopia, told Capital.

But he did call for a transition from direct donor support to greater in-country funding for health programmes.

“Because we have been directly supporting health for so many years, the real focus now is transition to much more country ownership and looking at the sustainability of these investments. So things like health financing and community health insurance will be important,” he explained.

Growing government contribution

The government says it has done just that.

“If you look at the trend of government contribution, it is growing year by year. Our government has also passed a law and regulation to establish a social health insurance. So starting from the next budget year [July 2013] all employees will be covered with a social health insurance scheme,” Admassu said.

A recent report, however, warned that careful management of such a transition would be necessary to avoid creating gaps in areas such as “mentoring health centre staff now charged with ART delivery; prevention programmes to reach commercial sex workers and men who have sex with men; and programmes to benefit orphans and other vulnerable children on mass scale.”

According to UNAIDS, while Ethiopia has made significant strides in reducing new adult HIV infections, it has is yet to do so for new paediatric infections. Just 24 percent of pregnant women living with HIV receive ART to prevent mother-to-child transmission of the virus.

Between 2006 and 2011, Ethiopia received an estimated $1.4 billion from PEPFAR. Since 2004, Ethiopia has also received $1.23 billion from the Global Fund  [ http://portfolio.theglobalfund.org/en/Country/Index/ETH ], making it one of the Fund’s biggest recipients globally.

kt/ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97204/Concerns-over-HIV-AIDS-funding-cuts</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009300628350156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Major projected cuts in US government funding for Ethiopia’s health sector could greatly undermine the progress the country has made in the fight against HIV, authorities and experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The urban challenge for refugees</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040849580451t.jpg" />]]>NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies. </description><body><![CDATA[NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies.

UNHCR has come a long way since 1997 when its refugee response approach implied that responding to refugees in towns and cities was to be avoided. In 2009 it committed to a policy [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ab356ab6.pdf ] that recognized the right of displaced people to move freely, stressing that its mandate to protect refugees is not affected by their location.

There are upsides to urban support. Refugees are more likely to find work (when permitted to do so by the local authorities) and become self-sufficient in urban settings, say agencies. Because of this, though start-up costs may be higher, these should diminish over the long term. It also makes more sense for a lot of refugees who were in any case displaced from urban settings, said Jeff Crisp, head of policy development and evaluation at UNHCR.

Kellie Leeson, urban refugee strategy focal point at the International Rescue Committee (IRC), told IRIN: “Typically refugees who come to urban centres do so to find jobs - that motivation and ambition should be applauded and should spark the question: how can we take advantage of that to help them survive on their own?”

Dominique Hyde, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Jordan, said Syrian refugees benefited from being in urban settings: “It’s a positive. If you look at lessons learned from Iraqis in Jordan. Living conditions are more normal, you’re not in a camp setting, your movements are not restricted. Although it is more difficult to access them, they are aware through informal networks of how to access services. Urban settings are better settings for refugees.”

“If you have a camp setting, it’s easier to count people, to provide a school, to provide a health centre. But for refugees, being in their own apartment, and being able to take their own decisions with cash assistance is preferred,” she said.

Kenya

In Kenya, many of the 45,000-100,000 refugees in the capital Nairobi fled Kakuma and Dadaab camps because of insecurity and lack of employment opportunities.

Experience shows in long-term situations camp conditions progressively decline as donor interest wanes. “Even in a competitive environment like Nairobi, you can eke out a living somehow,” said Crisp.

But in December 2012 the Kenyan government ordered Nairobi-based refugees to return to Kakuma and Dadaab, following a spate of attacks in Kenya’s northeastern Somali region and in the capital, Nairobi.

IRC has found that when it comes to creating opportunities for refugees in urban settings, programmes work best when they target both host populations and refugees. This was clearly the case in Nairobi where they teamed up with NIKE which runs a micro-franchise programme to train women aged 17-19 to set up small businesses.

“We’re trying to build networks so that it isn’t about isolated groups but refugees can engage with the host communities,” said Leeson.

“Obviously refugees will have specific protection issues but in general what they want is employment, health and education - that’s what everyone wants, right?”

The difficulty is where to draw the line between responding to refugee needs and solving the problems of the urban poor, says UNHCR’s Crisp. Refugees tend to settle among other poor and vulnerable communities, including migrants, irregular migrants and rejected asylum seekers, each of which has critical needs.

Tensions are also easily raised if aid is directed at just one group.

Studies of Nairobi-based refugees have shown urban refugees often pay higher rents than Kenyans, and are charged more for public health services and education fees, according to the Overseas Development Institute’s Humanitarian Policy Group.

Inclusive programmes

In San Diego and New York City in the USA, IRC works with local authorities to access land for ex-refugees from Burkina Faso, Myanmar, Cameroon and all over, who have resettled, to grow urban gardens. So as not to aggravate tensions, and to promote inclusion, the programme invites locals to get involved too.

Responding in urban settings involves having to work with new partners, such as the municipal authorities, so that refugees are integrated into existing education and health systems, rather than creating parallel ones. “These [urban authorities] are new partners and we are in the early stages of engaging with them… it involves a big shift,” said Crisp.

Local authorities are not always open to addressing refugee needs, and may prioritize rural camps over urban-based aid, according to UNHCR.

Mauritania

In Mauritania, both the local authorities and UNHCR have pushed refugees to stay in Mbéra camp in the east, if they want to receive aid, refugee groups in the capital, Nouakchott, told IRIN.

Refugees elsewhere - including for instance, Syrian refugees in Turkey - face a similar situation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97125/TURKEY-Syrian-refugees-choosing-to-work-risk-exploitation ].

In Mauritania some 57,000 refugees are registered at Mbéra, while refugee group the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad and the Urban Community of Nouakchott (CUN), which represents the nine municipal authorities of Nouakchott, estimate a further 15,000 Malians fled to the capital, but no urban registration process took place, so the number is not known.

UNHCR has no immediate plans to address Nouakchott-based refugee needs. “The authorities have been very clear - that humanitarian aid is for those who are in the camp. Our strategy here is not for urban refugees in the capital,” said Elise Villechalane, reports officer for UNHCR in Nouakchott at the end of 2012.

“Our priority is to save lives immediately. It may evolve over time, but that is the current priority.”

Malians in Nouakchott come from both the Islamist-held north and from Kati and Bamako in the south following the March 2012 military coup. Many of the refugees are ex-government officials or other individuals with some means and thus may not be eligible in any case, for vulnerability-led aid, noted refugee groups.

Refugees who reach capital cities often create a “self-selection process” as they tend to be more educated and have more means to get to the capital in the first place.

However, agencies have moved away from making the assumption that only “young able-bodied men reach capital cities”, said Crisp. “We know they are a diverse group made up of women, children, men, people with disabilities, and other vulnerabilities.”

Many Malians arrived in Nouakchott with nothing, having used their resources to get there, said Zakiatou Oualette Alatine, an ex-Malian minister in Kati, and now spokesperson for the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad. “Many of us arrived empty-handed. Some of the young have found jobs but many of them are exploited as they don’t have refugee status. Most rely on extended family. A minority begs for money,” Kati told IRIN.

Both she and Safia Mint Moulay, representative of Karama, an association that represents Malian refugees in Nouakchott, said what urban refugees need most is identification papers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97187/MAURITANIA-Ex-refugees-want-land-ID-cards ]. Without refugee cards they are unable to get a job or attend school, said Moulay. “These people have real needs… Getting their papers - that is the key to everything. If they have papers then they have a right to receive food aid, blankets, shelter and protection,” she said.

These refugees do not want to go to Mbéra as they will not be able to work at all, said Alatine. Refugees have criticized life in the camps and the lack of schools.

CUN, alongside the international association of francophone mayors, gave 60,000 euros (US$78,500) for food for urban refugees, said Mohamed Fouad Berrad, CUN’s presidential adviser, but resources would need to come from elsewhere in future.

Shift in mind-set required

Getting urban refugee responses right requires a shift in mind-set, says IRC’s Leeson. “We can’t say let’s just do what we did before and translate it to an urban setting. We need to be more thoughtful about what we are doing.”

Too often refugees flee insecurity in camps only to face new forms of insecurity in cities, say refugee agencies. Urban refugees are often highly mobile and invisible, making them hard to protect. A study of Nairobi-based refugees by the Humanitarian Policy Group, IRC and the Refugee Consortium of Kenya, noted urban refugees were too fearful of deportation to make themselves visible and demand their rights [ http://www.odi.org.uk/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/5858.pdf ]. Host states must be pressured into recognizing refugee rights to protection and giving them a clearer legal status, the report recommends.

Refugee associations in Nouakchott have been campaigning with the government, but little has shifted, they said.

UNHCR is still learning but the organization has put more time and resources into turning its urban refugee policy into practice than almost any other strategy, said Crisp.

“We are still in a transitional phrase. It isn’t quite prominent yet for everyone. But we need to get everyone orientated to the urban context,” he said.

The agency is collating best practice from urban responses globally, including in Malaysia, Ethiopia, Uganda, Ecuador, India, Tajikistan and Bulgaria, which will be available on a database this year.

To turn such best practice into a systematic reality will inevitably require more resources, Crisp noted. UNHCR launched record-level appeals amounting to US$3.6 billion in 2012, due to several high-profile refugee crises, and the funding is not in place to allocate or train staff dedicated specifically to addressing the challenges of urban response.

aj/eo/mk/cb

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Aid in an urbanizing world

A series of articles on challenges and changes humanitarian workers are confronting in urban emergencies
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97203/The-urban-challenge-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201206040849580451t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR 09 January 2013 (IRIN) - Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA-YEMEN: Jemmal Ahmed, “I survived a deadly trip to Yemen&quot;</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012010922320842t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work. 

He shared his experience with IRIN:

“I dreamed of going Saudi Arabia since the moment my neighbours, in my home town, told me of the possibility of getting out of poverty after someone went there and worked for a year. 

“I was broke within days of arriving in Yemen, as I paid most of [my money] to the people who took me from Ethiopia to Yemen and [spent] the remainder of my money on those who briefly hosted me in Yemen. They threatened to report me to the police if I didn’t.”

But he was still handed over to the police. 

“Instead of taking me to Saudi Arabia, he [the broker in Yemen] took me straight to the police. At first I didn’t know what they were talking about since I don’t know their language. But the moment I entered a place where a lot of police were swarming around, I recognized that I was being detained.”

Ahmed and his friends had travelled for 15 days by road and ship, at a cost of about 9,000 birr each (about US$500), to get to Yemen. The money was paid to brokers who take irregular migrants out of Ethiopia to Saudi Arabia via Djibouti and Yemen. 

“Al Amdulilahi [by God’s grace], I survived a deadly trip to Yemen by a small boat that took more than a hundred migrants on board, and then [afterward] an uprising that set the prison cell I was in on fire.” 

Ahmed’s three friends were not as lucky. “The voyage took a toll on them. The first one died on the same day we arrived there [in Yemen] due to diarrhoea. I feel disheartened whenever I think of that day. There was nothing I could do about it other than watch him die. 

“Later on, I was also told the two others passed away for reasons I still don’t know.” 

bt/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97104/ETHIOPIA-YEMEN-Jemmal-Ahmed-I-survived-a-deadly-trip-to-Yemen-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201012010922320842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - Jemmal Ahmed, 21, was recently deported back to Ethiopia after a nine-month stay in a prison in Yemen for illegally entering the country a few months earlier. His intention had been to cross over into Saudi Arabia to find work.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA: Irregular migration continues unabated</title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula. 

“A growing number of Ethiopians opt to undergo a perilous journey through the Gulf of Aden, hoping to get to the Middle East via Yemen,” Demissew Bizuwerk, a communication officer for the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Ethiopia, told IRIN.

“A significant proportion of these migrants travel with little or no information about what they would be encountering, and they are, in one way or the other, misled, mistreated and often abused,” he said.

Between 1 January and 30 November 2012, a total of 99, 620 migrants arrived in Yemen, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://reliefweb.int/map/yemen/arrivals-yemen-2009-2012-30-november-2012 ]. By comparison, 103,154 people arrived in 2011, 53,382 in 2010, and 77,802 in 2009. Of the 2012 arrivals, 78 percent were Ethiopian and just under 22 percent were Somali.  

Transiting through Djibouti

“Most Ethiopians enter Yemen illegally as irregular maritime migrants, on boats from Djibouti and Puntland, Somalia,” said an October report by the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) and the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS) [ http://www.drc.dk/fileadmin/uploads/pdf/IA_PDF/Horn_of_Africa_and_Yemen/RMMSbooklet.pdf ] titled ‘Desperate Choices: conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen’.

The Obock area in northern Djibouti is a popular transit point for irregular migrants heading to Yemen, who travel there from points on the Ethiopian and Somali borders.

“Earlier, there were less security controls, and people would cross through Tadjourah [north central Djibouti] to Obock, but now migrants tend to avoid the towns. It is becoming very difficult to determine their number now with police raids and arrests,” Bakary Doumbia, the IOM chief of mission in Djibouti, told IRIN. “Some arrive in the afternoon and cross at night; a good part of the journey is done far from towns at night.” 

When possible, IOM tries to sensitize irregular migrants about the risks they face. “Initially, when some people travel, they don’t know what to expect; when they face desert conditions here [in Djibouti], they realize it can be hard,” said Doumbia. 

“We explain to them possible human rights abuses they may encounter. We explain the existence of the sea. Some people don’t know that there is a sea between Djibouti and Yemen, that it is deep, that the boats they may travel on are not the best and that they are overcrowded. We also inform them of the regular migration channels and networks.”

Regular migration may include official permission and documentation and take the form of a streamlined visa application process.

Economic migration

The scarcity of economic opportunities is a major factor fuelling migration from Ethiopia, according to the DRC/RMMS report. Economic migrants from Ethiopia often head to Saudi Arabia and beyond, some regularly, some irregularly. 

“Distinguishing between regular and irregular migrants is not very informative as the lines between the two are blurred. A better distinction is between migrants with the resources and connections to exploit the opportunities offered by corruption, as well as the possibility of moving between regularity and irregularity, and those migrants who, due to their social and economic vulnerability, are simply exploited by these same forces,” the report says.

The largest and most vulnerable group of Ethiopian migrants are those with no resources, who travel to Yemen by sea and enter the country illegally.

Conditions in Yemen

Arrival in Yemen, which is facing a humanitarian crisis [ http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/humanitarian-response-plan-yemen-2013 ], presents a slew of problems.

The migrants are often smuggled, trafficked or subjected to mental and physical torture throughout their hazardous journey, which increases their vulnerability, says Erich Ogoso, public information and advocacy officer at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Sana'a, Yemen.

“By the time they reach Yemen, they are in need of humanitarian assistance. Most are economic migrants who end up placing a huge burden upon their host communities,” Ogoso said. 

The majority of the migrants live in cities, especially Aden and the capital Sana'a, stretching the limited facilities and services available. Others try to continue to Saudi Arabia in search of better opportunities, but many end up stranded and destitute, he said. 

In a briefing note on 11 December [ http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/news-and-views/press-briefing-notes/pbn-2012/pbn-listing/stranded-ethiopian-migrants-airl.html ], Nicoletta Giordano, IOM’s chief of mission in Yemen, highlighted the plight of vulnerable migrants in and around the northwestern town of Haradh. “They include increasing numbers of single women, unaccompanied minors and elderly and sick migrants who are desperate for a way out of what has become a horrendous situation on the Yemeni side of the Saudi Arabian border,” the note says.

IOM medical staff in Haradh reported widespread health problems among migrants due to insufficient food, poor sanitation and lack of shelter. Casualties from gunshots and landmines are also rising, they indicated. Haradh‘s morgue had exceeded its capacity with bodies of migrants.

The DRC/RMMS report noted that “many Ethiopian migrants [in Yemen] face severe human right abuses that have not been systematically investigated,” adding that “kidnap, torture, sexual violence, abduction and extortion are becoming widespread and frequent hazards, sometimes lethal, for migrants in transit to the Gulf States”.

Other risks include criminal gangs who capture, torture and extort migrants; sexual abuse; trafficking; forced labour; destitution; and discrimination.

Assistance

Back in Djibouti, IOM’s Doumbia called for sensitizing migrants on the risks of irregular migration in their places of origin “because migrants do not come from here [Djibouti], 90 percent are from Ethiopia.”

In Ethiopia, IOM is working with the government at the federal, regional and local levels to create awareness and support livelihoods for those prone to irregular migration. IOM is also supporting capacity building for relevant government bodies.

In close collaboration with regional authorities, rapid market assessments are carried out to determine locally viable income-generating activities, such as raising goats, sheep or poultry or farming vegetables.

IOM is also facilitating training workshops for police officers, public prosecutors, judges and officials in the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, and is supporting local-level migration task forces to prevent irregular migration, human trafficking and smuggling.

Since 2010, IOM has helped at least 9,500 destitute Ethiopian migrants leave Yemen. Hundreds of people have lost their lives crossing the Gulf of Aden; on 18 December, up to 55 people died when a boat carrying migrants capsized off the coast of Somalia.

aw/kt-bt/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97097/DJIBOUTI-ETHIOPIA-Irregular-migration-continues-unabated</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212210922050570t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA-DJIBOUTI 21 December 2012 (IRIN) - More people from the Horn of Africa region, especially Ethiopia and Somalia, are crossing international borders as irregular migrants - lacking official documentation or approval - drawn by the promise of a better life in the Arabian Peninsula.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Breaking out of the cold chain</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.

Before, like almost all vaccines, the Meningitis A vaccine (marketed in Africa as MenAfricVac) was only licensed for use if kept at temperatures of 2-8 degrees Celsius.

The breakthrough follows years of rigorous testing of the effect of heat on the vaccine by the regulator Drugs Controller General of India, Health Canada [ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ahc-asc/index-eng.php ], and the World Health Organization (WHO) Vaccines pre-qualification programme [ http://apps.who.int/prequal/ ].

As a result, very remote populations will access the vaccine more easily, the logistics of vaccine campaigns will be simpler, and vaccine campaign costs will drop both for partners and for national governments, said Michel Zaffran, coordinator of WHO’s Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) [ http://www.who.int/immunization_delivery/en/ ], and Marie-Pierre Preziosi, director of the meningitis Vaccine Project, a partnership between international NGO PATH [ http://www.path.org/ ] and WHO.

Costs will not drop significantly immediately, but will diminish as more vaccines are relicensed, says WHO. Cost implication studies are under way in northern Benin and Chad. 

While cold chain limitations do not tend to limit coverage, they do overburden health workers, says WHO. 

Even industrialized country vaccine campaigns have trouble sticking to the cold chain, and each year thousands of vaccines are thrown away due to cold chain failure, even if the vaccine might still have been unaffected, according to WHO. 

“This is a breakthrough,” said Zaffran. “It is the first vaccination ever to be licensed for use in a developing country with the flexibility to take us out of the rigid temperature structure. It is a great simplification of logistics. And it opens the door for other manufacturers to follow suit.”

Why so long?

But the vaccine is nothing new - merely the license has changed following analysis of years of data on the vaccine’s stability - that is, how well it can withstand temperature rises and other conditions.

“The potential for some vaccines to remain safely outside the cold chain for short periods of time has been widely known for over 20 years,” said Zaffran in a recent communiqué. “But this is the first time a vaccine intended for use in Africa has been tested and submitted to regulatory review and approved for this type of use.”

It took decades to get here because agencies got stuck in a mindset, said Zaffran. The EPI was set up in the 1970s to immunize as many children against diseases as quickly as possible, and put in place simple rigid rules to avoid risk: one of which was to keep vaccines cold. “It was quite difficult to move away from this mentality,” said Zaffran.

Regulators and manufacturers are “very conservative in order to protect the population,” said Preziosi. “It took a while for all the documentation to be gathered to convince them to go ahead.” 

Strict controls remain: “This is not a “green light to do anything with a vaccine - it still needs to be kept… at no more than 40 degrees, for any more than four days," stressed Zaffran.

Hepatitis B next?

“The momentum is there. I am quite confident that within the next year or two, we’ll have one or two more re-licensed in this way,” he said.

Analysis on the heat stability of Hepatitis B and HPV [ http://www.cdc.gov/hpv/whatishpv.html ] (human papillomavirus) vaccines is under way; next on the list are yellow fever, rotavirus and pneumococcal disease. 

Even the oral polio vaccine - one of the most heat-sensitive vaccines - was shown to be stable when the cold chain broke down in a part of Chad, according to a recent study though WHO was emphatic that rather than licensing the vaccine it will gradually be phased out as progress towards eradication inches along. 

Meningitis progress

The MenAfricVac, which costs just under 50 US cents per dose, was designed for use in the 26 countries that span the African meningitis belt, from Senegal to Ethiopia. 

Some 100 million people aged 1-29 across 10 countries have been vaccinated thus far; a further 16 countries are planned between now and 2016. 

Early results have been very positive: Burkina Faso [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92985/WEST-AFRICA-Meningitis-cases-dramatically-down ] has had the lowest level of epidemic meningitis in 15 years, and the campaign is achieving “herd immunity” - that is, those either too old or too young to have received the vaccine have also been shown to be clear of the bacteria. 

Meningitis A could be eliminated in the meningitis belt if the mass campaign continues, says Preziosi, and if governments then incorporate it in their routine immunization programmes. 

But more funding beyond the US$160 million from the GAVI Alliance [ http://www.gavialliance.org/ ], and contributions from national governments, will be needed to complete the campaign, she warns. 

aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96827/HEALTH-Breaking-out-of-the-cold-chain</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WATER: Enough in the Nile to share, little to waste</title><pubDate>Fri, 16 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211161045050566t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia’s massive dam-building plans continue to cause disquiet in downstream Egypt, new research suggests there is sufficient water in the Nile for all 10 countries it flows through, and that poverty there could be significantly eased as long as access by small-scale farmers is boosted.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia’s massive dam-building plans continue to cause disquiet in downstream Egypt, new research suggests there is sufficient water in the Nile for all 10 countries it flows through, and that poverty there could be significantly eased as long as access by small-scale farmers is boosted.

“We would argue that physically there is enough water in the Nile for all the riparian countries,” said Simon Langan, head of the East Africa and Nile Basin office of the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), at the Addis Ababa launch of The Nile River Basin: Water, Agriculture, Governance and Livelihoods [ http://cgspace.cgiar.org/handle/10568/24746 ] published by the CGIAR Challenge Program on Water and Food [ http://www.waterandfood.org/ ].

“What we really need to do is make sure that there is access to this water… Poverty rates are about 17 percent in Egypt but for five of the upstream riparian countries it is more like 50 percent. So, this access to water is very important,” he added.

According to a media advisory promoting the book, the Nile “has enough water to supply dams and irrigate parched agriculture in all 10 countries - but policymakers risk turning the poor into water `have-nots’ if they don’t enact inclusive water management policies.”

While better seeds and tools play a key role in boosting agricultural productivity, access to water is even more important, said one of the book’s editors, Seleshi Bekele, senior water resources and climate specialist at the UN Economic Commission for Africa.

“The higher water access you have the less the poverty profile... This is not only in comparison between Egypt and upstream countries: within Ethiopia itself, 22 percent less poor were observed in those communities who have access to water,” he said. 

Access “means that girls can go to school, instead of fetching water from distance that could take hours,” he added.

Smallholder farmers, who rely on rainwater to irrigate their crops, could similarly benefit from policies that give them greater access to water in the Nile basin.

The book calls for investment to adopt agricultural water management (AWM) policies, which include irrigation and rainwater collection, so that water-scarce parts of the region are able to grow enough food. 

Bekele says improved AWM, seen as key to economic growth, food security and poverty reduction, must be better integrated into the region’s agricultural policies. 

“It is tempting for these governments to focus on large-scale irrigation schemes, such as existing schemes in Sudan and Egypt, but more attention must also be paid to smaller, on-farm water management approaches that make use of rainwater and stored water resources such as aquifers,” he added.

According to IWMI’s Langan, “There is enough for the current need, 5.6 million hectares irrigated. The plan to expand to 10 or 11 million hectares… there are questions if there is enough water to do that if we use the water in the same method we do now under the same management.”

Call for greater cooperation

The experts also called for greater cooperation among governments of the basin countries.

Egypt and Sudan are still not on board the Nile River Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) [ http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/documents/regionaldocs/Nile_River_Basin_Cooperative_Framework_2010.pdf ] signed, after years of fruitless negotiations with Cairo, by six other riparian countries in 2010 in a move to revise the terms of colonial treaties that awarded Egypt and Sudan control over the bulk of the river’s waters. The six states particularly object to the veto one treaty gives Egypt over upstream Nile projects.

“The CFA makes it clear that no state will exercise hegemony over the Nile waters and their allocation, or claim exclusive rights,” Nile expert and author Seifulaziz Milas wrote in a recent article published on the African Arguments website [ http://africanarguments.org/2012/10/03/ethiopia-nile-waters-diplomacy-and-the-renaissance-dam-%E2%80%93-by-seifulaziz-milas/ ].

“The launching of the CFA in May 2010 was a shock to Cairo, which had previously thought it could be blocked. The shock was all the greater as in the same week that the CFA was launched, Ethiopia’s [now late] prime minister inaugurated the Tana-Beles Project on the Beles river, a tributary of the Blue Nile,” he added.

Concern over new Ethiopian dam

More recently, Cairo has expressed concern that Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam - due for completion in 2015 - would reduce flow into Egypt, 95 percent of whose water comes from the Nile. Addis Ababa says Egypt’s 55.5 billion annual cubic metres of Nile water would not be affected. A panel of international experts is due to deliver its findings on the dam’s impact in May 2013.

“Today, as in years past, utilization of the Nile remains strikingly inequitable,” Ethiopia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said in a recent statement [ http://www.mfa.gov.et/weekHornAfrica/morewha.php?wi=596#596 ].

“Ethiopia, which contributes over 85 percent of the river's flow, makes no use of it; Egypt, which contributes nothing, continues to argue in favour of its continued status as primary beneficiary. Egypt still justifies this lopsided allocation of use on the basis of obsolete colonial treaties that Ethiopia neither signed nor supported. With all notions of fairness and law in its favour, it is no surprise that Ethiopian governments, past and present, have refused to accept the Egyptian position,” the statement added.

Despite the heated rhetoric, major conflict over the Nile is avoidable, according to Bekele.

“I don’t think there is any reason to go to war... there is a way to manage the water, in fact to enhance cooperation and to bring more regional integration, for example through power trade and agriculture productivity, ” he said.

kt/am/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96798/WATER-Enough-in-the-Nile-to-share-little-to-waste</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211161045050566t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 16 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia’s massive dam-building plans continue to cause disquiet in downstream Egypt, new research suggests there is sufficient water in the Nile for all 10 countries it flows through, and that poverty there could be significantly eased as long as access by small-scale farmers is boosted.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Ethiopia’s Muslim protests</title><pubDate>Thu, 15 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200903258t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 15 November 2012 (IRIN) - Tensions have been simmering over several months between Muslims and the government, with thousands holding demonstrations in protest at the government&apos;s alleged interference in religious affairs; the government has blamed the protests on a small group of extremists.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 15 November 2012 (IRIN) - Tensions have been simmering over several months between Muslims and the government, with thousands holding demonstrations in protest at the government's alleged interference in religious affairs; the government has blamed the protests on a small group of extremists.

Around 60 percent of Ethiopia's 84 million people are Christians; Muslims make up about one-third of the population, according to official figures. Religion-related clashes have been rare in the country, but unrest over the past several months has led to several deaths and dozens of arrests. IRIN looks at the causes of, and fallout from, the protests.

What sparked the protests?

The leaders of the protests, which began in December 2011, accuse the Ethiopian government of trying to impose the al-Ahbash Islamic sect on the country's Muslim community, which traditionally practises the Sufi form of Islam. Al-Ahbash beliefs are an interpretation of Islam combining elements of Sunni Islam and Sufism; its teachings are popular in Lebanon. Said to be first taught by Ethiopian scholar Abdullah al-Harari, the Ethiopian Al-Ahbash teachings are moderate, advocating Islamic pluralism, while opposing political activism.

In December 2011, the state moved to dismiss the administration of the Awoliya religious school in Addis Ababa. In July, police dispersed an overnight meeting at the school on the eve of an African Union heads of state summit, and arrested several protesters and organizers of the meeting, which police officials said did not have a permit.

Those behind the meeting, an "Arbitration Committee" of 17 led by prominent religious scholars, said they wanted to dialogue with the government but insisted they would continue legitimate protests to oppose its continued interference in the administration of the religious school and the election of members of the country's supreme Islamic Council.

They accuse the government of dictating elections to the council, which concluded [ http://www.mfa.gov.et/news/more.php?newsid=1370 ] on 5 November, and favour the Al-Ahbash Muslim sect.

Temam Ababulga, a lawyer representing activists who led the protests - some of them are currently behind bars - says they are appealing to a federal court to cancel the election and its outcome, on the grounds that the elections were not conducted in accordance with the council's by-laws.

"The opposition to Ahbash at this time is not theological… the protesters oppose... that the regime is sponsoring the movement, providing finance, logistical support and allowing it to use both the Islamic Council and the state institution in its proselytization," said Jawar Mohammed, an Ethiopian analyst now studying at Columbia University in the USA.

"Ahbash has been in Ethiopia since the 1990s and has peacefully coexisted with the rest of Islamic revival movements," he added. "The confrontation came only after the government invited the leading figures from Lebanon and started aggressive re-indoctrination campaign."

What is the government’s response?

The government denies that it is violating the country's constitution by meddling in religious affairs. Addressing parliament on 16 October, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said: "The government is not and would not interfere in the affairs of any religion in the country."

At the height of the protests in mid-April, then Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who died in August, told parliament that "a few extremists are working to erode the age-old tradition of tolerance between traditional Sufi Muslims and Christians in Ethiopia," and stressed that they would not be tolerated by the government.

"The government... has made a number of efforts to encourage engagement with the protesters and has, for example, also done all it can to support the matter of elections for the Islamic Council," said a statement [ http://www.mfa.gov.et/weekHornAfrica/morewha.php?wi=684 ] by the government in response to Amnesty International's allegations.

"It is true that some members of a `protesters committee' have been arrested following violent protests, but it is completely misleading to suggest that this `committee' had been `chosen to represent the Muslim community's grievances to the government’. This `committee' was not chosen nor elected by anyone... It was, in sum, a small, self-appointed committee of protesters whose support in the community at large, as the recent election clearly demonstrated, was minimal."

Increasing Islamic militancy in the region - Kenya, Somalia and Tanzania have all witnessed increased Islamist activity - is of concern to the Ethiopian authorities, who say they are facing growing threats evident from the discovery of the first Al-Qaeda cell in the country; 11 people have been in an on-going trial, suspected of being members of an Al-Qaeda cell and accused of planning terrorist attacks.

What are rights groups saying?

The USA has added its voice to accusations that Ethiopia has been interfering in the religious affairs of its Islamic population and wrongfully arresting people. Addis Ababa has on several occasions rejected these charges.

"Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to force a change in the sect of Islam practiced nationwide and has punished clergy and laity who have resisted," an 8 November press statement [ http://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/whats-new-at-uscirf/3860-press-statement-uscirf-deeply-concerned-by-emerging-religious-freedom-violations-in-ethiopia.html ] by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom a bipartisan federal government body - said. "Muslims throughout Ethiopia have been arrested during peaceful protests."

Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR25/016/2012/en/f77e6342-5d69-4ed9-b595-c23fd2e3cb3d/afr250162012en.html ] has also accused the Ethiopian authorities of "committing human rights violations in response to the ongoing Muslim protest movement in the country". The organization said the police was using "excessive force" against peaceful demonstrators.

Human Rights Watch says it is deeply concerned that Ethiopia's government has repeatedly used terrorism-related prosecutions to clamp down on lawful freedom of speech and assembly.

"Many of these trials have been politically motivated and marred by serious due process violations," Laetitia Bader, a Human Rights Watch researcher on Ethiopia, told IRIN via email. "The Muslim leaders and others, should be immediately released unless the government can produce credible evidence of unlawful activity. The fact that many of the detainees have been in detention for over three months without charge does raise questions about the existence of such evidence."

Rights groups also say journalists covering the protests are being increasingly harassed. In October, police briefly detained Marthe Van Der Wolf, a reporter with the Voice of America as she was covering one of the protests at the Anwar Mosque, and according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), told to erase her recorded interviews.

"Ethiopian authorities should halt their harassment of journalists covering the country's Muslim community and their intimidation of citizens who have tried to speak to reporters about sensitive religious, ethnic, and political issues," CPJ said in an October statement [ http://www.cpj.org/2012/10/ethiopia-briefly-detains-voice-of-america-correspo.php ].

The government denies violently suppressing the protests, and says “one or two of the protests were extremely violent (with police killed).”

Activists and rights groups are concerned about references to “terrorism” in the charges. "The charges contain similar allegations used to prosecute dissident journalists and opposition leaders in the past few years... the leaders of the Muslim protest are just the latest victims of the regime's war against dissenting voices," said Jawar Mohammed.

"In fact, many of the Muslim scholars and spiritual leaders being accused of such conspiracy to create an Islamic state have written and publicly spoken advocating against any form of extremism, emphasizing that Ethiopia is a multi-faith country where secular state is indispensable for co-existence," he added. "The irony is that these Muslim leaders, many of them, are followers of the Sufi tradition and have a proven track record of actively fighting against infiltration of the community by extremist elements."

What is the extent of the protests and violence?

The demonstrations have continued for close to a year, and show no signs of abating. During Eid Al Adha celebrations in late October, tens of thousands of Muslims took to the streets to celebrate the holiday; after the prayers, they staged protests. "We have nothing to kill for… but we have Islam to die for," read some of the protesters’ banners.

The arrest of an Imam in the Oromia region back in April led to clashes that left four dead, while the country's federal police clashed with protesters at Addis Ababa's Grand Anwar mosque on 21 July.

In October, in the Amhara Region, three civilians and one police officer were killed when protesters stormed a police station where a religious leader was jailed, said Communication Affairs State Minister Shimeles Kemal. On 29 October, federal prosecutors charged the jailed activists and others with terrorism; a group of 29 people are accused of aiming to establish an Islamic state, undermining the country's secular constitution.

How might resentments play out?

In a report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/horn-of-africa/ethiopia-eritrea/b089-ethiopia-after-meles ] released shortly after Meles's death, the think tank International Crisis Group warned that the new government would find it difficult to deal with grievances in the absence of "any meaningful domestic political opposition".

"Resentments would likely continue to be turned into ethnic and religious channels, thus undermining stability and, in the worst case of civil war, even survival of a multi-ethnic, multi-faith state," the authors said.

kt/kr/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96787/Briefing-Ethiopia-s-Muslim-protests</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200903258t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 15 November 2012 (IRIN) - Tensions have been simmering over several months between Muslims and the government, with thousands holding demonstrations in protest at the government&apos;s alleged interference in religious affairs; the government has blamed the protests on a small group of extremists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA-SOMALIA: The cost of being a good neighbour</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211081141210837t.jpg" />]]>DOLLO ADO 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians would like to continue to be good Samaritans to the hundreds of thousands seeking refuge from drought and conflict in neighbouring Somalia, but massive camps in fragile environments have sparked concern among both the government and the people sharing space with the refugees.</description><body><![CDATA[DOLLO ADO 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians would like to continue to be good Samaritans to the hundreds of thousands seeking refuge from drought and conflict in neighbouring Somalia, but massive camps in fragile environments have sparked concern among both the government and the people sharing space with the refugees. 

“We have had a million refugees at one time,” said Ayalew Awoke, Ethiopia’s deputy director for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA), the government’s refugee agency. Ayalew helped establish ARRA more than two decades ago. 

“But the environmental damage these camps have done to our environment is irreversible - wooded areas have turned into barren land, as happened in Hartisheikh near Jijiga [in the southern Somali region], which hosted more than 200,000 Somalis at one stage." 

Massive influx 

Hundreds of thousands of Somalis arrived in Hartisheik, located near the border with Somalia, amid the armed opposition to Siad Barre’s government in 1988 and clan warfare in the early 1990s, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). They congregated in what became, for a time, the world's largest refugee camp. [ http://www.unhcr.org/40e426de4.html ] "The first refugees arrived in appalling conditions; many died of exhaustion, hunger and lack of water," said the agency. 

“Since the influx of the Somali refugees in 1988, the areas around their camps have been severely eroded. Now, both refugees and Ethiopians have to travel miles in search of wood for fuel and shelter," UNHCR reported in 1996. “The long-term consequences are expected to be costly for the host community, which will bear the burden long after the Somalis are gone.” [ http://www.unhcr.org/3b582dde10.html ] 

The damage is still unfolding. Ethiopia’s Somali region is now home to the world’s second-largest refugee complex, Dollo Ado, and it saw the world’s largest influx of Somali refugees this year. 

The region’s fragile environment is also one of the most vulnerable to climate change, with decreasing rains and soaring temperatures putting its predominantly agro-pastoralist population at great risk, according to climate scientist Chris Funk of the US Geological Survey [ http://pubs.usgs.gov/fs/2012/3053 ].

Lasting changes 

Melkadida, a rural settlement in southern Ethiopia, about 75km from Somalia and from Dollo Ado, offers a vivid illustration of these problems. Until last year, Melkadida’s 20,000-odd residents led lives largely untouched by development, with few shops and no school or clinic. 

Then drought struck the Horn of Africa in 2011, driving more than 40,000 Somali refugees into their ‘kebele’, or neighbourhood. Their arrival, and the subsequent attention of the international aid community, brought positive developments, including a school and medical facilities. But it also did considerable harm, destroying the environment and introducing a culture of consumerism and waste, says Ahmed Mohammed, the kebele’s chair. 

His tone is devoid of malice or accusation. Rather, he acknowledges the refugees' predicament: "They have lost a lot more than we have, and in times of need, we have to share with our brothers." 

Still, the once pristine and wooded environment of the kebele has been destroyed, Mohammed said. "We have more than twice our number of people who also need wood to cook food, build houses, fences and beds - all our trees are gone within the 10km radius of our kebele." 

Trees bring rain, he reckons, and without them the rains are becoming scarce. Melkadida residents were also affected by the drought in 2011, and they fear the diminishing rains will make things even worse in the future. 

The newcomers also created a massive market that introduced plastic bags to the area; in the last two years, at least 200 cows and goats died from ingesting plastic bags. At least 600 animals, mostly goats, were also stolen, sometimes at gunpoint. 

“The Somali refugees, who are mostly pastoralists, are used to eating meat, which they are not getting, so we understand,” said Mohammed. "We do not like to raise these issues - you are asking so we are telling you." 

These concerns were also recently raised by a team conducting an evaluation of the humanitarian response, funded by a variety of UN agencies and Save the Children [ http://ethiopia.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/IASC_RTE_Ethiopia_2012.pdf ].

How long will the camps remain? 

Somalis continue to arrive in Dollo Ado, driven by poor rains and the threat of insurgent group Al-Shabab at home. Their numbers have fallen from the peak 2,000 per day in July 2011 to an average of 30 per day. 

Nuria Mohamed Nur spent 15 days traveling to Dollo Ado from Boden, in southwestern Somalia. She, like others IRIN spoke to, said she would have come earlier, perhaps last year, if the money had been available. "We borrowed from family, relative and friends to pay drivers," she said. 

By October this year, more than 25,000 Somalis had fled to Ethiopia - making it the largest recipient of Somali refugees in the region so far, according to UNHCR. There are five camps already full and a sixth camp is being planned [ http://www.unhcr.org/508142086.html ]. 

The host community and Ethiopian officials have begun to voice concerns over the apparent long-term nature of the Somalis’ displacement. "We understand the need, and we can have the camps here for two or three years, but not more than that," said an ARRA official in Dollo Ado. 

Assistance at home 

There have been reports that Somalia might be on its way to finding peace [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96729/SOMALIA-A-snapshot-of-humanitarian-challenges ], and efforts are underway to provide assistance to Somalis within Somalia, said Russell Geekie, spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Somalia. 

"The number of IDPs [internally displaced people] heading toward Doolow [a Somali town across the border from Dollo Ado] or crossing into Dollo Ado has dropped dramatically,” he said. Even so, insecurity in Somalia remains a concern, especially in areas that were affected by famine last year. 

"Humanitarian agencies and nongovernmental organizations working in Somalia continue to explore access to areas throughout southern and central Somalia to improve the provision of services to those in need in their areas of origin,” he continued. “People are better served if we can limit their need to move far from home to seek assistance - be it toward one of Somalia's borders or urban areas such as Mogadishu [the Somali capital]." 

Humanitarian agencies, including UNHCR and the World Food Programme (WFP), are providing assistance to people in need in Luuq, in Somalia’s southern Gedo Region [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96603/SOMALIA-IDPs-in-Luuq-seek-more-assistance ]. But there is concern that aid provided in these centres could create more camps, drawing people from rural areas. Geekie said the aid agencies "are also very mindful of pull factors". 

UNHCR’s environmental guidelines [ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,UNHCR,THEMGUIDE,,42a01c9d4,0.html ] (as well as the 2005 version) suggest the host community should play a leading role in minimizing the environmental impact of refugee camps. "The host government's openness to enter into a technical dialogue with the donors on this, and related issues, is thus considered important," it said. 

ARRA's Awoke says he has raised the issue with donors and agencies but he is not satisfied with the response. "People and the media have already forgotten the famine in Somalia - we are still living the consequences." 

Awoke says most people do not appreciate the impact the refugees have had. "Imagine if 200,000 or 300,000 people just showed up in a European country," he said. 

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96754/ETHIOPIA-SOMALIA-The-cost-of-being-a-good-neighbour</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211081141210837t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DOLLO ADO 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - Ethiopians would like to continue to be good Samaritans to the hundreds of thousands seeking refuge from drought and conflict in neighbouring Somalia, but massive camps in fragile environments have sparked concern among both the government and the people sharing space with the refugees.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ETHIOPIA: Cooperatives championed amid NGO restrictions</title><pubDate>Wed, 07 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208171219540852t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia imposes increasing restrictions on foreign-backed NGOs, cooperatives - which have boosted the country’s coffee industry - are being championed as a preferred model for economic development.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia imposes increasing restrictions on foreign-backed NGOs, cooperatives - which have boosted the country’s coffee industry - are being championed as a preferred model for economic development. 

NGOs have been active in Ethiopia for roughly 40 years, yet the country still ranks in the world’s seventh percentile in terms of health, education and living standards, according to the UN Development Programme’s human development index [ http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/ETH.html ]. This has led to questions about the effectiveness of NGOs - especially those that are foreign-backed - in creating tangible, long-term progress.

By contrast, say development observers and government advisers, the cooperative model gives ownership of development issues to those affected by them, creating incentives for lasting change. “Cooperatives are businesses owned and run by and for their members… They have an equal say in what the business does and a share in the profits,” according to the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) [ http://2012.coop/en ].

Ethiopia’s coffee industry has recently seen significant growth, thanks in part to indigenous coffee cooperatives - demonstrating, advocates say, cooperatives’ superiority to NGO assistance.

But others argue that cooperatives model on its own isn’t capable of achieving long-term sustainability, and that many cooperatives remain reliant on NGOs for support. Success, they say, will depend on the combined efforts of cooperatives, NGOs and the Ethiopian government, and even foreign government assistance, where appropriate. 

Fraught political history

Both cooperatives and NGOs have had fraught relationships with Ethiopia’s political establishment, with cooperatives once perceived as an arm of the government and NGOs now seen as agents of foreign influence.

The cooperative movement in Ethiopia emerged in 1950s, during an effort to transition from subsistence farming to commercial agriculture. In the 1970s, under Mengistu Haile Mariam’s socialist-inspired Derg regime, cooperatives were used to implement a series of radical policies, such as the March 1975 Land Reform Bill, which outlawed private land ownership.  Farmers were forced to join cooperatives and give up land for collective use; as a result, cooperatives became very unpopular.

The 1991 rebellion that ousted Mengistu paved the way for more democratic, member-constituted cooperatives, even as the government itself came under criticism over its commitment to democracy. General assembly members were elected to determine cooperatives’ policies, and cooperatives began to adhere to the principles of the ICA. 

Over a decade later, NGOs became targets of government ire. Several were perceived as assisting Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s political opponents during the 2005 election, which nearly saw Meles’s defeat, according to Stephan Klingelhofer, senior vice president at Washington-based the International Centre for Not-for-Profit Law [ http://www.icnl.org/ ]. 

In the following years, members of organizations such as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and the Swiss branch of Médecins Sans Frontiers (MSF) faced arrests and detentions. The International Committee of the Red Cross and MSF Belgium were expelled by the government in August and September 2007.

In February 2009, the government adopted the Proclamation to Provide for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies [ http://www.icnl.org/research/monitor/ethiopia.html ], which restricted the activities of NGOs receiving more than 10 percent of their financing from foreign sources. Over the past six months, the restrictions have expanded, Klingelhofer said.

Concerns about dependency

These tensions are now bearing out in how cooperatives and NGOs are viewed. As the successful strategies used by coffee cooperatives are applied to bolster other agricultural sectors - including dairy, wheat and livestock - cooperatives are increasingly seen as alternatives to the kinds of assistance offered by NGOs.

Particularly problematic is that many NGOs are foreign-backed and are not member-oriented, critics say.

“It’s a problem of dependency syndrome,” said Mesay Kassaye, who works for the Costa Foundation [ http://www.costa.co.uk/costa-foundation/ ], which assists coffee cooperatives. Kassaye previously worked for the NGO Self Help Africa [ http://www.selfhelpafrica.org ] and argues that too few NGOs promote self-sufficiency.  “An NGO would bring all things, so that the community remained like beggars, with no role in development.”

Programmes often collapsed when NGOs departed, and some NGOs channel up to 75 percent of their budgets to administrative costs, he says. Cooperatives are an improvement because Ethiopia’s chronic problems are better tackled by the long-term capacity-building that cooperatives promote, he contends.

This view is shared by Haile Gebre, who is regarded as the father of Ethiopia’s cooperatives. He headed the government’s Bureau for Cooperatives in the 1990s, and his policies have resulted in the way cooperatives function today. He concedes the issue is not quite black-and-white: “Nothing is totally wrong or fair - things are relative,” he said.

“But if I’d been president of Ethiopia in 1973, I’ve have banned NGOs from Ethiopia.”

NGOs are good for providing temporary support after catastrophes, but for poverty, they aren’t the solution, he argues.

Outside help

Yet a variety of NGOs have been responsible for supporting the cooperative model. 

“We are development-oriented, not relief-oriented,” said Amsalu Andarge, an Addis Ababa-based field officer coordinator for the NGO Agriculture Cooperative Development Integrated Volunteers Overseas Cooperative Assistance (ACDI/VOCA) [ http://www.acdivoca.org/ ]. In 1995, the US-based organization helped launch Agricultural Cooperatives in Ethiopia (ACE) [ http://www.acdivoca.org/site/ID/ethiopiaace ], which established regional-level cooperative bureaus.

“Those cooperatives established by ACE are now leading the economic transformation of the country,” Andarge said.

In fact, some cooperatives receive help not only from foreign-based NGOs but from foreign state aid agencies as well.

Since September 2003, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) [ http://www.jica.go.jp/english/ ] has worked alongside the Oromia Forest and Wildlife Enterprise (OFEW), a state-run forest protection organization, and local coffee farmers, helping them produce sustainable coffee for the Japanese market, said Fumiaki Saso, a JICA project coordinator in Jimma, 200km southwest of Addis Ababa.

JICA offered technical support, such as organizing Rainforest Alliance [ http://www.rainforest-alliance.org/ ] certification and facilitating access to the international market, while OFWE controlled the coffee exportation process. After administrative costs - including JICA’s - were covered, 70 percent of remaining revenue went to farmers and 30 percent was retained by OFWE.

In March 2012, full oversight of the project was successfully handed over to OFWE.

Support and oversight needed

The cooperative business model contains both the key to economic success and a raft of potential problems, said cooperative expert Gebre.

“They are self-contained:  members are producers, sellers, buyers and consumers, and the cooperative that is member-led and member-oriented will remain efficient and effective,” generating profits for members and contributing to self-sufficiency. 

But if cooperatives start to focus on profits to the exclusion of their members’ needs, they could be transformed into supply-and-demand driven “oligarchies”, he said, describing organizations controlled by a select few with no concern for improving members’ lives or investing in communities. 

“As they get bigger, there may be problems,” allowed Kassu Kebede, a programme manager for ACDI/VOCA.

But growth can’t be avoided; to compete, the cooperatives will need to diversify and become business-oriented. And it can be handled successfully, he reasoned, citing as an example India, which has cultivated large, business-oriented cooperatives that compete internationally while still serving farmers.

For now, cooperatives still need support from NGOs like ACDI/VOCA and the government, he added, noting that the latter should also provide oversight to ensure cooperatives balance business-oriented growth with the needs of cooperative members.

jj/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96718/ETHIOPIA-Cooperatives-championed-amid-NGO-restrictions</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208171219540852t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - As Ethiopia imposes increasing restrictions on foreign-backed NGOs, cooperatives - which have boosted the country’s coffee industry - are being championed as a preferred model for economic development.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Ethiopia&apos;s ONLF rebellion</title><pubDate>Mon, 29 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210291223080002t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 October 2012 (IRIN) - Any hopes for an imminent end to conflict in Ethiopia’s Somali region were dashed earlier this month when talks between the government and the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) broke down.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 October 2012 (IRIN) - Any hopes for an imminent end to conflict in Ethiopia’s Somali region were dashed earlier this month when talks between the government and the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) broke down.

Hosted by Kenya's government in Nairobi, the negotiations started in September, with Ethiopia's delegation led by Defence Minister Siraj Fegessa and the ONLF [ http://onlf.org ] team headed by Abdirahman Mahdi, the group's foreign secretary. Meeting on 6 and 7 September, the two sides agreed on the modalities of the negotiation process, the general principles that would form the basis of resolving the conflict and the initial agenda, ONLF said in a statement [ http://onlf.org/?m=20120908 ]. 

Despite optimism from both parties, the talks fell at the first hurdle, with the Ethiopian government insisting the rebels first accept the country's constitution, a demand rejected by the ONLF as a breach of the talks’ agreed modalities.

IRIN takes a look at the ONLF and the implications of continued rebellion for Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa region.

Who are the ONLF rebels?

Founded in the early 1980s, when much of Ethiopia was still ravaged by civil war, the ONLF aims to create an independent state in Ethiopia's southeastern Ogaden territory, which is mainly inhabited by ethnic Somalis.

The Ogaden territory is located in the Somali Region, one of nine ethnically based administrative regions in the country. Poorly developed for decades due to neglect from the central government, the territory has enjoyed relative stability and development under the current Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which has governed the country since 1991. The party's regional affiliate, the Ethiopian Somali People's Democratic Party, says significant advances have been seen in the expansion of education, health, potable water, roads, electricity and telecommunication facilities [ http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4690:pastoral-community-benefiting-more-from-development-gains-espdp&catid=52:national-news&Itemid=291 ].

The ONLF insurgency began in 1984, furthering earlier attempts either to separate the region or join it to neighbouring Somalia. The group partnered with the EPRDF in the 1991 removal of junta leader Mengistu Haile Mariam, after which the two groups effectively governed the Somali region as part of a transitional government.

In 1994, following disagreements over the country's transition, the ONLF re-started its insurgency, demanding the right to self-determination. The group says it will use any means necessary - including violence - to unseat the central government.

When two elephants fight, it's the grass that suffers

Though the ONLF fighters had, over the years, mounted several attacks, including assassinating and injuring regional government leaders, it remained a low-level insurgency for years. An April 2007 attack on a Chinese-run oil field in the region brought the conflict to the fore; at least 65 Ethiopians and nine Chinese oil workers were killed in the attack. Seven Chinese nationals were taken captive in the incident. ONLF had accused the government of forcibly relocating the local population to allow for oil and gas exploration.

In September 2007, a UN humanitarian assessment mission [ http://ihasa.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/UN-Humanitarian-Assessment-mission-to-the-Somali-Region-The-ogaden.pdf ] to the region found a "pervasive fear for individual safety and security" among the population caught between the government and the ONLF. They expressed concerns about deteriorating food security, protection and healthcare in the region.

Since the 2007 attack, Ethiopian forces have maintained a large presence in the region, and the government's efforts to explore its natural gas and oil potential there have continued.

Anti-terrorism a pretext?

In 2009, the Ethiopian parliament passed an anti-terrorism law [ http://www.ethiopian-law.com/federal-laws/procedural-law/criminal-procedure-law/special-procedures/318-anti-terrorism-proclamation-no-6522009.html?start=1 ] that has been much-criticized by rights groups.

According to Laetitia Bader, a Human Rights Watch researcher on Ethiopia, the law’s definition of terrorism is too broad and vague, and can be interpreted to include peaceful protests and lawful speech. She noted that it also contains several alarming provisions, including one on pre-trial detention that allows suspects to be held in custody for up to four months without charge.

In 2010, parliament took another controversial step, naming three domestic opposition groups - the ONLF, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Ginbot 7 - as "terrorists" alongside international groups like Al-Qaeda and Al-Shabab. 

All three groups operate freely in European countries and the US, where they have offices and representatives. At the 2011 UN General Assembly, then-Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, now Ethiopia’s prime minister, criticized Western countries, particularly the US, for having double standards in their categorization of terrorist groups. 

Ethiopian authorities launched a campaign to prosecute people with perceived ties to these three organizations. In its 2011 country report, Amnesty International [ https://www.amnesty.org/en/region/ethiopia/report-2012 ] said that by November 2011, 107 opposition politicians, activists and journalists were prosecuted under the law; some later received severe sentences. 

The Committee to Protect Journalists says 11 journalists, including two Swedes arrested for reporting on the ONLF, were imprisoned under the law. The government later pardoned the pair, releasing them in September after they spent 14 months in jail [ http://cpj.org/2012/09/ethiopia-must-release-journalists-who-remain-in-pr.php ]. In another high-profile terror case, a UN security officer was sentenced to 7 years and 8 months for allegedly passing information to the ONLF [ http://www.news24.com/Africa/News/UN-officer-jailed-for-terrorism-20120622 ].

Both sides accused of abuses

A 2008 Human Rights Watch report said the government’s counter-insurgency operation in the Ogaden had involved “violations of human rights, violations of the laws of war that amount to war crimes, and crimes against humanity against the civilian population. These have included widespread forced relocations of civilians, destruction of their villages, willful killings, and summary executions, and torture, rape, and other forms of sexual violence.”

The report also said the ONLF had carried out “abductions, beatings, and summary executions of civilians in their custody, including government officials and individuals suspected of supporting the government. While its attacks are largely directed at the Ethiopian armed forces, [the ONLF] has at times conducted attacks against civilian areas and used landmines in a manner that indiscriminately harmed civilians.”

In an email to IRIN, ONLF’s Mahdi said the Ethiopian government had mounted a “smear campaign” against his organization. He asserted the ONLF had abandoned the use of “blind” land mines and now only used “controlled mines against Ethiopian army vehicles.”

In an apparent dismissal of a 2009 report commissioned by the Ethiopian government, which said HRW had “exaggerated” its claims and failed to check the political affiliation of its sources,  Mahdi said the ONLF had made several calls for an independent international inquiry into the state of human rights in the Ogaden region.

The US State Department’s 2011 edition of its annual human rights report said ONLF-affiliated gunmen were behind the 13 May ambush of a World Food Programme (WFP) vehicle, in which the driver was killed, and the subsequent abduction of two WFP staff members. The ONLF denied responsibility for the ambush. It admitted to holding the pair but said it had rescued them from state security forces. The two were released unharmed after six weeks.
[ http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?dlid=186196 ]

The State Department report added: “Civilians, international NGOs, and other aid organizations operating in the Somali region reported that government security forces, local militias, and the ONLF committed abuses such as arbitrary arrest to intimidate the civilian population.”


Why did the peace talks fail?

In October 2010, the Ethiopian government said it had reached a peace deal with a major faction of the ONLF [ http://www.ethioembassy.org.uk/news_archive/peace_accord_goe_onlf.htm ]. Euphoric crowds sang at a ceremony at Addis Ababa's Sheraton Hotel, where a peace agreement was inked, pledging the termination of the ONLF insurgency.

The remaining insurgents denounced the peace deal and vowed to continue their bid for secession, calling the faction that signed the deal "a creation of the Ethiopian regime".

Even as it denounced previous peace deals and continued to fight, the ONLF maintained it was ready to talk with the central government, and the September talks in Nairobi were hailed by both sides. Still, pundits were wary. The government had described the talks only as part of efforts "to bring all concerned to the constitutional framework", while the ONLF had long rejected any allegiance to the country's basic law. 

As the two sides were about to enter formal negotiations in mid-October, the government made the rebels’ recognition of the federal constitution a precondition for the talks to proceed. News outlets quoted the ONLF's chief negotiator Mahdi saying that the movement predated the constitution and that the group should not be forced to recognize it [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201210190111.html ].

Regional implications

As the insurgency threatens to return to high gear, many are concerned about its regional implications. Ethiopia has routinely accused neighbouring Eritrea of supporting the ONLF; in February, the UN's Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group reported [ http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_2012_412.pdf ] to the UN Security Council that it had evidence of Eritrea's support of the ONLF and another Ethiopian separatist group, the Oromo Liberation Front.

Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a brutal border war in 1998-2000, and tensions between the two countries remain high. In March, the Ethiopian army said it had attacked military camps 18km inside Eritrea [ http://www.mfa.gov.et/weekHornAfrica/morewha.php?wi=268#268 ]; the targets were three military camps where it said the Eritrean government has been training and arming terrorists.

The newly elected Somalia government is backed by Ethiopia and was also welcomed by the ONLF, but continued fighting in Ethiopia's Somali region could threaten Somalia's tenuous stability. In the past, efforts by Ethiopian forces to root out the Al-Shabab militia in Somalia were resisted by the ONLF, who attacked conveys carrying Ethiopian soldiers. At the time, Meles said the intervention in Somalia also targeted the ONLF and other rebel groups.

kt/kr/rz

*This report was amended on 30 October to correct an erroneous assertion that a 2011 Amnesty International report had referred to ONLF. In fact, it referred to the Oromo Liberation Front.

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96658/Briefing-Ethiopia-apos-s-ONLF-rebellion</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210291223080002t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 October 2012 (IRIN) - Any hopes for an imminent end to conflict in Ethiopia’s Somali region were dashed earlier this month when talks between the government and the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) broke down.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: The state of African wheat research</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition. 

For example, in Somalia - a country better known for conflict and famine than agricultural research - postgraduate volunteers are exploring ways to reduce the country’s wheat import bill, a subject discussed in one of several research abstracts released at the recent Wheat for Food Security in Africa conference in Addis Ababa [ http://conferences.cimmyt.org/en/press-room ].

Wheat imports, which cost Somalia US$30 million to $40 million annually, consume "scarce hard currency earned from livestock exports and remittances," reports Jeylani Abdullahi Osman,one of the volunteers. He and other scholars, who studied agriculture abroad, have returned to Somalia to develop wheat varieties suitable for the country’s increasingly high temperatures. Wheat thrives in cool conditions, but is able to adapt to a wide range of climates. 

In 2005, the volunteers established the Afgoye Field Crop Research Farm (AFCRF) in the Afgoye District of the Lower Shabelle Region. There, they have been testing wheat varieties for tolerance to heat and water stress. Osman reports they have identified several promising cultivars, but a lack of technical and financial support have limited commercial production. 

Improving local wheat 

An abstract of a study published out of Cameroon notes that, while there is growing demand for bread in the country, the protein content of the imported wheat used for bread-making is less than 12 percent. High-quality wheat has 14 to 15 percent protein. 

Lead author Michael Taylor, from the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, now working with the Divisional Delegation of Agriculture and Rural Development Fontem-Lebialem in Cameroon, identifies varieties of wheat with high protein content that could be grown in Cameroon. 

Researchers from the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research report that the older wheat varieties used for making bread flour are unable to cope with new strains of stem rust - a virulent fungal disease that can devastate crops within weeks. The authors identify new strategies to robustly multiply newly released rust-resistant seeds for distribution. 

Standing up to competition 

Research teams from Zimbabwe and South Africa also have investigated how to make their wheat production stand up to competition posed by cheap wheat imports. 

Zambia offers an important case study. The country, which recently became self-sufficient in wheat production, is already facing the threat of dropping yields, report researchers with Seed Co, a Zimbabwe- based company. The researchers highlight several contributing factors, including marketing challenges for small producers, the increasing cost of production and lack of availability of suitable wheat varieties. 

These and other abstracts, covering Algeria, Egypt, Sudan and Tunisia, are available on request from the Mexico-based International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center, known by its acronym CIMMYT. 

jk/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96622/FOOD-The-state-of-African-wheat-research</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210231238090906t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 24 October 2012 (IRIN) - Researchers in Africa are identifying ways to improve domestic wheat production in the face of sub-optimal conditions and stiff international competition.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: We want wheat - Africa&apos;s growing cereal demand</title><pubDate>Wed, 10 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009231153150312t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 10 October 2012 (IRIN) - Bread, pies, pasta and pastries - changing African diets, the result of urbanization, are driving a demand for wheat that is pushing up import bills and complicating food security.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 10 October 2012 (IRIN) - Bread, pies, pasta and pastries - changing African diets, the result of urbanization, are driving a demand for wheat that is pushing up import bills and complicating food security.

New research suggests the potential for African farmers to help meet that demand has been underestimated: local producers in east and southern Africa may be growing only 10 to 25 percent of the wheat that is both biologically possible and economically profitable, overlooking a potential money-spinner and hedge against global food price shocks.

The research, by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (known as CIMMYT) and the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), found that with the "proper use of fertilizer and other investments", 20 to 100 percent of farmlands in the 12 countries studied are ecologically suitable for profitable rain-fed wheat farming, at least according to advanced computer modelling.

The study, released at a five-day conference on wheat in Addis Ababa [ http://conferences.cimmyt.org/en/wheat-for-food-security-in-africa ], demonstrates that three countries - Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda - have the best wheat potential, based on projections that take into account soil, production conditions and links to markets.

CIMMYT, the Ethiopian Institute for Agricultural Research, the International Centre for Agricultural Research in Dry Areas, the African Union and other partners are expected to announce an initiative to boost wheat production at the conference.

Demand growing

One spur to domestic production is the size of the import bill:  In 2012, African countries will spend roughly US$12 billion buying some 40 million tons of wheat from abroad, said CIMMYT.

"We are not advocating for growing wheat where good growing (climatic and soil) conditions do not exist, but rather focusing on improving conditions such as extension services, new improved varieties and application of fertilizers," said Hans-Joachim Braun, the head of CIMMYT’s Global Wheat Programme.

By 2025, about 700 million people - more than half the current African population - will live in urban areas, and the time to plan for that demographic change is now, warned Bekele Shiferaw, the lead author of the CIMMYT-IFPRI study.

Demand for wheat has been growing rapidly - by around 45 percent between 2000-2009 - said Nicole Mason from Michigan State University (MSU) and the lead author of a new joint study by MSU and CIMMYT examining wheat consumption in sub-Saharan Africa.

“The demand for wheat is growing at a faster pace than rice, and it has been filling the cereal deficit in Africa for some years,” said Mason.

Wheat is still overshadowed by maize in most countries, particularly among the poor in Southern Africa. However, the demand for wheat is growing in urban centres, where people are developing an appetite for mass-produced, convenient foods containing processed wheat flour. Consumers, on average, spend more on wheat than on other cereals in the cities of Lusaka and Kitwe in Zambia, Maputo in Mozambique and Nairobi in Kenya, Mason’s study shows.

Bolstering food security

Countries like Zambia have already boosted wheat production and become self-sufficient, driven by demand and profit, said Davies Lungu, a plant breeder with the University of Zambia. “A metric ton of wheat sells at $350, while maize is around $150 per metric ton in Zambia.”

Becoming self-sufficient in wheat does not automatically imply greater food security, which is about everyone being able to access quality food, noted Mason.

But easing high import bills would improve the ability of countries and consumers to ride out price shocks, said CIMMYT’s Hodson.

Wheat, first cultivated in Mesopotamia (southern Turkey, Iraq and Syria) before spreading to North Africa and Ethiopia, is also much more resilient to extreme temperatures than other staples, Braun pointed out. “It is a good investment to make against climate change.”

jk/oa/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96510/FOOD-We-want-wheat-Africa-apos-s-growing-cereal-demand</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201009231153150312t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 10 October 2012 (IRIN) - Bread, pies, pasta and pastries - changing African diets, the result of urbanization, are driving a demand for wheat that is pushing up import bills and complicating food security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>EASTERN AFRICA: Floods affect tens of thousands</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030921250759t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.

According to a Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) El Niño special report [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/El%20Nino%20Special%20Report_2012_08_final.pdf ], weak-to-moderate El Niño conditions are likely to develop in September and to continue through early 2013.

“In East Africa, El Niño events in this period typically lead to wetter-than-normal conditions for the October-to-December rains in the Greater Horn of Africa region.”

Somalia 

Flash flooding has already been reported in Somalia’s Hiraan region [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96430/SOMALIA-Floods-displace-thousands-in-Beletweyne ], inundating parts of the town of Beletweyne, displacing an estimated 3,500 families and damaging infrastructure. Beletweyne recorded 188mm of rainfall on 29 September alone [ http://www.faoswalim.org/sites/default/files/Somalia_Rainfall_Forecast_20121001-Eng.pdf ].

“The potential for isolated, heavy rainfall remains high over portions of Somalia and eastern Ethiopia,” said a 4-10 October Africa Hazards Outlook [ http://www.cpc.ncep.noaa.gov/products/fews/africa_hazard.pdf ] by the Climate Prediction Center, adding that this may trigger localized flooding in pastoral areas.

Above-average rains are expected to continue through 10 October across Somalia while light rains, less than 25mm, are expected elsewhere in East Africa. 

South Sudan

Between June and September, flooding affected over 258,000 people and reached 39 of South Sudan’s 79 counties, Michelle Delaney, a reports officer with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN by email. “Jonglei State has been the worst affected, with over an estimated 200,000 people impacted by the flooding,” she said. 

The 258,000 figure is triple the number of people affected over the same period in 2011, notes OCHA [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%2024-30%20September%202012.pdf ].

The humanitarian response is ongoing, with the main needs being household items, shelter, food, water, sanitation and hygiene. “Needs are being met in areas which are accessible by humanitarian partners. But increasingly heavy rains and poor road conditions are restricting access to communities in need,” Delaney said.

The rainy season, which usually ends around November, could extend due to an El Niño situation, “and increase the likelihood of higher rainfall levels. This could also affect the crop season and livelihood opportunities,” she added.

In a September update, the World Health Organization [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/south_sudan_eha_9september2012.pdf ] warned that heavy rains in Warrap, Jonglei, Upper Nile and Unity states were making the humanitarian situation precarious, “mainly because roads are increasingly becoming impassable, hence cutting off communities, destroying food crops and making it impossible to deliver drugs to the health facilities, thus increasing the rates of stock-outs.”

Sudan

The Sudanese government estimates at least 25,000 people have been affected by flooding in the south-eastern state of Sennar, notes a 24-30 September OCHA bulletin [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_Report_4363.pdf ]. Among the affected locations are villages near El Dindir locality and Dindir Town. Relief supplies are being provided by boat. 

Flash floods have occurred in parts of Central Darfur, destroying the homes of about 1,000 people in Golo Town, the bulletin said. Sudan’s Humanitarian Aid Commission has provided non-food relief supplies, including mosquito nets and plastic sheeting, but the area has been inaccessible to humanitarian groups due to insecurity along the Nertiti-Golo Road.

Overall, some 240,000 people in Sudan have been affected by flooding since June, with over 32,000 homes damaged and over 12,000 destroyed, according to Sudan’s High Council of Civil Defense. Kassala is the worst affected state, followed by South Darfur, Gedaref and Sennar States.

Downpours in neighbouring Eritrea and Ethiopia have also increased flood risks for Sudan. Ethiopia’s overflowing Atbara River already has resulted in floods affecting thousands in Nile River State [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20Issue%2034%20%2827%20Aug%20-%202%20Sep%202012%29%20%281%29.pdf ].

Ethiopia

Remote areas in Ethiopia’s north-eastern Afar Region have been cut off due to river flooding, said a 15-28 September OCHA Eastern Africa Bulletin [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_1026.pdf ]. Some 6,859 people have been affected by the flooding there and in the western Gambella region in the past two weeks, said an assessment by the regional Disaster Prevention and Food Security Office.

“The flooding damaged homes and crops,” the report said. Still, despite the flooding, parts of northern and southern Ethiopia continue to experience acute water shortages.

Ethiopia’s National Meteorological Agency, expects normal to above-normal rainfall in most parts of the country during the coming wet ‘bega’ season, states a 1 October OCHA report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_1025.pdf ].

According to the FEWSNET El Niño special report, increased rains from October to December, possibly continuing into January, could benefit crop and livestock production. But they “could also have negative impacts, including soil erosion, damage to crops and infrastructure, reduced market access caused by flooding, increased morbidity due to increases in human waterborne diseases, and increased livestock mortality due to disease,” it said.

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96476/EASTERN-AFRICA-Floods-affect-tens-of-thousands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030921250759t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 October 2012 (IRIN) - Above-average seasonal rains in parts of the East and Horn of Africa have affected tens of thousands of people, displacing families and restricting access to many in need, say humanitarian officials. The rains, coming ahead of a possible El Niño event, have prompted fears of further flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>