<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Economy</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 19:00:33 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>HEALTH: Treat the mother - save the baby</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151237530313t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - The past decade has seen great advances in child survival, but while toddlers and small children are benefiting, the death rate for new-born babies remains stubbornly high. Now a new report suggests that paying more attention to their mothers’ health, and focusing on certain damaging but treatable diseases, could be one key to tackling neonatal mortality.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - The past decade has seen great advances in child survival, but while toddlers and small children are benefiting, the death rate for new-born babies remains stubbornly high. Now a new report suggests that paying more attention to their mothers’ health, and focusing on certain damaging but treatable diseases, could be one key to tackling neonatal mortality. 

The traditional childhood killers - measles, pneumonia and diarrhoea - are all down; even where malaria is still rife, treated bednets are saving children’s lives. But as deaths from other causes drop, mortality in the first month of life looms ever larger. 

Statistics published recently [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(12)60560-1/abstract ] by researchers at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore show that, worldwide, around 40 percent of children who die below the age of five die in the first month of life, and that rises to 50 percent or more in regions like Europe and South East Asia where other causes of childhood death have been reduced. 

Many of these babies were born too soon, or born too small; others were born with infections contracted from their mothers. In all these cases it is the mother’s health during pregnancy which is the key to the babies’ survival, and now the American Medical Association has published a study [ http://jama.ama-assn.org/content/307/19/2079.short ] of the incidence in pregnant women of health problems which are known to affect their unborn babies, and which can all be treated. 

The researchers looked at 171 studies from Sub-Saharan Africa over a 20-year period, which showed whether women attending ante-natal clinics were infected with malaria, or with a range of sexually transmitted and reproductive tract infections - syphilis, gonorrhoea, chlamydia and bacterial and parasitic infections of the vagina. If left untreated, these can lead to miscarriages, stillbirths, premature births and low birth-weight babies. 

Malaria affects placenta 

Matthew Chico, a research fellow at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, who led the team, stresses the far-reaching effects of these problems. In malaria, for instance, the placenta does not function properly. “What you end up with,” he told IRIN, “is a low birth-weight baby, and low birth weight is the single most common factor in neonatal mortality. And it leads to lifelong consequences. Low birth-weight babies underperform at school and end up earning less, and curiously they even end up with more cardiovascular problems later in life. 

“There are multiple consequences. Girls are at greater risk, for instance, of having low birth-weight babies themselves and so it continues into the next generation. We have to break the cycle.” 

Chico and his colleagues divided the continent into two regions - East and Southern Africa, and West and Central Africa, because of the way the higher incidence of HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa might affect the results. They also excluded South Africa, because malaria was a major part of the study, and malaria there has been reduced to the point where it is no longer an issue. 

What they found was alarming. The incidence of syphilis and gonorrhoea was relatively low, under 5 percent, and the most recent figures show them on the decline. But in East and Southern Africa more than half the women attending antenatal clinics tested positive for bacterial vaginal infection and more than a quarter had the parasitic infection, trichomonas. 

These figures were a little lower in West and Central Africa, but those areas had a higher rate of malaria infection, around 40 percent, although this had reduced a little in more recent studies, an indication perhaps that the promotion of bednets for pregnant women has had an effect. 

The averages conceal considerable variations from place to place, with one set of figures from Blantyre, Malawi, showing more than 85 percent of women had a bacterial vaginal infection and another, from Ngali in Cameroon, reporting that almost 95 percent of women there were infected with malaria. 

So what can be done? Effective treatment could make a major dent in neonatal mortality. “It’s been established that universal coverage with preventive treatment for malaria would reduce neonatal mortality by a third,” says Chico. “So add to that an STI [sexually transmitted infection] and RTI [reproductive tract infection] component and the reduction could certainly be more than that.” 

The good news 

The good news is that all these conditions are treatable. It is just a question of finding the best way to reach these women, many of whom will have no symptoms and be unaware they are infected. The current treatment regime is to give all pregnant women preventive treatment for malaria using Fansidar (sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine). But growing resistance to the drug means this is less effective than it used to be. 

One possibility is to do a blood test for malaria at each antenatal visit, and only give treatment if the test is positive. “The screen and treat approach minimizes drug use,” Chico told IRIN, “and that would minimize drug resistance. But the test doesn’t show if the placenta is infected, which is what affects the unborn baby, and this approach doesn’t give protection against sexually transmitted infections. 

“Or else you could use a preventive combination therapy with an antimalarial plus azithromycin, which is primarily an antibiotic and will act against the other infections, but also has some antimalarial properties. Many doctors don’t like to give a pregnant a woman any drug unless they are sure she needs it, but in this case the alternative is much more grave. 

“What we need now are studies to compare the alternative treatments in similar populations. Only then will we know what path to follow.” 

eb/cb 
]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95458</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151237530313t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - The past decade has seen great advances in child survival, but while toddlers and small children are benefiting, the death rate for new-born babies remains stubbornly high. Now a new report suggests that paying more attention to their mothers’ health, and focusing on certain damaging but treatable diseases, could be one key to tackling neonatal mortality.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Bonded labour ensnares entire families</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140859340618t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report [ http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_172671.pdf ] by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.

Most children began working at the age of seven or eight, and almost 80 percent are under 10. According to the ILO, the kilns rely on debt bondage: Workers and their families are tied to a kiln by the need to pay off loans taken out for basic necessities, medical expenses, weddings and funerals.

The ILO report found that basic subsistence needs force families to repeatedly take out loans, often paying for a winter’s food with a loan which they pay back over an entire season. Of the families surveyed, 64 percent had worked in the kilns for 11 years or more, and 35 percent had done so for more than 20 years.

The exact number of kilns in Afghanistan is unknown, but reports suggest [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/16/world/asia/16kiln.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all ] that in Nangarhar Province’s Surkhroad District alone there are about 90, with 150-200 children working in each one. ILO estimates that Kabul Province’s Deh Sabz District has 800 kilns.

“It is out of necessity and extreme poverty that households enlist their children from an early age to work in the kilns,” said Sarah Cramer, lead author of the ILO report. “There are four cycles prevalent in the situation of bonded labour in Afghanistan - the cycle of debt, cycle of vulnerability, cycle of dependence and the cycle of poverty.”

bm/eo/cb]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95463</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140859340618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Traders resist rice price rules</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205161343310221t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - South of the Sahel, where drought, high food prices and other factors have pushed some 16 million into hunger, 320,000 people in Côte d&apos;Ivoire are also grappling with food insecurity. A combination of forces is causing region-wide high prices for rice, but the government’s efforts to make the staple food cheaper lack teeth and are proving difficult to impose.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - South of the Sahel, where drought, high food prices and other factors have pushed some 16 million into hunger, 320,000 people in Côte d'Ivoire are also grappling with food insecurity. A combination of forces is causing region-wide high prices for rice, but the government’s efforts to make the staple food cheaper lack teeth and are proving difficult to impose. [ http://reliefweb.int/disaster/ot-2011-000205-ner ]

In March 2012, locally grown rice cost 55 to 77 US cents per kg, 15 percent more than the five-year average. The price of imported rice was 68 to 92 US cents per kg, an increase of 30 to 50 percent, depending on where the market was located, according to the World Food Programme (WFP). The price of manioc - another staple food, also known as cassava - which is heavily consumed in western Côte d'Ivoire, has gone up by 70 percent.

Apart from high prices, Ivoirians also face food insecurity because hundreds of thousands were displaced in the election-related violence that overtook much of the country from 2010 to 2011, so they could not access their fields to plant crops.

Côte d'Ivoire produces roughly half of its rice requirement, making it heavily dependent on imported rice. Government statistics record some 837,000mt imported in 2010, and 819,061mt in 2009. WFP notes that over half the country’s cereal diet consists of rice.

Price-fixing

In early April 2012 the government tried to regulate prices by imposing guidelines: the most widely consumed rice should cost between 207 and 317 cfa (40 to 60 US cents) per kg; semi-luxe rice should be sold at 362 to 543 cfa (70 cents to $1.05); and fragrant rice at 710 to 760 cfa ($1.38 to $1.48) per kg.

But six weeks later these measures have not yet been implemented at most of the main markets in Abidjan, the commercial capital. “Every time the government announces a drop in food prices, when you go to the market two or three days later you see nothing has changed,” said Françoise Etilé, a housewife from the Yopougon area of Abidjan.

In many markets rice prices have gone up even more. “Rice has become gold,” said Etilé. “Already families are only eating one meal a day, and now we’re heading towards one meal every two days.”

Traders say they are not to blame for the high prices, which are experienced globally and dictated by international markets. [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/77872/72/A-global-food-crisis ]

“Each time he [Minister of Commerce Dagobert Banzio] accuses of us of causing the rises, but this is not true,” Salif N’diaye, a big rice vendor in Abidjan’s Marcory neighbourhood, told IRIN. He closes his shop for several days each time a new price category is announced, “Otherwise my stock would disappear.”

Surveillance teams

The government is now taking stronger measures and sending monitoring teams to markets to verify prices. “We have given three months for them [traders] to sort this out, to see prices significantly drop. Some show good willing but others still refuse - it’s deplorable,” Banzio told IRIN.

Ginaluca Ferrera, head of WFP in Cote d’Ivoire, welcomed the government’s proactive approach. “The government does not want to wait for foreign aid - it is good that they are trying to help with macroeconomic measures,” he said, but noted that discussions must be held with importers and traders so that compromise solutions can be found.

At the end of March the government reduced taxes on rice and tried to fight the racketeering associated with high prices. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/78598/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Racketeering-at-roadblocks-raises-food-prices ] However, observers say not enough is being done to clamp down on the widespread criminality and banditry in the north and west, where ex-combatants or criminal gangs set up roadblocks to extract money from transporters or to loot their goods.

Food insecurity is highest in the north and west of Cote d’Ivoire, according to WFP assessments, with 260,000 people in the west moderately or severely food insecure, and 60,000 food insecure in the north. On average these families spend over half of their daily income on food.

Prices in the north also are coming under increased upward pressure because many of the available grains are being exported to neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali, which are experiencing widespread food and displacement crises. [http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95410/SAHEL-Aid-efforts-under-strain-as-refugees-numbers-mount ]

The latest nutrition survey, carried out in late 2011 - another one will take place in July 2012 - put the global acute malnutrition rate in the west at 4.7 percent, and in the rest of the country at 7.7 percent. However, chronic malnutrition in children younger than five years ranges from 35 percent in the south to 43.6 percent in the north, which WFP described as “quite alarming”.

Because of these factors, WFP is extending its emergency food programmes until the end of October of 2012.

aa/aj/he]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95466</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205161343310221t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - South of the Sahel, where drought, high food prices and other factors have pushed some 16 million into hunger, 320,000 people in Côte d&apos;Ivoire are also grappling with food insecurity. A combination of forces is causing region-wide high prices for rice, but the government’s efforts to make the staple food cheaper lack teeth and are proving difficult to impose.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGERIA: Where is the money to help poisoned children?</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151427230557t.jpg" />]]>ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.</description><body><![CDATA[ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.
 
Last week Nigerian and international specialists, aid workers, scientists, ministers from Zamfara State in northwestern Nigeria and local cultural leaders gathered at an international conference in the capital, Abuja, to map out a collective plan to clean up poisoned sites, test and treat affected residents - mostly children - and put in place safer mining practices.
 
Over 400 children have died and an estimated 10 times that number have been contaminated by acute lead poisoning in the state of Zamfara since 2010, when international health NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) learned of what its Nigeria head, Ivan Gayton, referred to as “one of the worst, if not the worst, lead-poisoning crisis ever.” [http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94912/NIGERIA-Calls-for-more-action-on-child-lead-poisoning ]
 
In November 2011 the federal government committed US$5.4 million to help the poisoned children, but none of this money has been released, and the delay has not been explained, said MSF.
 
“Without delay, the $850 million naira from the ecological fund must be released in order to begin the environmental remediation [cleansing] and the safer mining programme in Zamfara State,” Gayton said at the close of the conference.
 
Thousands of children in Zamfara go untreated while their villages await remediation, excluding them from chelation [removing lead from the body] while they are continuously re-poisoned.
 
Lead poisoning is caused by artisanal mining practices in the gold-rich but otherwise largely impoverished Zamfara region, when independent miners use crude hand tools to extract gold from crushed ore in their villages.
 
The toxic dust contaminates soil, water, food and homes. Children under five years of age are especially vulnerable to poisoning, as their bodies weigh much less and absorb far greater amounts of lead from the environment than adults. Lead-contaminated dust is also more likely to be ingested by children as they crawl on the ground and put dusty hands in their mouths, while their vital organs and cognitive abilities are still forming.
 
Zamfara’s lead crisis came to a head in 2010, when skyrocketing international gold prices (1 ounce of gold is valued at approximately $1,600) prompted scores of residents to turn to artisanal mining.
 
“The state government is doing all it can with its limited resources,” said Mouktar Lugga, Environment Commissioner for Zamfara State. The state has been working with US-based environmental engineering firm Terragraphics to clean seven of the affected villages, while Geneva-based MSF has treated over 2,500 children under five.
 
Yet no federal minister of mining, the environment, or health attended the conference, and no concrete action by the federal government was announced.
 
“By not participating in the conference, the federal government sent a message that the political commitment to resolve this really isn’t there,” said Jane Cohen, an environmental health researcher with Human Rights Watch. “It’s not just about a symbolic message, it’s about whether or not the resources are there to now take action and, unfortunately, they’re just not.”
 
Professor Abdulsalami Nasidi, Project Director of the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, spoke on behalf of the government during the conference’s closing remarks, and stressed that Nigeria’s high-level officials are engaged with the needs of Zamfara. “The federal government is regarding this problem not only as an emergency, but a chemical warfare declared on Nigerian children,” he said.
 
On behalf of the ministers, he pledged to follow up on the issue, which Cohen says is a legal responsibility. “The government is obligated under international law to protect the rights of these people, and they’re really failing in this duty,” she said.
 
Fending for themselves
 
The village of Bagega is widely considered to be the largest and most contaminated region in Zamfara, with some 1,500 poisoned children requiring treatment. Minimal remediation has begun, but the scale of the village’s toxicity demands more resources than are currently available.
 
After a visit there, Cohen said that messaging about safety practices from NGOs and the state government are beginning to have an impact on local residents. She encountered one family who had cleansed their own home of lead by replacing contaminated soil and mud with clean materials, without external resources or expertise. “They’ve given up on their government,” Cohen told IRIN.
 
However, if the remediation is not thorough, families remain at risk. “A lot of the bricks in people’s homes in Bagega were made of contaminated mud,” she said. “Even though that family took out six inches of soil and replaced it with clean soil, their walls are still dangerous."
 
Despite the standstill in releasing federal funds, delegates to the multidisciplinary conference announced an action plan for Zamfara, including creating a state-level rapid response team, a plan to include local communities in policy development, and a push for safer artisanal mining technologies.
 
But this must not excuse the government from fulfilling its responsibility, Gayton said. "This 850 million naira would be an amazing first step to addressing the problems in Zamfara state."
 
bg/aj/he
 

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95451</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205151427230557t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABUJA 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - Aid organizations and rights groups are putting more pressure on the Nigerian government to release a promised US$5.4 million in aid for lead-poisoned children, but government officials keep ducking the issue.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Maize farmers have rain but lack seeds</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202141316350671t.jpg" />]]>MT ELGON 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - At least 1.3 million farmers in Kenya - more than double the figure for 2010 - do not have any maize seeds to plant this season, despite favourable weather conditions, according to the Ministry of Agriculture.</description><body><![CDATA[MT ELGON 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - At least 1.3 million farmers in Kenya - more than double the figure for 2010 - do not have any maize seeds to plant this season, despite favourable weather conditions, according to the Ministry of Agriculture.
 
The “high number” of farmers without seeds is due to drought [  http://irinnews.org/Theme/AFC/East-Africa-Food-Crisis  ] in the region and Kenya last year. “Many farmers either sold the seeds they had kept or used them as food,” Wilson Songa, secretary of agriculture at the ministry, told IRIN.
 
The problem has been getting worse over the past few years. “The country has witnessed an increasing number of farmers totally lacking seeds to plant over the past five years. Remember, the last time this country experienced a bumper harvest was in 2006,” Songa said.
 
Mary Chemutai, a widowed mother of six, is one such farmer. Her overgrown 0.4 hectare farm in the Mt Elgon region of western Kenya lies fallow, despite the good growing weather. “I didn’t have any food to feed my family because what I got last season ran out, and I couldn’t watch my children die of hunger. So we ate all the seeds I was supposed to plant this season. Now I have nothing to plant.”
 
She said she could set aside some of the 80 shillings ($US1) she earns daily as a farm labourer to buy seeds, but money was tight. “Some people think I don’t want to plant, but I can’t plant stones.” 
 
Maize meal is a staple in Kenya, which produces 25,000 tons of maize seed annually against a demand of 35,000 tons. Almost 80 percent of Kenyan maize farmers plant with seed saved from the previous harvest or obtained from community seed banks, says the ministry.
 
“Over a million people not planting maize… means even many more people who rely on it for food will not get it… It is even worse because those farmers with seeds to plant do not have fertilizers, resulting in poor harvests,” Enoch Mwani, who teaches agriculture at the University of Nairobi, told IRIN.
 
The current seed shortage is compounded by an erratic supply of fertilizer, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95203/KENYA-Fertilizer-shortage-could-exacerbate-food-insecurity ] experts say. At present, some 3.7 million people are food insecure in Kenya, according to the UN.
 
Certified seeds
 
Certified seeds, approved by Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Services, are available at the National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB) and Kenya Seed Company, but high prices mean just 1 percent of farmers can afford them, according to the Tegemeo Institute of Agriculture.
 
“Certified maize seeds give better yields than ordinary seeds, but many farmers prefer their own seeds because that is what they can afford,” Wesley Koech, a food security analyst at Nairobi University’s department of economics, told IRIN. 

 
NCPB prices have risen 9 percent since 2011; a 10kg bag of maize seed retails at Ksh 1,100 (US$13.25). 
 
Extension officers
 
Government officials say the situation can be improved with the help of extension officers.
 
“Famers lack seeds because they don’t produce enough maize and end up consuming everything. When extension officers teach them better agricultural methods like planting in time, they realize good harvest. Seed shortages will not occur because they can keep part of what they produce to plant in the coming season,” James Samo, an agricultural production specialist at the Ministry of Agriculture, told IRIN.
 
Samo said part of the extension officers’ mandate is to encourage crop diversification, since maize does not grow well in dry conditions.
 
“Drought-resilient crops like cassava can cushion farmers from hunger and provide sources of income as well, because it is very difficult to experience total crop failure with them.”
 
Farmers’ representatives, however, say the 1,600 extension officers are too few to adequately meet farmers’ needs.
 
“Just a single extension officer covering a whole district and on a motor cycle… There is a need to employ more of them,” Erick Nying’iro, a member of the Cereal Growers’ Association, told IRIN.
 
“The government should either heavily subsidize certified seeds to bring their prices down considerably to improve access by farmers, or put greater efforts in rolling out extension services to improve what is produced through traditional initiatives such as community seed banks and farm-owned seeds,” said Koech.
 
ko/am/cb
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95452</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202141316350671t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MT ELGON 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - At least 1.3 million farmers in Kenya - more than double the figure for 2010 - do not have any maize seeds to plant this season, despite favourable weather conditions, according to the Ministry of Agriculture.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview [of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95459</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Israeli government challenges the law to embrace illegal settler outposts</title><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141111000222t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.

God gave us this land 3,000 years ago,” an Israeli bus driver said on the way from Jerusalem towards the Israeli settlement of Psagot. “This land is ours. It’s not for the Arabs,” he added, as the bus crossed from Jerusalem into the occupied West Bank, continuing its way through the rocky landscape east of Ramallah.

Psagot is home to about 1,600 Israeli settlers and the seat of the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council, which is one of six councils providing municipal services to more than 300,000 Israelis who live in 124 officially recognized settlements in the West Bank.

While all settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) are illegal under international law, more than 90 so-called outposts are illegal even under Israeli law. One such illegal settlement is Migron, where about 322 Israeli settlers live in caravans on 36 hectares of privately owned Palestinian land.

Migron is one of several cases where the Israeli government has tried to circumvent Supreme Court decisions on the evacuation of illegal structures, instead supporting settler interests. For the first time since 1996, the government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu formally created new settlements this April by legalizing the three outposts of Rechalim, Sansana and Bruchin.

“There is a big change of policy happening,” Talia Sasson, a former Israeli chief-prosecutor who wrote the influential Sasson report [ http://www.mideastweb.org/sassonreport.htm  ] on government support for illegal outposts, told IRIN. “I believe that the price for removing an illegal outpost has become too high to pay, for the Israeli government.”

When Netanyahu formed a new unity government with the centrist Kadima party on 8 May, some analysts said this could bring along changes, while Palestinian officials immediately called upon the new government to freeze settlement activity. [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/palestinian-official-israel-s-new-unity-cabinet-must-freeze-all-settlement-activity-1.429019 ] But, many warned that settlers were only gaining in strength, holding onto occupied land at any price.

Now, say analysts, state support for settlements and illegal outposts has crossed a point of no return, undermining the rule of law and threatening Israeli democracy.

“What happened around Migron and other outposts is a total earthquake of Israeli constitutional balance,” Dror Etkes, an Israeli expert on land issues in oPt, told IRIN. “There is a major clash coming up between the government, the settlers and the Supreme Court. By legalizing the outpost, the government made clear that it neither cares about national, nor about international law.”

The government had asked the Supreme Court to delay Migron’s demolition for three years, which the court rejected, and tried to delay the implementation of another court decision on the demolition of the illegal Ulpana neighbourhood in the Beit El settlement. Efforts are reportedly under way to pass a bill to retroactively legalize Ulpana. This would force the Supreme Court to declare the law unconstitutional.

Experts say legalization of settlements endangers any future solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict under the terms of a two-state solution.

“Nineteen years after Oslo and 13 years after a final settlement was supposed to be reached, prospects for a two-state solution are as dim as ever,” the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in a recent report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/israel-palestine/122-the-emperor-has-no-clothes-palestinians-and-the-end-of-the-peace-process.aspx ] which called for a new paradigm.

Migron “compromise”

The caravans of Migron stand high on a hill close to the Palestinian villages of Burqa and Ein Yabrud. Only 2km further down, bulldozers were digging into the rocky soil, building a new Migron for the outpost’s 50 families, where they will move on 1 August, according to an agreement reached between the settlers and the government after the Israeli Supreme Court had ruled that the illegal structures be removed.

Migron’s residents are confident old Migron will remain, alongside the new Migron that is being built for them.

“Today’s Migron should become an educational institution for soldiers, or we transform it into a farm,” Itai Hemo, a resident from Migron, told IRIN. “In any case, the evacuation will provoke a strong reaction from settler communities all around. We won’t be able to control that.”

The government’s “compromise” with the settlers effectively blocked the Supreme Court decision to demolish the illegal outpost. This only strengthened the settlers’ self-confidence.

“Netanyahu legalized the outposts and showed his clear intentions. It is a statement to all settlers and residents of illegal outposts that the government continues to support them,” Lior Amichai, who works for Peace Now’s Settlement Watch Project, told IRIN.

Observers say illegal outposts impact negatively on neighbouring Palestinian communities.

“This is the area of Migron in 1999,” Dror Etkes said, looking at a satellite image that shows huge planted fields that once belonged to nearby Palestinian villages. “And this is Migron today,” he continued, pointing out the built-up area of Migron on another satellite image. “Hundreds of dunams in agricultural land were taken away from the villages, severely affecting their livelihood. And a settler road closed off Palestinian access.”

“The heart of Israel”

Migron’s residents are national-religious settlers who make up about 80 percent of Israelis living east of the separation barrier, on land that would become part of a Palestinian state under any realistic final status agreement.

They are driven by the belief that settling the land is both a national and religious duty, and compared to secular and Ultra-Orthodox settlers, they are more unwilling to leave the land for compensation, past surveys have shown. [ http://www.haaretz.com/news/poll-25-of-settlers-east-of-fence-prepared-to-leave-homes-1.174523 ]

“Eighty percent of what happened in the Bible happened here. This is the heart of Israel, also geographically. If we don’t have [a] presence here, it would mean the end of Israel,” Miri Maoz Ovadia, liaison officer from the settlers’ umbrella organization, the Yesha Council, told IRIN.

Strategically located on a hill like most outposts, Migron’s residents have lived in illegal structures since 2002. The Israeli Ministry of Housing and Construction generously funded them with more than US$1 million, according to the so-called Sasson report.

“Coming here was not only an ideological decision. I simply love this place,” Itai Hemo said, while resting on the porch in front of his caravan, overlooking the picturesque landscape.

“When you look into the Bible, you will see many of the holy places that are actually here,” he added. “But the conflict about the land is a political one. Any researcher will tell you that Palestinians came from other Arab countries. But it doesn’t mean we have to expel them. Co-existence is possible.”

But the details of this “co-existence” are far from anything that could be acceptable to Palestinians.

“The West Bank is separated into area A, B and C. Israel would annex area C, where all of today’s settlers live, while offering citizenship to the Palestinians there. Area A and B would get some kind of autonomy,” Miri Maoz Ovadia said.

An estimated 150,000 Palestinians live in Israeli controlled area C, [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full%20Report_69.pdf ] which makes up over 60 percent of the West Bank. About 70 percent of it is off-limits for Palestinian construction.

Influencing the state

The Israeli settlers who live in illegal outposts and settlements east of the barrier appear to have effective channels of influence to the government, the military and state institutions.

“Before Gaza-settlements were evacuated in 2006, we organized demonstrations. But the evacuation of Gush Katif (Gaza settlements) broke the movement,” Miri Maoz Ovadia said. “We also understood that Gaza was emotionally not in the heart of Israel, but the West Bank is. We have other channels of influence today.”

Today, the regional councils and the Yesha Council increasingly focus on advocacy, bringing politicians to speak in illegal outposts and attracting Israelis through tourism and volunteering. “We want to bring the heart of Israel to Judea and Samaria (the West Bank),” Ovadia added.

Since the Israeli High Court ordered the evacuation of Migron, politicians have come to pay tribute, many from Netanyahu’s Likud party. “We had a lot of members of Knesset [parliament] here. At least 30,” Itai Hemo said.

One of them was Reuven Rivlin, speaker of the Israeli parliament. During a January visit to the outpost, Rivlin called on the government “to take responsibility” and not to relocate or evacuate Migron.

The influence of settler ideology on the Likud was further boosted by the rise of the national-religious politician Moshe Feiglin.

“That Feiglin got 25 percent of Likud’s votes, affects the whole party. It pushes all others who compete with him towards a more extreme position,” Talia Sasson said. Feiglin advocates a greater Israel and encourages all Palestinians to leave.

“Of Likud’s 130,000 party members, 9,000 are settlers. Because they always vote as a united bloc, they are very strong,” Dror Etkes said. Other analysts estimated that at least 20 percent of Likud’s members are settlers.

Another sphere of influence is the Israeli army, where settlers volunteer. In addition, the settler councils actively attract more and more Israelis to participate in pre-army volunteer programmes.

Asked whether a future confrontation between settlers and the army over Migron was possible, Miri Maoz Ovadia replied: “61 percent of the settlers from here volunteer in combat units. It would be a fight against ourselves.”

But their increasing influence on the army and politics could make future demolitions or evacuations more difficult to implement.

“From Gaza they evacuated some 8,000 people. But the West Bank is different. It is in the heart of the country; 350,000 settlers are impossible to evacuate,” she added.

Radicalization

While most settlers pursue their interests non-violently, radicalized settlers have also directed attacks against Palestinians, left-wing Israelis and the Israeli state.

The weekly average of such attacks by settlers resulting in Palestinian casualties and property damage increased by 144 percent in 2011 compared to 2009 [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_settler_violence_map_april_2012_english.pdf ] An ideologically driven radicalized movement has grown in West Bank outposts over the years, following a strategy called “price-tag attacks”, meant to increase the price the government has to pay for demolishing illegal outposts.

"We are dealing here with two main ideological dimensions - both coming from Jewish religious teachings which place the conflict with the non-Jew at the centre of their teachings,” said Ofer Zalzberg, a senior analyst with the ICG.

“The first comes from the teachings of anti-statist religious leaders like Rabbi Ginzburg of the Yitzhar outpost. The second from Rabbi Meir Kahana’s teachings. The young activists who follow such political-theologies often come from broken and disaffected families," he added. The two Rabbi’s justified violence against Arabs and objected to partitioning the land.

Analysts also say radicalization among settler youth is linked to decreasing loyalty to the state, partly as a result of past government support for the Oslo agreements, which many national-religious settlers see as incompatible with the messianic reading of Jewish law.

Most national-religious settlers oppose the “price-tag movement”, but have one goal in common: pressuring the government to not to demolish outposts.

“The settlers are playing a dangerous game. They condemn the radicalization and violence, but at the same time, are using it silently to pressure the government not to demolish outposts,” Hagit Ofran, head of Peace Now’s settlement watch project, told IRIN.

Dror Etkes said most settlers are represented by the Yesha Council which seeks to influence the state through formal channels, while there is a more radical minority in outposts around Hebron and Nablus.

“The Council uses the radicals to tell the government: ‘If you don’t compromise our interests, you will have to deal with these radicals’,” he added. “There is a mutual interest.”

ah/eo/cb]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 14 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95445</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205141111000222t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH/TEL AVIV 14 May 2012 (IRIN) - Israeli settlers east of the separation barrier in the central West Bank occupy the land most critical for any future final status agreement under a two-state solution. But instead of limiting settlement expansion, critics say the Israeli authorities are setting a dangerous precedent by legalizing new outposts and undermining the law.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Global Fund will have US$1.6 billion more</title><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291150590936t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.

The new funds are a result of "strategic decisions made by the Board, freeing up funds that can be invested in countries where there is the most pressing demand", a statement by the Fund said. [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/mediacenter/pressreleases/2012-05-09_Global_Fund_Forecasts_USD_1_6_billion_in_Available_Funds_for_2012_2014_Major_Shift_Reflects_Strategic_Choices_by_Board_Renewed_Confidence/] Organizational changes have brought "improved financial supervision and overall efficiency"; for instance, the Fund has cut its staff by 7.4 percent. In addition, it has received new donations recently, including $750 from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and $340 million from Japan.

Poor funding in 2011 forced the Fund to make an unprecedented decision to cancel its 11th round of funding, [http://www.plusnews.org/Report/94293/HIV-AIDS-Global-Fund-cancels-funding ] raising fears that gains made in the fight HIV would be lost. Some $616 million in grant requests is now being considered by the Technical Review Panel.

UNAIDS said the money would allow countries and communities to take the lead in determining their priorities to meet the targets of the 2011 UN Political Declaration on AIDS [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/92940/HIV-AIDS-UN-High-Level-Meeting-on-AIDS-where-to-from-here ].

"This ushers in a new era for the Global Fund and I am pleased to see that it is opening the door to new partnerships," Michel Sidibé, executive director of UNAIDS, said in a statement. [http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/pressreleaseandstatementarchive/2012/may/20120509psglobalfund/ ] "The Global Fund must keep firmly focused on country successes, and continue to leverage resources to ensure that countries can reach their goals and that more lives are saved."

The international NGO, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), welcomed the new money but cautioned that the Fund must stick to country-driven, needs-driven and demand-driven programming. Sharonann Lynch, HIV policy advisor to MSF International, urged the Global Fund, which will have its 26th board meeting in Geneva, Switzerland, on 10 and 11 May, to adhere to its founding principle of saving lives.

"The Global Fund will deliberate on whether it can afford to open a new funding window this year [2012]. MSF demands that it does so as quickly as possible - we can't afford to waste more time and squander the opportunity to save lives and prevent new infections," Lynch told IRIN/PlusNews.

"The funding window must be made available to all poor countries affected - the fear is that rushed reform within the Global Fund could lead to new strategies where it cherry-picks countries and interventions under the guise of poor funding.”

The Global Fund is one of the largest contributors to the fight against HIV, TB and malaria, and by 2010 was disbursing $3.5 billion annually. It has supported about 40 percent of all HIV treatment in developing countries and much of the care in middle-income nations such as China and India. More than two-thirds of the world’s malaria prevention and treatment, and three-quarters of all tuberculosis efforts, now depend on it.

"Countries that implement our grants are saving more and more people, but demand for services is still enormous,” said Gabriel Jaramillo, who became General Manager of the Global Fund in February 2012. “With more money, we can save more lives."

kr/he 
	
]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95434</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011291150590936t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - The Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has announced that it will have US$1.6 billion more to invest in life-saving programmes between 2012 and 2014.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI: Dream fades for inland port project</title><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205091218530615t.jpg" />]]>NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River.</description><body><![CDATA[NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River. 

For former President Bingu wa Mutharika, the construction of an inland port at Nsanje meant linking land-locked Malawi with the Indian Ocean port of Chinde, 238 kilometres away in neighbouring Mozambique, through the Shire-Zambezi Waterway project. The aim was to reduce the high costs of importing and exporting goods by road via Malawi’s commercial capital, Blantyre and the Mozambican port city of Beria -  a round trip of about 1,200 kilometres. 

But Mutharika’s enthusiasm for the project was not matched by his counterpart in Mozambique. As Mutharika presided over the official opening of the port in October 2010, flanked by former Zambian president Rupiah Banda and Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, he had to admit to the crowd gathered to witness the arrival of the first barge that the Mozambican government had called for environmental and feasibility studies before it would allow any barges to navigate the Zambezi River portion of the waterway, which flows through its territory. 

Since then, the port has sat idle, gradually shedding nuts and bolts to vandals and becoming the focus of increasing resentment from local people promised jobs and development. Nsanje resident Rose Samuel, 32, said the only improvement to the town has been the paving of a 50-km stretch of road linking Nsanje with Bangula, the next town. Much of the remaining 130km of road between Nsanje and Blantyre has yet to be tarred. 

“There’s no evidence that Nsanje will ever be a big port city,” said Samuel. “We’ve heard that down the river it’s so narrow that a ship can’t pass, so we don’t think [the port] will be in use anytime soon.” 

Land grabbed

Samuel has more reason to be bitter than most. Her family was among about 300 that used to farm land now occupied by the port. In early 2010 the government communicated through the local Traditional Authority [the chief], that the land was needed for the port and families would be compensated according to the size of their plot. 

“Those families affected had to uproot maize that was already planted,” said Samuel. “Some were old people who left crying - that was their only source of income.” 

Samuel’s family received a mere 5,000 kwacha (US$20) for one hectare of ancestral land, for which they had no title deeds. Her family now survive by doing piece-work and renting a small plot of land to grow food. “The weather here is bad always, and most of the time we live on potatoes. By the river it was wetter and the soil was better,” she said. 

Many others have yet to receive anything. “People are worried that if they can grab land without paying, what will stop them removing more people from the area.” 

Her concern is justified. Townspeople have been told by the Traditional Authority not to build any new houses because the land has been earmarked for development, and Nsanje’s District Commissioner, Rodney Simwaka, told IRIN that his office has received 4,000 applications for land from developers who are banking on the port eventually becoming operational. 

Simwaka said the applications had not yet been processed but village headman Black Richman Khembo told IRIN, “Lots of land has been bought by rich people hoping to make money. So far they are letting people remain on the land, but someday they will probably kick them off.”

Project shelved

Simwaka declined to comment on recent statements by Jerry Jana, Director of Economic Affairs for the People’s Party, Malawi’s new ruling party following Mutharika’s unexpected death in April 2012, that long-term projects like the Nsanje port would be shelved for the time being while the government focused on issues of immediate concern like the country’s crippling shortages of fuel and foreign exchange. 

“We need full support of the Mozambican authorities to go ahead,” Jana told IRIN, adding that the requested environmental impact and feasibility studies had yet to be carried out. 

The African Development Bank (AfDB) has agreed to fund the feasibility study that formed part of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the Shire-Zambezi Waterway project signed by Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia in April 2007. 

Responding by email to questions from IRIN, AfDB’s resident representative for Malawi, Andrew Mwaba, said the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the executing agency for the project, is “working on fulfilling conditions precedent to the first disbursement [of funding for the feasibility study],” and that the study was proceeding. “The project is in the interest of three governments and shelving [it] will be against the MoU the three governments signed.”

Village headman Khembo was among those who lost land when the port was built, but unlike Samuel, he holds on to the hope that the port will eventually open and provide opportunities and employment, “if not for me then maybe my children”. Lack of jobs has already pushed two of his eight children to leave Nsanje, one for South Africa and the other for Mozambique. 

“If the port starts operating, Nsanje will change for the better,” he said. “Then I won’t mind about my land.”

ks/he
]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95438</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205091218530615t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NSANJE 10 May 2012 (IRIN) - Visitors arriving in Nsanje, the sleepy capital of Malawi’s southernmost district, are greeted by a large yellowing billboard announcing: “The dream becomes reality. Nsanje Port opens October 2010.” But those who go to the port will find little more than a concrete quay with a couple of dozen mooring posts, and a few fishermen manoeuvring crude dug-out canoes through the murky brown waters of the Shire River.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: A quick reaction force moulded by Africa&apos;s circumstances</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention. 

Originally intended to become operational in 2010, the deadline for the ASF has been reset for 2015; but despite the delay, the ASF is becoming increasingly woven into the operating procedures of current AU security operations. 

The ASF “is very much a work in progress”, African Union Commissioner of Peace and Security Ramtane Lamamra told IRIN, but “at the political level there is a strong support for it under the guiding principle of bringing about African solutions to African problems.” 

Once up and running, the ASF will be based on five regional blocs each supplying about 5,000 troops: the Southern African Development Community (SADC) force (SADCBRIG), the Eastern Africa Standby force (EASBRIG), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) force (ECOBRIG), the North African Regional Capability (NARC), and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) force (ECCASBRIG), also known as the Multinational Force of Central Africa (FOMAC). 

The regional forces are not a standing army like national forces. As the AU Peace and Security Council protocol of the ASF stipulates, they “shall be composed of standby multidisciplinary contingents with civilian and military components in their countries of origin and ready for rapid deployment at appropriate notice.” 

The ASF is the legacy and logic of the Constitutive Act of the AU adopted in 2000, the successor to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In a complete break from the OAU, which had advocated non-interference in member states, the Act gave the AU both the right to intervene in a crisis, and an obligation to do so “in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. 

Lamamra said the ASF “Implies the immediate availability of the instruments [of intervention and prevention] to be translated into concrete deeds... when they relate to some kind of enforcing decisions of the legitimate organs of African Union, such as cases of unconstitutional changes of government… or armed rebellion, such as the terrorist situation in northern Mali.” 

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) was held up as an example of what the ASF could be. “I believe the learning curve for the standby force is AMISOM. We have to deliver on the lessons learned in the AMISOM process - five years of effective presence on the ground under quite challenging circumstances,” Lamamra said. 

“The lesson of AMISOM is that Africans should be ready to make sacrifices, and Uganda has wonderfully shown that they are ready to make sacrifices for the common good of Africa.” Uganda has supplied most of the AU troops supporting the Somali government against jihadist rebels. 

The AU has deployed 14 staff officers to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, “in the first ever deployment of ASF elements,” El Gassim Wane, AU Commission director of peace and security, told IRIN. 

A field exercise - Amani II, following the Amani I mapping exercise in 2010 - is being planned for 2014 and three of the five brigades are expected to take participate. 

Article 4 (h) 

Lamamra was confident that by 2015 all of the ASF’s regional brigades - with the probable exception of NARC, owing to the disruptions of the Arab Spring - would be operational and able to fulfil all the criteria of AU’s Article 4 (h), which influenced the international development of the UN Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. 

There are six scenarios in Article 4 (h). The lowest rung is the attachment of a regional military advisor to a political mission; then an AU regional observer deployed within a UN mission; followed by a stand-alone AU regional observer mission; and deployment of a regional peacekeeping force under the auspices of a Chapter VI mandate, all within a timeframe of 30 days or less. Scenario five is a multidimensional AU peacekeeping force deployed within 90 days, and scenario six relates to “grave circumstances”, such as genocide, and deployment within 14 days. 

Lamamra said the timeline of 14 days for level-six intervention should be reassessed to about seven days. “For instance, resolution 1973 of the UN Security Council was adopted on 17 March and the actual military operation started on 19th March - 14 days would have been too much in terms of protecting civilians.” 

In a 2010 paper, The Role and Place of the African Standby Force within the African Peace and Security Architecture, [ http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/209.pdf ] Solomon Dersso, a senior researcher at the Addis Ababa office of the Institute for Security Studies, a Pretoria-based think-tank, notes that “Article 4 (h) not only creates the legal basis for intervention but also imposes an obligation on the AU to intervene to prevent or stop the perpetration of such heinous international crimes anywhere on the continent.” 

However, implementation of R2P rests with the Security Council, while the imposition of Article 4 (h) resides with the AU and does not require the Security Council’s blessing. 

Scenario six of Article 4 (h) has yet to be used by the AU and Dersso told IRIN he “sincerely doubted” the article would be invoked in the short term against member states, as “it would deprive the AU of any leverage it has over a target government,” and the AU has already “shied away” from implementing the article in Darfur. 

He expected the ASF to be close to being able to comply with Article 4 (h) level-five scenarios by 2015, but the development of regional forces was proceeding at different paces. 

The two-speed progress of the regional brigades - in which ECOWAS and SADC are recognised as the furthest along the path - is not just a consequence of the two regional blocs housing the continent’s economic power houses of Nigeria and South Africa, AU Commission director of peace and security El Gassim Wane told IRIN. 

“ECOWAS and SADC have made tremendous progress, EAS Brigade too, while NARC in the north was lagging behind, but then started speeding up, but the Libyan crisis meant progress had to stop,” he said. “Money may play a role, but money alone cannot explain that. ECOWAS and SADC focused early on conflict and security issues, so had a competitive advantage in the very beginning. Experience, length of involvement in peace and security issues, have certainly played a key role.” 

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation, told IRIN the availability of a standby force could cloud judgment. 

“Intrinsically, in most of these situations what is needed is a political response, and there is a temptation that if you have a standby force to use it because you have a military capacity… And my concern over something like Mali would be that the military option runs the danger of getting the AU into a Somalia-type situation, where the use of military force five or six years ago by the US and Ethiopia very seriously rebounded. But having said that - yes, in a situation where there is a need for some sort of peacekeeping deployment in the context of a political initiative, it makes sense.” 

Alternatives to the ASF? 

Analysts have questioned whether 30,000 troops would be sufficient to deal with the continent’s crises, and 2012 has illustrated that such concerns are valid. A range of crises this year erupted within the space of a few weeks, from the uneasy relationship between South Sudan and Sudan deteriorating into skirmishing, to coup d’etats in Mali and Guinea-Bissau. 

Wane said the establishment of the ASF did not necessarily mean it would be the only security option at the AU’s disposal, and the four-country operation against Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army, (LRA) a rebel movement that started in northern Uganda, could be considered as a useful model for the future. 

“It’s not an ASF operation per se, as ASF has its own processes, and it was not really conceived as an ASF operation - it was conceived as an ad hoc, very flexible arrangement to enhance effectiveness to deal with the LRA once and for all. It’s a very flexible and creative way of dealing with a specific security issue… Who knows? We may replicate it elsewhere, where there is a security problem,” he said. 

The force ranged against the LRA - comprising soldiers from the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Uganda - has fought against the LRA in past, but is set apart, as it operates under the aegis of the AU. 

Abou Moussa, the Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), based in Libreville, Gabon, told IRIN: “The specific nature of this deployment [against the LRA] is termed ‘authorised’ as compared to ‘mandated’.” 

“Under authorised deployment, each country provides for the needs and requirements of their respective troops without the AU's contribution. This is extremely important, as this can be considered as their own contribution towards the determination to put an end to Kony's actions. It is very costly. However, the AU covers the needs of staff officers - some 30 of them posted to the various coordinating centres.” 

The AU task force has three operational centres, located in Dungu, DRC, at Obo in CAR, and Nzara in South Sudan, with its headquarters in Yambio, South Sudan. 

“The Regional Coordination Initiative means more subtle changes in the way the operation is run, with representatives of all four countries involved in the command structure in Yambio,” which sidesteps the politically sensitive issue of the DRC’s refusal to host Ugandan forces on its soil, Ned Dalby, a central Africa analyst for the International Crisis Group, a conflict resolution NGO, told IRIN. 

In July 2005, the International Criminal Court indicted Kony and four of his commanders, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen, Raska Lukwiya and Vincent Otti, for a variety of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Lukwiya and Otti have subsequently been killed, but the arrest warrants for the remaining three remain outstanding. The LRA has not been active in Uganda since 2006. 

go/he 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95426</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Africa’s crises are both honing and stalling the formation of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) - a quick reaction force that could eventually number about 30,000 troops to be deployed in a range of scenarios, from peacekeeping to direct military intervention.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Beyond the MDGs - planning for after 2015</title><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203280746360569t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Twelve years gone, and three years still to go: as the Millennium Development Goals’ (MDG) target date of 2015 gets closer, the debate is intensifying about what went right and what went wrong, and – perhaps more importantly – what kind of goals should be set for the future.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Twelve years gone, and three years still to go: as the Millennium Development Goals’ (MDG) target date of 2015 gets closer, the debate is intensifying about what went right and what went wrong, and – perhaps more importantly – what kind of goals should be set for the future.
 
Some of the arguments were aired by an expert panel convened at Britain’s Institute of Development Studies (IDS) on 3 May. The Institute has just published a paper entitled Human Security and the Next Generation of Comprehensive Human Development Goals [ http://www.ids.ac.uk/idspublication/human-security-and-the-next-generation-of-comprehensive-human-development-goals ], which makes the case for adopting targets that are “more explicitly rights-based and participatory”, would focus more on equity and sustainability, and “insist on the centrality of employment and decent work”.
 
Gabriele Koehler, one of the authors, outlined an ambitious wish list for the next set of goals, integrating the much broader idea of “human security”. It would incorporate everything covered by the existing MDGs, and “we also have a much, much deeper attention to wealth and income inequalities, to social exclusion, to environmental goals… good governance is an important element… because one has to look at… governance [in] the states that we are expecting to deliver the public goods.”
 
Koehler would like to see the new goals being applied globally, not just to developing countries, since every country has pockets of poverty and exclusion, and she wants everyone - governments and the governed - to talk much more in terms of rights.
 
All this would make the new MDGs far more political than the current ones, which concentrate on uncontroversial goods, like safe motherhood and child survival, and do not open up the prospect of a government being sued if it cannot ensure a decent job and a safe environment.
 
But some governments are going down the road of social protection. India, for instance, has adopted the idea of a ‘right to demand work’, so state governments have to respond with an offer of one hundred days of paid employment per household, while Brazil recognises the right of citizens to a minimum standard of living.
 
Also on the panel was Romulo Paes de Sousa, until recently Brazil’s deputy minister of social development. He accepted that framing social goods in terms of rights was controversial, but argued that Brazil’s experience showed it was possible to change perceptions. “When I started to work with social protection in 2004, it was a big problem in Brazil and many countries,” he said.
 
“They think that social protection produces laziness and things like that. But it has changed. We still have that debate, but it showed that it is possible to change the perception that the public has of social programmes.”
 
There were calls for some of the existing goals - which are dominated by health and education, and where some targets have not been met - to be rolled over. But if the new agenda is to be wider, then some sectors may receive less attention in future
 
“The current, more health-focused MDGs have driven significant progress and investment in health globally,” Olga Golichenko of the International HIV/AIDS Alliance told IRIN. “The Alliance is concerned that the current health goals would be watered down to weak statements on health. We would like to see improved health outcomes of the poorest and most marginalized communities globally, through the provision of universal coverage and by implementing a rights-based approach. Those MDGs which are not achieved should not be dropped, and we need to build on the momentum and progress that has been achieved to date.”

Get involved
 
In the audience at IDS was Richard Carey of the Donors’ Assistance Committee (DAC), one of the architects of the Millennium Goals in 2000. “Someone somewhere has to write the first word, and it could be you,” he said, urging everyone to get involved in the debate.
 
He described how the MDGs were put together, building on commitments made in previous UN agreements, and suggested that the Busan agreement for Engagement in Fragile States, with its commitments to inclusive political settlements and the need to address injustices, could now provide a precedent for the acceptance of a human rights and political equity agenda.
 
At the Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Busan, South Korea’s second city, over 80 governments and international organizations agreed on a set of peace-building and state-building goals that establish a new approach to engaging with fragile states. More than 1.5 billion people are caught in cycles of poverty and violence.
 
Paul Wafer, who is working on post-2015 development goals for Britain’s Department for International Development (DFID), was more doubtful about whether the Busan participants really had committed to a more political agenda, but said the process could point the way forward.
 
“Busan was a milestone in defining how a more diverse set of actors might agree on some of the nuts and bolts of delivering more effective development assistance. The process in Busan was interesting, in that it used a series of building blocks, creating coalitions of the willing around particular issues, and that could show a possible way forward for creating the successors to the MDGs," he told IRIN.
 
The time is short. Amy Pollard of the Catholic Agency For Overseas Development (CAFOD), who co-chairs the ‘Beyond 2015’ campaign, said the thousand days remaining were nothing, but at the same time warned that three years is a long time in politics. “It’s prudent to attempt to take the temperature of the political context globally, and what that might mean, [but] the context in which the post-MDGs will be negotiated doesn’t exist yet,” she noted.
 
“It’s 2012, and we are looking something that is going to happen as an inter-governmental process over perhaps 12 months in 2015-2016. And if there were to be a major world event, of the scale of 9/11, then that would be a game changer in terms of what might be possible.”
 
eb/oa/he

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95430</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203280746360569t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 09 May 2012 (IRIN) - Twelve years gone, and three years still to go: as the Millennium Development Goals’ (MDG) target date of 2015 gets closer, the debate is intensifying about what went right and what went wrong, and – perhaps more importantly – what kind of goals should be set for the future.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Blame game defers solution to Gaza&apos;s energy crisis</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211209040630t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.

To make a living on the sea, Madlene Kollab needs 20 litres of fuel each day. Unable to afford that, the Gaza Strip's only fisherwoman has seen her catch halve to just 1.5 kilos per day. "I [began] fishing with my father when I was six years old, but without fuel I can hardly survive."

The 10-week fuel crisis has hit power generation, with Gaza's diesel-fired power station forced to make daily electricity cuts lasting for up to 12 hours.

Thabit Tarturi, who runs a beach-side restaurant in Gaza City, is seeing his earnings eaten up by the cost of the fuel needed to run his generators.  “There is absolutely no profit at the moment. Our only [earnings go to] food and survival, that’s it,” he told IRIN.

The power cuts are also "disrupting the delivery of basic services, including water and healthcare”, Ramesh Rajasingham, head of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the oPt has warned. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94909/OPT-Gaza-s-energy-crisis-close-to-tipping-point ]

Gaza’s only power station was forced to shut down on 14 February due to the lack of fuel, which has previously been imported in amounts of up to one million litres a day, smuggled through underground tunnels from the Egyptian border post of Rafah.  OCHA estimates that less than 100,000 litres is now arriving.

The dramatic fall-off is reportedly linked to a clampdown by the Egyptian authorities on smuggling in the Sinai Peninsula by Bedouin tribes, who took advantage of the insecurity following the fall of Hosni Mubarak to extend their criminal influence. The fuel is pumped from trucks on the Egyptian side into Gaza through pipes in the tunnels.

The Hamas government in Gaza began to use the tunnels after Israel imposed a tight blockade on the Strip in mid-2007. Despite the easing of restrictions by Israel in 2010, that trade has continued as fuel from Egypt is significantly cheaper. Two kinds of tunnels exist: those that are taxed and controlled by Hamas, and the others which are non-affiliated. But in both cases, "the electrical connections are courtesy of Rafah municipality, to which the smugglers pay a license fee", according to Foreign Policy magazine. [ http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/03/16/gazas_tragically_peculiar_economy ]

Solution?

A sustainable solution to the current crisis means agreement among the four main players: Hamas, the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel and Egypt.

On 13 April, Egypt brokered a deal in which Hamas would channel money to an Israeli company through the PA, given that Israel has no direct links with Hamas. Upon payment, the Israeli company would deliver fuel through the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza. So far, about US$8.9 million has been paid, Palestinian officials in Ramallah said.

As a result,  some 6.1 million litres of fuel in 13 separate consignments have been delivered to the Gaza power plant via the Kerem Shalom crossing between 4-23 April, according to OCHA. [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_protection_of_civilians_weekly_report_2012_04_13_english.pdf ]. Fuel brought in from Israel is twice as expensive as that smuggled from Egypt.

The Gaza power station requires more than 400,000 litres of diesel a day, and currently operates just two of its four turbines, producing 35 megawatts (MW) instead of 80-85 MW. It has managed to reduce power outages from the 18 hours a day that prevailed in February and March.

But “a legitimate solution for the transfer of sufficient fuel is imperative to ensure that the most basic services can be maintained", said OCHA's Rajasingham.

In its absence, humanitarian efforts have brought some short-term relief. A delivery of 150,000 litres of fuel by the International Committee of the Red Cross on 2 April restored the fuel reserves of Gaza's  hospitals for an estimated two more weeks.

“The current agreement is not a long term solution. It only serves the people of Gaza until other solutions are in place," said a senior PA official, Ghassan Khatib.

According to Khatib, only the terms of a previous agreement between Egypt and Hamas, announced on 23 February [ http://reliefweb.int/node/487472 ], could provide a sustainable solution. “This includes building a gas pipeline from Egypt to the Gaza Strip and linking the two electricity grids with each other. But this will take at least eight months.”

However, the conditions under which this agreement will be implemented, if at all, [ http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/35219/Egypt/Politics-/Hamas-Egypt-to-supply-Gaza-Strip-with-fuel-for-ele.aspx ] remain unclear.

Blame game

“Each side in this game is trying to pressure the other, and Egypt is in the middle of it, trying to solve the problem. But Egypt is also cautious and angry about Hamas, because smuggling through the tunnels has caused troubles in Egypt,” Abdel Monem Saed, president of the Egyptian Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, told IRIN, adding: “Multiple parties are involved in the same problem and that makes it all complicated.”

The Egyptian government is reluctant to accept responsibility for Gaza’s energy crisis, but rather holds Israel responsible as it controls the main entry point to the territory at Karem Shalom, said Sami Abu Sultan, a humanitarian aid worker from Gaza. “It is clear for Egypt that Israel is trying to push the responsibility about Gaza towards it.”

Hamas objects to a solution involving Israel, arguing that this could give Israel the opportunity to cut supplies in times of political tension [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/22/us-palestinians-fuel-idUSBRE82L13720120322 ]. Instead, it wants direct trade with Egypt via the Rafah crossing, according to Ahmad Abu Al-Amreen, spokesperson of the Energy Authority in the Gaza Strip.

Analysts think that is unlikely to happen. “Egypt has no interest in delivering fuel directly to the Gaza Strip via the Rafah crossing or the underground tunnels. Rafah is a crossing for persons, not for goods. And the tunnels are not an acceptable way of transfer,” said Monem Saed.

Amreen said some fuel was also expected from Qatar. "A ship loaded with about 30 million liters of fuel as a donation from Qatar is currently waiting at Suez port...Negotiations with Egypt are underway to facilitate the delivery to the Gaza Strip."

Meanwhile, Egyptian parliamentarians are also exerting some pressure. “We, in the Egyptian parliament, are trying to pressure the government to act for the sake of the people in Gaza. I believe that Rafah is an option, simply because it’s the quickest way,” Sayed Majida, chairman of the parliamentary energy committee, told IRIN.

A direct deal between Egypt and Hamas is also supported by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which denies any responsibility for the energy crisis. That deal, observers believe, is in line with Israel's shared interest with Egypt on threats to stability coming out of Gaza.

“We are not at all involved in this crisis. We bear no responsibility and we think that fuel should be supplied to Gaza directly from Egypt. That would make things a lot easier,” said Yigal Primor, spokesperson of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

“All players have roles in this crisis," Samer Zaqot, field work coordinator at Al-Mezan Centre for Human Rights in Gaza, told IRIN . "But if we go back to the roots, we need to ask why Hamas decided to become dependent on smuggled fuel from Egypt.”

ah/eo/oa

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 02 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95395</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211209040630t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 02 May 2012 (IRIN) - From factories to the fishing industry, the Gaza Strip economy is being affected by more than two months of fuel shortages and power outages, taking a toll on the livelihoods of its 1.6 million inhabitants.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LIBYA: Thousands still afraid to return home</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg" />]]>TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</description><body><![CDATA[TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi's government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.

“We want to go back but cannot,” said Abdul Aziz al-Irwi, who lives in Sidi Slim camp in the capital, Tripoli.  "Some people from another camp tried to return about two months ago, but about seven of them were captured by forces from Zintan and imprisoned.”

Al-Irwi is from the Mshashiya community, an ethnic group from the Nefusa Mountains in Western Libya who were targeted during the uprising by opposition fighters from Zintan, allegedly for being allied with pro-Gaddafi forces. Zintan is a small city also located in the Nefusa Mountains area.

“I am here because Gaddafi’s forces came to the town of Mshashya, so we had to leave," he told IRIN. "They used our town to bomb other areas. We went to Gharyan, and then came to Tripoli.” 

Records from the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, show that an estimated 14,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were living in Tripoli as of March. Across Libya, the total number of those still displaced is estimated at 70,000.

Apart from the Mshashiya, others included the Qawalish, also from the Nefusa Mountains, the Tawergha, a group of Touareg families from the west, and those perceived as being loyal to the previous regime from al-Zawiya, Bani Walid and Sirte. 

A sizeable group of the displaced living in Tripoli and Benghazi cities were Tawergha. They were accused of participating in Gaddafi’s assault on Misrata, murdering and raping thousands of people. Reprisal attacks ensued, forcing their entire town of more than 30,000 to flee their homes.  Today, the Tawergha-Misrata case remains a particularly sensitive one in post-Gaddafi Libya. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94455/LIBYA-Rocky-road-ahead-for-Libya-s-Tawergha-minority ]

Until recently, the dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - lived in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of Tripoli. With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. The sign leading to their city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return. 

Needs and security

According to UNHCR, an estimated 100-150,000 people were displaced in October 2011, but that number has reduced progressively with many returning to their communities, including in Bani Walid and Sirte. 

Camp managers at Sidi Slim say conditions are difficult, and the monthly supply of food delivered by agencies and Libaid, the humanitarian arm of the Libyan government, is not enough for each family. 

“In our opinion, food is not a problem,” Muftah M Etwilb, the Chief Executive Officer of Libaid, told IRIN. “There are other needs like education, health and protection. Health is free of charge for all Libyans, but still some people in the camp need immediate services from a dispensary. The other issue is proper housing. We are trying to get the government to provide alternative housing since some of these camps are owned by international companies.” 

Providing protection for the displaced communities, particularly from armed militias still roaming the main cities, remains one of the biggest challenges to date for the transitional government. 

“Since August 2011, we have been subjected to arbitrary attacks and detention,” Abdelrahman Mahmoud, head of the Local Council of the Tawergha in Tripoli, told IRIN. “If Tripoli is safe, then the camps are safe, but if it is not, then we are not safe,” 

In February, militias raided the Marine Academy where about 2,000 Tawergha had taken shelter, killing seven people and abducting three men. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/05/libya-bolster-security-tawergha-camps ] Witnesses claim the militias were from Misrata. 

“The guards from the Marine Academy didn’t have any weapons. When the Misrata brigades came in with weapons, they just moved aside,” Emmanuel Gignac, UNHCR head of mission told IRIN. “What you see now is individual cases inside or outside camps, for instance the Tawergha, including kidnapping for ransom. You can attack people from Tawergha and there is total impunity.”

Amnesty International and other groups have also documented testimonies from among the Mshashiya and Qawalish in Tripoli, who say they were detained and tortured by militias.

Responsibility 

A common refrain heard among agencies and ordinary Libyans is that the government needs to assume responsibility for a host of problems, and internal displacement is no exception. To address the humanitarian needs of IDPs across the country, Libaid is organizing a national conference in May involving government ministries, agencies and representatives of the displaced.  

“It is not exactly a neglected issue, but it’s not the number one priority in Libya. People also have to deal with security, and with the upcoming elections,” said Etwilb. “But we want to make the IDP issue visible on the day-to-day agenda of the government.” 

Contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Social Affairs said:  “We have made available a fund of 400 dinar [US$ 320] a month for people who wish to rent a house outside the camps,” Naima Etaher said. “Concerning the non-Tawergha people, a lot of their houses were not destroyed, and it’s safe to go back, but they just stay in these camps to take advantage of the government.” 

But families in Sidi Slim camp saw things differently. 

In the sweltering heat of a room occupied by a Mshashiya family, people gather to look at footage on a mobile phone which they claim is of destroyed buildings in their home town. “I want to go back. We have been in Mshashiya for over 1,200 years,” said Khalifa Saad Mabrouk, tracing on the floor with his finger what his farm looks like. “I have my trees there, and my houses, my land.” 

When asked if remaining in Tripoli or moving elsewhere would be a solution, Mabrouk and his family were unequivocal. “Absolutely not. Even if conditions here are okay, we want to go home.” 

Reconciliation

What has still not been addressed, and will determine when people might return to their abandoned homes, are the underlying political tensions fueling animosity between different groups and deterring reconciliation, say observers. 

The upcoming conference organized by Libaid is aimed at dealing with the short-term humanitarian needs of displaced populations, but not the political issues. “We try not to politicize the conference,” said Etwilb. “There is a risk if we just make it very open.” 

Likewise, the “Reconciliation committees”, set up by recently by the government to restore relations between different communities, can only deal with minor disputes. “We are trying to get people out of prison, but we are not able to do much for people who killed, raped or stole,” Naji Regebi, a member of one of the committees, told IRIN. “The more serious issues will have to go to the justice system.” 

Some Tawergha like Ismael Shaaban, an elder in Fallah Ladco camp in Tripoli, believe both sides should go to court.  “We will hand over anyone who is guilty to the Libyan government, but we also want people torturing and abusing Tawerghans to be brought to justice,”  he said.

Others like Khadija Absalaam (not real name), whose three sons she claims were detained in Misrata, are more skeptical. “We don’t want peace with the Misratans, we just want a wall between our two cities," she said. "We can live without communicating.” 

The Misratan Local Council, in response to concerns raised by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/11/misrata-local-council-response-human-rights-watch ] about widespread torture and crimes committed in detention centres and toward the Tawergha, denied responsibility saying: “Treatment in the city’s prisons is good….many accusations have been wrongly and falsely attributed to Misrata revolutionaries.”

For the Tawergha and Misratans, long-term reconciliation will need a fully functional formal justice process. But, given that the government is still “settling down” in the words of one official, that is not likely to occur until after the elections, scheduled to take place in June. And even then, true reconciliation on the ground is likely to take time. 

“Even if the humanitarian issues are dealt with by organisations, it is not enough,” said Gignac. “It is about coming to terms with the past and it is going to be a long process.” 

zm/eo/oa

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 01 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95389</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204301420440860t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TRIPOLI 01 May 2012 (IRIN) - Six months after an uprising brought down Muammar Gaddafi&apos;s government, thousands of displaced Libyans are still living in abandoned construction sites, empty student dormitories or with host families, too afraid to return to their homes.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MYANMAR: Ethnic minorities call for caution as sanctions ease</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201091020400264t.jpg" />]]>CHIANG MAI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Ethnic minority groups in Myanmar are calling on the international community to set stronger benchmarks or steps in the incremental removal of international sanctions, following this week&apos;s announcement by the European Union (EU) to suspend sanctions for a year, retaining only the embargo on arms sales.</description><body><![CDATA[CHIANG MAI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Ethnic minority groups in Myanmar are calling on the international community to set stronger benchmarks or steps in the incremental removal of international sanctions, following this week's announcement by the European Union (EU) to suspend sanctions for a year, retaining only the embargo on arms sales. 

“Now more than ever, it’s important that our voice is heard,” Zipporah Sein, general secretary of the Karen National Union [ http://karennationalunion.net/index.php ] told IRIN on 27 April. “If sanctions are to be lifted, it’s important that specific benchmarks be put in place.” Many argue there can be no real progress towards democracy until the country formerly known as Burma makes peace with all its ethnic groups. 

Viewed as key to the development of Myanmar, the suspension of EU sanctions announced on 23 April [ http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/129739.pdf ] is seen as another major endorsement of Burmese President U Thein Sein’s recent political reforms, [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/95194/96/ ] which include the release of hundreds of political prisoners, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95191/MYANMAR-Hundreds-of-political-prisoners-still-behind-bars ] new laws allowing labour unions and strikes, a gradual easing of media restrictions, and ceasefire agreements with various ethnic rebel groups. 

Ethnic divide 

The Burmese government has had contentious relationships with its ethnic minority groups, which account for about a third of the country’s more than 54 million inhabitants, and many have fought for greater autonomy or secession for their regions since the country gained independence from Great Britain in 1948. 

At the weekend, leaders of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an umbrella group comprised of 11 of Myanmar’s leading ethnic groups - including the Mon, Shan, Karenni, Chin, and Kachin people - released a statement announcing that they were prepared to meet with Myanmar's chief negotiator, U Aung Min Aung Min, to present their version of a durable roadmap to peace. 

At the end of 2011, the government launched peace initiatives [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95008/MYANMAR-Karen-groups-cautious-on-peace-initiative ] with several of Myanmar’s ethnic armies. 

“The UNFC has the same position as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [leader of the National League for Democracy, Burma’s main opposition party],” said KNU Vice President David Tharckabaw, during the meeting in northern Thailand near the Burmese border. “We support the rule of law, the amendment of the constitution, and building internal peace.” 

Tharckabaw, along with other members of the UNFC, maintains that political dialogue, not resource development, must be the top priority after a nationwide cease-fire is reached. 

Sanctions eased 

The EU’s decision to ease sanctions follows an announcement by Washington a week earlier that the US will relax some financial restrictions on the country to support certain humanitarian and development projects. 

"These [steps] were… in response to what we viewed as very positive parliamentary elections," US State Department spokesman Mark Toner told a news briefing on 17 April. 

Less than a week later, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda announced that his government would resume loans to Myanmar, and cancel US$3.7 billion of debt owed by the impoverished nation after by-elections that saw Aung San Suu Kyi’s party win 43 of the 44 contested seats earlier in April. 

Some $61 million to assist ethnic minorities, improve medical care and other rural development programmes, as well as disaster prevention efforts, were also pledged, the Japan Times reported. Canada suspended most of its sanctions on 24 April. 

Benchmarks needed 

Nevertheless, there are also calls for caution, particularly in Myanmar’s ethnic minority areas. “The suspension of EU sanctions keeps the pressure on the Burmese government to continue reforms, while also making a strong positive gesture that genuine reforms will be rewarded,” said Anna Roberts, executive director of Burma Campaign UK. [ http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/ ] “For the threat of re-imposition of sanctions to be credible, the EU must set clear timelines and benchmarks.” 

Speaking before the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs on 26 April, [ http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2012/188523.htm ] Joseph Yun, principle deputy assistant secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs of the US State Department, noted: “In Rakhine State systematic discrimination and denial of human rights against ethnic Rohingya remains deplorable. Overall, the legacy of five decades of military rule - repressive laws, a pervasive security apparatus, a corrupt judiciary, and media censorship - is all too present.” 

Fighting continues in Kachin State, in northern Myanmar, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94544/MYANMAR-Displaced-Kachin-face-grim-Christmas ] as thousands of displaced people in camps brace for the coming monsoon season. 

“Right now, the IDP [internally displaced person] number is increasing” along the edge of the areas controlled by the Kachin Independent Organization (KIO), General Secretary La Ja reported. 

“There are about 75,000 internally displaced people in Kachin State. Now that the rainy season is setting in, they will be needing shelter, food and medicine.” 

Current UN planning figures put the number of displaced at between 50,000 and 55,000, while international access [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95264/MYANMAR-Cross-line-NGOs-in-Kachin-need-support ] to areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the military arm of the KIO, remains limited. 

La Ja says the recent armed build-up of government troops, and the escalation in attacks, is out of step with the government's words of peace. 

“We want the first step to be that the government… withdraws, [and] re-positions their… troops. Their troops are very close to the KIA troops - that can spark many problems and a never-ending conflict.” 

ss/ds/he 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95370</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201091020400264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">CHIANG MAI 27 April 2012 (IRIN) - Ethnic minority groups in Myanmar are calling on the international community to set stronger benchmarks or steps in the incremental removal of international sanctions, following this week&apos;s announcement by the European Union (EU) to suspend sanctions for a year, retaining only the embargo on arms sales.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Displaced in west feel “forgotten”</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110271404540941t.jpg" />]]>DUÉKOUÉ 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - President Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire promised paved roads, an end to power cuts and water shortages, better mobile phone coverage, and a new university in the country’s west as part of an “emergency plan” to develop a region that has been steeped in violence and insecurity for a decade. But for some displaced Ivoirians still unable to return to their homes, the promises ring hollow.</description><body><![CDATA[DUÉKOUÉ 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - President Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire promised paved roads, an end to power cuts and water shortages, better mobile phone coverage, and a new university in the country’s west as part of an “emergency plan” to develop a region that has been steeped in violence and insecurity for a decade. But for some displaced Ivoirians still unable to return to their homes, the promises ring hollow.

Ernest Téhé, 46, a displaced person living in Nahibly camp near the western town of Duékoué, told IRIN he feels the displaced have been forgotten. Some 30,000 people fled to the Catholic Mission in Duékoué after a massacre in March 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92372/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Who-is-responsible-for-the-Duékoué-killings ]. Earlier this year most of those still at the Catholic Mission were moved to Nahibly, where 4,500 people are currently sheltering.

“We haven’t even been counted as part of the population,” said Téhé. “No authority has come to say, ‘The president is coming. Come, explain yourselves, your concerns - what do you need? What do not need? What’s preventing you from returning home?’”

Most displaced families told IRIN they could not return to their homes because they were destroyed, or because their farms were taken over by other groups and are now being guarded by armed guards or “dozos”. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93378/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Dozo-as-protector-dozo-as-assailant ]

Téhé comes from a village 5km outside of Duékoué but he has not returned home because his fields were taken over during his absence. “It’s because we’re Guéré,” he says, referring to his ethnic group, whose members overwhelmingly supported the former president, Laurent Gbagbo.

Much of the long-term inter-community conflict in the west is rooted in issues of land tenure, as members of different ethnic groups claim ownership to the same land.

President Ouattara recognized that the west is still very unstable, with forests “infested with armed persons”, which is “not acceptable”. Nonetheless, during his visit to the towns of Toulépleu, Bloléquin and Duékoué he repeated calls for the displaced to return home, and called on Ivoirians to leave it to the justice system to punish those who have committed crimes. He stressed that he is the president of all Ivoirians, regardless of ethnicity, religion or region.

Security: “More needs to be done”

Constant Bohé, president of the committee for returnees in the Carrefour neighbourhood of Duékoué, says he thinks security is no longer a problem in his area. “In our neighbourhood there is no problem, it’s in the surrounding villages that there are armed persons,” he told IRIN.

Olivier Mette Aubin, 50, president of a youth forum in the region, says “more needs to be done”, even though security has improved a lot. “We need security reinforced along the border so that people feel at ease." He has not heard of any recent attacks, but there have been threats. "There are still militia groups on the other side [of the border], and people fear they could attack at any time.”

The United Nations has reported continued cross-border attacks near the town of Tai in southwest Cote d’Ivoire. The latest incident occurred south of Tai on 25 April, killing six people. In September 2011 some 20 people were killed in an attack near Tai.

In March the UN missions in Côte d'Ivoire (ONUCI) and Liberia (UNMIL) announced they were launching border patrols to ensure the safe return of refugees, and prevent the flow of weapons and cross-border attacks. However, a UN military official, who asked to remain unnamed, said after the announcement they were only devoting 34 troops to patrol the porous 450 mile-long border. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93808/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Military-build-up-in-west-following-attacks ]

Security Sector Reform (SSR) and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) have been slow to roll out. Thousands of illegal weapons are circulating in the country, even though the UN constantly gathers weapons and ammunition. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93886/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Rebranding-the-army ]

The Commission for Truth, Dialogue and Reconciliation, launched in September 2011, is still in the “preparation phase” and aside from a mourning ceremony in March, Ivoirians have not seen many signs of it in action.

The president brought a message of reconciliation to towns that were hard-hit in post-election violence last year after former President Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede defeat to Ouattara. “I want everywhere in Côte d’Ivoire, every town in every region, to have clean water, electricity, telephone and television, and this should be done before the end of the year,” Ouattara said during his three-day tour of the region - the first since his inauguration in May 2011.

The villages would not be forgotten, he stressed, promising to install electricity production units in all villages with more than 500 inhabitants. “This region has suffered a lot from the different crises we have gone through in the last ten years,” he said. “We have to make sure the divisions of the past do not ever repeat themselves.”

Many of the towns Ouattara visited opposed his election last year but the president, at least outwardly, received a warm welcome in each town he visited.

“We wanted peace. Peace has come,” says Agnes Zran, 56, from Man in the Dix-huit Montagnes region of the west, who lost a child and her father during “the crisis”, as it is called here. “Now we want him [the president] to help rebuild the dilapidated west.”

lb/aj/he 

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 26 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95366</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110271404540941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUÉKOUÉ 26 April 2012 (IRIN) - President Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire promised paved roads, an end to power cuts and water shortages, better mobile phone coverage, and a new university in the country’s west as part of an “emergency plan” to develop a region that has been steeped in violence and insecurity for a decade. But for some displaced Ivoirians still unable to return to their homes, the promises ring hollow.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ZIMBABWE: Dying rivers dry up livelihoods</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705022t.jpg" />]]>MUREWA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of poor Zimbabweans have turned to illegal panning for precious minerals, but environmental and water experts say their activities are contributing to the drying up of rivers which many communities rely on for their livelihoods.</description><body><![CDATA[MUREWA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of poor Zimbabweans have turned to illegal panning for precious minerals, but environmental and water experts say their activities are contributing to the drying up of rivers which many communities rely on for their livelihoods. 

“Siltation of rivers is becoming endemic in the country, particularly in regions where there is acute illegal panning of minerals, especially gold. Rivers have been reduced to rivulets,” said the Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA) in a November 2011 statement aimed at drawing attention to the country's "dying rivers and water bodies" and their impact on downstream communities.

Illegal gold mining is common along rivers that run close to the Great Dyke, a hilly mineral-rich belt which cuts across most of the country, and is concentrated in Mashonaland Central, West, East and Midlands provinces. Diamond panning is associated with the Chiadzwa District of Manicaland. 

According to John Robertson, a Harare-based economic consultant, people began turning to gold panning in large numbers in the early 1990s when the country was hit by poor harvests due to droughts and job layoffs resulting from the government's economic structural adjustment programme. 

“The damage caused by illegal mining is enormous. It is a vicious cycle as people are taking to panning in order to earn a living, but in the end their activities are causing untold degradation,” Robertson told IRIN.

Monica Mapeka, a 24-year-old single mother of two from rural Murewa District, about 100km northeast of Harare, the capital, regularly visits the banks of Mazowe river, a tributary of the River Zambezi which passes through the area, in search of alluvial gold. Armed with a pick, shovel and container, and clad in muddy overalls, she joins hundreds of other illegal gold panners popularly known as `makorokoza’ in digging up the riverbed.

From dusk until dawn, she and two other women work together to mix the earth they have dug up with water and move it in circular motions in containers until they are left with small quantities of mud containing shiny yellow particles of alluvial gold. 

“On a lucky day, we get something like two ounces that we sell for US$40 and share the money. If you work hard enough, it’s easy to get rich,” said Mapeka. “We are single mothers and have to do something to fend for our children and other members of the extended family, otherwise we will starve and walk in rags."

Mercury pollution

In an effort to concentrate their yield, the `makorokoza’ often mix the residual ore with mercury, a practice that Steady Kangata, the education and publicity manager for the Environmental Management Authority (EMA), said created a health hazard for people and animals downstream. 

“Mercury has the tendency to accumulate in the bodies of animals and humans who consume it, and in the case of people, if it gathers to a certain level, it can cause hair loss and the breakdown of the nervous system,” he said.

In recent decades, Mairosi Mangwende, 60, also from Murewa, has witnessed Mazowe river degenerate from a fast-flowing waterway which was too deep to cross during the raining season, to a muddy trickle. The activities of the illegal miners have marked the river bed with deep holes and gullies where the water collects in small rivulets that quickly dry up. The large amount of soil they dig up is eventually washed away by rain, silting up the river downstream.

“Almost throughout the year, we would get fish to eat at home and sell but that is no longer the case,” said Mangwende. “The cattle and goats are suffering because they cannot drink this muddy water.” 

He added that households used to own as many as 50 cattle, but that it had become rare for a family to have even eight beasts, partly because of the scarcity of drinking water for livestock. 

Vegetable gardens that used to dot the river banks had also virtually disappeared, said Mangwende, and households could no longer rely on the income they earned from selling produce from riverside gardens. 

Diamond mining

Zimbabwe's largest river, the River Save, which flows east towards Mozambique and the Indian Ocean, is another victim of illegal mining. Diamond mining at Chiadzwa, where thousands flocked after the discovery of alluvial diamonds in 2005, has contributed to the drying up of the river and the many communal livelihood activities it supported such as gardening, smallholder irrigation projects and bricklaying.

ZINWA has called for stiffer penalties for illegal mining and urged greater joint action with the mines ministry, EMA and the Wildlife Management Authority, while EMA has carried out joint operations with the police to arrest the illegal panners.

According to Mapeka, such efforts have had little effect: “There is so much poverty and some of these police officers take bribes to let us continue.”

Climate change

According to a 2010 report [ http://www.boell.org.za/downloads/HBF_web_Zim_21_2.pdf ] on climate change vulnerability and adaptation preparedness in Southern Africa commissioned by the German organisation, Heinrich Boll Stiftung, rising temperatures and droughts are also playing a role in the drying up of Zimbabwe's rivers. 

The report predicted that rates of evapo-transpiration from river basins will continue to increase as temperatures rise while runoff was projected to decline, with the Zambezi Basin the worst affected.  

“It is often the case that when people’s livelihoods are threatened, as has happened in the case of rivers running dry, they tend to look for alternative survival opportunities that the environment can provide,” said Unganai. “For instance, they invade the forests and cut down trees, leading to deforestation that in turn causes massive runoff that further silts up the rivers.”

Robertson said siltation was reducing water volumes in downstream dams and would eventually affect agriculture. “We still have commercial farming activities that are fed by existing dams but siltation will finally affect them, leading to hundreds of families losing their sources of income when breadwinners lose their jobs,” he told IRIN. 

Communities that have been heavily dependent on rivers for their livelihoods need to be helped to look for other sources of income away from the river courses, said William Nduku of the Forum for Environmental Education.

“Faced by dying rivers, the best option is to relocate livelihood activities from those water bodies to the homesteads through the provision of communal water points such as boreholes which can be effective in communal or smallholder market gardening while also providing water for livestock and other uses," he said.

fm/ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95354</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/200705022t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MUREWA 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of poor Zimbabweans have turned to illegal panning for precious minerals, but environmental and water experts say their activities are contributing to the drying up of rivers which many communities rely on for their livelihoods.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GLOBAL: Interview with Nobel prize winner Elinor Ostrom on climate change</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204251226400119t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - The governance of natural resources like land, the oceans, rivers and the atmosphere, can affect the impact of some of the world’s biggest crises caused by natural events like droughts and floods. How best to manage those resources has been at the heart of the work by Nobel Prize winner (economics) Elinor Ostrom.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - Ostrom’s faith in the ability of the individual and community to be able to trust each other, take the right course of action and not wait for governments to make the first move is pivotal to her thinking. 

Ostrom works with the concept of “polycentrism”, which she developed with her husband Vincent Otsrom. She advocates vesting authority in individuals, communities, local governments, and local NGOs as opposed to concentrating power at global or national levels. 

Ostrom recently suggested using this “polycentric approach” to address man-made climate change. [ http://econ.worldbank.org/external/default/main?pagePK=64165259&piPK=64165421&theSitePK=469372&menuPK=64166093&entityID=000158349_20091026142624 ]
She talked to IRIN by email about “polycentrism”, Rio+20, climate change, trust and the power of local action. 

Q: You have suggested a polycentric approach as opposed to single policies at a global level to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Could you explain how that would work? Do you think a similar approach would work to get all countries and their people to believe in, and adopt, sustainable development? 

A: We have modelled the impact of individual actions on climate change incorrectly and need to change the way we think about this problem. When individuals walk a distance rather than driving it, they produce better health for themselves. At the same time that they reduce the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that they are generating. There are benefits for the individual and small benefits for the globe. When a building owner re-does the way the building is insulated and the heating system, these actions can dramatically change the amount of greenhouse gas emissions made. This has an immediate impact on the neighbourhood of the building as well as on the globe. 

When cities and counties decide to rehabilitate their energy systems so as to produce less greenhouse gas emissions, they are reducing the amount of pollution in the local region as well as greenhouse gas emissions on the globe. In other words, the key point is that there are multiple externalities involved for many actions related to greenhouse gas emissions. While in the past the literature has underplayed the importance of local effects, we need to recognize - as more and more individuals, families, communities, and states are seeing - that they will gain a benefit, as well as the globe, and that cumulatively a difference can be made at the global level if a number of small units start taking action. We have a much greater possibility of impacting global change problems if we start locally. 

Q: The earth is our common resource system - yet many countries including China and India feel they also have a right to grow, burn coal to get to where the developed world is - how do you get them out of that frame of mind without compromising the question of equity? 

A: We may not be able to convince India and China of all of this. Part of my discouragement with the international negotiations is that we have gotten riveted into battles at the very big level over who caused global change in the first place and who is responsible for correcting [it]. It will take a long time to resolve some of these conflicts. Meanwhile, if we do not take action, the increase to greenhouse gas collection at a global level gets larger and larger. While we cannot solve all aspects of this problem by cumulatively taking action at local levels, we can make a difference, and we should. 

Q: Do you think sustainable development did not gain much currency as it was directed at governments and a top-down approach? You think the world is about to repeat that mistake (if you would call it that?) at Rio+20? What would you do - would you ever call such a gathering of governments? 

A: Yes, I do think that directing the question of climate change primarily at governments misses the point that actions that reduce greenhouse gas emissions must be taken by individuals, communities, cities, states, residents of entire nations, and the world. Yet, it is important that public officials recognize that there is a role for an international agreement and that they should be working very hard on getting an agreement that establishes international regimes that has a chance to reduce emissions across countries. 

Q: You are a great believer in ordinary people's ability to organize and use their commonly shared resources wisely, but I take it that does not work all the time? But ultimately collective action at the grassroots can force change at the top? 

A: I am a believer of the capabilities of people to organize at a local level. That does not mean that they always do. There are a wide variety of collective action problems that exist at a small scale. The important thing is that people at a small scale, who know what the details of the problems are, organize, rather than calling on officials at a much larger scale. 

Officials at a larger scale may have many collective-action problems of their own that they need to address. They do not have the detailed information about problems at a small scale that people who are confronting those every day do have. Thus, the solutions that are evolved by local people have a chance of being more imaginative and better ways of solving these problems than allowing them to go unsolved and eventually asking a much larger scale unit to solve it for them. 

Q: This approach probably works better in a rural setting where there is a sense of community and of a shared responsibility to take care of their common resources. But how do you get that sense of ownership of the planet in an urban setting? 

A: To solve these delicate problems at any scale requires individuals to trust that others are also going to contribute to their solution. Building trust is not something that can be done overnight. Thus, the crucial thing is that successful efforts at a local scale be advertised and well known throughout a developing country. 

Developing associations of local communities, where very serious discussions can be held of the problems they are facing and creative ways that some communities, who have faced these problems, have adopted solutions that work. That does not mean that the solutions that work in one environment in a particular country will work in all others, but posing it as a solution that fits a local environment and that the challenge that everyone faces is to know enough about the social-ecological features of the problems they are facing that they can come up with good solutions that fit that local social-ecological system. 

Q: I have been covering the recent drought in Niger - I came across people who were going to pack up and leave their village for good… Would that motivate people, countries, governments to take action to reduce emissions? But how do you make people in Europe, the US or Asia think about the people in Niger as their own? 

A: There is no simple answer to this question. It is here that churches and NGOs can play a particular role in knowing about the problems being faced by villagers in Niger and other developing countries and trying to help. They can then also write stories about these problems in a way that people in Britain, Europe, and the US may understand better. It is a problem in some cases that officials in developing countries are corrupt, and direct aid to the country may only go into private bank accounts. We have to rethink how we organize governance at multiple scales so as to reduce the likelihood of some individuals having very strong powers and capability of using their public office primarily for private gain. 

Q: Do you see the world moving in unison towards sustainability in the next five years? Do you think the world is prepared to take on this question and specially now when we are in a recession? 

A: No, I do not see the world moving in unison. I do see some movements around the world that are very encouraging, but they are nowhere the same everywhere. We need to get out of thinking that we have to be moving the same everywhere. We need to be recognizing the complexity of the different problems being faced in a wide diversity of regions of the world. Thus, really great solutions that work in one environment do not work in others. We need to understand why, and figure out ways of helping to learn from good examples as well as bad examples of how to move ahead. 

jk/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95355</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204251226400119t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 April 2012 (IRIN) - The governance of natural resources like land, the oceans, rivers and the atmosphere, can affect the impact of some of the world’s biggest crises caused by natural events like droughts and floods. How best to manage those resources has been at the heart of the work by Nobel Prize winner (economics) Elinor Ostrom.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Beating measles - one more push?</title><pubDate>Tue, 24 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204241046410735t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 24 April 2012 (IRIN) - Vaccines against measles have been around for decades and are highly effective, yet the campaign against the disease in recent years has had a bumpy ride. </description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 24 April 2012 (IRIN) - Vaccines against measles have been around for decades and are highly effective, yet the campaign against the disease in recent years has had a bumpy ride.  

The first target of the 21st century - to halve the number of deaths from measles between 1999 and 2005 - was successfully met. So the World Health Organization (WHO) set an even more ambitious goal - to reduce deaths by 90 percent from 2000 levels by 2010.  

Now some elaborate number crunching by experts from WHO, the US-based Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and Pennsylvania State University has produced disappointing news. Their study, published today in the London-based medical journal, The Lancet, [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(12)60522-4/fulltext ]concludes that although gains were rapid between 2000 and 2007, progress slowed towards the end of the decade, and the final reduction in mortality by 2010 was only 74 percent - good, but not nearly as good as had been hoped.  

The executive director of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), Anthony Lake, says vaccination campaigns now reach around 95 percent of all the world’s children. “This shows,” he says, “that these campaigns can succeed, even in the world’s poorest countries and most remote communities. Really this is one of the most remarkable victories in the history of public health. 

“The bad news is that every day measles still claims 382 lives, the vast majority of them children under five, and every one could have been saved by two doses of a 22 cent vaccine.”  Some parts of the world have been more successful than others. Measles has been effectively eliminated in the whole of the Americas since 2002 - reduced to the point where there is no more endemic transmission of the disease, and any cases or outbreaks are the result of imported infections from other regions. China and its neighbours are also getting close to getting rid of measles.  

But the disease is so infectious and so efficient at seeking out those who have not been vaccinated that even these regions cannot afford to let their levels of vaccination coverage drop. Rebecca Martin, director of the Global Immunization Division at CDC, warns against complacency. “Measles is a serious and potentially fatal disease that will return when it has the opportunity to do so. In many countries the overwhelming success we have seen with the immunization programme has led to the decreased recognition and risk perception of the severe outcome of this disease, but it is always there and will come back if given the opportunity to do so.”  

Almost all the cases now seen in the USA are imported, almost half of them from Europe. Europe has had outbreaks of measles in recent years, but contributes very little to the global death toll; good health care means that very few children there die of measles. It is the very fact that Europeans do not perceive it as a deadly disease that makes some parents careless about vaccinating their children against it.  

India overtakes Africa  

One of the biggest surprises from the new statistical estimates is that India has now overtaken Africa as the region with the most deaths from measles - 47 percent of estimated measles mortality in 2010, while the African region contributed 36 percent. One of the report’s authors, Peter Strebel from WHO’s expanded programme on immunization, told IRIN that, again, perceptions of how deadly measles is, influenced the priority given to prevention. 

“In India they have used a single dose strategy right up until 2010 and really, I think, have not seen measles as a high enough public health priority to embark on the two-dose recommended strategy. The important thing to note is that in the Indian context the risk of dying from measles is less than in the African context… Up to 10 percent of children who get measles in an African setting will die. In India it is estimated at more like 1.5 percent. So there is a big differential in the risk of dying and this may partially explain why they were not as aggressive or as eager to take on the new strategy.”  

Steve Cochi of CDC adds that measles also may have lost out to polio in the scale of priorities. “There was a lot of preoccupation with achieving polio eradication in India,” he told IRIN. “But now that polio has been eradicated from India, the last case being more than a year ago, in January 2011, India has been able to step up to the plate and expand greatly its measles activities.”  

This new push in India should give a fresh impetus to the drive to cut measles deaths worldwide. There is also a new WHO Strategic Plan on Measles and Rubella which will link vaccines against both diseases in a single immunization. The GAVI Alliance (formerly the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization) has approved funding to immunize all children under 15 with the combined vaccine in the more than 50 countries which do not at present vaccinate against rubella. The higher age target is important, especially for girls, because rubella (sometimes known as German measles) contracted during pregnancy can cause babies to be born with congenital malformations.  

WHO is not ready yet to set a target date to move from the elimination of measles in some regions to complete eradication worldwide, but the vaccines are effective, they are cheap, and experts say it is doable, so soon it may be possible to start planning for a world without measles.

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]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 24 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95349</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204241046410735t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 24 April 2012 (IRIN) - Vaccines against measles have been around for decades and are highly effective, yet the campaign against the disease in recent years has had a bumpy ride. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: New UN response plan awaits government agreement</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.

The director of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, John Ging, presented the plan to governments, NGOs and regional organizations at a meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, the international platform used to discuss humanitarian concerns in Syria, on 20 April.

"Syria has recognized there are serious humanitarian needs and that urgent action is required," Ging said. "We now need to get agreement from the Syrian authorities to implement the Response Plan. In the meantime, we're mobilizing resources to make it happen."

The US$180 million plan includes dozens of projects to respond to the needs of one million people over six months, with the bulk of the money going towards food and health care, but also for the repair of basic services and to support livelihoods to avoid a descent into poverty by many Syrians affected by a deteriorating economy.

What began as peaceful protests against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in March 2011 has become an increasingly violent conflict between an armed opposition and government security forces, resulting in a death toll of more than 9,000, according to Robert Serry, UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, with many more injured or detained.

The head of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent has told IRIN there could be as many as 400,000 people displaced, and the International Committee of the Red Cross says there is a “continuous flow” of people leaving their homes in search of safety, some of them living in schools, mosques and churches.
 
The response plan comes after a nine-day government-led assessment in March of areas affected by the unrest. The government has not accepted the UN figure that one million people are in need in Syria.

"We don't have any crisis in Syria; it is not Somalia," Syria's ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Faysal Khabbaz Hamoui, told reporters after the 20 April meeting of the Syria Humanitarian Forum, according to Reuters. [ http://af.reuters.com/article/commoditiesNews/idAFL6E8FK6LC20120420?sp=true ] State media has often said there is no problem in Syria except for the “terrorists” it blames for the violence.

In recent days, however, the government has become increasingly willing to recognize humanitarian needs in the country, with al-Assad and his first lady appearing on state TV packing food parcels for distribution.

But the government insists the state should lead humanitarian assistance.

Syrian Arab Red Crescent

“The government is concerned about a number of things,” Valerie Amos, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, told IRIN in an interview on 5 April. “They are keen that any help in country comes from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. Their capacity is already stretched, and they need support. So getting additional supplies in, but also getting additional capacity on the ground, is critical.”

The Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) has been trying to shake off perceptions among some donors of partiality, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95204/Analysis-Syrian-Red-Crescent-fighting-perceptions-of-partiality ] and while international aid agencies have commended SARC for “outstanding” work in extremely difficult circumstances, they insist other agencies must be allowed in to help share the burden.

There were international aid agencies in Syria before the unrest, but their roles have largely been limited to helping Iraqi refugees and other developmental projects, unrelated to the current situation.

“We have put some very clear proposals,” Amos said. “The government has come back. They have said they want the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead. We are happy for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to take the lead, but we need additional capacity on the ground.”

The release of this response plan comes amid those negotiations with the government. The UN says they wanted to share the plan with donors so that there was no delay when approval for implementation is given.

Observers say going ahead with its release without government buy-in was a bit of a gamble: it could pressure Damascus to move more quickly to ensure humanitarian access; but could also backfire by raising the government’s defences.

Either way, the UN is well aware the plan’s success depends on the government’s consent, including its willingness to quickly issue visas to aid workers, clear shipments at customs and allow the UN to set up field offices.

Khaled Erksoussi, head of operations at SARC, told IRIN the Red Crescent has already been in discussions with UN agencies like the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the World Food Programme, to coordinate the implementation of the response plan, but said he did not have information about whether the government had agreed to it.

A separate $84 million plan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95149/MIDDLE-EAST-UN-asks-for-help-in-responding-to-Syrian-refugee-crisis ] by UNHCR to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan has been funded at less than 20 percent since it was launched at the end of March.

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]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95332</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203260835300869t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - The UN has presented a multi-million dollar plan to respond to humanitarian needs in Syria, but still lacks government approval to implement it.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Latest coup another setback for Guinea-Bissau</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR-BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Development, democracy and stability gains in Guinea-Bissau have suffered a major setback following the military takeover in Guinea-Bissau on 12 April.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR-BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Development, democracy and stability gains in Guinea-Bissau have suffered a major setback following the military takeover in Guinea-Bissau on 12 April. 

The UN Security Council has threatened sanctions; and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLC) has proposed sending “peacekeepers” to the country. 

On 12 April military leaders detained Prime Minister and presidential candidate Carols Gomes Jr (known as Cadogo) and interim President Raimundo Pereira, going on to appoint failed presidential candidate Manuel Serifo Nhamajo as president of a proposed two-year transitional government in a move which the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deemed “illegal” and which has also been strongly condemned by the UN Security Council, European Union, African Union and CPLC. 

Since 1994 no elected president in Guinea-Bissau has finished his mandate. 

Sanctions 

The UN Security Council on 21 April threatened to impose sanctions against coup-leaders. Following this announcement, the Junta allegedly shifted its hardline stance, telling a reporter the two-year transition government was just a proposal, according to one international press report. ECOWAS [ http://news.ecowas.int/presseshow.php?nb=109&lang=en&annee=2012 ] communications director Sonny Ugoh announced on 19 April that it was “completely taken aback” by the transition proposal. 

The CPLC has taken a more hardline approach from the start, pushing for a peacekeeping intervention force. Following a 19 April meeting of the UN Security Council, Guinea-Bissau Foreign Minister Mamadu Saliu Djalo praised the idea of sending a peacekeeping force to the country. But no final decision has been made. 

Several Bissau residents IRIN spoke to welcomed the notion of foreign intervention. Deolinda Tavares, a 65-year-old market-seller, told IRIN: “We have tarnished our image and our credibility is forever lost to the world.” 

Alimatou Touré, a 50-year-old housewife is outraged and fed up. "This is not a normal situation in which we live... Democracy is the only way that people can follow to be free and sovereign.” 

However, Guinea-Bissau expert Vincent Foucher of the International Crisis Group fears an international intervention against the junta, which has no consent from the army, could lead to bloodshed in a situation which has thus far been death-free; and could radicalize, criminalize, and factionalize the military junta leaders. “In this case, while it is essential to have it in the toolkit to demonstrate that the international community means business, it is far too early to use it - negotiation is what is needed now,” he told IRIN. 

Climate of fear 

Even with no deaths, a climate of fear and uncertainty pervades the capital, Bissau, with repressive measures being employed by the military, according to observers and rights groups [ http://www.amnesty.fr/AI-en-action/Violences/Armes-et-conflits-armes/Actualites/Les-droits-humains-en-danger-en-Guinee-Buissau-5220 ]. Road-blocks have been set up throughout the capital, with cars routinely stopped and searched. 

In some areas MPs and other officials of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC) - the party of President Gomes Jr - have reportedly been targeted and arrested. 

Many Bissau-Guineans have reportedly travelled to the countryside or to neighbouring Gambia and nearby Senegal to ride out the instability. 

The coup has disrupted life in the capital with schools still closed as of 13 April; market sellers report vastly reduced trade; unions associated with PAIGC went on strike on 16 April, leading major banks to close down. 

Many Bissau residents say they are running out of money. “My husband has not worked for a week and all the banks are closed, so all we have left is 1,000 CFA francs (US$2) and we’re down to eating one meal a day,” Alimatou Touré, a 50-year-old housewife, told IRIN. 

Development stalled 
 
The economic progress achieved under Gomes Jr’s rule - including economic growth rates of 5.3 percent; increased revenue from the cashew crop due to a restructuring of its marketing; a major re-organization of state expenditure; improved electricity supply and rehabilitation of major roads - will be stalled, say observers. Guinea-Bissau has been suspended by the African Union, while the World Bank and African Development Bank have stopped development aid. 

“One thing is certain: our level of development is already very low, and things are going to get worse,” said a Guinean academic in Bissau. 

If sanctions go through, the government (the country’s biggest employer), will not be able to pay salaries next month, a civil servant told IRIN. 

Context of coup 

The self-declared military command, which emerged as the moving force behind the coup, declared in a 13 April communiqué that they had taken action because of an alleged secret agreement between Carlos Gomes Jr and the Angolan government to “annihilate Guinea-Bissau's armed forces”. To back their claims, the junta published a letter sent on 9 April by the prime minister to the UN Secretary-General asking for UN military intervention. 

The 200-strong Angolan technical-military mission in Guinea Bissau (MISSANG) - in place since March 2011 to train and support Guinea-Bissau’s military - has been of concern to many army chiefs, say analysts, as the foreign troops were seen by them to side with the prime minister and act as his private security force. 

Other factors that may have contributed to the coup include unconfirmed rumours at the end of March 2012 about the entry of heavy weapons sent by Angola to reinforce MISSANG, and poor relations with Guinea-Bissau’s military heads and the Angolan ambassador, according to Vincent Foucher, Guinea-Bissau specialist with the International Crisis Group in Dakar. 

Faced with growing opposition from the Guinea army, Angola announced on the 10 April that it would withdraw its mission. 

The Angolans have just become the latest scapegoat, a Bissau-Guinean scholar in the capital told IRIN. “Maybe because of our history, it is often the case in Guinea-Bissau that political contradictions are transformed and resolved into the fight for national sovereignty against one common enemy. Now the enemy is Angola.” 

Tensions had also built between the military and the prime minister because of Carlos Gomes's official support for a long-overdue reform of the security sector, which would involve reducing the size of the armed forces; retiring older soldiers; and building up the civilian police force, say many observers. 

Some international officials say certain military leaders do not wish to be retired, fearing they will no longer benefit from their privileged position in the drug trafficking economy, which continues to flourish in the country.

“Divisive figure” 

The coup put an end to the electoral process that many believe would have led to the election of Carlos Gomes Jr as president. On 18 March he won the first round with 49 percent of the votes. His opponents contested the fairness of the process and refused to run in a second round. 

Gomes Jr is seen as a “divisive figure”, according to Foucher, as he lacks the diplomacy and tact required to impose civilian rule on distrustful military heads. 

The prime minister’s “overwhelming hegemony fed opponents’ frustrations”, warned Foucher in an editorial [ http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/2012/04/02/a-nouveau-tentee-par-le-gouffre-la-guinee-bissau-entre-deux-tours/ ] two weeks before the coup. “This frustration is dangerous because it is shared by part of the army and is leading to the possibility of yet more military intervention in political life,” he wrote. 

Several high-profile murders [ http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/guineabissau/4933580/Guinea-Bissau-president-beaten-before-assassination.html ], including those of ex-president Joao Bernardo Vieira in 2009, a chief of staff of the armed forces, and a candidate at the 2009 presidential elections, occurred under Carlos Gomes’ rule and have yet to be clarified.

Speculation 

Some say opposition politicians pushed the military into taking action before Gomes Jr’s anticipated victory. A Guinean academic called a declaration (that there would be no campaign) by opposition leader Kumba Yala just before the coup, a “troubling coincidence”. 

As a member of the Balante, a strong ethnic group which dominates the army, and a long-time supporter of the military, Kumba Yala is a prime suspect. Despite having condemned the military’s actions, he signed the 18 April declaration of opposition leaders and military commanders calling for the dissolution of government institutions and the implementation of the two-year transitional rule proposal. 

cb/ad/aj/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95340</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201005071410150842t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR-BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Development, democracy and stability gains in Guinea-Bissau have suffered a major setback following the military takeover in Guinea-Bissau on 12 April.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>GUINEA-BISSAU: Chronology of instability</title><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204231824020308t.jpg" />]]>BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rather than shoring up democratic institutions, Guinea-Bissau’s presidential elections in March widened divisions between civilian and military leaders, culminating in a 12 April coup. It was the fifth successful putsch the country has experienced since independence in 1974.</description><body><![CDATA[BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rather than shoring up democratic institutions, Guinea-Bissau’s presidential elections in March widened divisions between civilian and military leaders, culminating in a 12 April coup [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95340/ANALYSIS-Development-setback-after-latest-Guinea-Bissau-coup ]. It was the fifth successful putsch the country has experienced since independence in 1974. 

Below is a chronology of the decades of political turmoil. 

1956: Amilcar Cabral establishes PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde). 

1963-74: PAIGC launches war of independence. 

1973: PAIGC declares Guinea-Bissau independent of Portugal. Amilcar Cabral, nationalist politician and head of the independence movement of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, is assassinated. 

1974 Portugal grants Guinea-Bissau independence with Luis Cabral, brother of Amilcar, as president. 

1980: Luis Cabral is ousted in military coup orchestrated by João Bernardo Vieira. 

1992: Koumba Yala founds the PRS (Party for Social Reform). 

1994 The first free elections are held electing João Bernardo Vieira as president. From this point on, PAIGC dominates politics until the present day. 

1998: Vieira sacks army chief of staff, Gen Ansumane Mané, leading to an army mutiny. A military junta led by Mané starts a civil war. 

1999: A military junta takes control of Bissau, the capital, and President Vieira seeks asylum in Portugal. Malai Bacam Sanha of PAIGC becomes president in May 1999. 

November 1999 The transitional government organizes elections in which PAIGC loses control over the National Assembly for the first time. PRS, under Koumba Yala, receives 38 seats and becomes the dominant party in the assembly. 

January 2000: Presidential elections are held pitting Koumba Yala of the PRS against Malam Bacai Sanha of the PAIGC, a fierce opponent of Vieira. Yala wins with 72 percent of the vote and his victory is seen as progress for the Balante ethnic group as he is the first Balante to lead the country. Yala goes on to appoint many Balante to positions of power. Under his rule many members of the armed forces are promoted to become generals. 

2000: Gen Anusmane Mané does not take up posts offered to him under President Koumba Yala's government, including adviser to the head-of-state, preferring to stay independent. In November he is killed by Koumba Yala's men 

2001: President Yala's rule is characterized by chronic political instability as he constantly sacks ministers and reshuffles his government. Between 2001 and 2003 four prime ministers are nominated and sacked. Political crisis sets in. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank suspend aid due to poor financial accounting by government. 

2002: President Koumba Yala dissolves parliament and calls for legislative elections but these do not take place and the country remains without a government for several months. Supreme Court judges are also sacked. 

September 2003: A military coup led by Gen Verissimo Correia Seabra ousts President Yala, a move that is welcomed by the population. A transition government is put in place to prepare for elections and in the interim, Henrique Rosa is appointed president, and Artur Sanha, once secretary-general of the PRS, is nominated prime minister. 

March 2004: Legislative elections are held as planned and PAIGC retakes most parliamentary seats. A new government is formed under the leadership of Carlos Gomes Junior as prime minister. 

October 2004: A group of soldiers led by Baoute Yanta Na Man attempt a failed coup. Gen Seabra, now chief of staff of the army, is killed by a group of military rebels who are protesting against salary arrears and the corruption of the military hierarchy, and Gen Tagme Na Waie, an ethnic Balante, is appointed in his place. 

2005: João Bernardo Vieira returns from exile in Portugal to participate in presidential elections, with financial backing from Guinea-Conakry and Senegal, and support from the military. In the June elections PAIGC’s Malam Bacai Sanha presents himself opposite Koumba Yala and for the first time against João Vieira who participates as an independent candidate. Bacai receives the largest number of votes but not enough to avoid a second round. Yala, who came third in the first round, goes on to support Vieira and Vieira becomes president for the second time. International observers deem the elections fair and transparent. 

The military, under chief-of-staff Tagme Na Waie, ensures President Vieira understands they are a powerful political force and that Vieira requires their support to retain his hold. 

October 2005: President Vieira sacks PAIGC Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior who was nominated by the assembly, citing “personal reasons”. After announcing on the radio that the president ordered the assassination of old members of the military junta that deposed him in 1999, Junior flees to the offices of the UN Peacebuilding Office until President Vieira can guarantee him his security. 

November 2005: President Vieira appoints Aristides Gomes, former PAIGC deputy chairman, as prime minister. 

November 2006: Koumba Yala is elected head of the PRS. 

January 2007: Adml Mohamed Lamine Sanha, chief-of-staff of the navy, is killed. Sanha, an ally of Ansumane Mané who led a military rebellion against President Vieira in the 1998 civil war, was implicated in several coups against the government. 

March 2007: Parliamentarians form a majority coalition and the three major parties, PAIGC, PRS and the United Social Democrat Party (PUSD) sign a pact meant to create political stability. The pact gives them the right to force the departure of Prime Minister Aristides Gomes who was nominated by Vieira after the sacking of Carlos Junior, and to vote in a new prime minister, Marthinho Ndafa Cabi. Donors welcome the pact and start to re-engage in the country after a period of relative isolation. 

July 2007: A tribunal declares the resolution making former Guinea-Bissau President Koumba Yala head of the PRS "null and void". 

February 2008: PAIGC withdraws backing from Prime Minister Martinho Ndafa Cabi, ostensibly to avoid acts of indiscipline threatening cohesion and unity in the party. 

March 2008: Legislative elections are postponed. 

April 2008: The mandate of the legislature ended on 21 April but President Vieira passes a temporary constitutional amendment to allow the continuation of parliament until elections take place later in the year. The president also grants amnesty to individuals in the military and civilians who allegedly committed crimes from 1980 to 2004. 

July 2008: PAIGC leaves the “Pact of Stability” coalition government. 

March 2009: President João Bernardo Vieira is shot dead by soldiers several hours after a bomb attack kills army chief-of-staff Gen Tagme Na Waie. 

June 2009: Three senior politicians are killed by military police in what authorities call a failed coup attempt. 

July 2009: Malam Bacai Sanha elected president. 

April 2010: Carlos Gomes Junior is held for many hours by military officers. Adml José Zamora Induta is arrested and imprisoned, as is Col Samba Diallo, communications chief for the armed forces. 

December 2010: Guinea-Bissau and Angola sign an agreement for the deployment of 200 soldiers as part of an Angolan technical-military cooperation mission (MISSANG) to support security sector reform in Guinea-Bissau. 

March 2011: Angolan troops are deployed in Bissau. 

November 2011: President Malam Bacai Sanha is evacuated to Val de Grâce Hospital in France. 

15 December 2011: A plane full of cocaine lands in Amdalai, 55km from Bissau. 

26 December 2011: Rear Adml Américo Bubo na Tchuto is arrested. Gen Buota Nan Batcha is wounded and arrested. 

9 January 2012: President Malam Bacai Sanha dies in France. Raimundo Pereira, speaker of parliament, is made acting president in line with the constitution. 

18 March 2012: Presidential elections take place. Former military intelligence chief Col Samba Diallo is assassinated by a group of soldiers just hours after voting opens. 

23 March 2012: Carlos Gomes Junior, prime minister until February 2012 and the PAIGC’s candidate, obtains 49 percent of the votes cast; Koumba Yala, the PRS candidate, obtains 23 percent; independent candidate Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo is third with 15 percent of the votes. 

12 April 2012: Carlos Gomes Junior and Raimundo Pereira, speaker of parliament and acting president for the transitional period, are arrested. 

16 April 2012: Military and opposition leaders announce a two-year Transitional National Council, a move denounced as illegal by ECOWAS and condemned by the UN Security Council, African Union, European Union, Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, and other international bodies. 

ad/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 23 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95341</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204231824020308t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BISSAU 23 April 2012 (IRIN) - Rather than shoring up democratic institutions, Guinea-Bissau’s presidential elections in March widened divisions between civilian and military leaders, culminating in a 12 April coup. It was the fifth successful putsch the country has experienced since independence in 1974.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Akhdam community angered by government neglect</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.

“The Akhdam are not simply second class citizens,” a protester said from his tent in Change Square. “They are more like fifth or sixth class citizens; the lowest class in the whole republic.”

Despite speaking Arabic and practising Islam in the country for over 1,000 years, the Akhdam, who prefer to be called Al Muhamasheen, or “marginalized ones”, have never felt a part of the majority.

The most visible marker of the Akhdam’s status in Yemeni society is the menial occupations they perform. Men roam the streets on 10-hour shifts sweeping and collecting rubbish, while women and children collect up cans and bottles and beg for handouts.

Popular myth traces their arrival in Yemen to the 5th or 6th century, when the group’s Ethiopian ancestors crossed the Red Sea in a failed bid to conquer the southern corner of the Arabian peninsula.
 
After the arrival of Islam, so the myth goes, Muslim rulers defeated the Ethiopian army and sent them into exile. The ones who stayed were enslaved and relegated to the fringes of society, where they have remained despite the replacement in 1962 of a caste-like Imamate with the egalitarian promises of a modern state. They are thought to number around one million, mostly concentrated in urban slums in Taiz and Sana’a.

The prospect of democratic reforms envisaged in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) plan which pulled Yemen from the brink of civil war in 2012 raised hopes that the situation would improve for the Akhdam people, but little has happened yet.

Protests

In early April 2012, for the second time in as many months, some 4,000 street sweepers in the capital went on strike in protest over unfulfilled promises by the government to raise their pay and extend their daily contracts. After only a few days off the job, Sana’a’s streets became like an urban landfill site, forcing interim Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa to negotiate with the disenfranchized group.

Nabil, a 30-year-old street sweeper living in Mukhayyim Aser, an Akhdam slum near the presidential palace, told IRIN a day after the prime minister promised permanent contracts to the temporary workers, “Basindawa has not changed anything…

“My friend has been working as a street sweeper for 35 years and still does not have a job contract,” he added. “That’s why we’re on strike.”

One prominent Akhdam is Nabil Al Maktari, president of the Yemeni Organization Against Slavery and Discrimination. He spent 2011 protesting alongside thousands of other Yemenis - students, professors, soldiers and political activists - demanding the overthrow of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government.

According to Maktari, however, the new government has ceded some ground to the street sweepers. At the end of 2011, the prime minister’s office gave 50,000 riyals (US$235) to local Akhdam chiefs who represent the cleaners and provide them with protection. “But the workers never saw that money,” he said.

Even Saleh yielded to the workers’ demands, Maktari said, increasing their daily pay to 800 riyals ($3.75) at the onset of the Yemeni Spring in 2011. But despite the government’s concessions, Maktari said, “the street sweepers still have no holidays, not even during Eid. And if a tribal person kills a Khadem [member of the Akhdam community; which happened several times during the Yemeni protests] there is no way for his family to seek justice. Even though they’re Yemeni citizens, no laws exist for these crimes.”

Many Akhdam view the stop-gap measures by Saleh and Basindawa with suspicion. An elder in the Al Hasaba slum, in a pocket of Sana’a which saw some of the heaviest fighting during last year’s revolts, said officials from Saleh’s regime paid him and his neighbours to carry pro-Saleh signs at the beginning of the uprisings. “They don’t help us until they need help,” he said.

“No discrimination”

Government officials say there is “no discrimination” against the Akhdam and that they are like every other Yemeni before the law; and they point to the construction of public housing for the Akhdam in Sana’a’s Sawan area as proof.

Mohammed Al Eryani, assistant deputy mayor of Sana’a, told IRIN the Akhdam are perhaps the only employees of the central government who do not have benefits like permanent contracts and pensions.

While admitting the Akhdam are targets of some of the worst racism in the country, Eryani said the reason they have never been awarded contracts or other benefits is because they are unreliable. “One day a Khadem may wake up to find that his car won’t start, so he will spend the day fixing it instead of going into work.”

Asked whether the plight of the Akhdam would improve under the new government, a young street sweeper named Khaled in Mukhayyim Aser said: “So far, we haven’t seen any changes. Things have been almost the same as before the revolution got started. So to answer your question, no.”

A woman standing next to him said, “maybe”.

cc/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95324</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/200510310t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 20 April 2012 (IRIN) - Authorities in Yemen are yet to resolve the “marginalization” of the minority Akhdam people, weeks after thousands protested in the capital Sana’a over low pay and lack of work contracts, say community members.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Microloan demand grows, despite the risks</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204190743310361t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.
 
Between 2007 and 2011, the number of active microloans in the West Bank and Gaza Strip rose from 20,000 to more than 43,000. This trend is likely to continue, said Sharakeh, predicting that by 2015 the number of loans will reach 77,000. The number of active clients receiving loans from microfinance institutions has grown by an average of 27 percent annually since 2007, he added.
 
“Microfinance is on the rise in Palestine because it serves small businesses which are growing in number and importance,” Shireen al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestine Monetary Authority (PMA), told IRIN. Trying to start a small business is one way to cope with the challenges of public sector employment - but it can be a precarious existence given the state of the Palestinian economy.
 
Demand for microcredit, designed for borrowers who typically lack collateral, steady employment and a verifiable credit history, has spread by word of mouth, said Alaa Abu Halawa, programme coordinator at Sharakeh, adding: “The people realized the benefit of microfinance. And its growing importance is attracting more investors.”
 
Besides being promoted as a tool for providing the poor with financial access, microloans in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) have become an attractive alternative to normal credit from banks for any small businesses, say Palestinian microfinance institutions.
 
“Banks require high collateral and complicated loan procedures. We don’t,” Sameer Kraishi, a microcredit manager at the Arab Centre for Agricultural Development (ACAD), told IRIN. “The Palestinian case is special…Our microloans are high compared to developing countries like India, usually about $5,000.”
 
During his work for ACAD, Kraishi has seen many Palestinians who successfully built up their business with the help of microloans. But equally, he has seen many of them fail. The persistent financial crisis of the aid-dependent Palestinian Authority (PA) and the resulting impacts on the general West Bank economy affect small businesses heavily, he said.
 
Lack of donor support
 
According to the PA senior official Ghassan Khatib, the PA’s salaries were once again delayed for several days this month. “The PA cannot fulfil its payment obligations because of a lack in foreign funding. The outlook for this year does not look good,” he told IRIN.
 
One of the reasons why economic growth in the West Bank slowed down in 2011 was foreign donors’ failure to provide sufficient support to the PA, the World Bank said in a recent report. [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWESTBANKGAZA/Resources/WorldBankAHLCreportMarch2012.pdf ] In 2011, the PA required $1.5 billion in budget support, but eventually only received about $814 million. The budget for 2012 is expected to have a recurrent budget deficit of around $1.1 billion.
 
“Economic deterioration is a main reason for a rise in microfinance, which together with the PA financial crisis resulted in high unemployment and increased the poverty rate. This, in turn, lead people to look for private projects to earn their living,” said Sharakeh’s Halawa.
 
But small businesses are dependent on the spending of government employees. “When salaries are cut, the demand for goods and services goes down,” Samer Barghouti, general manager at ACAD, told IRIN, adding: “As a result, our clients often face difficulties paying back their microloans, and this creates risks for them, but also for us, as an institution.”
 
Failure never far away
 
One of ACAD’s clients hit by the economic slowdown is 43-year-old Mahmud al-Haj, a vegetable seller in Ramallah’s central market.
 
“Over the last year, I have made less and less profit. Many of my customers are PA employees. They just don’t have enough money when their salaries come too late, so they simply stop buying,” he told IRIN.
 
Some years ago he had made the equivalent of about $1,600 per month, now his monthly profit barely exceeds $500. He had borrowed US$3,000.
 
“I hardly sell 200kg of vegetables a month,” he said, adding: “I fear that once the loan is used up, I will not be able to continue. I need to pay taxes to the municipality. I have to take care of my family. I need to pay for my children’s school, for electricity, food, and haven’t even paid back most of the loan I took.”
 
Almost half of micro-loan projects fail in one way or another, according to Shaker Saadeh, manager of ACAD’s Ramallah field office.
 
“Many of our clients used to be unskilled labourers in Israel, never acquiring the knowledge necessary to run a business. Others use microloans as a means to change profession, like a carpenter who suddenly starts an agricultural business, but doesn’t really know how to do it,” he added.
 
Sewing
 
“Over the last seven years I received 15 microloans from different organizations. I used to be a wage worker, but eventually opened my own sewing workshop,” 48-year-old Na’ma Shamali said, while pulling fabric through a sewing machine in her shop in Ramallah.
 
Her current loan amounts to $3,000, but past experience has taught her to invest the borrowed money wisely. “At the beginning of every month I set my priorities. What do I really need? So recently I bought a new automatic sewing machine for 9,000 shekels [$2,400]. But at the beginning of every month, I pressure myself to work a lot, so I can pay back the loan,” she said.
 
Thanks to the growth of her business, she and her husband were able to buy the house they previously rented and send their children to a private school. “I am making 5,000 shekels [$1,320] of profit [per month] today. I am satisfied.”
 
Whether microfinance provides a mechanism for women’s empowerment beyond mere financial success has been widely debated in the past. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95067/Development-Microfinance-possibilities-and-limitations ] 
 
Gender issue
 
In oPt, real empowerment is often hindered by the traditional roles women are assigned to, said Nisreen Swelem, West Bank regional manager at the Palestinian Businesswomen’s Association (Asala), which is currently providing microloans to about 4,000 Palestinian women.

“It happens often that women continue to do the hard work while their husbands take over the business. We simply cannot control the cultural aspects,” Swelem told IRIN.

In particular in the field of agriculture, women often remain unpaid family workers and as such are invisible contributors to the economy, Asala's research has shown. [ http://www.asala-pal.com/files/The%20Economic%20empowerment%20of%20women%20in%20Palestine.pdf ]

“I try to raise awareness. I ask them, who controls the money?” Swelem said. 

“There is still a lot to do on the level of gender awareness. But in one way, the positive impact of the gender meetings is obvious. Many of the women that take the trainings later become trainers themselves.”

ah/oa/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95317</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204190743310361t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 19 April 2012 (IRIN) - The demand for microloans has risen steeply in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years, according to data from the Palestinian Network for Small and Microfinance (Sharakeh), which represents 11 microfinance non-profit institutions whose total loan portfolio was US$75 million by the end of 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGER: What price human dignity</title><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030910090373t.jpg" />]]>TILLABERI/NIAMEY 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Small farmers in Oullam District in Niger’s western region of Tillaberi, faced with their third drought in seven years, are being forced to consider bundling up their few possessions and leaving for good the villages they have lived in all their lives.</description><body><![CDATA[TILLABERI/NIAMEY 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Small farmers in Oullam District in Niger’s western region of Tillaberi, faced with their third drought in seven years, are being forced to consider bundling up their few possessions and leaving for good the villages they have lived in all their lives. 

To better understand what is happening, IRIN visited two villages in Oullam District which has the highest proportion of its population classified as severely food-insecure, according to a multi-agency survey in December 2011. 

In Talkadabey, (“poor person’s home” in the local D’jerma language), the Oullam local authorities say 75 percent of residents do not have enough to eat; and in Banemate (“health or prosperity must come”) the figure is 90 percent. 

Grandmother Hani Issa was born and brought up in Talkadabey, where the residents are mainly D’jerma and small farmers. Poor rains followed by an attack by caterpillars in September 2011 had snuffed out any hope of a decent harvest. The men in Issa’s home left the village four months ago in search of work, leaving Issa to look after seven grandchildren. 

“I have to find food for the children for another four months [until the next rains]… I don’t think I can go on like this. I will have to pack up, take the children and leave,” she told IRIN. 

Ousseini Idrissa, an official in charge of Oullam town and nearby villages, said: “There are hundreds of people leaving,” adding that everyone had been aware that villages in Oullam would run out of food soon. 

Yacouba Mainassara, the village chief, said they had fared better during the last drought in 2010, when the government had provided wages for short-term environmental services jobs. 

Dabey reckoned agriculture in Niger missed military ruler Seyni Kountché who died in 1987. Kountché had invested heavily in agriculture and health services thanks to the discovery of uranium at a time when global prices were high. But when the uranium boom ended in the early 1980s, Niger’s ability to fund development slumped. 

“We need an irrigation system, good seeds and cheap fertilizer and then we can have enough to feed ourselves,” said Dabey. Most of the residents get by on remittances from family members who have migrated to neighbouring countries. According to the World Bank, in 2010, 2.4 percent of Niger’s population had migrated and sent US$70 million home that year. 

When IRIN visited Banemate village in Dinghazi Commune, the children seemed reserved; some were exhibiting signs of malnutrition - bloated bellies, listless eyes and discoloured hair. 

There was plenty of millet and sorghum available in the local market in Dinghazi, but affordable only for those who had remittances to fall back on. 

Locals explained that some people migrate seasonally - between planting and harvests. Droughts and a rapidly growing population have forced many to leave their homes for neighbouring countries to support their families. “It is part of our way of life now,” explained the local official. But this year there have been families who have left seemingly for good, he added. 

Underfunded appeal 

Despite early signs in 2011 that Niger - and particularly people in Tillaberi, Diffa and Agadez regions - [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94904/NIGER-Diffa-traders-hit-by-Nigerian-border-closure ] were going to need help, as of 15 April only 41 percent of the more than US$229 million appeal for assistance had been covered. Aid insiders say the appeal is now being revised upwards to more than $400 million. 

Donors and aid agencies have yet to figure out how to respond between the time an early warning is sounded and when a crisis requires an emergency response, explained Peter Gubbels, who authored the multi-agency 2010 study Escaping the Hunger Cycle: Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.oxfam.org/en/policy/escaping-hunger-cycle ] 

Early response, such as cash transfers or fodder for livestock, can help to stop people’s livelihoods from collapsing and prevent people from fleeing. 

Nigeriens nourish Nigeriens (3N) 

People in Niger, the world’s second least developed country, have been hit by a series of shocks: regular droughts; four coups since independence in 1958; Tuareg rebellions; the Libyan crisis which affected remittances; and fluctuations in the price of the main export, uranium. 

In 50 years since independence, Niger has been in a food deficit situation for half of them, says the 3N programme (Nigeriens nourish Nigeriens), the new government framework to make Nigeriens food secure for good. At the moment, 60 percent of households can only cover their food needs for three months, says the government. 

“Our vision is to help ourselves become food secure. We were inspired by the previous military government’s initiative [which set up the Higher Authority of Food Security in 2010 to develop a food strategy for the country],” said Barkire Gabdokoye, the government’s technical adviser on 3N. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92315/NIGER-Chasing-food-security ]

The five cornerstones of the plan, he said, were: develop production (land, fisheries and livestock); build infrastructure; improve drought preparedness; focus on nutrition; and create an enabling environment including legislation to make it all possible. Details of the framework are still being worked out. But Gabdokoye shared some of its features. 

3N has all the ingredients of a respectable sustainable food security strategy in a land under immense climatic and population pressure. 

Eighty percent of the population lives on agriculture and only about 12 percent of the land is arable. Most famers depend on rain. 3N has highlighted the need to develop irrigation based on the Kandadji Dam (under construction) on the River Niger, which provides the country’s only reliable source of water. 

The dam is expected not only to help reduce Niger’s dependence on energy imports from Nigeria but provide irrigation to 45,000 hectares by 2035. In the next five years, Gabdokoye said they hoped the dam would be able to irrigate 10,000 hectares of land. 

3N focuses on sustainable agriculture practices such as harvesting water; use of conservation techniques to grow drought-resilient millet, sorghum and vegetables; and the provision of subsidized fertilizer, seeds and fodder for livestock. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95126/NIGER-Drought-does-not-mean-death-of-pastoralism ]
A big impetus will be on getting pastoralists to diversify (“but we don’t want them to give up on pastoralism”). 

“We want to build roads, improve infrastructure in the rural areas, make it mandatory for all villages to keep aside a communal reserve of cereals; have kitchen gardens,” said Gabdokoye. “We do not want people migrating to urban areas, which cannot sustain them. We are looking at value-added businesses such as cheese-making, handicrafts in the rural areas.” 

Lack of funds 

But 3N needs US$2 billion over five years. The government has put in $200 million. Niger’s main sources of revenue are foreign aid (which finances 40 percent of its budget), uranium exports and remittances. [ http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2012/02/01/000020439_20120201103959/Rendered/INDEX/659250PJPR0IDA0isclosed0Feb01020120.txt ]

In light of the European debt crisis the World Bank says it does not expect any substantial increase in funding for development in Niger. The reality on the ground is that it is hard to raise funds for long-term projects, said Oxfam's Gaelle Bausson. "More funds are allocated to emergency response/relief programmes which are more visible, more in the media.” 

Revenue from uranium is not adequate to fund 3N, said Gabdokoye. The outlook for uranium prices is uncertain in the wake of the nuclear accident in Japan in March 2011, with uranium prices down $20 a pound since 2011, said the World Bank, which also estimates the shortfall in remittances due to the Libya crisis to run at about $42 million. 

In 2011 Niger also had to cancel a deal to sell a stake in the state-owned telecommunications company, Sonitel, to Libya, which has left a $60 million gap in its budget. 

Climate change 

Meanwhile, scientists’ climate warnings are getting louder. Since 1970, West Africa has experienced one of the most abrupt changes in climate since weather data began being recorded in 1896, say scientists Gil Mahe and Jean-Emmanuel Paturel in the 2009 peer-reviewed journal Comptes Rendus Geoscience. 

Mahe and Paturel, who studied rainfall patterns in the Sahel 1896-2006, concluded that drought was still continuing in the region even if annual rainfall had increased since the very dry period in the 1970s and 1980s. 

jk/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 18 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95316</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204030910090373t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">TILLABERI/NIAMEY 18 April 2012 (IRIN) - Small farmers in Oullam District in Niger’s western region of Tillaberi, faced with their third drought in seven years, are being forced to consider bundling up their few possessions and leaving for good the villages they have lived in all their lives.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>LAOS: Communal land titles could save more than forests</title><pubDate>Mon, 16 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204160617530409t.jpg" />]]>VIENTIANE 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - With pressure on natural resources increasing in Laos, the first community land titles granted to five villages in Vientiane Province could provide a national model for environmental protection while safeguarding the livelihoods of villagers.</description><body><![CDATA[VIENTIANE 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - With pressure on natural resources increasing in Laos, the first community land titles granted to five villages in Vientiane Province could provide a national model for environmental protection while safeguarding the livelihoods of villagers. 

“It’s very important because the communal land titles can give communities the right to access and harvest natural resources, and overcome land concessions to companies,” Souvanpheng Phommasane, an advisor for SNV Netherlands Development Organization [ http://www.snvworld.org/ ] told IRIN. 

The title deeds cover an area of 2,189 hectares of bamboo-producing forest. After a two-year process the land was finally handed over to the five villages in Sangthong District, 50km west of the capital, Vientiane, in February. 

Hanna Saarinen, coordinator for the Land Issues Working Group [ http://www.laolandissues.org/ ], which represents 40 concerned civil society organizations, says the issue of land ownership is becoming more urgent. 

“In the last five to 10 years there have been more and more competing interests [seeking control] over natural resources,” she said. Private sector companies as well as communities “have been using the same land, the same forest for years”. 

The government’s 2011-2015 development plan [ http://www.un.org/en/ga/president/65/initiatives/ldcs/laos.pdf ] sets a target of at least 8 percent annual economic growth, driven primarily by extractive industries, such as mining, hydropower and plantation agriculture. All these activities require significant land allocation, while slash-and-burn agriculture and logging further diminish forested areas. 

Trees once spread across 70 percent of Laos, but in 2010 the Department of Forestry estimated that this has now been reduced to just 40 percent. The decline in forest cover not only has wide environmental impacts but also affects rural incomes. 

Per capita income stands at just over US$1,000 per year, the World Bank reports, and 75 percent of the country’s workforce earns a livelihood from agriculture. 

Government statistics note that non-timber forest products, such as bamboo, contribute about 40 percent of rural income. 

A bamboo trade association in Sangthong District, set up in 2007, designs and produces furniture and handicrafts made from local bamboo. The district administration states that households involved in the project can earn an additional 2 million Lao Kip ($250) a month - a significant amount for villagers living in one of the 46 districts designated by the government as the poorest in the country. 

Salongsay Mixay, the head of Na Po village, says the local forests were under threat before the land titles were granted. 

“There were different cases. A big truck comes from somewhere - no one knows where, maybe the city - and they cut [bamboo] and went away. The second case is the investor who talks to the villagers and says, ‘I want to cut this much [bamboo],’ and pays a little amount of money, and leaves.” 

Replicating the land-grant model across this Southeast Asian nation may not be straightforward. “In Sangthong it was a specific case because they had this bamboo project - they were already managing the bamboo areas, they had a forest management plan - but there are no clear guidelines or manuals, so the districts do not know how to do it in practice,” said Saarinen. 

Support from a number of development organizations, with funding through the Global Environment Facility Small Grants Programme, and implementation by the United Nations Development Programme, helped the Sangthong District administration to tackle the procedures needed to apply for and eventually be granted the title deeds to the land. 

Phommasane from SNV Netherlands believes that if other districts receive similar support they could also get communal land titles. The government is carrying out a land policy review that is expected to formalize the procedures for granting communal land titles. 

Giving ownership of more of the land to the villagers who earn their living from it could be critical to the government’s stated ambition of restoring forest cover to 65 percent of the country by 2015. 

Khamoon Tiengthila, the Sangthong District deputy governor, says he is proud of what his district has achieved. “It’s a small project that contributes to preserving the world’s environment. The forest is important for development and the economy.” 

tf/ds/he 

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 16 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95295</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201204160617530409t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">VIENTIANE 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - With pressure on natural resources increasing in Laos, the first community land titles granted to five villages in Vientiane Province could provide a national model for environmental protection while safeguarding the livelihoods of villagers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
