<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - East Africa</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 20 May 2013 15:30:49 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Briefing: Restive northern Kenya sees shifting power, risks</title><pubDate>Fri, 17 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251201360592t.jpg" />]]>GARISSA-NAIROBI 17 May 2013 (IRIN) - The presence of foreign militias in parts of northeastern Kenya, and their collusion with security officials and business people there, may be to blame for a rise in insecurity in the region, where multiple gun and grenade attacks have been reported over the past two years.</description><body><![CDATA[GARISSA-NAIROBI 17 May 2013 (IRIN) - The presence of foreign militias in parts of northeastern Kenya, and their collusion with security officials and business people there, may be to blame for a rise in insecurity in the region, where multiple gun and grenade attacks have been reported over the past two years. 

But securing northern Kenya is increasingly vital to the government, with the badlands growing in economic viability, the new constitution shifting power to the counties, and mega development projects being planned in the region. 

In October 2011, Kenyan troops launched an intervention into Somalia [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94018/KENYA-SOMALIA-A-risky-intervention ] in pursuit of the Somali insurgent Al-Shabab militia, which it blamed for incursions into Kenya. Since then, dozens of people, including security officers, have been killed in attacks, mainly in the northeastern town of Garissa and the mainly-Somali Dadaab refugee camp.  

To address this, a number of security operations have been launched, involving the deployment of hundreds of police and military officers, arrests and curfews, as well the cessation of the registration of new Somali refugees amid fears of Al-Shabab infiltration. 

The most recent security operation in Garissa led to hundreds of arrests. "Ten police officers, among them the head of crime investigations [and] six local [administration] chiefs, have been suspended,” Charles Mureithi, the northeastern regional police chief, told IRIN, adding, “More arrests are on the way, and, of course, convictions.” 

The police officers and chiefs were said to be operating in league with the criminals, a view shared by a Garissa political leader, who spoke with IRIN on the condition of anonymity. 

"The monster responsible for all the sufferings we have experienced is… a club of wealthy traders from the Far East, Somalia [and] Kenya [as well as] politicians, our security officers and at least two sects of Al-Shabab,” said the Garissa leader. 

Who is to blame for the rising insecurity? 

An Al-Shabab-linked militia group has been blamed for some of the attacks in Garissa. 

"They only strike with an objective [of] fight[ing] other religions,” said Maulid*, a Garissa resident. “In Garissa, they worship in two mosques, same [as] in Nairobi. They consider us as infidels.” 

Churches in Garissa have been among the buildings targeted by grenade attacks. 

An Islamic religious leader, who preferred anonymity, called for the arrest of Al-Shabab-linked leaders and the seizure of their properties. "We want to see traders who paid gangs of criminals to kill arrested,” he said. 

According to Ahmed Yasin, a political science graduate from Somalia, the Al-Shabab-linked militias are retaliating against some prominent Kenyan Somalis’ support for the creation of an autonomous region of Jubaland [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97860/Briefing-Somalia-federalism-and-Jubaland ] in southern Somalia - which could serve as a buffer zone between the two countries - and against their support for the Ras Kamboni militia. 

In September 2012, the Ras Kamboni militia, alongside Kenyan troops, forced Al-Shabab out of the lucrative port city of Kismayo, which is a key economic and strategic resource for militias in southern Somalia. On 15 May, Ras Kamboni leader Sheikh Ahmed Madobe was announced as Jubaland’s president. 

While Al-Shabab is bitter at losing Kismayo, Yasin said, it also opposes the creation of a buffer zone, which would protect Kenya from Al-Shabab incursions. 

"Political leaders, elders and clerics must abandon support for [the] Ras Kamboni militia group... They must be wise [and] restrain from Somalia politics… and let their people enjoy peace," warned Yasin. 

What has been the fallout of the insecurity? 

A security operation to pacify the region has led to dozens of arrests; those found without legal identification documents were netted. Rights groups, however, are critical of these sweeping operations. 

Some Kenyan youths in Garissa are wrongfully being arrested as they lack identity cards, said Abdiwelli Mohamed of the local organization Citizens Rights Watch. The process of acquiring identification documents is often fraught with challenges, including long delays in the often-neglected northern region. 

According to Khalif Abdi Farah of the Garissa Northern Forum for Democracy, a civil society organization, dozens of people have also been injured, with others being illegally arrested in the crackdown. 

The police denied claims of arbitrary arrests, a view shared by Haji*, a Garissa resident and retailer. "It’s true [that] the police conducted house-to-house searches [and] stopped people on the streets. They checked identity cards and counter-checked with a list they were carrying. It’s clear [that] they are looking for particular individuals," he said. 

Besides a rising death toll and a large number of people injured in attacks over the past two years, the insecurity has had adverse socio-economic effects. Garissa businesses have been hit hard. 

A night club and guest house owner in Garissa said his business has suffered due to the curfew. "I only have an hour to operate. [I] open the pub at 5pm and close by 6pm.” 

Fear has also affected his business: “My guest house clients, [who] were mainly travellers either heading to Wajir, Mandera or Nairobi, these days no longer spend a night in Garissa for fear of arrest or attack," he said. 

Proceeds from the once-booming Garissa livestock market are declining too, said a revenue officer, noting that livestock traders are afraid of arrest. Asset and property values have also dropped significantly since December 2012, with fewer people opting to live or invest in Garissa. 

Why is securing northern Kenya vital? 

Securing Garissa and other northern Kenya regions has become a priority for the government, particularly amid the country’s newly devolved governance structure, lucrative cross-border development plans and the north’s growing economic viability. 

Devolution [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97726/Briefing-Devolution-to-transform-Kenya ], a centrepiece of Kenya’s 2010 constitution, will allocate more resources to the county governments, a move that is expected to reduce the marginalization of outer areas like northern Kenya. 

Kenya is also seeking to develop closer ties with its neighbours in the north, mainly Ethiopia, Sudan and South Sudan, amid planned mega development projects, such as the Lamu Port and Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET [ http://www.vision2030.go.ke/index.php/pillars/project/macro_enablers/181 ]), which will link the Horn of Africa region. 

“Previously peripheral areas to the north and east will assume a new economic, and so political, significance,” states a 2 May analysis by Oxford Analytica [ http://www.oxan.com/ ], a global analysis and advisory firm, which notes that development had previously been concentrated in the central belt stretching from Nairobi to the Ugandan border. 

Kenya also expects to get relief from its current electricity shortages by 2016 thorough the Eastern Electricity Highway Project [ http://www.worldbank.org/projects/P126579/regional-eastern-africa-power-pool-project-apl1?lang=en ], which will connect Kenya’s electrical grid to Ethiopia’s, adds the analysis. “Protecting this supply will require: greater security in border areas; more careful management of local conflicts between communities in border areas to prevent escalation into disputes between the two states; and continued friendly relations between Nairobi and Addis Ababa.” 

Recent oil discoveries [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95547/KENYA-Oil-hope-and-fear ] in northwest Kenya, and ongoing exploration in other regions, such as near Lamu [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96675/KENYA-Disquiet-over-Lamu-port-project ], “ further underline the importance of once-peripheral areas of the country to future economic development,” added the analysis. 

What challenges lie ahead? 

“Nairobi's incentive to extend state authority to historically neglected regions will grow, but not without facing significant challenges,” said a 14 May Oxford Analytica analysis. 

The northern Kenya regions are characterized by widespread insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/90505/KENYA-SOMALIA-Insecurity-without-borders ]. Inter-communal violence and the proliferation of small arms are common, the state is largely absent, and the borders are mostly porous. 

For example, there are currently inter-clan clashes in Mandera, which neighbours Garissa, with several people being reported dead and at least 6,600 displaced, according to the Kenya Red Cross Society [ https://www.kenyaredcross.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=476&Itemid=124 ]. 

In response, security in Mandera has been beefed up and residents have been urged to surrender illegal firearms. 

Forceful disarmament [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/89060/KENYA-Your-guns-or-your-freedom-please ] is likely there, as similar moves have occurred elsewhere in the north. But this only further alienates residents who blame insecurity on the inadequate state presence. 

“While such events appear familiar and of little wider significance, the new geography of Kenya's development plan - including energy, transportation, hydrocarbons - alters the political considerations of centre-periphery relations and increases the relevance of long-standing insecurity and distrust,” Oxford Analytica’s 14 May analysis said. 

“If an historical state reliance on coercion continues, rising insecurity in northern and coastal areas creates some risks for smoother longer-term economic development,” it noted. 

Kenya After the Elections [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Kenya-after-the-elections.pdf ], a 15 May policy briefing by the International Crisis Group (ICG), warns that devolution may not “be a ‘magic bullet’ that will allow the country to correct historical patterns of neglect, and redress regional marginalization and inequitable development… There are concerns devolution could ultimately balkanize counties, creating ‘ethnic fiefdoms’.” 

The briefing urges county governments to be inclusive of minority interests to address inequality. 

“The new government has the opportunity to usher in a new era of peace and socioeconomic development that would benefit all communities and unite the country. The foundation has been laid with the overwhelming support the constitution received in 2010, a base that should be maintained and built upon for a peaceful and prosperous future.” 

*Name changed 

aw-na/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98059/Briefing-Restive-northern-Kenya-sees-shifting-power-risks</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251201360592t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GARISSA-NAIROBI 17 May 2013 (IRIN) - The presence of foreign militias in parts of northeastern Kenya, and their collusion with security officials and business people there, may be to blame for a rise in insecurity in the region, where multiple gun and grenade attacks have been reported over the past two years.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Pastoralism’s economic contributions are significant but overlooked</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108010808430012t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Pastoralism is often regarded as an antiquated practice ill-suited to the modern economy, yet trade between pastoral communities in Africa - much of it informal and illegal - generates an estimated US$1 billion each year, according to a new book published by the Futures Agriculture Consortium.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Pastoralism is often regarded as an antiquated practice ill-suited to the modern economy, yet trade between pastoral communities in Africa - much of it informal and illegal - generates an estimated US$1 billion each year, according to a new book [ http://www.future-agricultures.org/pastoralism/7666-book-pastoralism-and-development-in-africa ] published by the Futures Agriculture Consortium. 

“If we shift our gaze from the capital cities, where the development and policy elite congregate, to the regional centers and their hinterlands where pastoralists live, then a very different perspective emerges. Here we see the growth of a booming livestock export trade, the flourishing of the private sector, the expansion of towns with the inflow of investment, and the emergence of a class of entrepreneurs commanding a profitable market, and generating employment and other business opportunities; and all of this driven without a reliance on external development aid,” said the authors of the study. 

Pastoralism contributes between 10 and 44 percent of the GDP of African countries. An estimated 1.3 billion people benefit from livestock value chain, according to the International Livestock Research Institute. 

“Pastoralism contributes to the livelihoods of millions of people across Africa, in some of the poorest and most deprived areas. It is a critical source of economic activity in dryland areas, where other forms of agriculture are impossible,” Ian Scoones, from the Institute of Development Studies [ http://www.ids.ac.uk/ ], told IRIN. 

Ced Hesse, a researcher at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), told IRIN that in East Africa alone, “pastoralism directly supports an estimated 20 million people” and produces “80 percent of the total annual milk supply in Ethiopia, provides 90 percent of the meat consumed in East Africa, and contributes 19 percent, 13 percent and 8 percent of GDP in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, respectively”. 

He continued, “This is an enormous contribution to the regional economy, but often is unrecognized.” 

Invisible 

IIED’s Hesse explains why little attention is paid to pastoralists’ contributions: “The benefits that pastoralism brings are invisible to most governments because the methodologies they use for assessing economic activity and growth, the most popular being GDP, are not adapted to pastoralism.” 

“A ‘total economic valuation’ framework is needed. When Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, used this methodology to calculate the contribution of livestock to the Kenyan economy, they found livestock’s contribution to agricultural GDP is about two and half times greater than official estimates,” Hesse said. 

“Kenya’s livestock were under appreciated and no attempt to enumerate it had been made for decades,” the IGAD report said. 

Experts like Scoones say the rapid urbanization in Africa will continue to provide increased market opportunities for pastoralists. Not all will benefit from the direct sale of livestock, but there are opportunities for diversification. 

“There are spin-off benefits from such trade, including opportunities for engaging in diversified activities, including processing animal products, providing transport, fodder and marketing support, and offering services in the growing small towns in pastoral areas,”  said Scoones. 

“Not all those in pastoralist areas can be involved directly in the growing, vibrant livestock trade that feeds the burgeoning cities across Africa,” Scoones added. 

Bad press 

Yet other than reports of pastoralists suffering from poverty and climate-related shocks, pastoralism receives little attention from national governments or the media. 

Of the reporting that does exist, much is negative, according to Media perceptions and portrayals of Pastoralists in Kenya, India and China [ http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/14623IIED.pdf ], an April 2013 IIED report. 

In Kenya for instance, 93 percent of news articles on pastoralist analyzed by the authors were about drought and conflict. Fifty-one percent of articles mentioning conflict presented pastoralist as the cause of the problems rather than the victims of conflict. 

In India, on the other hand, 60 percent of articles reviewed portrayed pastoralists as victims “who have lost access to grazing land because of the growth of industrial agriculture, the dominance of more powerful social groups, and limits to grazing in forested land, among others.” 

The bad press has generated calls for pastoralist communities to change their lifestyles. 

Media reports also fail to mention the environmental benefits of pastoralism, which can contribute to biodiversity conservation [ http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/pdf/2041-7136-2-14.pdf ], and the role it plays in making food systems resilient by, for example, preventing overreliance on drought- and flood-vulnerable crops. 

“The media tends to portray pastoralists as a source of problem or as lost causes, yet most media articles about pastoralists do not even quote the pastoralists themselves. The media portrayals paint a partial picture, one that rarely mentions the important economic and environmental benefits of pastoralism, or the way that herder mobility helps increase the resilience of food systems in a changing climate, so that even distant consumers in cities benefit,” Mike Shanahan, communication specialist and author of the study, told IRIN. 

Minorities Rights Group International observed in its 2012 State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples [ http://www.minorityrights.org/11374/state-of-the-worlds-minorities/state-of-the-worlds-minorities-and-indigenous-peoples-2012.html ] report that pastoralists are being forced to abandon their livelihoods by national governments. Experts see an increase in the phenomenon of land grabs, in which pastoralists and minority groups are driven out of their lands to pave the way for development projects considered more “viable”, such as large-scale irrigation projects [ http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03066150.2011.652620 ]. 

Some experts, like IIED’s Hesse, say there is a case for modernizing pastoralism - not in the “sense of settling them or turning them into ranchers”, but by focusing on the “logic of pastoralism’s production strategies that allow it to produce the benefits in arid and semi-arid environments characterized by rainfall variability.” 

ko/rz   

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98052/Pastoralism-s-economic-contributions-are-significant-but-overlooked</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108010808430012t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 May 2013 (IRIN) - Pastoralism is often regarded as an antiquated practice ill-suited to the modern economy, yet trade between pastoral communities in Africa - much of it informal and illegal - generates an estimated US$1 billion each year, according to a new book published by the Futures Agriculture Consortium.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uganda grapples with paediatric vaccine shortages</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/2009030318t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - Ugandan children are going unimmunized as the country grapples with persistent and widespread vaccine shortages, the result of insufficient funds and inefficient procurement and supply systems, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - Ugandan children are going unimmunized as the country grapples with persistent and widespread vaccine shortages, the result of insufficient funds and inefficient procurement and supply systems, officials say.

“We are getting reports and calls from all the districts about the stock-outs of all types of anti-immunization vaccines. They don’t have anti-TB [tuberculosis] vaccines, anti-tetanus, polio [vaccines]. The ministry is faced with inadequate funding for most of our programmes,” Asuman Lukwago, permanent secretary in the Ministry of Health, told IRIN.

“The current major problem on the vaccines is the distribution issue. We are working around the clock to have the problem solved and sorted out immediately.”

Most of the health centres across the country are facing critical shortages of vaccines to protect against tuberculosis, polio, tetanus, diphtheria, rotavirus and pneumonia, putting children at risk of largely preventable diseases.

Health officials now fear these frequent shortages could prevent mothers from bringing their children in for immunizations.

“You can’t [ask] mothers to move to health facilities three to four times and they don’t find vaccines. This practice discourages some of them to go back to the hospitals,” said Huda Oleru Abason, chairperson of the Parliamentary Forum on Immunization.

Procurement woes

In 2011, the government of Uganda shifted the procurement of vaccines and drugs from the Uganda National Expanded Programme on Immunization (UNEPI), under the Ministry of Health, to the National Medical Stores (NMS), an autonomous government corporation. The move was intended to inject efficiency into the country’s drug procurement system, but the drug shortages have continued.

Yet officials at NMS are blaming the shortages on late requisitions for vaccines by UNEPI. The procurement of drugs is the responsibility of NMS.

“Placing of orders is not the responsibility of NMS, it’s [the job of] UNEPI,” Dan Kimosho, a spokesperson at the NMS, told IRIN. “So if they don’t put request in time or under-quantified for the supplies, it’s not our problem. Our responsibility is to procure, store and deliver the requested vaccines. We can’t begin delivering vaccines to districts and health [facilities] if the orders have not been placed to us. We have the competency to deliver the requested drugs and vaccines.”

An estimated 48 percent of children under age five in Uganda are either unimmunized or under-immunized, meaning they do not complete their immunization schedules, according to the 2011 Uganda Demographic and Health Survey [ http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/PR18/PR18.pdf ].

Uganda has recently experienced a decline in immunization levels, in part due to inadequate funding, health staff shortages and [parents’] poor adherence to vaccination schedules.

In April 2013, the government launched [ http://www.unicef.org/esaro/5440_12563.html ] a countrywide rotavirus and pneumococcal vaccination program targeting over 1.7 million children.

In an interview with IRIN, Director General of Health Services Ruth Achieng noted that, “Uganda is not doing very well in [its] immunization programme… We don’t want our children to die from preventable diseases. We need to act now. Otherwise, we shall get an outbreak of polio and tetanus.”

Uganda’s budget support for the Expanded Programme on Immunization, EPI, - which had been hailed for increased vaccination coverage between 2000-2007 - decreased by more than half in recent years, falling from 7.7 percent in the 2006-2007 financial year to 3.6 percent in 2009-2010 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97413/Uganda-s-immunization-programme-needs-a-shot-in-the-arm ].

Officials say the government has plans to revitalize the country’s immunization programs.
“We have worked out the revitalization plan, and if implemented well, we shall be able to change the low status of immunization in Uganda. The government has mobilized some funds and, with support from GAVI, everything is revisable. We are going to embark on [an] aggressive campaign to ensure there are no vaccine stock-outs in the country and ensure all the children are immunized,” the Ministry of Health’s Lukwago said.

There is also a legal push to improve immunization. An immunisation bill currently pending in parliament will make it illegal for parents and guardians to fail to have their children immunized. It also seeks to punish health officials who fail to offer immunization services to children.

so/ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98033/Uganda-grapples-with-paediatric-vaccine-shortages</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/2009030318t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 14 May 2013 (IRIN) - Ugandan children are going unimmunized as the country grapples with persistent and widespread vaccine shortages, the result of insufficient funds and inefficient procurement and supply systems, officials say.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Sending the right message on mHealth</title><pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208091451120607t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - We’ve read the stories: From bedridden patients sending text messages to their health workers, to young people receiving HIV prevention messages via SMS, the mobile phone seems to have morphed from communications device to essential life-saver. But is the evidence there yet that mHealth is an effective health delivery intervention for the developing world?</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - We’ve read the stories: From bedridden patients sending text messages to their health workers, to young people receiving HIV prevention messages via SMS, the mobile phone seems to have morphed from communications device to essential life-saver. But is the evidence there yet that mHealth is an effective health delivery intervention for the developing world?

IRIN, like others, has been reporting for years on mHealth’s potential: This communication technology could provide the answer to distant and under-resourced health services, in particular for Africa’s poor. Kenyan health workers have recounted [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88653/KENYA-R-U-OK-2day-SMS-check-up-takes-off ] how mobile phones have made it easier to track their patients’ progress; there have been anecdotal reports of lower maternal mortality rates as a result of Ghanaian mothers [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87261/GHANA-Cell-phones-cut-maternal-deaths ] being able to call for ambulances during labour.

In Africa, with some 63 mobile phones per 100 inhabitants (compared to Asia and the Pacific’s 89 per 100 inhabitants), the cell in your pocket can become a direct channel [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91287/AFRICA-Mobile-phones-for-health ] for receiving public health messages, improving communication between patients and health providers, boosting data collection and, increasingly, assisting in diagnosis.

But a systematic review - published in January in PLOS Medicine [ http://www.plosmedicine.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pmed.1001363 ] - into the effectiveness of mHealth technology in improving health delivery found mixed results from 42 trials of mHealth interventions. SMS appointment reminders, for example, were found to have modest programmatic benefits, while using phones to send digital images for diagnosis actually led to a drop in the correct analysis in two trials examined.

A 2012 study by the mHealth Alliance [ http://mhealthalliance.org/images/content/baseline_evaulation_report2013.pdf ], which advocates the use of mobile technologies in health care, found that sub-Saharan Africa had a higher number of mHealth projects compared to Asia and Latin America, with more than half of all mHealth projects related to communicable diseases such as HIV and malaria.

Insufficient evidence

Despite the rapid growth, "there is currently a gap in terms of evidence linking mHealth to improved health and operational benefits, and this is particularly true when it comes to studies in low- and middle-income countries," Patricia Mechael, executive director of the mHealth Alliance, told IRIN.

The PLOS review found that “none of the trials were of high quality - many had methodological problems likely to affect the accuracy of their findings - and nearly all were undertaken in high-income countries.”

Rajesh Vedanthan, an assistant professor at New York’s Mount Sinai Medical Centre who is currently working with AMPATH [ http://www.ampathkenya.org/ ], an academic health programme involved in research and health care in Kenya, told IRIN via email that some of the practical challenges with the use of mHealth technology included “optimizing the user interface, ensuring that users have an easy and error-free working experience with the mHealth device, not impeding the workflow of clinicians, issues related to network connectivity, access to a central server, coordination of individual devices with a central coordinating office, systems integration, etc…

“mHealth has the potential to assist with several aspects of the ‘supply chain’ of care for non-communicable diseases - including screening/diagnosis, linkage to care, treatment/decision support, retention and follow-up, systems coordination, etc.,” he added. “Whether mHealth will be effective in all of those arenas is still not robustly known, and rigorous research is still required.”

A need for standards

The mushrooming of mHealth pilot projects has caused concern around monitoring. Uganda has declared a moratorium on pilot mHealth initiatives as it seeks to bring them in line with national health policies.

“We first needed to study them [mHealth and mHealth initiatives]… Some of these people are duplicating what is already there,” Asuman Lukwago, the permanent secretary in Uganda’s Ministry of Health, told IRIN. “As a ministry, we only implement innovations that have been tested and approved. At the moment, we are suggesting reforms to put into practice for these new innovations.”

The mHealth Alliance recently released a review [ http://www.mhealthalliance.org/images/content/state_of_standards_report_2013.pdf ] of standards in the use of mHealth among low- and middle-income countries, which found that as mobile health systems “move towards scale, existing guidelines and strategies will need to be revised to reflect new demands on executive sponsorship; national leadership of eHealth programmes; eHealth standards adoption and implementation; development of eHealth capability and capacity; eHealth financing and performance management and eHealth planning and architecture maintenance”.

Scaling up mHealth

Mechael noted that mHealth could only meet its potential if it was fully integrated into general health programmes, becoming “so much a part of health systems that we no longer need to use ‘m’ as a designation”, something that cannot happen unless mHealth projects move beyond the pilot phase and really reach scale at a national or regional level.

Importantly, experts say, the use of mHealth and other humanitarian technology should be allowed to be driven by the communities who benefit from it.

“There has been a recognition - belatedly, in some cases - of the ways beneficiaries are using technology, voting with their wallets and their feet... We can see that the most innovative models of humanitarian technology are driven by communities themselves,” Imogen Wall, the coordinator of communications with affected communities for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, told IRIN.

She noted that humanitarian agencies would increasingly need to increase their engagement with the private sector as partners in preparedness and response, recognizing that the private sector is no longer merely a support system, but a humanitarian service provider as well.

OCHA recently released a report, Humanitarianism in the Network Age [ https://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/WEB%20Humanitarianism%20in%20the%20Network%20Age%20vF%20single.pdf ], which stresses the importance of information and communication in humanitarian work and urges new ways of thinking that adapt to the changing realities of communities around the world.

“In order for humanitarian technology to meet its full potential, there must be a willingness - an openness - to innovate, to think outside the box, to test new ideas and to risk failure and success in both the processes and the deliverables - essentially, a willingness to accept change,” Wall said.

kr/so/oa/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/98001/Analysis-Sending-the-right-message-on-mHealth</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208091451120607t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 May 2013 (IRIN) - We’ve read the stories: From bedridden patients sending text messages to their health workers, to young people receiving HIV prevention messages via SMS, the mobile phone seems to have morphed from communications device to essential life-saver. But is the evidence there yet that mHealth is an effective health delivery intervention for the developing world?</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The plight of LGBTI asylum seekers, refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 07 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.

“LGBTI asylum seekers and refugees face a range of threats, risks and vulnerabilities throughout the displacement cycle,” Volker Türk, director of international protection at the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN from Geneva.

“And while the world has come a long way since first recognizing asylum claims based on sexual orientation and gender identity in the 1980s, residual factors ranging from criminalization to disbelief result in LGBTI people suffering at the hands of a variety of actors as they flee oppression and seek safety,” he said.

A new edition of the Forced Migration Review (FMR) released on 29 April [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/ ] highlights many of the remaining challenges for LGBTI migrants and asylum seekers.

According to UNHCR, targeting people based on real or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity for persecution, discrimination, and harassment can stem from the belief that they are encouraging unwanted or unnatural social change [ http://www.unhcr.org/505c18af9.html ].

LGBTI people leave home for the same reasons as everyone else: to flee war, persecution, and oppression; to seek stability, education, employment, and freedom. In situations of upheaval or conflict, sexual and gender minorities have become targets for scapegoating [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ] or “moral cleansing” campaigns [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2006/01/11/nepal-police-sexual-cleansing-drive ], compounding the inherent vulnerability created by unrest, activists say.

LGBTI persecution

LGBTI people experience torture, violence, discrimination, and persecution in countries around the world, sometimes deliberately carried out by the state and often conducted with impunity.

Homosexual acts are punishable with the death penalty in five countries (Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen), as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia, the International Lesbian and Gay Association [ http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2012.pdf ], the oldest and only membership-based LGBTI organization in the world, reported in 2012.

According to research by Human Rights Watch [ http://www.hrw.org/reports/2010/12/15/we-are-buried-generation ], gay Iranians [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/25296/IRAN-IRAN-Activists-condemn-execution-of-gay-teens ] are fleeing, frequently to Turkey, due to the state-sponsored persecution they face at home, while thousands of LGBTI people have sought international protection in Europe in recent years on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

And while few countries keep LGBTI-specific data, Norway and Belgium [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ], which both track asylum decisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, have shown a steady uptick in recent years.

From 2008-2010, LGBTI asylum decisions in Belgium increased from 226-522. During the same period in Norway they increased from 3-26.

But information about abuses against LGBTI people - called “Country of Origin Information” (COI) in the asylum process - can be scant in hostile countries, argued Christian Pangilinan, a Tanzania-based refugee lawyer cited in the Forced Migration Review [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/pangilinan ].

For transgender people, COI can mislead agencies, such as in Iran where authorities “allow transsexual surgery as a forced method of preventing homosexuality rather than supporting trans identities,” according to a gender expert’s FMR chapter [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/bach ].

Crossing borders of geography and identity

The multiple document checks migrants might encounter can be particularly difficult for transgender or gender-variant people. While international standards for travel documents officially recognize three genders - marked M, F, or X - [ http://www.icao.int/Security/mrtd/Pages/default.aspx ] only a handful of countries have incorporated the third category [ http://www.law.emory.edu/fileadmin/journals/eilr/26/26.1/Bochenek_Knight.pdf ], meaning that high-security travel environments, such as airports or emergency residential camps, can threaten humiliation or exclusion to people whose gender identity or expression is different from what is indicated by their documents [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1926681 ] [ http://www.worldwewant2015.org/node/283239 ].

Sexuality and gender are nuanced personal matters. According to research by psychologists [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/shidlo-ahola ], some individuals may have had limited experience expressing or experiencing his or her deeply-felt sexual orientation or gender identity, and may outwardly appear very different than how he or she feels - to the extent of even being in a heterosexual relationship.

With the asylum process taking increasingly extended periods of time [ http://www.unhcr.org/4381c5832.pdf ], some may start the migration or asylum process with one identity, and change over time, complicating the matter both personally and administratively and exposing the individual to further discrimination or ill-treatment [ http://www.rechten.vu.nl/nl/Images/Fleeing%20Homophobia%20report%20EN_tcm22-232205.pdf ].

UNHCR’s guidelines for claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity take the progressive step of acknowledging that “sexual orientation and gender identity are broad concepts which create space for self-identification” which may“continue to evolve across a person’s lifetime” [ http://www.refworld.org/docid/50348afc2.html ]. Nonetheless, according to UN Office of Drugs and Crime guidelines, discriminatory attitudes regarding sexual orientation and gender identity can mean the credibility of LGBTI people is dismissed by authorities [ http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf ].

"That no one should be compelled to hide, change or renounce his or her identity in order to avoid persecution is a central tenet of refugee law, and this applies to sexual orientation and gender identity on equal footing with other claims,” UNHCR’s Türk told IRIN.

“There is no space for decision-makers determining refugee status to expect them to conceal who they are."

Safety and security

“There is harassment in the camp against us, sometimes beatings,”said Yoman Rai, a 19-year-old Bhutanese refugee living in a camp in Nepal. “We have a protection unit and complaint mechanism, but we are still facing problems,” he said, adding that just last month a transgender woman was beaten by other people in the camp.

Security in refugee camps is complicated and contingent on numerous, unpredictable factors. For members of the LGBTI community, vulnerabilities are exacerbated. Sexual abuse is common, but often goes unreported because the right questions are not being asked, and because survivors of sexual violence are reluctant to report [ http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?docid=5006aa262 ] events that will “out” them to legal authorities.

Explained Rai: “Many Bhutanese are not `out’ to anyone except for the outreach workers because they still believe being LGBTI will put them in danger and negatively affect their resettlement process,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91459/NEPAL-Resettlement-of-Bhutanese-refugees-gathers-momentum ] adding that the outreach educators’ network was operated by a Nepalese LGBTI rights NGO.

Emergency shelter settings -such as relief camps or refugee housing- pose specific challenges for transgender people. Access to male-female gender-segregated facilities, such as dormitories or bathrooms, can be perilous [ http://www.odihpn.org/humanitarian-exchange-magazine/issue-55/making-disaster-risk-reduction-and-relief-programmes-lgbtiinclusive-examples-from-nepal ]. New research is exploring how immigration detention centres can respect and protect LGBTI residents, a US-based prisons expert explained in FMR [ http://www.fmreview.org/sogi/fialho ].

For LGBTI migrants who end up in urban areas, research has shown that cities can be unwelcoming and unfamiliar and access to basic social services limited by scant local resources, exclusion of foreigners, or limitations to access including finances, language, and cultural barriers. [ http://www.hias.org/uploaded/file/Invisible-in-the-City_full-report.pdf ]

“The single most threatening factor for these migrants is isolation,”said Neil Grungras, executive director of the Organization for Refugee Asylum and Migration (ORAM) [ http://www.oraminternational.org/ ], a leading advocacy group for refugees fleeing persecution due to sexual orientation or gender identity.

With UNHCR data showing the average major refugee situation lasting 17 years, these circumstances can impinge on a significant portion of an individual’s life [ http://www.unhcr.org/4444afcb0.pdf ].

Migrant populations are generally more at-risk for HIV due to disruption and displacement [ http://www.unhcr.org/4ef3056d9.html ], and according to UNAIDS are often overlooked in host-country HIV policies [ http://www.unaids.org/en/media/unaids/contentassets/dataimport/pub/briefingnote/2007/policy_brief_refugees.pdf ].

“It is critical that refugee organizations identify what the best ways of offering protection are, such as providing access to safe shelter, requesting expedited resettlement, and, if possible, working with the police and refugee communities to address specific threats of violence,” said Duncan Breen, a senior associate in the refugee protection programme at Human Rights First.

Evolving frameworks

Recent UN reports [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=40743#.UX8oC7Xkvzw ] and statements [ http://www.iglhrc.org/content/un-ban-ki-moon-condemns-homophobic-laws ] demonstrate increased international attention to the human rights of LGBTI people.

On the programme level, agencies have begun to adjust to include considerations of sexual orientation and gender identity.

For example, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is implementing a “safe space” project for refugees at its four US Refugee Admissions Program Resettlement Support Centers.

Jennifer Rumbach, IOM resettlement support centre manager for South Asia, told IRIN the programme is designed to help LGBTI refugees at “every step along the way - whether during counselling, interviews, orientations, travel, or post-arrival…

“Disclosing sexual orientation and gender identity overseas works to the refugees’ benefit because it ensures we can provide appropriate and respectful services, ask questions that are critical to their resettlement experience, and try to get them any special help they need while they wait to be resettled,” she explained.

But ORAM’s Grungras warned:“We have to be extra careful to talk with refugees and migrants on their own terms - to understand them as they understand themselves, and not label them as“LGBTI” just because it fits our programmes.”

In spite of challenges such as a dearth of respectful terms used in some languages referring to sexual and gender minorities, IOM’s programmes also attempt to engage with local terminology.

“While it's important for staff to understand sexual orientation and gender identity terms used by the international community, we make special efforts to use relevant and respectful local terminology in our signs, handouts and interview and counselling scripts,” said Rumbach.

Supporting and protecting LGBTI people as they migrate requires nuance, sensitivity, and an appreciation of evolving identities, legal frameworks, and programmatic potential.

kk/ds/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97989/Analysis-The-plight-of-LGBTI-asylum-seekers-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305070711300235t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 07 May 2013 (IRIN) - Refugees and asylum seekers face a host of challenges when crossing borders, but the obstacles are particularly pronounced for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI) persons, say experts.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Mary Venerato Laki, South Sudan returnee: &quot;We want to go to our own homeland&quot;</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg" />]]>RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan's independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.

To prevent the family's savings from being stolen by officials, she converted their money into material goods, which she transported as luggage to South Sudan's border port of Renk.

That was over a year ago.

Since then, Laki has been living in a squalid transit camp in Renk County, along with 20,000 other returnees [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan ] - some of whom have been waiting there for two years. Without the means to transport their luggage onward, they are faced with the difficult choice of remaining in Renk or selling off all that remains of their families' assets to proceed to their final destination.

Laki, like many, has been waiting with her possessions in Renk. She told IRIN her story.

"I am 60 years old, and I come originally from Juba. We went [to Sudan during the] war. Then, [we learned] there is peace in the south, and we had to return home with our children.

"I have the children of my sister, as all of [my family] died. My two sisters, my husband, my brother and my parents are all dead. I am left alone.

"[With] the little money we had, we had to rent the big vehicles that brought us here. I arrived on April 2, 2012.

"It's a terrible life here - there are so many snakes coming from the river. It's terrible. First of all, rain, wind, mosquitoes - we have been suffering with this.

"And since we came here, we have not been given any food. Some of us have been given that, and some of us not.

"There are no services. Since I came here, it's only [in the] last month I got grain and some oil. There is even no plastic sheeting for the houses.

"We are going - we want to go. We want to go to our own homeland. Our children are suffering there, and we are suffering here.

"They said there will be steamers coming to collect us. They used to tell us. that we will be going, we will be going. But until now we are waiting.

"Our money in the north, they don't use it in the south. [For] many of the people, [with] the little money they have, they bought things. If they bring money, it will be taken on the way. This is why the boat [transport barges along the Nile River] has to come to take the things.

"As a family, how can I go to start [a new life] there in Juba? I am an old woman; I'm now 60 years [old]. There's no money. I'm taking this [luggage] for the children. Also, in Juba, if there is nothing, I will sell [our possessions].

"In fact, we have to sell [some now], but [we will earn] little money, and we have to buy food with it. I have already sold some chairs and a bed.

"The clinics here are no good. I have cancer and some back problems, and they cannot help me."

hm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97980/Mary-Venerato-Laki-South-Sudan-returnee-quot-We-want-to-go-to-our-own-homeland-quot</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304301659420536t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK-UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Years ago, Mary Venerato Laki fled conflict in South Sudan, moving north to Sudan, where she worked as a teacher for 42 years. But after a January 2011 referendum paved the way for South Sudan&apos;s independence, Mary, now a 60-year-old widow and sole guardian of four nieces, decided to move back home.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>The long road home to South Sudan</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg" />]]>RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</description><body><![CDATA[RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.

When he began his journey from Khartoum, Sudan was a single state, albeit one still bitterly divided between north and south in the wake of decades of civil war, despite the signing of a major peace accord in 2005.

Since then, almost two million people have left the north for their homelands in what became the independent Republic of South Sudan [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/91660/SUDAN-Referendum-vote-over-now-the-hard-work-begins ] in July 2011. 

Many, like Deng, say they left amid increasing discrimination and reduced access to education.

The period following secession was tumultuous, marked by sporadic conflict between the neighbours’ armed forces and a row over how much Sudan could charge for piping and exporting South Sudan’s oil - a dispute that led to the shutdown of oil production, cutting off 98 percent of South Sudan’s revenue. Amid the furore, Sudan closed its common border, thereby halting the movement of both people and goods.

"Nobody anticipated on independence that the border with Sudan would be shut... that the barges would stop moving up and down the River Nile," said Toby Lanzer, the UN's Humanitarian Coordinator for South Sudan and Deputy Representative for the UN Secretary-General.

Peter Lam Both, chairman of the state-run Relief and Rehabilitation Commission, says helping South Sudanese come home is one of the government's priorities, but without funds little can be done.

Luggage

Those living in and returning to the world’s newest country, which is among the least developed and most import-dependent in the world, have to put up with exorbitant prices for basic goods and household items.  For this reason - and to avoid carrying large amounts of cash that might prove attractive to officials - many returnees head south laden with large quantities of furniture and other household items, in effect, their entire life savings.

In the four camps in Renk, piles of such belongings sit beside makeshift shelters.

"The main problem, really, for the returnees in Renk is the issue of luggage. When they were brought from Khartoum or Kosti [a Sudanese river port a little north of Renk], at that time, the government had the resources to bring them with a lot of luggage," Both said.

The South Sudan government says plans to transport both luggage and people back were hampered by a lack of funds following  the January 2011 secession referendum.  In its first year of statehood, Both says the government earmarked around US$16 million to finance returns, but these plans were scotched by austerity measures necessitated by the oil shutdown.

When their turn comes to travel by barge from Renk to Juba, many returnees discover that they have more luggage than can be carried on the barges, so some family members tend to stay behind to watch over the excess cargo.

According to the International Organization for Migration, which assists the returnees, each reaches Renk with an average of one ton in luggage.

People are unwilling to leave their valuables behind, said Deng, the 24 year old. "They say if they sell their luggage... they won't find [the items they need] again, and it will be difficult to buy them again, and you're not guaranteed a job, so it's difficult," he said.

He says selling off his family's only assets is unthinkable.

"I want to go, [but] there's no way. Why would I leave my things and go alone? I would sleep where? I need to take my things to Juba [South Sudan’s capital]. There's no money. I cannot sell my things," he said.

Poor conditions

Grace Nasona, 38, has been in a Renk transit camp for eight months.

It is a "very, very dirty place. No food, no water [that's] good, no anything I want to use", she said.

"Renk County does not have a lot of facilities, and when you have 20,000 people that have arrived here, some two years ago, it puts a lot of constraints on the local population," said Both.

Local officials complain that school class sizes for both morning and afternoon sessions have swollen to up to 150 pupils. They say healthcare is also overstretched and crime is rising.

At a clinic in the Mina transit settlement, nurses say malaria is common, caused by proximity to the Nile, lack of shelter and lack of food, which weakens people's immune systems.

"We don't want to settle here, but we are waiting here until we can all go down with our possessions, and my father's [pension] dues have not been received," said Nanu Chuol, 17, while she had her four-month-old baby tested for malaria.

"The difference is that in the north, many things were available and my father was working so we could get food. But now, he's not working, and his pension hasn't come, so we can't eat much," she said.

"Your chair or your wife"

Renk became even more of a bottleneck after the oil shutdown as the government looked for other sources of revenue.

"In Upper Nile State, the authorities decided to impose some taxes on the aid agencies. That problem has been sorted out now, but of course, it did delay things," said Lanzer.

The IOM says these tax issues resulted in the closure of Renk Port for three months at the start of 2013.

Two barges packed high with luggage were docked in the port in late April. 

Lanzer says that it costs around $1,000 per person to travel downstream to Juba, and is telling people that now it is time to choose between "your chair or your wife".

"To my mind, keeping families together is a very important consideration, as opposed to having some family members stay with luggage in the middle of nowhere," he said.

"People have been stuck in this situation now, some of them for two years, and I think it's the moment for hard choices to be made. Do people want to stay here and integrate into the community? If they do, then let's help them with that. Let's work with the government to get them a plot of land. If they do want to continue on to their destination, I think the reality is that they will have to do that without their luggage," he said.

"Our job is really to help people who have no resources to return," said Both.

After a prolonged stay in Renk, and days of transportation under rain and blistering sun, he says that much of the luggage is ruined by the time it gets unloaded.

More to come

The recent resumption of oil production should refill South Sudan's coffers in the coming year, but the austerity budget will be in place until 2014. 

Meanwhile, Both says around 250,000 more South Sudanese are thought to be in Sudan, and 40,000 are living in poor conditions at transit camps in Khartoum who need to come to South Sudan soon.

And while both countries have agreed in principle to honour one another’s "four freedoms" of citizenship, property ownership, jobs and basic rights, this deal has not yet been finalized.

hm/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97981/The-long-road-home-to-South-Sudan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305061029030617t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RENK, UPPER NILE STATE 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - George Malual Deng, 24, has spent two years stuck in a transit site waiting to return to his home in South Sudan’s Jonglei state. He is among 20,000 people who have made a home of sorts in the river port of Renk, waiting for a barge to take them further south.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Countering the radicalization of Kenya&apos;s youth</title><pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305031222150686t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Unemployment, poverty and political marginalization are contributing to the Islamic radicalization of Kenya&apos;s youth, a situation experts say must be addressed through economic empowerment and inclusive policies.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Unemployment, poverty and political marginalization are contributing to the Islamic radicalization of Kenya's youth, a situation experts say must be addressed through economic empowerment and inclusive policies.

Youth unemployment is extremely high, as are levels of political disenchantment. An estimated 75 percent of out-of-school youths are unemployed, according to the US Agency for International Development (USAID) [ http://kenya.usaid.gov/programs/education-and-youth/51 ]. 

"The unemployment crisis is a ticking bomb. Over 60 percent of the population is under 25. You cannot ignore that," said Yusuf Hassan, the Member of Parliament for Nairobi’s Kamukunji Constituency, which has a large Muslim population. "A huge and significant population is restless. And the gap between the rich and poor is getting wider."

"When access to resources is based on ethnic, cultural or religious characteristics or there is a growing divide between the 'haves' and 'have nots' in countries and communities, economic conditions further contribute to instability," says a new report by the Institute for Security Studies in Africa (ISS) [ http://www.issafrica.org/assessing-the-vulnerability-of-kenyan-youths-to-radicalisation-and-extremism ]. "Countries confronted by large differences between 'haves' and 'have nots' are additionally vulnerable to conflict, which may include resorting to acts of terrorism."

Marginalized and radicalized

A string of grenade attacks - some allegedly by Somali Islamist insurgent group Al-Shabab or their sympathizers - have occurred in the Kenyan towns of Garissa, Mombasa and the capital, Nairobi, since Kenya began its military incursion in Somalia in October 2011 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94018/KENYA-SOMALIA-A-risky-intervention ].

But Islamic radicalization is not new to Kenya. Kenyans were involved in the 1998 US embassy bombings in Nairobi and the Tanzania city of Dar es Salaam; the coordinated attacks, which killed more than 220 people, were Africa's first suicide bombings by Al-Qaeda's East Africa cell. In a 2002 dual car-bomb and suicide attack on a hotel and plane in Mombasa, at least one of the suspects was Kenyan.

Muslims make up an estimated 11 percent [ http://www.knbs.or.ke/docs/PresentationbyMinisterforPlanningrevised.pdf ] of Kenya’s population; large Muslim communities can be found in the country’s northeast and in the coastal region. Traditionally, Kenya’s Muslims are moderate, with the community peacefully seeking participation in politics. But ISS pointed to the historical political marginalization of Muslims - right from negotiations for Kenya’s independence, in which ethnic Somalis, who are overwhelmingly Muslim, were not represented - as a contributor to the radicalization of young people. 

“Although Kenya is a secular state, it is essentially a Christian country because of the dominant Christian population… There is the perception that Islam is ‘alien’, despite the fact that it came to Kenya before Christianity,” the report notes.

The report also found that some young Kenyan Muslims have been influenced by radical preaching, which leads them to believe that wars being fought against Muslims abroad - for example, in Afghanistan and Iraq - are part of “a global campaign against Islam”.

According to a 2011 report [ http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2011/433 ] by the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, non-Somali Kenyan nationals constituted the largest and most organized non-Somali group within Al-Shabab.

Taking advantage of vulnerable youth 

"We've already seen the rumblings of 'Pwani si Kenya' [Coast is not Kenya, the slogan of a separatist group in Kenya’s Coast Province] [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96630/Briefing-Kenya-s-coastal-separatists-menace-or-martyrs ] - radicalized, marginalized, poverty-stricken young people are saying, ‘we don't belong to Kenya’," said Hassan, who was seriously injured in a 2012 grenade attack in his constituency. 

The ISS report found that Islamist militants were exploiting sub-standard socioeconomic conditions, and the government's inability to provide basic services, by positioning themselves as providers of assistance. "Creating or infiltrating bona fide charity organizations... is a sure way to win the general support of ordinary people," the report said. 

The report points to the growing influence of the Muslim Youth Centre (MYC), a Kenyan group whose objectives include promoting community health and social welfare, but which also advocates "an extreme interpretation of Islam and prepares members to travel to Somalia for 'jihad' [holy war], thus attracting the attention of security agencies in Kenya and abroad." According to the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea [ http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2012/544 ], Al-Shabab announced a merger with MYC in 2012.

Hassan Sheikh, a cleric in the northeastern town of Garissa, said extremist groups have taken control of many mosques and Islamic schools, setup orphanages, and employed teachers and imams.

"North Kenya is a hub for mercenaries. You can easily get [attract] them - it’s out of poverty,” said Khalif Aabdulla, a civil rights activist from Wajir, also northeastern Kenya.
NGOs and government officials in Kenya acknowledge an urgent need to develop a counter-radicalization policy to prevent young people from turning to violent groups, and some say Kenya’s newly elected government may be an opportunity to tackle the issue. NGOs say the government must do more than promote economic empowerment among marginalized communities; it must also foster a sense of belonging.

"There are some efforts to use the Council of Imams or Islamic Preachers' Association to talk to the youths," said Mwalimu Mati, CEO of governance watchdog Mars Group Kenya. "The moderates are trying to assist the government, but I can't say it's a complete success." 

Counter-productive counter-terrorism

"The problem is exacerbated by counter-terrorism programmes by the Kenya police who carry out mass raids rather than targeted arrests. It keeps the youths feeling repressed generally. They then identify that as oppression based on religion," Mati said. He says the problem is primarily in North Eastern District, Eastleigh and Coast Province. 

The ISS report describes the current approach as "collective punishment based on perceptions".

"Most perceptions are completely wrong, especially that Somali nationals are responsible for attacks in Kenya or that Kenya is an innocent bystander when acts of terrorism are committed on its soil," it stated. 

Following attacks in Nairobi, ethnic Somalis - both Kenyan and foreign nationals - said they experienced xenophobia [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94090/KENYA-Xenophobia-fear-follow-Nairobi-blasts ] and lived in constant fear of arrest.

Under the government of former president Mwai Kibaki, both the Ministry for Peace-building and Conflict Management and the Ministry for Education told IRIN that they had no programmes to address radicalization.

The Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sport said they ran "empowerment programmes" in conjunction with the formal education system. But as Leah Rotitch, a director in the education ministry, said, "The people Al-Shabab target are normally young people who are out of school."

The persecution felt by ethnic Somalis and other Muslim communities has only increased [ http://www.kenya-today.com/news/kenyan-muslims-fear-the-worst-over-proposals-to-boost-police-powers ] in recent years, with police allegedly engaging in extrajudicial use of force and even killings of terror suspects; the police deny these claims.

"Since the passing of the new anti-terror bill, we have seen a huge spike in extrajudicial killings. And terrorism has become an easy label," said Horn of Africa analyst Abdullahi Halakhe. "Such efforts only succeed in alienating the local population, who usually have critical human intelligence. They are turning the Islamic radicalization of young people into a matter of national security, making those young people their enemies, thus making it worse."

The ISS report calls for "introspection on the part of the police officer stopping and searching a person because he looks Somali".

Reaching the young

Tom Mboya, who established the Inuka Kenya Trust in response to the role young people played in perpetrating the post-election violence of 2007-2008, says now is an opportunity to engage the youth. "They're what should be the engine of this country," he told IRIN.

"Devolution is positive," he says, referring to the process of decentralizing power from Nairobi [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97726/Briefing-Devolution-to-transform-Kenya ], which was set in motion by Kenya's new constitution. Mboya believes this process will create opportunities for young people. But, he says, "in parts of the country more prone to violent extremism, there needs to be policy in place. The leadership will have to be more alive to that problem".

A focus on young people formed a key part of new President Uhuru Kenyatta's election campaign - his government will now have to work out an acceptable and effective approach in tackling the issue of violent extremism. 

Mars Group's Mati says using moderate imams to neutralize potentially radical youths does not work because young people no longer regard them as credible. "It's a generation gap - control over youths has somehow become difficult. In the old days, what an imam said went. The radical preachers are young," he said.

Hadley Muchela, programmes manager for Kenyan rights group Independent Medico-legal Unit, says targeting violent extremism will require sensitivity because, thanks to the way the issue has been handled in the past, it is often seen as an indictment against all of Islam. "You find very few Kenyans willing to go into it," he said. 

Abdikadir Sheikh, who works with the Sustainable Support and Advocacy Programme, a local NGO, said the group has set up a pilot project to dissuade youth in the northeastern towns of Dadaab and Garissa from joining extremist groups. 

"We are very careful or [we could] lose our lives; you can’t confront radicalization directly - you need different approaches," he told IRIN. "We have established a strong team of more than 600 youths… some have so far joined colleges. We plan to work with the county governments.” 
The ISS report warns that "there is no quick fix for the level of radicalization seen in Kenya".

"The biggest threat to stability in Kenya will be if extremists succeed in dividing Kenya between Muslim and non-Muslim," the report said. 

jh/na/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97982/Countering-the-radicalization-of-Kenya-apos-s-youth</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305031222150686t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 May 2013 (IRIN) - Unemployment, poverty and political marginalization are contributing to the Islamic radicalization of Kenya&apos;s youth, a situation experts say must be addressed through economic empowerment and inclusive policies.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Aiming for climate change-resilient coffee in Uganda</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107202046420353t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - In Uganda, a new pilot project seeks to understand the threat climate change poses to coffee, which will enable growers to enhance the crop&apos;s resilience to extreme weather events.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - In Uganda, a new pilot project seeks to understand the threat climate change poses to coffee, which will enable growers to enhance the crop's resilience to extreme weather events. 

Coffee contributes about US$400 million of Uganda's total annual export revenue, directly or indirectly employing at least two million people. But coffee production, like other export crops in Uganda, is mainly rain-fed, making it vulnerable to climate variability. 

"The economy of Uganda remains largely dependent on a few agro-commodities (coffee, tea, cotton), predominantly rain-fed and grown by smallholders with limited external inputs, making the country highly sensitive to climate risks," Julie Karami Dekens, the International Institute for Sustainable Development's (IISD) project manager for climate change and energy, told IRIN via email. 

The six-month pilot project, which was launched on 5 April, is a collaboration between Uganda's Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives (MTIC), the local Makerere University and IISD. 

The programme will explore climate vulnerabilities across the coffee value chain - the movement of coffee from farming to processing to marketing - with a view to expanding these assessments to other agricultural value chains. It reflects growing recognition that climate change will have far-reaching effects across the agricultural, administrative and economic sectors. 

"Climate change is a multi-sector challenge, which calls for concerted efforts of not only the environment sector, but also the trade sector," Norman Ojamuge, MTIC senior commercial officer, told IRIN. 

Value chain development 

According to a recent government briefing on the project, value chain development is crucial to the growth of agricultural commodities. But limited work has been done to understand the impact of climate risks along the levels of value chains. The project hopes to help bridge this gap. 

A separate 2013 study [ http://www.iisd.org/pdf/2013/crm_uganda.pdf ], Climate Risk Management for Sustainable Crop Production in Uganda, noted: "There is a need to understand how climate risks are distributed and transmitted (or not) among all the stakeholders of value chains (not just at production level) to identify solutions that benefit all actors along the value chain and opportunities for investments." 

Incorporating climate change into agriculture will mean that "there will be a coherent and thorough integration of climate change adaptation and the associated disaster risk management agendas and structures. into sectoral and national strategies," said Betty Namwagala, the executive director of the Uganda Coffee Federation. 

Climate risks 

Climate risks facing coffee production in Uganda include the increased prevalence of pests and diseases. For example, coffee leaf rust [ http://coffeeleafrust.ning.com/ ] has been reported in many arabica coffee growing areas, with the black twig borer pest emerging as a threat in robusta coffee growing areas. 

There has also been a fluctuation in coffee production in Uganda over the past 40 years, a situation attributable to climate variability, reduced soil fertility and mismanagement, according to Uganda's Coffee Development Authority (UCDA). 

Droughts and floods are also challenges. 

"Water stress in the dry season affects the physiological activity of the arabica plant, causing a reduction in photosynthesis," explained Namwagala. 

"Some farmers have lost their plantations and lives to landslides that are attributed to climate change. Areas that depend on rain-fed agriculture may sometimes require irrigation, and taking into consideration the nature of our producers, many have abandoned their farms since they cannot afford irrigation or access to sources of water that can support irrigation," she added. 

"If climatic events, such as exceedingly high temperatures, occur during sensitive periods of the life of the crop, for example during flowering or fruit setting, then yields will be adversely affected, and particularly if accompanied by reduced rainfall, thereby reducing incomes of all sector players," she said. 

David Mafabi, a coffee farmer in the eastern Uganda district of Mbale, said: "Coffee production depends on nature. We suffer if there is too much [rain] or drought. As a result of drought, coffee does not mature well, and the harvest will be disappointing." 

Climate change can affect links further up the value chain, as well. 

"More frequent or intense extreme weather events may deteriorate infrastructure such as storage facilities and roads, leading to reductions in crop quality and limited access to markets," said IISD's Dekens. 

Development planning 

The management of these climate risks is key to development planning. 

Uganda's development strategy relies heavily on exports - including coffee - to achieve the country's 'Vision 2040' national development plan that aims to transform the nation from a low-income country to a competitive upper-middle-income country with a per capita income of about $9,500. 

At present, some of strategies being used to minimize the negative impacts of climate hazards on coffee production include the breeding and selection of more disease-resistant and drought-tolerant varieties. Through the UCDA, coffee farming is also being introduced into new areas, especially in northern Uganda, to boost production and to test potential growing locations. 

Coffee farmers are also adopting best practices such as crop diversification, intercropping and agroforestry. Still, further support in managing climate risk is still needed. 

According to IISD's Dekens, "Further studies are required assess the economic impacts of climate hazard[s] on coffee production. It is difficult to differentiate the costs associated with the impacts of climate risk on coffee production from that of other factors, such as reduced soil fertility and mismanagement, which also contribute to reduce coffee production in Uganda." 

so/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97971/Aiming-for-climate-change-resilient-coffee-in-Uganda</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201107202046420353t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - In Uganda, a new pilot project seeks to understand the threat climate change poses to coffee, which will enable growers to enhance the crop&apos;s resilience to extreme weather events.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Conflict and returnees strain South Sudan food security</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.

Lakes, Western Bahr El Ghazal and Unity states are the most affected, with at least 1.15 million people expected to face food insecurity as the rainy season progresses, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) office in South Sudan told IRIN.

At present, 2.86 million people in South Sudan are being targeted with food and livelihood assistance, including some 670,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), according to the UN World Food Programme (WFP).

Insecurity

Rampant insecurity is affecting access to food and livelihoods. In Jonglei State, for example, insecurity is restricting “access to wild foods and income sources such as collection and sale of firewood, charcoal and grass,” notes the Famine Early Systems Network (FEWSNET).

FAO noted, “Continued insecurity in parts of Jonglei has led to displacement of populations and limited access to land at a critical time when farming households are undertaking preparations for the coming growing season.”

Insecurity in Jonglei [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/South%20Sudan_Humanitarian%20Snapshot_March%202013.pdf ] “has affected tens of thousands of civilians caught in clashes or fleeing from their homes in search of safety and assistance,” according to an update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20%2324%20OCHA%20EA.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which added that the scope of displacement remains unknown due to access constraints .

Insecurity is also hampering efforts to control outbreaks of the often fatal haemorrhagic septicaemia [ http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/programmes/en/empres/disease_haemo.asp ] and East Coast fever [ http://www.galvmed.org/2012/04/east-coast-fever/ ] in cattle. Cattle-rearing is an important livelihood activity in Jonglei.

In addition, several important roads in Jonglei remain closed.

“The increased insecurity in Jonglei (especially the Bor-Pibor road where movement by humanitarian organizations has been suspended) and other parts of South Sudan could deter commercial transporters from agreeing to carry food along routes where there have been attacks. This could have an impact on our ability to preposition stocks to cover areas which will become inaccessible during the rainy season,” Andrew Odero, WFP’s food security and livelihood cluster coordinator in South Sudan, told IRIN by e-mail.

On 9 April, a UN convoy was attacked between Bor and Pibor, resulting in the deaths of nine UN personnel and three civilian contractors.

Between 1 January and 31 March, at least 109 violent incidents were recorded in South Sudan, with some 12,433 people being newly displaced, according to OCHA [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ].

Abyei IDP returns

There are food security fears in the contested Abyei area, as well, amid high food prices and an influx of IDP returnees. Abyei straddles the Sudan/South Sudan border; which of the countries Abyei is part of may be determined in an October referendum.

“Improved security and the anticipated referendum have prompted the IDPs to begin returning to [the] Abyei area,” states an Abyei Food Security Assessment report by FEWSNET [ http://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/special-report-abyei-food-security-assessment-april-2013 ].

The IDP returns started after the deployment of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei in mid-2011. From then until February 2013, at least 60,000 returnees from Warrap and Northern Bahr el Ghazal states have been registered. A further 30,000 IDPs are expected to return between March and June; “this is likely to increase levels of food insecurity because of further strain on already weak services and inability [of] people to meet their livelihoods needs,” notes FEWSNET.

A limited market supply has kept food prices high in Abyei , it adds.

Despite the relative calm there, some 3,700 people have been affected by livestock migration-related insecurity, adds an OCHA report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20South%20Sudan%20Weekly%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%208-14%20April%202013.pdf ]. “The problem is most acute in the north of the area, where there is a direct interface between Misseriya and Dinka communities. In these areas, communities compete for water and pasture, in particular towards the end of the dry season.”

Returnees from Sudan

An influx of returnees and refugees into parts of South Sudan is also a challenge.

“Upper Nile faces some of the most challenging issues in South Sudan. It hosts some of the largest populations of returnees, refugees (fleeing from insecurity and conflict in Sudan), and IDPs (from neighbouring state Jonglei),” Joanna Dabao of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Juba, told IRIN by email.

“This has put a substantial strain on the limited resources of the host communities. This complex situation has created a barrier to sustainable reintegration, leaving thousands of returnees in dire need of emergency assistance,” she said.

At present, at least 20,000 returnees are in Upper Nile State - about 19,800 in Renk County and 840 in Malakal County - Dabao said. “With persisting violence over the past two years along the other border[s] (Blue Nile, South Kordofan, Abyei, Darfur Region) Renk was, and continues to be perceived as, the safest point of entry into South Sudan.”

“The majority of returnees arriving into South Sudan through Renk, however, report intentions of settling in the Greater Bahr el Ghazal area but hav[e] no means to get there,” she added.

Since 2011, IOM has helped at least 40,000 returnees get home from Sudan, and registered at least 1.88 million returnees in South Sudan since 2007.

But the returnees from Sudan  often lack the skills, experience and social networks needed to cope with the burdens of rural life in South Sudan, notes FAO, adding that “food security in areas of return is poor due to increased pressure [on] social services, poverty, unemployment and a lack of productive assets.”

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97957/Conflict-and-returnees-strain-South-Sudan-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040942080142t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 02 May 2013 (IRIN) - Food security in South Sudan is deteriorating in the face of ongoing conflict, high food prices, and the large-scale return of refugee and internally displaced families.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Sudan prioritizes immunization, keeps polio at bay</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/200591424t.jpg" />]]>JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country&apos;s few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.</description><body><![CDATA[JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country's few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.

In conjunction with World Immunization Week, taking place this week, thousands of volunteer vaccinators are conducting a four-day campaign, trying to reach as many of the country's 3.3 million children as possible to keep the country polio-free.

Polio a priority

When the country emerged from decades of war in 2005, its health system was devastated. There were few functioning health centres in rural areas, which meant most children went without routine vaccinations against deadly diseases like polio.

Polio vaccination became one of the new country's early priorities, in line with an international effort to completely eradicate the disease by 2013.

The door-to-door effort is critical to the success of the programme, said Gladys Lasu, a health and nutrition specialist with UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), which procures the vaccinations for many immunization campaigns.

"We're trying to eradicate polio in South Sudan," Lasu said. Though there have been no new cases in nearly four years, she said the effort is important so it "can continue being that way."

Four times a year, the health ministry organizes teams of volunteers to fan out across the country and immunize as many children as possible - including children who have already been immunized. Repeat immunizations are not harmful, and universal outreach is easier than trying to identify specific unvaccinated children.

Ahead of the campaigns, organizers launch a media blitz that includes text messages, billboards and radio announcements. Trucks with speakers bolted to the roofs blare announcements encouraging people to bring their children to health centres or make them available for the door-to-door vaccinators.

Moses Ali Bolo is a team leader in the Nyakuron area of Juba. He coordinates 10 teams, who will vaccinate a total of at least 1,000 children every day.

Parents "are responding to the vaccinators," he said. "They are aware of the vaccinators, through the radio. That is why they are turning up."

Anthony Lako, the director of the ministry of health's expanded immunization programme, said immunization uptake - and the polio campaign in particular - have been well-received by the population. "Many areas [have been] reached, but there still are, of course, lots of challenges."

These include the steady stream of South Sudanese who have been returning to the country since it achieved independence in 2011. Many have not been vaccinated.

Lako also said there are areas of South Sudan - particularly Jonglei State, in the country's northeast - that are wracked by violence, making it difficult for vaccinators to reach all households.

Still, the polio campaign seems to be working, with no documented re-emergence of the disease.

Focus needed on other diseases

But the country's broader immunization efforts have not been as successful.

South Sudan's Ministry of Health made immunization a priority in its basic package of health and nutrition services, which was drafted ahead of the country's independence. These included routine childhood immunizations for children under one year old, specifically vaccinations for diphtheria, whooping cough, tetanus, tuberculosis and measles. There are no door-to-door campaigns for these vaccines, but families are encouraged to visit local government health facilities, which are supposed to provide the immunizations.

Yet only 9 percent of children under the age of one in South Sudan are fully immunized, according to the 2012 National Expanded Programme on Immunization Coverage survey. South Sudan remains a priority country for polio vaccination according to UNICEF.

Lako said all health facilities are supposed to vaccinate children, but "some [vaccines] are not given due to issues related to accessibility. Some of the facilities have no human resources. That is why it is not fully implemented."

Still, UNICEF has launched two door-to-door campaigns to fight maternal and neonatal tetanus [ http://www.who.int/immunization_monitoring/diseases/MNTE_initiative/en/ ] in the country's southern Equatoria region, according to Lasu. Another effort should follow in August.

The health ministry reports more than half of all women in the country have received two doses of the tetanus vaccine. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends women receive at least two doses one month apart in the first pregnancy.

The country's health sector has been hit particularly hard by an ongoing austerity budget. At independence, 98 percent of South Sudan's revenue came from oil production, but in January 2012, the country shut down oil production following a dispute with Sudan - whose pipelines the South is dependent on to export oil - over transit fees. Production was re-established this month, but no revenue is expected to come in until late June, at the earliest.

According to WHO, only 5 percent of the nearly $9.5 million spent annually on immunizations comes from the government. That should change soon. During his speech opening parliament on 23 April, President Salva Kiir pledged budget increases for vital sectors, including health.

ag/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97910/South-Sudan-prioritizes-immunization-keeps-polio-at-bay</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/200591424t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JUBA 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Through frequent door-to-door polio immunization campaigns, South Sudan has vaccinated more than 94 percent of children under age five against the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. The immunization effort has been one of the country&apos;s few health success stories since it achieved independence a year and a half ago.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Floods highlight disaster management challenges in Kenya</title><pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040926510583t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance to thousands of flood-affected families in Kenya has been curtailed by lack of a national disaster management body, poor coordination, poor rural infrastructure and other challenges.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance to thousands of flood-affected families in Kenya [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97830/In-East-Africa-heavy-rains-test-emergency-preparedness ] has been curtailed by lack of a national disaster management body, poor coordination, poor rural infrastructure and other challenges.

At least 89,515 Kenyans had been displaced by floods, according to a recent Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS) report [ https://www.kenyaredcross.org/PDF/REPORTED%20sitrep%202013%20FLOODS%2023rd%20April%202013-1.pdf ]. Sixty-two people were killed and many others were injured. The floods, caused by heavy rains in mid-March and early April, have affected areas in the central, eastern, northeastern, Rift Valley and western regions, and in Nairobi, the capital.

Inadequate response 

Disaster response in Kenya is often inadequate and characterized by a failure to act on early warnings, according to Mohamed Sheikh Nur, an aid agency consultant.

"What the government is doing now in the name of disaster response is neither effective nor adequate. I am yet to see a special kitty [fund] set [aside] to help the disabled, pregnant women, children and the sick. The [bulk of what] they are doing is only focused on distribution of food.”

According to Muhammed*, an HIV-positive father of six, more attention should be paid to vulnerable groups, such as those living with HIV. 

"We need special care. Some of us have developed complications for failing to take [anti-retroviral] drugs. Some of us lost their drugs, some contracted waterborne diseases,” he told IRIN, from the Madogo area of the Tana River Delta region. 

Pregnant women and infants are also vulnerable. 

"Cases of pregnant women with delivery complications are prevalent. We have lost three mothers who required caesarean operations. They died because they could not reach Isiolo Town, where the service is available. The road remains cut off," Abdi Sora, an Isiolo County representative, told IRIN. 

Ibaq Ahmed, an official with the Marsabit Women Development Organization, located in northern Kenya, called for the construction of health centres and the deployment of medical personnel to rescue the sick during such crises. 

Poor coordination 

Lack of accurate data is also a problem.

Commenting on the number of people displaced by flooding in the northeastern area of Garissa, community leader Issa Hussein said: “The reality is that no assessment of the situation been conducted since the rains started four weeks ago.”

“Politicians and communities have either no or different figures," added an aid worker there.

But the Garissa County commissioner, Maalim Mohamed, said the government has a reliable network to assess needs and offer timely assistance. 

So far, Mohamed said, military helicopters have been used to supply food and non-food items to at least 34,000 flood-affected people there. 

Experts have, in the past, attributed poorly coordinated and unnecessarily expensive disaster responses in Kenya to the lack of a disaster management policy. Such a policy would facilitate the creation of a national disaster management authority [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88067/KENYA-Plugging-the-gaps-in-disaster-preparedness ] to coordinate all institutions’ activities in disaster prevention, mitigation and response.

The policy [ http://www.sprogrammes.go.ke/images/ndpo.pdf ], currently in draft form, recommends the creation of disaster trust funds, district contingency plans and insurance initiatives, among other measures. 

On 18 April, Deputy President William Ruto announced that the government will table a bill in parliament on the establishment of a national disaster management authority. The authority will help to correct the current disaster management approach, which is based on guesswork and is often erroneous, Ruto said. 

Poor infrastructure

The development of modern roads in rural areas will also help prevent disaster-affected populations from being cut off from aid. 

In the Tana River Delta area, for example, roads have been impassable, and military helicopters have been used to airlift dozens of people marooned by flood waters. 

“Poor infrastructure, [and the] complete absence of roads in some settlements makes rescue and relief efforts difficult, costly [and] risky for aid workers," said a KRCS disaster response team official in the region, who wished to remain anonymous.

"Central [and] county governments must strive to improve road networks in areas prone to calamities like floods, hunger and conflicts. It’s more costly to contain disasters and less costly to prevent them,” the KRCS official said.

In northern Kenya, a poor road network led to a rise in livestock prices in the predominantly pastoral region, and some markets closed because of poor access, Tom Lolosoli, an official with the Samburu Development Forum, told IRIN. 

Building resilience 

According to KRCS, projects to empower vulnerable communities in rural areas, who are often worst-hit by disasters, can help to build resilience [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/97584/Understanding-resilience ]. 

In the region of Isiolo for example, two KRCS pilot projects in the area of Korbesa have led to a reduction in the number of people dependent on food relief, from 2,013 in 2011 to 1,069 today. 

Project members engage in crop farming and retail work, and they are encouraged to diversifying the livestock they keep, according to Malik Adan of the KRCS Disaster Risk Reduction project.

“The potential benefit of resilience projects is enormous and helps a lot to empower communities in areas synonymous with famine, drought and floods.”

*Name changed

na/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97916/Floods-highlight-disaster-management-challenges-in-Kenya</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040926510583t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO 24 April 2013 (IRIN) - Assistance to thousands of flood-affected families in Kenya has been curtailed by lack of a national disaster management body, poor coordination, poor rural infrastructure and other challenges.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uganda pilots mobile courts for refugees</title><pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281125310596t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country&apos;s oldest and largest refugee settlement.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda's government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court [ http://www.unhcr.org/516d29359.html ] system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country's oldest and largest refugee settlement.

The magistrate's court, whose first session began on 15 April, will hear cases of robbery, land disputes, child rape, sexual and gender-based violence, attempted murder, and murder. The project - a collaboration of the Uganda government, UNHCR, Makerere University's Refugee Law Project (RLP) and the Uganda Human Rights Council - aims to benefit some 68,000 refugees and 35,000 Ugandan nationals in the settlement.

“With the nearest law court currently 50km away in Kabingo, Isingiro, access to justice has been a real problem for refugees and locals alike. As a result many fail to report crimes and are forced to wait for long periods before their cases are heard in court,” said a UNHCR briefing on the programme.

The mobile court will hold three sessions a year. Each session will last 15 to 30 days and hear up to 30 cases. Officials hope to extend the project to other refugee settlements in Uganda to enable more refugees to access speedier justice.

"Most of the courts are far away from the settlements, and refugee complainants faced challenges of transportation for themselves and witnesses," Charity Ahumuza, programme manager for access to justice at RLP, told IRIN. "With the courts brought to them, the cost of seeking justice is reduced. The courts will also reduce the backlog of cases that exist of cases that arise in the settlements."

"Refugees have welcomed this initiative since it is about bringing justice closer to them," John Kilowok, UNHCR Protection Officer in Uganda, told IRIN.

Operational challenges

Experts say the project could face a number of operational challenges, including a need for funding and a shortage of trained court interpreters. Uganda has over 165,000 refugees from the Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia and South Sudan.

"The settlements are far away, and distance in accessing the court is likely to become a challenge. Language, too, will be a problem. The service providers through UNHCR are conducting training for interpreters to help in this issue," said RLP's Ahumuza. "The sustainability of the courts, I believe, will depend on availability of finances. However, the judiciary continues to face financial constraints."

Angelo Izama, a Ugandan fellow at the Open Society Institute, says the shortage of justice in the refugee settlements is a reflection of poor access to justice across the country, a situation that needs to be addressed.

"Improving the delivery of justice helps tremendously given that, ordinarily, the severe case backlog makes matters worse for nationals - let alone foreigners. The real crisis now is not providing refugees and nationals in western Ugandan fast relief but filling the many vacancies in the judiciary so that, nationally, justice is expedited," he said. "While justice processes improved on our side can help communities - both Ugandan and foreign - live better governed lives, the ultimate investment would be in improving governance across the border."

"There is need for a holistic approach to look at the refugee issues in Uganda. We have to look at policy, immigration and defence lawyers for fair trials. Will the suspects have access to defence lawyers, or will they be accorded with lawyers to defend them in court?" asked Nicholas Opiyo, a constitutional and human rights lawyer in Kampala, Uganda’s capital. "Sustainability is a very crucial element in this court... If they don't put good and proper systems to support this court, it will be a waste of time and money."

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97903/Uganda-pilots-mobile-courts-for-refugees</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201203281125310596t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 23 April 2013 (IRIN) - Uganda&apos;s government and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have launched a pilot mobile court system to improve access to justice for victims of crimes in Nakivale, the country&apos;s oldest and largest refugee settlement.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Renewed fighting worsens Darfur crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20069152t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support. 

An estimated 2.3 million people remain displaced by Darfur’s decade-long conflict. 

A number of peace agreements - most recently the 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur - have failed to halt the intermittent clashes between the government and rebel groups in the region. In early April [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA_Sudan_Weekly_Humanitarian_Bulletin_Issue_14_%281-7_Apr_2013%29.pdf ], fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Liberation Army-Minni Minawi (SLA-MM) in East Darfur State displaced several thousand people; SLA-MM managed to capture took two towns - Muhajiriya and Labado - for ten days, but the SAF has since retaken them. 

On 19 April, a peacekeeper was shot dead and two others were injured when unknown assailants attacked an African Union-United Nations Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) base in Muhajiriya. 

Inter-tribal violence has also broken out, with clashes between the Misseriya and Salamat communities in early April causing displacement; some fled across the border to Chad and the Central African Republic. Land disputes between the same two communities in South Darfur have caused tension and displacement. 

In January, tens of thousands were displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur ] by fighting between the Northern Reizegat and Beni Hussein ethnic groups over control of gold mines in the Jebel Amir area of North Darfur State. 

No access 

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/news.nsf/(httpIDPNewsAlerts)/2233D5B8C9EC7065C1257B5000574825?OpenDocument#anchor0 ], more than 150,000 people were displaced by renewed violence in Darfur in the first three months of 2013. 

“The ongoing war in Darfur continues to claim lives, and the longer it goes on, the more civilians die, the more people are forced out of their homes and the more people have their lives torn apart,” Mark Cutts, country head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN. 

“Regarding the recent displacements, we are largely working without accurate numbers, which makes it very difficult for us to plan for the newly displaced populations… It's difficult to estimate the numbers and the exact needs as long as we are unable to get people on the ground to assess the situation,” he said. 

“After the government retook the towns of Muhajiriya and Labado a couple of days ago, UNAMID was able to send a convoy into the area. We requested permission from the government to send a humanitarian convoy with food and medical supplies along with them, but the government rejected this request,” Cutts added. “We were told this was for security reasons. We are hoping to have access to the displaced populations soon.” 

UNAMID has also called for better humanitarian access [ http://unamid.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=11027&ctl=Details&mid=14214&ItemID=22348&language=en-US ], specifically to Muhajiriya and Labado. 
Ruari McDermott, country director for Mercy Corps and head of the international NGO forum’s steering committee, told IRIN that a number of NGOs had a presence in the field and were able to report on the situation in some areas, but faced difficulty getting an overview of the overall numbers and needs of the displaced. 

Funding 

“We have stocks to cope with the immediate needs and have access to emergency response funds at the global and national level, but this violence and displacement puts pressure on an already woefully underfunded effort to care for 4.4 million people in Sudan,” Cutts said. 
A donor conference in Doha, Qatar, recently raised US$3.6 billion for development projects in Darfur. Cutts welcomed the injection of new money into the region. 

“Often, humanitarian agencies in emergencies take over the provision of services such as water and medical care, which would ordinarily be handled by the government... With more money coming into the region, the government can rebuild these services and humanitarian partners can focus on the most urgent needs of the crisis,” he said. 

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97883/Renewed-fighting-worsens-Darfur-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/20069152t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 19 April 2013 (IRIN) - A recent spate of violence in Sudan’s western region of Darfur has left tens of thousands displaced; humanitarian agencies say they are struggling to access populations in need of support.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Kenya, technology revolutionizes TB management</title><pubDate>Thu, 18 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/20090407t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - The use of technology is revolutionizing the way Kenya manages tuberculosis (TB). Through a computer- and mobile-phone based programme called TIBU, health facilities are able to request TB drugs in real-time and manage TB patient data more effectively, health officials say. They also use the platform to carry out health education.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - The use of technology is revolutionizing the way Kenya manages tuberculosis (TB). Through a computer- and mobile-phone based programme called TIBU, health facilities are able to request TB drugs in real-time and manage TB patient data more effectively, health officials say. They also use the platform to carry out health education.

“One of the challenges we have had with TB treatment is people defaulting [on treatment], but this will reduce significantly because through TIBU we will be able to track down patient treatment progress,” Joseph Sitienei, head of the Division of Leprosy, TB and Lung Disease at Kenya’s National AIDS Control Programme, told IRIN.

“By being able to track a patient, the health workers can send them reminders on their mobile phones when they fail to appear for drug refills,” Sitienei added.

Information sharing

In Kenya, a dearth of information on TB among patients and poor management of patient data have always been a challenge.

“People at times default not because they want to but because they lack information, and health facilities do not share patient data and history. Now the government is beginning to appreciate the relevance of technology in managing diseases such as TB,” said Vincent Munada, a clinical officer at the Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi. 

Sitienei noted that TIBU - which is Swahili for “treat” - has also helped health facilities better manage drug supplies. 

“Initially, health facilities used to request for TB drugs manually, but with this new system, they can ask for the same and the request is relayed to the ministry headquarters immediately. That way, drugs are supplied on time,” he said. 

Kenya is ranked at 15 on the UN World Health Organization (WHO) list of 22 countries with the highest TB burden in the world, and it has the fifth-highest TB burden in Africa. 

The government says an estimated 250 district hospitals, out of the country’s 290, are using the programme, which was launched in November 2012.

The government is also using the technology to support multi-drug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) patients living far from medical facilities, sending money to patients via the Mpesa mobile phone money-transfer system  to cover transport costs.

Enormous potential

Mobile phone platforms like TIBU could have even wider life-saving potential.

A recent report [ http://www.gsma.com/connectedliving/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/GSMA-Connected-Life-PwC_Feb-2013.pdf ] by multinational firm PricewaterhouseCoopers noted that mobile phone applications such as short text messages could, over the next five years, help African countries save over one million of the estimated three million lives lost annually across the continent to HIV/AIDS, TB, malaria and pregnancy-related conditions.

“SMS reminders to check for stock levels at the health centres have shown promising results in reducing stock-outs of key combination therapy medications for malaria, TB and HIV. For HIV patients, simple weekly text reminders have consistently shown higher adherence amongst the patients,” said the report. 

According to the report, Kenya alone could save some 61,200 lives over the next five years by embracing mobile-based health information management.  

On TB, PricewaterhouseCoopers said: “TB is a largely curable disease, but requires six months of diligent adherence to the medication regime. mHealth [mobile health] could help control TB mortalities by ensuring treatment compliance through simple SMS reminders.” 

The report noted that mobile phone-based care for patients could reduce emergency visits to health facilities by up to “10 percent.”

“You know, at certain times, a patient doesn’t even need to come to a facility. You simply share what you have with them over the phone. It saves patients time and relieves the health worker to attend to other pressing issues,” Kenyatta National Hospital’s Munada said.

A 2012 study [ http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0046033 ] in Kenya found that the use of mobile phones between patients and health workers improved antiretroviral therapy adherence among people living with HIV.

In one mobile health project, community health workers were able to track their patients’ conditions through the use of text messages [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/88653/KENYA-R-U-OK-2day-SMS-check-up-takes-off ].

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97876/In-Kenya-technology-revolutionizes-TB-management</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/20090407t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 April 2013 (IRIN) - The use of technology is revolutionizing the way Kenya manages tuberculosis (TB). Through a computer- and mobile-phone based programme called TIBU, health facilities are able to request TB drugs in real-time and manage TB patient data more effectively, health officials say. They also use the platform to carry out health education.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>For women, urbanization is a mixed bag</title><pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.

Unlike their rural counterparts, women in urban areas are thought to enjoy greater social, economic, political opportunities and freedoms.  In an editorial [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/3.full.pdf+html ], the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) said that urban women are able to “engage in paid employment outside the family, better access to services, lower fertility rates, and some relaxation of the rigid social values and norms that define women as subordinated to their husbands and fathers and to men generally”.

Even so, these women are likely to continue experiencing forms of gender discrimination. According to UN-HABITAT, “notable gender gaps in labour and employment, decent work, pay, tenure rights, access to and accumulation of assets, personal security and safety, and representation in formal structures of urban governance show that women are often the last to benefit from the prosperity of cities.”

Inequalities, risks

UN-HABITAT estimates [ http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getElectronicVersion.aspx?nr=3457&alt=1 ] 40 percent of Africa’s estimated one billion people now live in cities and towns. About 51 percent of these people live in slums. Many governments struggle to maintain services and infrastructure - and women and girls are the most affected by these shortcomings.

Expensive public transport systems also hinder women’s mobility, and many are forced to live in poor housing in the face of escalating living costs.

In her paper, Cities through a “gender lens”: a golden “urban age” for women in the global South? [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/9.abstract ], Sylvia Chant of the London School of Economics said, “While women make significant contributions to their households, neighbourhoods and the city through their paid and unpaid labour, building and consolidating shelter and compensating for shortfalls in essential services and infrastructure, they face persistent inequalities in terms of access to decent work, physical and financial assets, mobility, personal safety and security, and representation in formal structures of urban governance.”

In an interview with IRIN, Cecilia Tacoli from IIED said, “The risks that women face with urbanization are related largely to inadequate infrastructure and services,” and the lack of personal safety and security.

Tacoli says women living in poor urban neighbourhoods have to compensate for a lack of services and infrastructure by working longer hours, “looking after children who are always ill as a result of inadequate water and sanitation” and making sure the “family is fed, while living in a home with very little space for cooking and storing food.”

Urban crime remains a serious problem for women. A 2011 study by Action Aid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/sites/files/actionaid/actionaid_2011_women_and_the_city.pdf ] noted that insecurity in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, “restricted women’s earnings, the sustainability of their small businesses, and thus their empowerment.”

According to Cathy Mcllwaine of the University of London, while urbanization could provide women with an opportunity to effectively cope with violence due to available institutional support and economic resources, often “social relations can be more fragmented, which can lead to greater incidence of violence, as can the pressures of urban living, such as poverty, engagement in certain types of occupation, poor-quality living conditions and the physical configuration of urban areas.”

And despite urban areas having better equipped health clinics and more doctors, the expense of such healthcare often puts it out of the reach of poor women [ http://www.unicef.org/sowc/files/SOWC_2012-Main_Report_EN_21Dec2011.pdf ].

Organizing

Still, many women in urban areas manage to organize themselves into community savings groups, which help them save money to ensure their priorities are addressed.

The authors of the paper Community savings that mobilize federations, build women’s leadership and support slum upgrading [ http://eau.sagepub.com/content/25/1/31.abstract ] say that “although the amount that each individual saves is modest, when aggregated in community savings funds, it is often large enough to attract external resources that allow support for larger-scale initiatives”.

The authors note: “Building on communities’ strengths rather than on their weaknesses helps develop a voice and identity, and these federations can negotiate with governments and other stakeholders to improve and upgrade their settlements.”

ko/rz
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97868/For-women-urbanization-is-a-mixed-bag</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105181441170873t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 17 April 2013 (IRIN) - Countries across Africa are experiencing unprecedented urban growth, presenting women with greater economic and social opportunities as well as greater risks to their safety and welfare.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uneven progress on child stunting in East and Central Africa</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition [ http://www.unicef.org/media/files/nutrition_report_2013.pdf ] by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.

Stunting can lead to irreversible brain and body damage in children, making them more susceptible to illness and more likely to fall behind in school. Based on UNICEF’s report, IRIN has put together a round-up of the nutrition situations in six East and Central African countries that are among 24 countries with the largest burden and highest prevalence of stunting.

Burundi: Under-five mortality in this small central African country dropped from 183 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 139 per 1,000 live births in 2012. This is far short of the 63 deaths per 1,000 live births necessary for the country to achieve UN Millennium Development Goal (MDG) [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/child_mortality/en/ ] 4, which aims to reduce child mortality by two-thirds by 2015. An estimated 58 percent of children under age five are stunted, compared with 56 percent in 1987, according to demographic and health surveys from those years.

According to the UNICEF report, Burundi has made “no progress” on MDG 1 [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/hunger/en/ ], which aims to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

Central African Republic (CAR): An estimated 28 percent of under-five deaths in CAR occur within the first month of a child’s life; the biggest killers of children under five are malaria, diarrhoea and pneumonia. The percentage of children under age five who are stunted has changed little since 1995, standing at 41 percent in 2010, as has the percentage of children who are underweight, which has remained at about 24 percent for the last 18 years.

There has, however, been significant progress in the number of mothers exclusively breastfeeding their infants. In 2010, 34 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed, compared to just 3 percent in 1995. According to UNICEF, infants who are not breastfed in the first six months of life are “more than 14 times more likely to die from all causes than an exclusively breastfed infant”.

Democratic Republic of Congo: Africa’s second-largest country bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, with 43 percent of children under age five suffering from stunting and 24 percent being underweight. Stunting is significantly higher (47 percent) in rural areas than it is in urban areas (34 percent).

The percentage of children who are underweight dropped from 34 percent in 2001 to 24 percent in 2010. DRC’s progress towards MDG 1 is described as “insufficient”.

Ethiopia: The Horn of Africa nation, which bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, has seen a steep drop in stunting levels, from an estimated 57 percent in 2000 to 44 percent in 2011. The percentage of underweight under-fives has also dropped significantly, from 42 percent in 2000 to 29 percent in 2011. Between 2000 and 2011, under-five mortality was cut from 139 deaths per 1,000 live births to 77 per 1,000 live births - within striking distance of its MDG 4 target of 66 per 1,000.

A national nutrition programme launched in 2008 has been key to reducing national food insecurity, a major cause of stunting. The country’s health service extension programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72371/ETHIOPIA-New-programme-boosts-village-health-service-delivery ] has also played a role in bringing nutritional interventions to villages.

Rwanda: Community interventions - such as kitchen gardens and increasing the availability of livestock, as well as measures to boost healthy infant feeding practices like exclusive breastfeeding and the provision of nutritional supplements - saw the percentage of underweight under-fives in Rwanda drop from 20 percent in 2000 to 11 percent in 2010. Enhanced data collection and analysis has also enabled the government to improve its planning and monitoring of child malnutrition.

The report describes the country as “on track” to meet MDG 1.

Tanzania: Bearing 2 percent of the world’s stunting burden, Tanzania has made significant strides in improving child nutrition. An estimated 50 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed in 2010, compared to 23 percent in 1992. The country has also brought under-five stunting levels down from 50 percent in 1992 to 42 percent in 2010, but continues to suffer significantly higher stunting in rural children (45 percent) compared to urban children (39 percent).

Tanzania’s under-five mortality rate dropped from 158 per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 68 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2010, putting it close to its MDG 4 target of 53 deaths per 1,000 live births. UNICEF’s report says the country is “on track” to meet its MDG 1 targets.

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97853/Uneven-progress-on-child-stunting-in-East-and-Central-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Somalia, federalism and Jubaland</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304161357460972t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.

After more than two decades of civil war and inter-clan conflict, Somalia is undertaking an ambitious programme of national reconciliation and development, with federalism is a pillar of its plan. The national administration, in place since 2012, is called the Somali Federal Government (SFG), and the country’s basic law is the Provisional Federal Constitution. Both embrace the principle of power-sharing between central and regional authorities.

But the so-called “Jubaland Initiative” is exposing stark disagreements over how federalism should be implemented and over who should drive the process: the central government and parliament, or the regions themselves.

Who, what, where?

The regions involved are Lower Juba, Middle Juba and Gedo, which are adjacent to Kenya and Ethiopia.

They cover a combined area of 87,000sqkm and have a total population of around 1.3 million. This includes numerous clans, such as the Ogaden-Darod, Maheran-Darod, Sheekhaal, Coormale, Biimaal, Gaaljecel, Raxanweyn , Dir, Gawaaweyn, Murile, Bejuni Boni and various Bantu groups.

“Due to its natural resources and location, Jubaland has the potential to be one of Somalia’s richest regions, but conflict has kept it chronically unstable for over two decades,” according to the Rift Valley Institute.

The regions include some of the most remote and marginalized areas of the country, some of which are entirely cut off during the rainy season for months at a time.

The most important city is the port of Kismayo, a lucrative prize for various warlords who battled for control of it following the 1991 fall of president Mohamed Siad Barre.

Al-Shabab insurgents held Kismayo from 2006 to September 2012, when they were ousted by Kenyan troops and forces of the Ras Kamboni militia. In that time, they earned tens of millions of dollars a year in tax revenue, mainly from charcoal exports.

Al-Shabab still maintains a significant presence in areas outside Kismayo. Kenyan troops, who are largely integrated into the African Union’s military mission in Somalia (AMISOM) continue to be deployed in the three regions.

What is the humanitarian situation?

Like much of South and Central Somalia, Gedo, Middle Juba and Lower Juba suffered extensive infrastructural damage during the civil war. Most public buildings, such as schools and clinics, have yet to be rehabilitated. Road networks are in equally poor shape.

Current risk factors include limited access to humanitarian services, coupled with outbreaks of measles, acute watery diarrhoea, malaria, water-borne diseases and conflict-related injuries.

Aid agencies are able to access Kismayo and the city of Luuq. In January 2013, for the first time in four years, the World Food Programme (WFP) resumed operations in Kismayo, where almost half the households it surveyed were found to be food insecure, and almost a quarter of children under five malnourished. WFP has initiated a nutrition programme and provides hot meals to up to 15,000 people.

Insecurity persists, with many areas still controlled by Al-Shabab. “Even where Al-Shabab has left, the vacuum has been filled with local militias, competing warlords and rival clans,” said Mark Yarnell of Refugees International. Many NGOs are still forced to take AMISOM escorts, and negotiating with militias or insurgents is sometimes unavoidable.

What would a federal state look like?

This has yet to be determined. The constitution provides for the establishment of federal states, saying: “Based on a voluntary decision, two or more regions may merge to form a Federal Member State.”

But the constitution also holds that issues relating to new federal states should be sorted out by the lower house of parliament and a “national commission” that has yet to be set up.

Meanwhile, Somalia’s current regional structures are matters of great political sensitivity. Many regions exist largely as geographical entities, with little in the way of local government or administration. Somaliland, in the north, is a self-declared independent republic, and Puntland, east of Somaliland, is what the UN calls a “self-declared autonomous state” within Somalia.

What steps have been taken towards establishing Jubaland?

Current efforts to form a regional, secular administration began in 2010, some two years before the SFG came into being.

Kenya, keen to create a buffer zone to protect its territory form Al-Shabab incursions, played an important role in process, hosting talks among stakeholders and backing former defence minister Mohamed Abdi Mohamed (Gandhi) as the “president” of an entity then called “Azania”. Since the establishment of the SFG, these conversations have continued in the form of the Jubaland Initiative.

Neighbouring Ethiopia has also been keen to see a buffer zone in southern Somalia - so long as its leadership is not sympathetic to the Ogaden National Liberation Front, an Ethiopian rebel group. And the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), which comprises several states in the region, has also supported the Jubaland Initiative.

After Al-Shabab was pushed out of Kismayo in September 2012, discussions moved to the port city itself. In late February 2013, hundreds of delegates gathered for a formal Jubaland conference to push the process forward. A flag and three-year constitution were adopted.

News of this development prompted a huge celebration in Kenya’s Dadaab refugee complex, which is home to almost half a million Somalis, many of whom had fled southern parts of that country over the past 20 years.

The Kismayo talks were led by Ras Kamboni leader and former Kismayo governor  Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, who is said to enjoy support from sections of both the Kenyan and Ethiopian administrations.

The Jubaland process also enjoys significant support from the leaders of Puntland, who favour a decentralized form of federalism.

Is there opposition to the initiative?

Yes. The SFG, while agreeing in principle that the three regions have the right to form a federal state, says the Jubaland Initiative in its current form violates constitutional provisions about the formation of such states.

From Mogadishu’s perspective, Jubaland is being imposed on local inhabitants by their leaders, rather than emerging from a “bottom-up” process in which local administrations are formed before deciding to merge. Mogadishu officials, as well as politicians in the Juba and Gedo regions, have expressed concern that the emerging Jubaland leadership will not be fully representative of the various clans that live there.

Prime Minister Prime Abdi Farah Shirdon recently warned that the Kismayo conference would “jeopardize the efforts of reconciliation, peace-building and state-building, create tribal divisions and also undermines the fight against extremism in the region.”

Divisions have also appeared among members of the federal parliament over whether to support the Jubaland process.

Many Somalis have long accused Kenya and Ethiopia of having a destabilizing effect on Somalia; they see Kenyan and Ethiopian involvement in the Jubaland process as a self-interested attempt to establish proxies there.

Why does this dispute matter?

This row over who should be in control of setting up new federal states threatens Somalia’s internal stability and its external relations. It places the government in Mogadishu at odds with new leaders in Kismayo and established ones in Puntland, and potentially with Ethiopia, Kenya and IGAD.

The Jubaland affair is an important test case for the fledgling SFG, whose credibility depends in part on its ability to stand up to other centres of power in the country.

“Unless these tensions are managed effectively, Jubaland easily could unravel and eventually break up into areas that are controlled by smaller rival factions. This is an opportunity that a group like Al-Shabab would love to exploit,” according to one recent analysis [ http://somalianewsroom.com/2013/01/10/jubaland-close-to-becoming-somalias-next-state/ ].

For Andrews Atta-Asamoah of the Institute for Security Studies, the row “has become a bone of contention capable of derailing the progress achieved thus far” in ridding Somalia of Al-Shabab’s influence [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201304100027.html?viewall=1 ].

Al-Shabab fighters quickly filled the gap left by the recent withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from the town Huddur, just north of Jubaland, demonstrating the group’s ability “to act swiftly when it spots weakness”, Atta-Asamoah said.

Additionally, the longer political uncertainty about Jubaland’s governance continues, the harder it is for humanitarian agencies to scale up their activities there.

What next?

There is now a “full-fledged” showdown between Mogadishu and leaders of the Jubaland Initiative, according to Michael Weinstein, professor of political science at Chicago’s Purdue University [ http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_The_Show-Down_in_Jubaland_Begins.shtml ].

He pointed to the absence of a credible judicial system to resolve the constitutional row and warned that lack of clarity in the constitution itself was “an invitation to endless legal contretemps.”

There are also concerns about whether Jubaland is cohesive enough to ensure a viable state. Its constituent regions lack decent road links or any history of shared administration. “Geddo in the north links to Mogadishu, the south links to [the Kenyan town of] Garissa. But Middle and Lower Jubba roads are often impassable because of rains. There is no easy prospect of people and goods moving throughout,” said Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College.

 “Whatever solution emerges,” Matt Bryden, the director of Sahan Research, told a recent seminar in Nairobi, “Jubaland is going to have to deal with the kinds of issues we’ve heard about [for years]: sharing and management of resources and the perception among various clans that there is some kind of equitable distribution.”

jh-am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97860/Briefing-Somalia-federalism-and-Jubaland</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304161357460972t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Moves to bring three regions in the deep south of Somalia together into the state of Jubaland have turned into a tussle with the central government, with regional powerhouses Kenya and Ethiopia playing important roles.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Regional insecurity adding to Chad&apos;s humanitarian needs</title><pubDate>Fri, 12 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur ] in Darfur and a recent coup [ http://www.irinnews.orgwww.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-amid-humanitarian-crisis ] in the CAR, respectively.

At least 74,000 people have fled into Chad from Darfur in the past two months, 50,000 of them in the past week alone, sparking the largest influx of refugees from Sudan into Chad since 2005, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/5167e1366.html ].

Waves of refugees

In March, the first wave of 24,000 people fled from Darfur and arrived in Tissi, a remote area in Chad’s southeastern Sila Region; 8,000 were Sudanese and 16,000 Chadians. Most of them are women and children.

"Under every tree, there are women and children who are trying to protect themselves from sunshine," Abdellahi Ould El Bah, a UNHCR programme officer on mission in Tissi, told IRIN.

UNHCR staff on the ground say they “found women and children very scared, exhausted with haggard eyes”.

In Tissi, basic amenities are lacking.

“People lack everything and are living in very dire conditions. They need food, water and shelter. People are obliged to drink water from the river,” Aminata Gueye, the UNHCR representative in Chad, told IRIN. “Those who are wounded need healthcare, while health centres or clinics in Tissi [are] not functional.”

Access to Tissi by air is impossible, meaning aid workers have to spend eight hours by road, and they have to cross 21 wadis (seasonal rivers).

With insecurity rife, more refugees are expected. "We fear a new wave of refugees in the next few days, as there are reports of continuing violence on the side of Darfur," said Gueye.

Most recently, clashes have been recorded between the Misseriya and Salamat ethnic groups in Um Dukhum, Darfur, with dozens of deaths reported.

On 12 April, UNHCR started the relocation of at least 8,000 Sudanese refugees from Tissi, to the Goz Amir and Djabal refugee camps in Sila Region. The relocation is expected to help in the provision of assistance to the new arrivals and to improve their security.

Local authorities have provided some 100 ton of food for the new arrivals, with UNHCR and partners coordinating efforts to provide emergency assistance in Tissi.

Refugee population already large

The new refugee influx constitutes a huge challenge for UNHCR, which was already facing limited resources as it provided protection and assistance to the large numbers of refugees in Chad. Months earlier, UNHCR and the governments of Chad and Sudan had started discussions on the return of Sudanese refugees to Darfur.

Eastern Chad is already home to about 300,000 refugees from Darfur [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95863/SUDAN-CHAD-The-strains-of-long-term-displacement ] and thousands of others from CAR. Chad has, since December 2012, received at least 4,000 new refugees from CAR, in addition to some 65,000 already there, according to a 6 April update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Central%20African%20Republic%20Humanitarian%20snapshot.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Besides the new refugees, Chad is also grappling with the returns of hundreds of Chadian migrants released from detention centres in Libya [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97617/Chadian-migrants-rue-Libyan-detention-ill-treatment-deportation ].

“It is with great concern that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is monitoring the multiple migration crises currently developing along the Chadian borders. IOM is already responding to the influx of 1,200 extremely vulnerable Chadian migrants returning to Chad after having been released from detention centres in Libya.

“At the same [time], IOM is in the process of providing life-saving assistance, including homeward transportation, to over 17,000 Chadian migrants, [that] are fleeing the intercommunity violence in Sudan, that are arriving in remote border towns in Chad without means to support themselves,” Qasim Sufi, IOM chief of mission in Chad, told IRIN.

Measles outbreak

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is treating the wounded in Tissi, with serious cases being referred to the towns of Goz Beida or Abéché.

At the same time, teams are trying to contend with an outbreak of measles in a nearby area: “In Saraf Bourgou only, our team has confirmed 35 cases of measles, which represents 25 percent of consultations,” said Alexandre Morhain, MSF’s head of mission in Chad [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6719&cat=field-news ]. “The disease has already killed seven children, five of whom were under five years old.”

An emergency measles vaccination campaign is expected to be launched in Tissi, with severe acute malnutrition cases and paediatric emergencies also being treated.

According to MSF, the situation of the refugees there is precarious as the rains approach. “We need to act now, because within two months it will be impossible to access this area by road.”

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97840/Regional-insecurity-adding-to-Chad-apos-s-humanitarian-needs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In East Africa, heavy rains test emergency preparedness</title><pubDate>Thu, 11 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040922550914t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.

“Above-normal rains have occurred in several areas, including northern and western Tanzania; Rwanda; Burundi; the Lake Victoria Basin; western, southern and northeastern Kenya; southern and central Somalia; and eastern and south-eastern Ethiopia,” states an update by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/East%20Africa%20Seasonal%20Monitor%20April%208%202013.pdf ].

Even normal rains can cause flooding and damage in areas with poor drainage; this year’s heavy rains are already beginning to test the emergency responses in many flood and disaster-prone areas.

The rains, which have “caused significant flooding in the Lake Victoria basin in Uganda and Kenya, the southern Maasai rangelands in Kenya, and along the Wabi Shabelle in Ethiopia in late March and early April”, according to the update, started between mid-March and early April and are likely to continue through May.

Kenya 

In Kenya, at least 18,633 people have been displaced by flooding since the onset of the rains, according to the Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS) [ https://www.kenyaredcross.org/PDF/REPORTED%20sitrep%202013%20FLOODS%209th%20April%202013-1.pdf ]. Some 32 deaths have also been recorded, with others being injured.

The number of people displaced could rise to about 30,000 before the rainy season ends, said Nelly Muluka, the KRCS communications manager. 

“We are also working on searching for the unaccounted people and sensitizing communities on the need to move to safer areas,” said Muluka. KRCS is distributing food and non-food items to affected families, but there is a need for medical care and additional food and shelter.

Ahead of the rains, Kenya’s meteorological department had warned of generally enhanced rainfall over the western highlands, Lake Basin, central Rift Valley and the central highlands, including Nairobi, in March and April. 

“We expected floods in areas like Nairobi, Central, Coastal and Western Kenya, and have already put aside food and non-food items for potential victims,” Andrew Mondoh, the permanent secretary in the Special Programmes Ministry, told IRIN. 

In the coastal area of Tana River, hundreds of families marooned by floods have been rescued by helicopter and moved to safer areas, added Mondo. 

The rains have also destroyed roads in the Rift Valley areas of Kajiado and Narok and in the western area of Kisumu. 

In northeastern Kenya’s Dadaab refugee complex, home to about 463,000 mainly Somali refugees, the rains have displaced some families and affected commodity prices. 

Parts of a 90km road, linking the main region of Garissa to the Dadaab refugee complex, have been rendered impassable, affecting transport and commerce. 

Movement within the Ifo-1 and Ifo-2 camps becomes especially difficult during the rainy season due to flooding, which makes aid delivery difficult.

“It is a mixture of sad[ness] and happiness during the rainy season in Dadaab; we really need the rain because it is always very hot and we get more milk from the neighbouring locations, but we have no proper shelter and the prices of some foodstuffs become higher,” said Muhubo Aden Kusow, who runs a grocery store at one of the Ifo camps. 

The heavy rains are expected to continue over the next two weeks, according to Ayub Shaka, the deputy director of Kenya’s Department of Meteorological Services. “It is difficult to say where floods will occur in the next two weeks for example, but the best we can do is to ask people living in flood-prone areas to stay alert and safe,” said Shaka.

Somalia 

In neighbouring Somalia, heavy rains were recorded in the first week of April.

“Robust precipitation accumulations (>75mm) were again observed over central and southern Somalia,” states an Africa Hazards Outlook report for 11-17 April [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/afr_Apr11_2013.pdf ]. 

“Many local areas have already experienced more than three times their normal rainfall accumulation since the beginning of April, sustaining the risk for localized flash flooding and downstream river inundation over the Jubba and Shabelle River basins in eastern Ethiopia and southern Somalia.”

The Shabelle has already burst its banks in some places, according to a 10 April Shabelle River flood update by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization [ http://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/flood-update-shabelle-river-10042013 ]. 

“SWALIM [Somalia Water and Land Information Management] field reports in the last two days indicate river breakages at Hurway (about 8m wide), Eji (about 6m wide) and Maadheere (about 14m wide) villages all in Middle Shabelle Region. This has led to inundation of large areas, causing destruction of cropped area[s] of unconfirmed acreage, and displacement of several families.”

Ethiopia 

The southern and eastern regions of Ethiopia have also received “heavy and well-distributed precipitation totals”, according to the Africa Hazards Outlook, “with lesser amounts observed in the west and higher elevations of the country.” 

“This has already negatively affected cropping activities, with a reduction of planting over many local Belg [February-May rains]-producing areas of Ethiopia,” it says.

With the rains expected to continue, efforts are underway to mitigate their adverse effects.

Uganda 

According to Uganda’s chief weather forecaster, Deus Bamanya, there is an increased likelihood of near-normal to above-normal rainfall over most parts of Uganda, with the rains peaking between mid-April and early-May. Flash flooding could also occur in areas expected to receive below-normal rainfall due to sporadic heavy downpours.

“The expected impacts include increased lightning, hailstorms, floods and landslides,” Bamanya told IRIN.

The government plans to relocate vulnerable populations living in the eastern Mount Elgon region, which is prone to flooding and landslides [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88283/UGANDA-300-feared-dead-as-landslides-bury-villages-in-the-east ]. 

“We are worried [about] landslides, mudslides and flooding. There are already signs in the low-lying and hilly and mountainous areas,” Musa Ecweru, Uganda’s state minister for relief, disaster preparedness and refugees, told IRIN.

“The effects of the heavy rains last year were very devastating. We don’t want [a]repeat. We are going to relocate people in these vulnerable areas. We are only waiting for resources from our development partners to start the relocation exercise,” said Ecweru. The Ugandan government requires some 35 billion shillings (about US$13.5 million) for the exercise.

“We are going to de-gazette some government land to relocate these vulnerable populations. We are negotiating with [the] Uganda Wildlife Authority to have this done immediately. We must [re]settle these people as quick[ly] as possible,” he added. 

The districts of Mbale, Tororo, Kalangala, Bundibugyo and Masaka are among those most affected by hailstorms, according to Catherine Ntabadde-Makumbi, the Uganda Red Cross Society assistant communications director, who added that at least 8,362 people remain without assistance, with 5,681 of them displaced. The displaced are in urgent need of shelter kits, household items and water purifying tablets. 

Burundi 

In Burundi, flood-affected areas include the northwestern region of Bubanza, Bujumbura City and the plains of Imbo along the shores of Lake Tanganyika. 

"We have a problem with rain in the town of Gihanga [in Bubanza]. Houses and plantations were destroyed, causing the displacement of people and stopping work in the fields," Anselme Wakana, governor of Bubanza Province, told IRIN. 

At least 1,000 hectares of rice has been damaged there, raising food security fears. "We are harvesting rice that was not yet mature due to fear of flooding," said farmer Olive Ngayimpenda. 

Several homes have been destroyed in the areas of Gihanga.

According to Mbonerane Albert, the president of the local NGO Green Belt Action, the situation could worsen due to environmental degradation: deforestation in Bubanza has increased surface runoff, increasing the risk of flooding. 

Rwanda 

In neighbouring Rwanda, authorities have issued disaster warnings to those living in risk-prone areas.

"High-risk-zone dwellers have [been] given [a] new eviction ultimatum to relocate since we noticed that expected heavy rainfall could affect the vulnerable populations," Antoine Ruvebana, the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Refugees Affairs and Disaster Management, told IRIN. 

Rwanda, due its hilly terrain, is susceptible to erosion, flooding and landslides. 

According to the Rwandan meteorological services department, several western parts of the country could get ''above-normal rainfall'' during the mid-April to May 2013 period. 

rk-mh-dn-at-so/aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97830/In-East-Africa-heavy-rains-test-emergency-preparedness</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304040922550914t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 11 April 2013 (IRIN) - Unusually heavy rains have caused havoc across much of east Africa, displacing thousands of people and damaging important infrastructure.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Wild foods could improve nutrition and food security</title><pubDate>Wed, 10 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006141203590828t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Malnutrition could be greatly reduced and food security improved by ensuring improved access to nutrient-rich forest-derived foods like berries, bushmeat, roots, insects and nuts for the world’s poorest populations, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Malnutrition could be greatly reduced and food security improved by ensuring improved access to nutrient-rich forest-derived foods like berries, bushmeat, roots, insects and nuts for the world’s poorest populations, experts say.

“I believe forest foods are particularly important for reducing malnutrition when it comes to micronutrients such as vitamin A and iron,” Bronwen Powell, a nutritionist and researcher at the Centre for International Research on Forests (CIFOR), told IRIN.

Making these foods accessible would mean bringing them to markets to benefit the urban poor, many of whom find imported fruits and processed foods unaffordable, and giving people legal access to forests to obtain bio-resources like game meat and  honey in areas where it is illegal to do so.

Nutrient potential

Experts told IRIN that while forest foods are underused, they could prove more affordable and more acceptable than other food options.

“With food becoming scarcer, there are calls for communities to look for alternative food sources and foods - some of which might not be readily acceptable to them - but wild foods and fruits have been a delicacy for generations and would be readily acceptable to many people,” said Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi.

In its 2011 Forests for Improved Food Security and Nutrition report [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/i2011e/i2011e00.pdf ], the UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) noted that households living on the margins of poverty could, during the “lean season” or in times of famine or food shortage, rely on forests to provide “an important safety net.”

Others, like Monica Ayieko, a family and consumer economist and an edible insect researcher at Maseno University, say more efforts are needed to change people’s perceptions about wild foods.

“The Westernization of diets has made people associate wild foods like edible insects - a vital source of amino acids and minerals - with poverty. It is a pity because so many children die as a result of nutrient deficiency, yet these are abundant in wild foods,” Ayieko noted.

Studies [ http://www.plosone.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0014445 ] have recently suggested that insects are a better source of protein as they produce less greenhouse gases than cattle and pigs.

“We must broaden the use of wild foods like wild insects, like crickets, in poor people’s diets, and the good news is FAO has begun to take [the] lead on this,” she added.

Globally, an estimated 1.6 billion people rely on forests for their livelihoods, according to FAO [ http://www.fao.org/forestry/livelihoods/en/ ]. 

Some 870 million people globally [ http://www.fao.org/publications/sofi/en/ ] are food insecure, while a further 2 billion [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/x0245e/x0245e01.htm ] suffer from nutrient deficiencies. 

In Tanzania, a 2011 study [ http://www.cifor.org/publications/pdf_files/articles/ACIFOR1109.pdf ] of 270 children and their mothers, conducted by CIFOR, revealed that children who consumed wild fruits from forests were more likely to have more diverse and nutritious diets. 

The wild foods contributed over 30 percent of the vitamin A and almost 20 percent of the iron that the children consumed each day, even though the foods accounted for just two percent of their diets.

Another study in Madagascar revealed that 30 percent more children would suffer from anemia if they had no access to bushmeat. And studies in the Congo Basin [ http://www.cifor.org/publications/pdf_files/articles/ANasi1101.pdf ] show that bushmeat accounts for 80 percent of the proteins and fats consumed by the local communities. 

Strategies needed

According to FAO [ http://www.fao.org/forestry/food-security/en/ ], the critical role forests could play in improving food security and nutrition is usually “poorly reflected in national development and food security strategies. Coupled with poor coordination between sectors, the net result is that forests are mostly left out of policy decisions related to food security and nutrition.”

CIFOR’s Powell noted that “forest foods haven't received much attention” in part due to the current method of “measuring food security in terms of energy [or calories] and not in terms of micronutrients, which has meant that foods that aren't a good source of calories [but have plenty of micronutrients] have been overlooked.”

A lack of national policies to guide the use of wild foods, lack of knowledge about the benefits of such foods, and deforestation and land use changes continue to hamper access to these resources.

Bushmeat consumption is also dogged by concerns over conservation [ http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=8705081 ] and possible health issues [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96160/DRC-Bushmeat-blamed-for-Ebola-outbreak ], which could result in calls for stronger policies to regulate their use.

Increased investment in forest development by governments and organizations, increased local control over forest management and use, pro-poor forestry measures, and the integration of forests into national food security strategies are some of the ways to boost access to forest-derived foods.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97820/Wild-foods-could-improve-nutrition-and-food-security</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201006141203590828t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 10 April 2013 (IRIN) - Malnutrition could be greatly reduced and food security improved by ensuring improved access to nutrient-rich forest-derived foods like berries, bushmeat, roots, insects and nuts for the world’s poorest populations, experts say.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uganda’s midwives struggle to meet demands</title><pubDate>Mon, 08 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207180632310850t.jpg" />]]>GULU/SOROTI 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Despite the significant role midwives play in Uganda’s maternal health programmes, they face numerous challenges, including lack of training, inadequate facilities and poor pay.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU/SOROTI 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Despite the significant role midwives play in Uganda’s maternal health programmes, they face numerous challenges, including lack of training, inadequate facilities and poor pay.

According to the Africa Medical Research Foundation (AMREF) just 38 percent of Uganda’s estimated 11,759 midwives are either registered or have a college education. Yet they attend to 80 percent of all births in the country’s urban areas and 37 percent of all births nationally.

Esther Madudu, a midwife in Uganda’s rural Soroti District, explained to IRIN that many go to great lengths to help women deliver.

“Health centres lack electricity, water and other essential medical commodities to assist in delivery. In the past, I used to [hold] my cell phone in my mouth [and use its] torch to [assist delivering] mothers at the health centre,” she said.

A 2009 analysis by the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) [ http://www.unfpa.org/sowmy/resources/docs/library/R107_UNFPA_2009_UGANDA_MidwiferyNeedsAssessement_final_reportNov09.pdf ] found Uganda’s health system “unsupportive to midwives, as characterized by poor remuneration, poor health service infrastructure, lack of essential equipment and supplies, eg, gloves, drugs - especially in public health facilities - inadequate protection from infections, high workload owing to few qualified staff” and lack of supervision or training opportunities.

Maternal deaths

Uganda grapples with high rates of pregnancy-related complications and maternal deaths, consequences of poor healthcare investment by the government, low education levels and an unmet need for reproductive health services.

Uganda’s 2011 Demographic and Health Survey showed the maternal mortality rate at between 310 and 480 deaths per every 100,000 live births.

According to the Ministry of Health, 24 percent of these deaths are the result of severe bleeding, and many are due to infection, unsafe abortion, hypertensive disorders and obstructed labour.

Experts say much more must be done if Uganda is to meet Millennium Development Goals 4 and 5 - the goals on reducing child and maternal mortality and achieving universal access to reproductive healthcare - by the 2015 deadline.

“Death resulting from pregnancy-related [complications] is a big issue in Uganda that requires urgent attention,” health commissioner Anthony Mbonye said, noting that these deaths are preventable “with improved access to [quality] healthcare to the population and… positive attitudes towards… health workers.”

Too few health workers

Midwives say their small number has them struggling to meet demand. They have called on the government to recruit more midwives.

“We are only three midwives working day and night with [the] assistance of two nursing assistants,” said Lydia Tino, a health supervisor and midwife working at a centre with 20 maternity beds in the rural Gulu District.

In 2006, the government stopped midwifery trainings, arguing that nurses could be given additional skills to take up the roles played by midwives. This has not happened.

And the few who have midwifery skills often leave the country.

“Uganda has trained many midwives, but [the] majority opt to work in places outside the country where facilities and remuneration are better,” Mary Gorettie Musoke, senior midwife and trainer, told IRIN.

In a progress report by Uganda’s Ministry of Health, tabled before a parliamentary committee in February, the government indicated that it had employed an additional 5,707 health workers to help plug the gap.

But many rural health facilities are still unable to perform either basic or comprehensive emergency obstetric and newborn care.

Government obligation

Government officials told IRIN it plans to carry out a countrywide maternal health audit as part of its efforts to deal with the problem.

“We are under obligation to perform our duties, so the government doing everything possible to address problem,” said Sarah Kataike, the health minister.

While government health facilities in Uganda are supposed to provide free services, they are understaffed and lack essential medical supplies. At times, patients are forced to pay extra fees before they can receive services.

Florence Akio, 34, had to be transported to a private facility some 45km away after failing to receive any assistance at a nearby government facility.

“My labour started in the middle of the night, but I couldn’t make to Atiak Health Center III. I waited until morning, when my husband borrowed a bicycle and carried me to the health centre. But, reaching the health centre, there was no sight of any staff to attend to me,” she told IRIN.

In a landmark 2011 case, civil society organizations sued the government over the high maternal mortality rate, but the case was dismissed. The organizations had argued the government had failed to provide essential medical commodities and services to pregnant women.

ca/ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97807/Uganda-s-midwives-struggle-to-meet-demands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207180632310850t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU/SOROTI 08 April 2013 (IRIN) - Despite the significant role midwives play in Uganda’s maternal health programmes, they face numerous challenges, including lack of training, inadequate facilities and poor pay.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Balancing conservation and people’s access to land</title><pubDate>Thu, 04 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041322390713t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.

The Maasai herdsmen in the area say their cattle cannot survive without access to traditional dry-season grazing in the area. The government says the land is needed as a wildlife corridor between the Serengeti and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Besides, the Minister for Natural Resources told the press, 2,500sqkm had already been, as he put it, “released to the local population”; the rest would be used for conservation purposes for the benefit of the nation. 

Typical of recent land-grab controversies, this row involves the use of rangelands rather than farmlands. While farmers can show quite clearly that their lands are being used, semi-arid grasslands in areas like Loliondo cannot support animals year-round, so surveys often show the areas lying apparently empty.

Such tracts of land are often attractive for commercial agriculture - in Ethiopia, for instance, a number of controversial large-scale agricultural concessions have been granted along the Awash River. But the Loliondo dispute is not about commercial agriculture; it’s a so-called “green grab”, where access to land is lost for conservation purposes.

Here, one widely accepted good - the right of people to continue using their traditional lands - has collided with another - the need to conserve nature and biodiversity. 

Many faces of conservation

The great majority of nations have signed the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity [ http://www.cbd.int/ ], which sets as a target: “by 2020, at least 17 percent of terrestrial land and inland water and 10 percent of coastal and marine areas are conserved through effectively and equitably managed, ecologically representative and well-connected systems of protected areas and other effective area-based conservation measures.” 

Neil Burgess of the UNEP World Conservation Monitoring Centre said, “These targets, set by nearly every nation on the earth, are the most ambitious conservation plan out there. It's a massive potential conservation plan - it's a lot of land, a lot of sea. Depending on how it's done, depending on how countries choose to do this, it could be a big land grab, it could be a big seas grab, or it could enhance community rights, it could give benefits to the communities - it could do a whole lot of different possible things.”

From 26-27 March, at a meeting on conservation and land grabbing organized in London by the International Institute for Environment and Development and other conservation groups, participants struggled with the question of how best to reconcile conservation, development and people’s rights to their way of life, and in particular what kind of land tenure arrangements achieve the best outcomes. 

Some countries, like Chile, have gone down the route of extreme private ownership. Some of the country’s most important protected areas are in private parks and reserves, the largest of which - 630,000 hectares of Patagonia - belongs to a foreign national, the American businessman Doug Tompkins, founder of the North Face clothing company. The owners of these parks can and do use their private property rights to keep them clear of squatters and encroachment, but they can also, if they choose, abandon conservation and allow mining or logging on the land. The only recourse for indigenous communities looking to keep their traditional areas is to ask the government to buy the land on their behalf - and even the government cannot force an unwilling owner to sell.

Other legal systems offer a more fluid approach to ownership and tenure. The Philippines, for example, has a bewildering array of instruments for holding land, such as designating it as “ancestral domain”. But these kind of conditional rights rarely have the strength of private ownership.

Jan van der Ploeg, of the University of Leiden, tried to help indigenous groups in the Philippines get formal tenure on their traditional lands in the hope it would help protect endangered species, but he came to the conclusion that it would not work. “In the end,” he said, “if you finally succeed in getting tenurial instruments for people, often conservation output is very limited. People still persist in clearing forest, and if a large company comes in, those legal rights simply don’t mean anything.” 

Community ownership

Africa in general does not have a historical tradition of private ownership; land was more likely to be thought of as belonging to a community or tribe, with individuals having the right to use it rather than possess it completely. But very few African countries have formalized this idea into any kind of group ownership or collective tenure. 

One that has is Kenya. In the late 1960s, Maasai living on the Kenyan side of the border with Tanzania were offered the chance to establish group ranches, defined as “a livestock production system or enterprise where a group of people jointly own freehold title to land… and herd their livestock collectively which they own individually.”

In practice, managing the communally owned land proved difficult, and one group ranch after another was subdivided into smaller, individually owned pieces. Eventually, many of the plots were sold for development. 

But Kenya’s new constitution, adopted in 2010, is trying again. This time, it offers what is to be called “community land” to any group formed on the basis of ethnicity, culture or shared interest.

Stephen Moiko, of the International Livestock Research Institute, told IRIN that a key difference this time is that the initiative will come from the group. “It’s possible for communities to come up together and, through a legal process, obtain ownership of key resources which they depend on for their livelihoods, and it has legal mechanisms to protect that land from alienation. I think the nice thing about this new provision is that it recognizes the role of communities as owners and protectors and users of local resources.”

“If communities came together in groups to own resources jointly, it would be for their own benefit and this would enhance development,” Oliver Waindi, Kenya Land Alliance deputy coordinator, told IRIN. At present, “community ownership of resources is just on paper”, but a National Land Commission was inaugurated on 27 February of this year to raise awareness of the constitutional provision. 

If the new form of tenure is a success, it could be the model for other African countries. Chris Bakuneeta, a lecturer in biological sciences in neighbouring Uganda, told IRIN, “In Uganda you can have a forest that belongs to the community, especially where people go in to worship, but they still don’t have any protection, because it is the community who know the boundaries, and they don’t have a title deed to that land. I would want to see the lawyers coming up with a legal mechanism to protect this forest so that the local people can own it and have a legal right over it. 

“And that also applies to land that belongs to pastoral communities, large expanses of land where those communities go to graze their cattle - this land doesn’t have a land title. I would want a situation where communities can register a land title, and they can use that to get a loan, and everybody knows that if there is a benefit, it goes to these people.”

The impact of group tenure rights on conservation efforts remains to be seen.

eb/rk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97786/Balancing-conservation-and-people-s-access-to-land</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304041322390713t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - In the great plains of northern Tanzania, close to the world-famous Serengeti National Park, a bitter row has broken out over an attempt to designate 1,500sqkm of Loliondo District as a game-controlled area.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: M23, one year on</title><pubDate>Wed, 03 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271154440060t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The M23 rebellion, the latest of a string of armed insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) North Kivu Province, has been active for one year now, during which hundreds of thousands have fled their homes and many have lost their lives.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The M23 rebellion, the latest of a string of armed insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) North Kivu Province, has been active for one year now, during which hundreds of thousands have fled their homes and many have lost their lives. 

The Mouvement du 23-Mars, or March 23 Movement [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95715/DRC-Understanding-armed-group-M23 ], came into existence in April 2012, when hundreds of mainly ethnic Tutsi soldiers of FARDC, the national army, mutinied over poor living conditions and poor pay. Most of the mutineers had been members of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/76275/DRC-Nkunda-s-rebel-group-spells-out-demands ], another armed group that in 2009 signed a deal with the government, which the dissidents felt Kinshasa had not fully implemented. M23 is named after the date the agreement was signed.

In November 2012, M23 captured Goma, the provincial capital, but withdrew and subsequently entered into peace talks with the government. Neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda were accused of backing M23 by a UN Security Council Group of Experts report [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/17/us-congo-democratic-rwanda-uganda-idUSBRE89F1RQ20121017 ], charges both countries strongly deny.

In this briefing, IRIN outlines the group’s impact on the province over the past year, its current position and avenues for peace in eastern DRC.

What is the humanitarian situation in North Kivu?

Although clashes between M23 and FARDC have subsided, “North Kivu remains highly insecure due to the proliferation of weapons, sporadic fighting between armed groups and the army, and inter-community tensions,” according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20PRESS%20RELEASE%20-%20GOMA%20RESPONSE%20PLAN%20%28ENGLISH%29.pdf ] (OCHA).

OCHA notes that since the beginning of the M23 rebellion, more than half a million people have been driven from their homes in North Kivu. The figure accounts for more than half of the 914,000 displaced people in the province. Tens of thousands more fled to refugee camps [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97742/Congolese-refugee-camps-in-Rwanda-full ] in Rwanda and Uganda.

According to Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/drc-bosco-ntaganda-must-be-surrendered-icc-2013-03-19 ], M23 has been responsible for human rights abuses “including violations of the duty to care for the civilian population when launching attacks, forced recruitment of children who were either trained to take part in hostilities or forced to work to build military positions, unlawful killings, and acts of sexual violence”. The organization also blamed FARDC for widespread abuses against civilians. 

Where are M23’s leaders?

The movement’s leadership now looks significantly different than it did in April 2012. 

In February 2013, a rift was reported in M23’s leadership, with one of the founders, Bosco Ntaganda, and M23’s political leader, Jean-Marie Runiga, on one side and M23’s military chief, Sultani Makenga [ http://www.congoforum.be/upldocs/RVI%20Briefing%20-%20Usalama%20-%20Makenga%20Profile%20%E2%80%93%203%20December%202012.pdf ], on the other. The two factions clashed in North Kivu, and Makenga sacked Runiga, who was the group’s representative at the peace talks taking place with the DRC government in the Ugandan capital, Kampala. Following more fighting in March, Ntaganda’s faction surrendered. Both he and Runiga, along with several senior commanders and close to 700 fighters, fled to Rwanda.

On 18 March, Ntaganda surrendered himself to the US Embassy in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, and asked to be transferred to the International Criminal Court for trial over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. He made his first appearance in court on 26 March. According to a paper [ http://riftvalley.net/resources/file/RVI%20Usalama%20Project%20-%20Briefing%20-%20Ntaganda%20Profile.pdf ] by the Rift Valley Institute, Ntaganda had fallen out with fellow commanders early in the rebellion and had been effectively relegated to the sidelines. 

Experts have lauded Ntaganda’s arrest as a positive step in the fight against impunity in DRC, but warn that it does not mean an end to violence in the region.

Runiga has been placed under house arrest [ http://bigstory.ap.org/article/congo-m23-faction-leader-arrested-rwanda ] in Rwanda; the Rwandan government has disarmed [ http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/dr-congo-rebels-rwanda-moved-away-border?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+ReliefwebUpdates+(ReliefWeb+-+Latest+Updates) ] the M23 troops who surrendered and moved them to a refugee camp more than 50km from the DRC-Rwanda border.

Various reports [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/27/democratic-republic-congo-sultani-makenga ] indicate that Makenga is now consolidating his fighters, thought to number about 1,500, and M23-held territory in North Kivu, but he may also be preparing for further negotiations with President Joseph Kabila’s government. According to Congo expert Jason Stearns [ http://congosiasa.blogspot.com/2013/03/m23-split-and-join.html ], “The internal M23 split may have provided the break they [DRC representatives] needed to make the deal acceptable for the rebels.” 

Any deal is likely to involve the integration of Makenga’s fighters into FARDC, with lower cadre fighters automatically integrated and higher ranking officers considered for integration on a case-by-case basis. However, analysts say the re-integration method has not worked in the past and must be rethought.

“M23 integration in FARDC is feasible but is not suitable. The policy of repeated integration of armed groups in FARDC is [contributing] to the fragmentation and militarization of FARDC,” Marc-Andre Lagrange, DRC senior analyst for the International Crisis Group, told IRIN via email. “Since that approach has proven, with M23, to be a failure, the DRC government with MONUSCO and UNSC should look for another option.” 

According to a recent article in the newsletter Africa Confidential: “Experts broadly agree that some kind of agreement between Kinshasa and M23 is in the offing and will be signed soon, but reliable sources in North Kivu diverge on what the outcome will be. Some feel that Makenga will reintegrate his troops into the FARDC, while others suggest that Makenga and [new] M23 political leader Bertrand Bisimwa can stay independent of the army while not being seen as a ‘negative force’.” 

What is the fate of the peace talks?

The Kampala peace talks between M23 and the DRC government began in December 2012 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97075/Analysis-Seeking-civilian-and-military-solutions-in-the-DRC ], under the auspices of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). The talks have made little progress and have been put on hold due to the rebel group’s internal problems. Bisimwa has urged Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to revive the talks [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201304021191.html ].

On 24 February, a UN-brokered peace agreement [ http://www.peaceau.org/uploads/scanned-on-24022013-125543.pdf ] aimed at ending conflict in eastern DRC was signed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, by 11 African countries - Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, DRC, the Republic of Congo, Rwanda, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Dubbed the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC, the deal’s goals include the reformation of the DRC’s army and an end to regional interference in the country. Among the decisions reached was the formation of a neutral intervention force aimed at fighting “negative forces” in eastern DRC - referring not only to M23 but other armed groups as well.

While the deal was lauded as a breakthrough by African countries, analysts are more sceptical, criticizing the agreement as being long on rhetoric and short on detail and solid action plans. A Foreign Policy Association blog post [ http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2013/02/28/regional-peace-to-settle-violence-in-the-drc-shows-progress-not-so-fast/ ] noted that since the 1990s, a number of similar regional agreements had failed to bring peace to DRC. It pointed out that the some key players were not mentioned or involved - including armed groups like Raia Mutomboki [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96899/DRC-Civilian-population-in-Masisi-at-risk ] (Swahili for “angry citizens”), Mai Mai Cheka and the Hutu-dominated FDLR, whose presence in eastern DRC is perceived as a threat by Rwanda.

“The primary aggressors present in the country for the last 10 years, the militia groups that patrol the eastern provinces, were not even included in the discussion,” said the author, Daniel Donovan. “By excluding these groups, they hold no commitment to such an agreement, which begs the question: How does this move signify a guarantee for peace?”

What is next for the region?

On 28 March, the UN Security Council authorized [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44523&Cr=democratic&Cr1=congo ] an offensive “intervention brigade” to “address imminent threats to peace and security” as part of the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO).

“The objectives of the new force - which will be based in North Kivu Province in eastern DRC and total 3,069 peacekeepers - are to neutralize armed groups, reduce the threat they posed to State authority and civilian security, and make space for stabilization activities,” according to the UN News Centre. It also aims to support the Addis accord.

Following the announcement, the DRC government said it supported the intervention brigade and warned M23 rebels to disband. M23’s Bisimwa has rejected [ http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21993655 ] the UN’s decision to send the force, but said [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_YAzl8128kE ] the group would neither fight nor flee the UN forces. 

The International Federation of Human Rights [ http://www.fidh.org/DRC-An-intervention-brigade-within-MONUSCO-would-require-further-human-13106 ] has warned of a potential “escalation in military confrontations and increased risk of retaliatory attacks by armed groups against civilians” as a result of the force’s entry into the fray, and urged MONUSCO to “mitigate against the increased risks that communities will face”. 

Experts say reforms in eastern DRC must go beyond military solutions. “The intervention brigade… should not be seen as the only solution but one element of a comprehensive solution,” said ICG’s Lagrange.

“After last year’s fall of Goma and rise of the Mai Mai [rebel] threat, there is a serious need for a new approach against the armed groups. Such an approach should include the use of military force; a targeted policy of arrest on armed groups' leaders; a DDR [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration] offer focusing on civilian reintegration; the investigation and neutralization of the logistical networks of the armed groups; and development work in the communities that generate armed groups,” he told IRIN. 

“Groups like M23 are not a cause but a symptom of what's going wrong in the DRC,” he added. “The Congolese government must commit to implement the security sector reforms, especially the reforms concerning the FARDC. It must also abandon its policy of peace prevailing over justice.” 

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97779/Briefing-M23-one-year-on</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271154440060t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 03 April 2013 (IRIN) - The M23 rebellion, the latest of a string of armed insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) North Kivu Province, has been active for one year now, during which hundreds of thousands have fled their homes and many have lost their lives.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Kony hunt still on after CAR coup</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.

Séléka overran the capital, Bangui, on 24 March, putting Bozizé to flight. The rebels named their leader, Michel Djotodjia, the new head of state.

“I don’t think the overthrow of President Bozizé by Séléka will change our mission and position in the hunt down of LRA rebels. We are in CAR with the mandate from [the] AU [African Union] and UN [United Nations],” Uganda’s state minister for international relations, Henry Okello Oryem, told IRIN, adding that his country is committed to capturing LRA leader Joseph Kony.

Uganda has some 2,500 soldiers deployed around the border areas of CAR, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, where Kony and his fighters are thought to spend most of their time. The Ugandan troops are joined by 500 Congolese fighters, 500 South Sudanese and 350 CAR troops, all operating under the auspices of the AU. In late 2011, the US deployed 100 special forces to the region as military advisers to the effort.

Ploughing on

According to Thierry Vircoulon, Central Africa project director for the think tank International Crisis Group (ICG), “the fall of Bozizé will not change much the situation on the ground, except if the Séléka leaders insist on the departure of the foreign troops as stipulated in the Libreville agreement [a peace agreement brokered in January and breached by the latest fighting? but never successfully implemented].”

Potential problems

Some analysts say, however, that the AU’s decision to suspend CAR from the organization following the coup could have negative consequences for the hunt for the LRA.

“The AU’s suspension of CAR poses a great challenge and will slow down the hunt for Kony and his rebels. Uganda has to re-negotiate with Séléka rebels… in order for its troops to have the mandate to operate in their territory,” Ronald Ssekandi, a regional political analyst based in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, told IRIN.

Angelo Izama, a political affairs analyst at the US-based Open Society Foundation, said the hunt for Kony and the LRA would largely depend on Séléka’s control of the country.

“The deterioration of government in CAR is a significant complication for the hunt against Joseph Kony. The LRA's asymmetrical, low-tech survival strategy thrives in conditions of lawlessness and violence, especially in the hinterland,” he told IRIN.

“Already the geographical terrain, as well as the size of CAR, has been a practical constraint against the forces hunting Kony. If Séléka is unable to consolidate control, it would further the physical and tactical net within which LRA can seek opportunities to rebuild weapons caches,” he added. “The Séléka rebels do not have the capacity [to limit LRA activities]… In addition, Kony is not their problem; there are much more important emergencies to deal with.”

According to Lt Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ (UPDF) Land Forces, Kony’s fighters currently number about 400, and they continue to roam around CAR, DRC, Sudan and South Sudan. He said some LRA defectors recently reported that Kony was in Sudan’s western region of Darfur, while his senior commanders, Dominic Ongwen and Okot Odhiambo, are thought to be in CAR.

Kony, Odhiambo and Ongwen are wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/situations%20and%20cases/situations/situation%20icc%200204/Pages/situation%20index.aspx ] for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Uganda.

LRA still a threat

“The LRA no longer pose a big threat, but there are still [a] few pockets of LRA rebels operating in CAR under Odhiambo and Ongwen. They are a nuisance. They have continued to abduct, maim and kill unarmed people,” Katumba told IRIN.

“It is important to recall that, despite [the] relatively small number of remaining elements, the LRA continues to pose a serious threat to civilians, with dire humanitarian consequences, in the affected areas in CAR, DRC and South Sudan,” Abou Moussa, head of the UN Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), told IRIN via email.

In February, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported [ http://www.hdptcar.net/sites/www.hdptcar.net/files/Bulletin%20humanitaire%2001%20eng-1.pdf ] that in the country’s southeast, “there has been an increase in the LRA attacks against communities and hostages being taken.”

According to LRA Crisis Tracker [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ], the LRA was responsible for 13 civilian deaths and 17 abductions in CAR February 2013. UNOCA says an estimated 443,000 people are currently displaced in LRA-affected areas, many of them depending on international assistance for food, shelter, health care, water and sanitation. This includes an estimated 347,000 people in Province Orientale’s Haut-Uélé and Bas-Uélé districts in DRC.

Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, recently sent a message [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/fr_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/Pages/statement-OTP-18-03-2013.aspx ] to the LRA, assuring them that, should they be arrested, they would not be “tortured or killed” and would receive a fair trial.

Commitment to the cause

Analysts say if the LRA threat is to be laid to rest once and for all, countries in the region must show more commitment to finding Kony.

“It requires committed governments to arrest Kony. The ICC can only base its optimism in this practical possibility. There is no government in CAR, soft states in South Sudan and Chad, and support for LRA from Sudan. It’s plausible that the situation above favours the LRA and not the ICC,” said Open Society Foundation’s Izama.

“Kony's continued existence, and that of his entire group, is part of a much larger problem in the Great Lakes region: failure by governments to resolve internal political problems and to work together in a concerted way to bring to an end cross-border insurgencies in the region,” said Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a political scientist and senior research fellow at Makerere University’s Institute of Social Research. “Their proliferation points to the existence of problems or grievances that ought to be addressed - questions to do with citizenship and nationality, land ownership, access to services and opportunity.”

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97737/Kony-hunt-still-on-after-CAR-coup</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</td></tr></table>>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>