<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Early Warning</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 10:30:35 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>In Brief: Weather data for all</title><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007100511t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Disaster risk reduction officials planning emergency responses now have the option to consult a new online international weather, climate and water system operated by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Disaster risk reduction officials planning emergency responses now have the option to consult a new online international weather, climate and water system [ http://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/www/WIS/GISCs.html ] operated by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO). 

The system contains raw weather data and is aimed at professionals who have some familiarity with it, says Stephen Foreman, head of data representation, metadata and monitoring for the new WMO tool. “Weather information [collated by WMO from the various national meteorological services] at the moment is shared by a closed club - we all seem to be working in our silos.” 

The new resource is designed to help professionals working on climate change forecasts; speed up collation and interpretation of global weather data; and provide information on when weather information for any global location will be available. Researchers and experts on food security, water management, disaster risk reduction and health could benefit by exploiting the new tool. 

Separate servers and data collection centres in China, Japan and Germany give the system greater robustness - and the network of these global portals is set to grow. 

jk/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94774</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007100511t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 01 February 2012 (IRIN) - Disaster risk reduction officials planning emergency responses now have the option to consult a new online international weather, climate and water system operated by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Shortage of HIV test kits raises concerns</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008112622t.jpg" />]]>NAROK 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Voluntary counselling and testing centres around Kenya are turning people away due to a shortage of HIV testing kits after the recall in December of more than one million faulty HIV tests.</description><body><![CDATA[NAROK 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Voluntary counselling and testing centres around Kenya are turning people away due to a shortage of HIV testing kits after the recall in December of more than one million faulty HIV tests.

"We have had a shortage of the test kits for the past month and we have had to turn away patients. There are serious gaps with the supply chain and this has led to constant shortages of these crucial commodities," said John Sankok, director of the Christian Missionaries Fellowship, which runs several health clinics in the Rift Valley Province's Narok South District.

"We have had to prioritize and use the kits available for testing expectant mothers, because this is very crucial," he added.

In November, the UN World Health Organization removed the Standard Diagnostics Bioline® HIV 1/2 3.0 Rapid HIV Test Kit from its list of approved rapid test kits with immediate effect; the alert was issued after Bioline failed quality assurance tests.

The Kenyan government has since withdrawn it; an estimated one million kits were in circulation at the time of the recall, about one-tenth of all those available in the country; Tanzania has also banned the tests.

Bioline was used as a confirmatory test, the second conducted during standard HIV testing, which uses three tests - an initial screening test, a confirmatory test and if there is a discrepancy, a third, tie-breaker test.
As a result of the recall, Unigold, the brand used in Kenya as a tie-breaker, now replaces Bioline as the confirmatory test, and the enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) test - which requires a blood sample be sent to a laboratory and takes significantly longer than the rapid tests - becomes the tie-breaker. A brand known as Determine retains its place as the official screening test.

Senior government officials blamed the shortage on congestion at the Mombasa port.

"There have been problems with the port due to slow clearance of cargo occasioned by congestion and this has led to delays in distributing Unigold," said Nicholas Muraguri, head of the National AIDS and Sexually transmitted infections Control Programme. "We, however, expect things to normalize by the end of this month."

Sankok said until the Unigold kits arrive, his clinics and other were stuck. "The HIV testing procedure is such that you cannot do a test if you are missing any of the kits. So until the Unigold gets to the facilities, nothing will happen in terms of HIV testing," he said.

People seeking HIV testing have also expressed frustration with the delays.

"It is very discouraging when you go to the facility when you really want to get tested, then you are turned way and when you return after some time you are turned away again," said Judith*, a VCT client in Narok.

*Not her real name

ko/kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94741</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008112622t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAROK 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Voluntary counselling and testing centres around Kenya are turning people away due to a shortage of HIV testing kits after the recall in December of more than one million faulty HIV tests.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>BURUNDI: Fears of looming food shortage</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101120815280828t.jpg" />]]>BUJUMBURA 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - There are fears of a looming food shortage in Burundi after heavy rains damaged two successive harvests, say officials.</description><body><![CDATA[BUJUMBURA 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - There are fears of a looming food shortage in Burundi after heavy rains damaged two successive harvests, say officials.  

"More than half of the expected harvest was lost in flooding and siltation," Methode Niyongendako, a consultant with the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), said.  

The rains peaked in mid-September and November, exceeding forecasts in terms of volume and frequency, and were the heaviest since October 1961, according to households questioned, added Niyongendako.  

The most affected provinces include Gitega, Mwaro, Ngozi and Ruyigi, which have many rivers running through them.  

In Makamba, in the south of Burundi, at least 60 percent of the banana, cassava and maize crop was swept away, according to Salvator Sindayigaya, the agriculture provincial director, with the Kayagoro, Kibago, Makamba and Nyanzalac communes the most affected.  

The affected crop accounts for the country's June to December harvest, agriculture season C, which represents 15 percent of the annual production.  

According to the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) [ http://www.fews.net/pages/remote-monitoring-country.aspx?gb=bi ], the persistence of banana bacterial wilt in the provinces of Cankuzo and Kirundo and the continuation of cassava mosaic disease have further undermined food availability.  

"In Cankuzo, food stocks for the poorest households are quickly depleting because the harvest from the 2011 C, mainly beans and maize, was lower than expected due to excess rains," added FEWS NET.  

At present, the Ministry of Agriculture and partners are assessing the production for season 2012 A, which ends in January and represents 35 percent of the total annual production.  

But there is little hope for good stocks as heavy rains, which started with the planting season in September 2011, continued throughout the cropping season.  

On 11 January, for example, some 45 hectares of crops were destroyed in Buganda, northwestern Cibitoke Province.  

"We were expecting a good harvest but hail destroyed all the crops of cassava and maize," said Ernest Ndayizeye, a local leader. "Our children will die of hunger."  

Rising prices and funding issues  In central Karuzi Province, Isaac Nimpagaritse, an agriculture official, noted that food prices had increased.  A kilogramme of beans is now selling for 800 francs (US$0.62), double the normal price, after the bean crop was damaged at the flowering stage.  

"If they [farmers] plant 50kg of beans they were normally getting 300kg [in harvests] but now they cannot even get [something] to eat. Many now have only a meal per day."  

Food scarcity has also been blamed for primary school drop-outs in Karuzi where 5,000 children left school in the first term of the 2011-2012 school year, according to education officials.  

In response, agriculture and administration officials are calling for help with planting material ahead of the next planting season B, expected to be harvested in June.  

But limited funding is a problem.  

"Emergency needs are not funded; what is provided for the intervention is well below the needs," said FAO's Niyongendako.  

A programme coordinator at the UN World Food Programme, Christian Nzeyimana, said: "There are no pledges; we live on voluntary contributions from donors.  "If the situation worsens with the results of the evaluation of season A, the gap might be even bigger and compromise other programmes." 

jb/aw/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94737</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101120815280828t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUJUMBURA 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - There are fears of a looming food shortage in Burundi after heavy rains damaged two successive harvests, say officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>UGANDA: Basua community battles for survival</title><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg" />]]>BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</description><body><![CDATA[BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV. 

Uganda has two indigenous forest communities - the Batwa people of the southwest, a larger group originally from Rwanda and Burundi, and the Basua in the west who came from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Already marginalized for their short stature and for being traditional forest dwellers, the Basua have continued to receive less assistance than the Batwa because they are more geographically isolated and have a smaller population, numbering just 100. 

Forced resettlement 

Western Uganda's Semliki Forest - the historical home of the Basua - became a National Park in 1993, and as a result, the community has lost its hunter-gatherer existence; they now have to request permission to fish and collect medicinal herbs and firewood, and are forbidden from hunting. 

The Basua have been moved around ever since, most recently to a village outside the small trading town of Bundimasoli in 2007, after a local NGO won a grant from the European Union to build a village for them, but the project collapsed under corruption allegations before it was completed. The community still has no clear rights to the land where it was resettled, and struggles to access basic services such as clean drinking water and healthcare. 

"Imagine someone is used to maybe going to the office, working, making phone calls, going to the ATM, withdrawing money... then you dump them in the forest instead," said Fred Lulinaki, a programme director at the East and Central Africa Association for Indigenous Rights (ECAAIR). “If they survive, it will be just by luck." 

Some Basua men and women find casual jobs such as hauling wood, but most sit around the village with nothing to do. Some have turned to alcohol. Of the 40 children, Lulinaki said only two attend school, either because they are orphaned or their parents cannot afford the cost of pens and school fees. Fifteen of the community's children are orphans. 

HIV 

Ezekiel Mugisa, local coordinator of the Organisation for the Survival of the Basua (OSIBA), said the first documented case of HIV among them was in 1985, but the virus really established a foothold when the Allied Democratic Forces - a Ugandan rebel group - launched a movement to overthrow the Ugandan government for the DRC in the mid-1990s. The Ugandan troops sent to fight the insurgents set up camp near the Basuas’ home; soldiers and suppliers offered money and goods in exchange for sex with Basua women, or raped them. 

Rumours have long circulated in Uganda that sex with Basua women cured back pain and HIV. Stan Frankland, an anthropologist at Scotland's University of St Andrews, has been working with and advocating for the community since he first visited them as a tourist in 1990. He helped establish OSIBA. 

Frankland said the myths stemmed from a belief that as forest dwellers, the Basua "have some spiritual aspect to them. That they're not fully human... they might transmit this power." 

Even with the troops gone and education campaigns debunking supposed AIDS cures, transactional sex remains common. For many women, it is the only viable way of supporting themselves. HIV is a secondary concern to getting enough to eat. 

There are no official statistics on HIV prevalence among the Basua, but those who do know they are HIV-positive have limited access to, or knowledge about, treatment. Since Save the Children pulled out recently, the nearest source of treatment is a health centre 20km away - few of the Basua can afford the transport costs. Even when they did have access to ARVs, there was no formal process to teach people why the drugs were important or how to take and store them. Instead, many would trade the drugs for food, according to Mugisa. 

"The [Basua] are dying," said Basua King Geoffrey Nzito, who had just concluded a burial ceremony. "I want people to join hands so at least they can come to a solution that is good for us." 

Powerless 

The Basuas’ situation mirrors the problems indigenous groups around the world are facing, says Rebecca Adamson, president and founder of First Peoples Worldwide (FPW), a group that makes small, direct grants to indigenous groups to help carry out livelihood projects that they design and develop. 

Adamson said she had seen many indigenous groups kicked off land they had lived on and cultivated for hundreds of years, so that governments and companies could access it for mining, industry or tourism. Once they are displaced, there is little funding to help the groups integrate into life outside the forests. 

The funding that exists is often driven by NGOs without the input of the indigenous people, so they "remain at the whims of what western society wants for them instead of what they want for themselves", she said. 

Adamson is afraid that "we will be seeing large-scale extinction of certain groups" like the Basua. 

ECAAIR is seeking funding to launch livelihood projects for the Basua community that build on the skills they have from life in the forest – fishing, bee-keeping, growing garlic - and turning them into sustainable businesses. As they wait for funding, association members have already started teaching basic bookkeeping classes to the community. 

"This skills training is aimed at reducing vulnerability and dependence, which will also reduce the HIV and AIDS," Lulinaki said. 

Frankland is also encouraging the community to be more active about protecting their health. In December he led a discussion about the dangers of transactional sex. The lesson seems to have stuck. Since the beginning of the year, Nzito said he and other members of the community have been driving away the men who come at night seeking out Basua women. 

It is a small step, but the community also urgently requires access to HIV treatment and education; other health crises – mainly malnutrition and untreated malaria - are also affecting the community. 

Frankland said the Basua acknowledged their fear that the community would soon die out. "There are only 100 of them. If you can't save 100 people, how are you going to make it work on a larger scale?" 

ag/kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94732</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201261331170493t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BUNDIMASOLI 26 January 2012 (IRIN) - The marginalized western Ugandan Basua community is fighting extinction; forcibly removed from their forest home two decades ago, they have struggled to cope with modern life and have been ravaged by health crises, including HIV.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Coping with climate change</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding. 

In a review of its humanitarian operations (HERR), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/HERR.pdf ]
 the UK government was among the first donors to place resilience at the centre of its “approach both to longer-term development and to emergency response” and announced its intention to scale-up work on resilience. 

Aid experts and NGOs provide various reasons for the growing popularity and emergence of resilience as a concept. Some are sceptical. But they all agree it is a positive approach that will bring the worlds of development and humanitarian aid closer. 

What does resilience mean in the aid world? 

Some call it just another addition to the growing aid jargon. But mostly people call it a new approach, a “lens”, which has given new meaning to “sustainable development”. 

Maarten van Aalst, director of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre and co-ordinating lead author of the summary of the special report on Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change (SREX) produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2011 explains it thus: Under the conventional sustainable development approach, if a road had to be constructed in a rural area, benefits - such as the impact on the lives of the communities living alongside, creation of job opportunities from the maintenance of the road and development of markets for the farming community - would have been taken into consideration. 

This is what Peter Walker, a leading aid expert, calls the “linear” approach. The old development models “made projections into the future from recent trends and assumed that, all other things being equal, life would get better”. 

But with a resilience lens on, the government or aid agency responsible for the road will consider the possibility of external shocks or unexpected developments that might affect the road and people’s lives. “What if the area becomes prone to floods or if there is an earthquake, what if food prices increase because the contractors are better off than the local population? [These] would be some of the factors that the project would now consider,” explains Van Aalst. 

The SREX defines resilience as “the ability of a system and its component parts to anticipate, absorb, accommodate, or recover from the effects of a hazardous event in a timely and efficient manner, including through ensuring the preservation, restoration, or improvement of its essential basic structures and functions”. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94301 ]

A much simpler definition is offered by Simon Levine, a member of the Africa Climate Change Resilience Alliance (ACCRA), a consortium of NGOs and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), where he is a research fellow: “It is the ability [of people, systems] to maintain their well-being.” 

Paul Cook, Tearfund’s director of policy, says the climate change community in its efforts to integrate “resilience to climate change across all development sectors”, is seeking a definition of resilience or “strengthened development" that is broad and “ensures communities and ecosystems have the capacity to adapt to uncertain change”. 

Tom Mitchell, head of climate change at ODI and also an SREX co-ordinating lead author, agrees, suggesting that “the HERR’s decision to foreground resilience has helped to generate new conversations between those working on risks to development, meaning new connections are being made between conflict, disaster, financial and climate risk management that were not happening to anywhere near the same extent before the HERR came out. This can only be a good thing.” 

Why the focus on resilience now? 

Brian Walker, one of the world’s first resilience scientists, says the increasing realization that people are unable to control factors, such as earthquakes, or influence certain situations, such as long-running conflicts, or halt man-made climate change have forced them to consider this approach. 

“The world leaders and the global institutions we have at present are simply unable to slow down the changes in greenhouse gases, growing antibiotic resistance, ocean acidification, loss of forests, etc,” he wrote in an email to IRIN. 

The development and humanitarian community of the 1970s and 1980s were optimistic, believing that given enough time and money for innovation, all the problems in the world could be fixed, says Peter Walker, who heads the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University. But that optimism has been ebbing in the past few years, fuelled by unresolved conflicts such as in Afghanistan. 

“As we come to understand the complexity of systems more and as we have evidence that we control only a small part of how these systems evolve, planners’ goals shift from ‘forcing’ systems along a path they determine, to seeking ways to nudge systems into states that will withstand shock.” 

But others like Tom Bigg, a development policy expert at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), see the reason for the shift as partly political and to do with basic rights. He thinks the resilience approach is about looking for solutions within (a person, system or a country) that make it more empowering than the previous development approach where “people were passive victims for whom change was determined externally”. 

Richard Klein, a scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), who is leading the work on adaptation for the IPCC’s next assessment, says the increasing use of the word resilience “has to do with the positive connotation it has. ‘Enhancing resilience' sounds better as a policy objective than 'reducing vulnerability', although by and large they would involve the same activities.” 

Where does the concept fit into an aid system? 

The resilience theory developed in 1973 by Buzz Holling, an ecologist, exists in all disciplines – economists look at how markets reorganize themselves after shocks, political scientists consider how fragile countries recover after war and so on. The study of resilience is a multi-disciplinary science. 

It is difficult to trap resilience in a silo of its own, says ODI’s Levine. Its usefulness lies in the fact that it has built bridges between the worlds of development, relief and disaster risk reduction – as the goal of all these sectors is to produce individuals, communities, countries or any system able to withstand shocks, he said. 

Its application differs. 

Some view it as similar to the participatory, consultative approach - where existing communities’ capacity and expectations to cope and recover are taken into account when planning disaster risk reduction programmes. NGOs such as the Red Cross/Red Crescent have been working with this approach for the last few years. 

The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has developed projects that enhance resilience to disasters. For instance, in the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP) that covers 7.8 million people in Ethiopia by providing regular and predictable cash and food transfers, DFID has introduced a new risk financing mechanism. This allows the programme to expand in times of shock such as a particularly long dry season, for longer periods or to cover more people. 

In the past five years there have been increased efforts to integrate adaptation and disaster risk reduction as both "aim to reduce the impacts of shocks by anticipating risks and addressing vulnerabilities". IPCC’s SREX was an attempt to do that. Then there have also been efforts to integrate the two into development planning and practice, says Van Aalst. “Resilience is often used as a convenient umbrella concept that captures some of this integration.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85372 ]

Funding issues 

There is no separate funding for resilience. But a specific project within a single sector like the risk financing mechanism in Ethiopia’s PSNP could possibly find openings. DFID has started looking at it from a disaster resilience and conflict perspective. According to Tearfund’s Cook, “It will obviously be challenging to try to channel money for building up resilience across the whole range of sectors in a coherent way but, for us, it would seem counterproductive to establish stand-alone resilience initiatives,” he added. After all it is a concept that looks at things in totality. 

Partners in Resilience is a five-year project run in five countries which integrates risk-reduction, adaptation and environmental protection using resilience as an umbrella, bringing NGOs such as the Netherlands Red Cross, Care, Wetlands International, CORDAID and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre together. But the project raised the money by aligning its objectives with that of the Netherlands Development Aid – in this case it was poverty alleviation, civil society building and so on. 

The problems 

Van Aalst raises two concerns. The real problem around implementation concerns capacity and scale. “It is easy to run pilot projects and try to influence change but initiatives like these need to be scaled-up to make a difference. And if you want to scale-up you need capacity and you need to keep the objectives simple and not confuse people on the ground with yet another term." He suggested being realistic about the kind of outcomes sought from a project. 

The other problem was the word might hide the underlying causes of vulnerability, particularly inequalities, he said. "The causes of vulnerability are often closely related to development decisions that create vulnerability." For instance, the creation of urban slums in areas exposed to environmental risks such as river banks. 

Ultimately, as Klein points out, "I don't believe in the possibility of rationally calculating the optimal level of preparedness/adaptation/resilience of society. There is no such thing as zero risk; the level of risk a society is exposed to is a social and political decision." 

jk/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94714</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTH AFRICA: Red tape ensnares asylum-seekers</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.

“We keep coming back here but they won’t help us without those papers,” said Abdul, a Somali national in one of the queues that had been forming in a patch of wasteland across the street from the Marabastad RRO in Pretoria since the early hours of a recent Wednesday morning. “They tell us to just go back to the border and get deported back to our country.”

“I heard it was easy to get asylum here and I was tired of conflict,” said Mohammed, another Somali who had arrived at Marabastad at 2am to join the queue. “I’ve been here three weeks and this is my fourth time here, I’m just trying my luck. They’re asking for the 14 days (section 23) paper, which I don’t have.”

The section 23 permit is normally issued to anyone entering the country who wants to apply for asylum. It gives them 14 days to report to an RRO and formally apply for refugee status, although following an amendment to South Africa’s immigration law, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] the section 23 permit will soon only be valid for five days.

Several observers IRIN spoke to at Marabastad said that since the beginning of December 2011, newly-arrived asylum-seekers had been coming to the office without section 23 permits and were turned away by home affairs officials before they even reached the entrance to the building. 

“They used to take about 100 newcomers a day, but now they turn everyone away, it doesn’t matter what nationality you are,” said Abdi Abdullahi, a Somali national who comes to Marabastad to assist his fellow Somalis with translation every Wednesday - the only day of the week when new applications from East Africans are accepted. “Newcomers have no access so fewer people are coming. Too many people just stay at home without legal permits.”

Refugee office closures

The new and unannounced policy of not issuing section 23 permits appears to have gone into effect just as refugee rights activists were celebrating two high court decisions which questioned the legality of the closure of RROs in Johannesburg and the east coast city of Port Elizabeth by the Department of Home Affairs. 

The Crown Mines RRO in Johannesburg closed in May 2011 following litigation by local businesses who complained about the influx of migrants to the area. Lawyers for Human Rights, on behalf of the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA), an umbrella organization for local refugee and migrant rights groups, challenged the Department’s decision not to open a new RRO in a city which attracts the largest number of refugees and asylum-seekers in the country. 

The court found that the decision had in fact been taken in line with a long-term government policy to eventually move all refugee reception services to the country’s borders, but that the lack of any public consultation on the matter had been unlawful.

Home Affairs’ attempts to close down another RRO in Port Elizabeth in November, also ostensibly due to complaints from local businesses, was again met with court action from local refugee rights groups. A December high court ruling required the department to continue providing services to holders of asylum-seeker and refugee permits pending a full hearing on the matter scheduled for February.

Move to the borders

In December, Amnesty International issued a statement [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/.../007/.../afr530072011en.pdf ] registering its alarm at the decision to move all asylum services to ports of entry, noting that “such a move is likely to have a profoundly detrimental effect on the ability of applicants seeking international protection to pursue their claims effectively.”

Following pressure from civil society groups, the Home Affairs Department held a meeting with several NGOs on 21 December in which Lindile Kgasi, chief director of refugee affairs, elaborated on the Department’s intention to move all refugee reception services to the borders as part of a three-year roadmap for “effective and efficient processing and management of asylum-seekers and refugees”.

The roadmap schedules the first of two refugee reception centres to be established at border posts by 2013, with the remaining centres opening in 2014. According to CoRMSA Acting Director Roshan Dadoo, who was present at the meeting, Kgasi said the centres would carry out some initial screening of asylum-seekers for health and security purposes before admitting them into the country, but was vague on the degree of refugee status determination that would take place at the centres and whether asylum-seekers would be detained at borders.

According to Dadoo, Kgasi emphasized that although there were no current plans to detain refugees and asylum-seekers in camps, as many other countries in the region do, she did not rule out this possibility in the future if the current system continued to allow large numbers of economic migrants posing as asylum-seekers to be issued with permits.

“There’s no clarity from them,” commented Dadoo. “They’ve shown us this plan, but they’re not clear at all about what this means in the interim, and now suddenly it seems they’re not giving section 23s.”

A method of exclusion?

The Department of Home Affairs was invited to comment on the non-issuance of section 23 permits, but up until the time of publishing had not responded. However, Dadoo said CoRMSA had received many reports of asylum-seekers without travel documents not being issued with section 23 permits at borders, and that, with the exception of Cape Town, all RRO offices were turning away people who could not produce the permits.

Tina Ghelli, a spokesperson with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in South Africa, said that according to the 1951 Refugee Convention, an individual is not required to produce identification documents in order to apply for asylum and that UNHCR had raised the issue with Home Affairs.

David Cote of Lawyers for Human Rights pointed out that in terms of South Africa’s Refugees Act, a section 23 permit was also not a requirement for applying for asylum. “It seems to be a method they’re using to exclude people without dealing with the inefficiencies within the Department [of Home Affairs] which are part of the problem,” he told IRIN.

Cote added that the issuing of section 23 permits would in any case become virtually redundant once asylum-seekers were given only five days to report to an RRO, a change likely to be implemented from the beginning of April. As each office assigns only one day of the week to a particular nationality group, most applicants would need to wait up to a week to apply, even once they had managed to get themselves to one of only four remaining RROs in the country.

Corruption

Another significant barrier exists in the form of endemic corruption at the RROs. At Marabastad, many of the asylum-seekers IRIN spoke to claimed it was almost impossible to get an asylum-seeker permit, otherwise known as a section 23, without paying bribes to officials and security guards.

“No one gets a permit without money,” said Halima, who was accompanying a recently arrived Somali woman suffering from malaria. “They give you a newspaper to put money in or they go to the bathroom and look for the money when they come back. Even me, I paid R2,000 (US$252) for a two-year permit.”

Halima’s friend had already been turned away from one hospital because of her lack of a permit, but a home affairs official saw her lying on the ground with little interest, claiming that he could not help her without the section 23 paper. 

“These people are trying to fulfil their obligations according to the law, but the Immigration Act doesn’t provide them with alternatives to seeking asylum,” said Cote.

ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94692</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301429520334t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 January 2012 (IRIN) - Asylum-seekers entering South Africa are no longer being issued with the necessary documents to apply for refugee status. Without a so-called section 23 permit, they are being turned away from Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) and denied the opportunity to legalize their stay in the country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IRAQ: People consider fleeing as violence increases</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.
 
The wave of attacks, carried out mainly by Sunni extremists from Al-Qaeda in Iraq against Shia communities, has alarmed many who fear the country could descend into chaos once more, with the government itself acknowledging it is not capable of ensuring security on its own.
 
The attacks also come as political factions are at loggerheads over how to reach a power-sharing deal. The Sunni community is complaining that it is being marginalized by the Shia-led government, which recently issued arrest warrants against Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashemi and other politicians for allegedly operating death squads. 
 
Many fear the current violence could send the country back to the days of 2006-07 when Shia-Sunni conflict left thousands of people dead and millions of others displaced. A few families have already packed their bags and others are contemplating leaving.
 
Here is how some Iraqis are feeling: 
 
Sultan Abdul-Latif Ibrahim, a 55-year-old father of six from the Shia Shabak minority in the northern province of Ninevah: “I lost 10 of my relatives since [the US-led invasion in] 2003... We used to live in the provincial capital, Mosul, for years with Sunnis and Christians. But in 2007 we were forced out of our houses by Sunni extremists who blew up our homes. Since then, we have been living in a makeshift camp on the outskirts of Mosul. Last Monday [16 January] our camp was attacked by a parked car bomb, killing eight people, including six of my relatives. I wish to die now rather than later. We can’t bear the hardships we are going through every day. We, the Shia, are facing constant threats by Sunni extremists who want to eliminate us and there is no place to go. I can’t afford to move with my family to another place.”
 
Hassan Abdul-Mahdi, a 35-year-old Sunni businessman and father of three from Baghdad: “Iraq today is just like Iraq after the toppling of the previous regime. There is one group that wants to dominate and impose its control on the country. Today, the Shia-led government and politicians who control the security forces have started to hunt down Sunni leaders and political figures to bite them one by one using different means... I’m contemplating leaving Iraq as the situation seems to be getting worse.”
 
Jandak Youssif, a 46-year-old Christian from Baghdad: “The situation is getting worse day by day, and the government doesn’t care about our suffering and needs. Our economy is stagnant; illiteracy and unemployment are prevalent; decent public services are not available; and people are leaving the country due to the security situation and religious discrimination. Christians are being attacked and no-one is campaigning for their rights. We are not seeing any improvement in any aspect of our life… My family is scattered in many parts of the world; my parents and brother are stuck in Syria waiting to be relocated to a third country. I have three sisters in Denmark, one in the Netherlands and two in Ninevah Province. Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world but we are the worst in terms of corruption, unemployment and illiteracy.”
 
Examples of recent violence
 
16 January: Two car bombs targeted a camp for displaced Shabak in the northern province of Ninevah and a commercial area in the central province of Babil, killing 11 and wounding 21. 
 
14 January: A bomb attack against Shia pilgrims in the southern province of Basra killed 53 and injured 130. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attack.
 
10 January: A wave of bombs and assassinations nationwide killed 10 people. The targets were government officials, security forces and Shia pilgrims. 
 
9 January: Three car bombs exploded in Baghdad, killing 17 and wounding dozens.
 
5 January: A wave of bombings targeted Shia Muslims in Baghdad and other provinces heading on foot to the revered city of Karbala to mark the anniversary of the death of Imam Hussein. Seventy-eight people were killed and more than 100 wounded.
 
22 December: A string of coordinated bombs tore through mainly Shia neighbourhoods in Baghdad, killing 69 and injuring nearly 200. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for the attacks.
 
18 December: The USA pulled the last of its combat forces out of Iraq, leaving only 200 for training and diplomatic protection.
 
sm/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94677</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20041112t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Suicide attacks, assassinations and bombings in Iraq have claimed the lives of at least 265 people and injured hundreds of others since 18 December, the date the USA withdrew all but 200 of its troops from the country, according to the health and interior ministries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Public health risk as taps run dry</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190944040303t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.
 
"Today… uncontrolled urbanization is one the main causes of water scarcity… The continued decline in the quality of groundwater reserves will increase the risk of it being polluted. For now, we cannot use this water for public use. This means we will experience severe water shortages, especially in the economic capital [Abidjan] if nothing is done to tackle the problem. The difficulties we face now are small compared to what lies ahead,” warned Marius Kouassi Aka, a water science researcher at the University of Abidjan.
 
Rapidly growing demand for water in Abidjan - partly as a result of the influx of people into the city during the civil war - has stretched water supplies: “The district of Abidjan has only a dozen wells. The technical facilities are overwhelmed,” said Hilary Kinimo, SODECI [ http://www.sodeci.com/ ] (state water company) regional director for Abidjan North, adding that three new boreholes were due to be completed in June.
 
SODECI said the problems in the north of the country were due to poor maintenance of water supply systems resulting from years of political strife. 
 
In the northern town of Dabakala taps have been dry for 12 days, obliging residents to seek unsafe alternatives.
 
"We are forced to go into the creeks to supply ourselves,” said Daouda Soro, a teacher in this town of some 20,000 residents.
 
By going into the creeks, said Ibrahim Touré, a doctor at Abobo General Hospital in Abidjan, people risked contracting guinea worm - a debilitating disease caused by a roundworm present in stagnant swamps, lakes, lagoons and rivers. The disease was officially eradicated in 2007 but re-emerged during the civil war.
 
Cholera risk
 
Another risk is cholera, which tended to emerge in January every year, he said. The disease can also be spread by street vendors who sell water of dubious quality.
 
The situation is similar in the western towns of Guiglo and Duékoué. In Abidjan shortages are acute in some areas such as Niangon (in Yopougon District). Here Florence Djedje has not had a drop of tap water for at least three months, forcing her and others like building contractor Bernadin N’Guessan to buy water from street vendors. “This is the first time we have had to live like this,” N’Guessan said.
 
In the southern Abidjan district of Port-Bouet 100,000 people recently took to the streets demanding clean drinking water. 
 
Touré said the sale by street vendors of “drinking” water in plastic sachets should be banned. He urged residents to boil and filter water meant for drinking. 
 
In the nearby town of Adjamé, seven people died and 35 others were hospitalized because of cholera in 2011.
 
"The fear is that we will have another tragedy like that; it may not be cholera, but there are diarrhoeal diseases such as gastro-enteritis one can contract due to drinking poor quality water," said Innocent Kouamé, a nurse at the Abobo Community Health Centre. 
 
aa/oss/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94674</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201190944040303t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - A severe shortage of clean drinking water in parts of Côte d’Ivoire is reaching critical levels and threatening public health, say residents and officials.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Avalanches cut off parts of drought-hit northeast</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.  

“If the snow continues to keep the roads to rural and remote districts closed and we don’t get any assistance, we would face a severe humanitarian crisis,” Abdul Maroof Rasekh, a government spokesperson from mountainous Badakhshan Province, told IRIN. 

The snow has cut off 14 of the province’s 28 districts from the provincial capital Faizabad, preventing people from accessing markets to get food for themselves and their cattle, he said.  

At least 70 families are trapped in their homes in Eshkashim District, where rescue teams are trying to help them, Rasekh added. Altogether, hundreds of families are trapped in different districts, he said. 

The heavy snow and avalanches have led to the deaths of at least 20 people, with 11 injured, Rasekh said. The cold weather and lack of animal feed in these areas also killed around 600 cattle. 

According to a report received by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), 150 people travelling in a convoy in Baghlan Province were found alive after surviving overnight in their cars, under two metres of snow.  

Poor roads and snow in winter mean it can take days to travel from one village to another in this a mainly Tajik-speaking province with an estimated population of one million, where most people are reliant on agriculture and livestock. 

Badakhshan was among the provinces hit by drought last year which, according to an assessment by the World Food Programme (WFP), led 2.8 million Afghans nationwide to require food assistance. 

Rasekh said there was a lack of food for people and fodder for their animals. “The Ministry of Agriculture only sent food assistance for 10,000 families before winter. Other than that, we haven’t got any assistance from the government or aid community,” he added. 

WFP aid 

But Sediq Hassani, head of policy at the Afghanistan National disaster Management Authority, said the government and its international partners, including WFP, had sent more than 70,000 tons of food and some non-food items to these areas months ago to help farmers affected by drought and feed people in case of emergency during the winter.  

The portion for drought was distributed upon arrival and provincial disaster management authorities are now deciding how to distribute the emergency rations, based on need, he said.  

“In some provinces, they have already started distributing food, but in some other areas, due to heavy snowfall, they are not able to deliver food for the needy people and I think that is a bit of problem,” Hassani said. “But we are still trying.” 

WFP began distributing emergency food across drought-hit areas in December, and had been distributing food to chronically hungry people before that as part of its regular programs. 

Communities in these areas are accustomed to roads becoming impassable for six months every year, Mohammad Taher Shahim, who works with OCHA in neighbouring Kunduz Province, told IRIN. Government institutions, hospitals and food markets are present inside the districts, he said, and other needs are positioned there before the winter. These include equipment to keep roads open and help people if they get trapped, Hassani said. The districts cut off from Faizabad can also be accessed by aid agencies from Tajikistan, Shahim added.  

Still, “the relevant government departments are working very hard right now to open the roads and rescue those people who have been trapped in places like Badakhshan,” Hassani told IRIN, adding that snow had also closed roads to mountainous areas of the central provinces of Daykundi and Bamyan. 

The Aga Khan Foundation Network has already begun work clearing 6km of road on Palfill Slope in Baghlan Province, Shahim said. But there could be further problems ahead, he added, with a high probability of more avalanches this year. 

mp/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94662</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: 2012 – “The Year of Crisis” in the Middle East</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.

The region was swept up by mass demonstrations that forced four dictators out of power, threatened the rule of several others, and created huge humanitarian needs. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94581 ]

But analysts say the region may get even hotter in the coming months, with serious consequences for security, displacement, livelihoods and access to food and water. 

“2012 is going to be the year of crisis,” said Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA). 

The following are some of the flashpoints and vulnerabilities to look out for: 

Syria

President Bashar al-Assad’s vow on 10 January to fight “terrorists” with an “iron fist” has Syrian activists worried that the crackdown will only get worse. The UN says more than 5,000 civilians and army defectors have probably been killed so far, while the government says 2,000 members of its security forces have died in the violence. 

According to the Turkish and Lebanese governments, more than 25,000 people fled Syria in 2011, though many have since returned. The UN has said there are pockets of humanitarian needs in the country, including reduced livelihoods, food insecurity and temporary cut-offs from basic services, which it said are likely to increase with the ongoing violence. 

A mission of Arab League monitors sent to Syria is struggling: it has acknowledged it needs assistance to carry out its tasks; its members have come under attack; and one of its monitors resigned in protest at what he called a “farce” of a mission. Al-Assad mocked the League during his speech, saying it had failed for six decades to do anything for Arabs. 

A failure of the Arab League mission means the UN will likely get involved, Edward Djerejian, a former US ambassador to Syria, told the BBC.

If Sunni powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia funnel weapons to the majority Sunni opposition movement in Syria, “it’s quite likely that the uprising would take an even more sectarian tone and you would have the potential for a second Iraq in Syria whereby political allegiances are based entirely on sect and ethnicity, militias are formed, the state collapses and you have a full-blown civil war”, said Christopher Phillips, a lecturer in international relations of the Middle East at Queen Mary college, University of London. The Syrian regime could also use a civil war as a way of clinging to power, he told IRIN.

Israeli Defence Minister Ehud Barak has said he expects al-Assad to fall within months and Israel has prepared for the eventuality of taking in fleeing refugees from al-Assad’s minority Alawi sect. 

If and when al-Assad’s government falls, Syria will be confronted by various challenges, including the polarization of sects, possible revenge killings or sectarian war, and an unpredictable reaction from Lebanon-based Shia militant group Hezbollah, and its backers in Iran.  

Iraq, Iran and Israel 
 
Analysts warn the increasingly violent and sectarian nature of the conflict in Syria is already contributing to violence in Iraq, could lead to conflict in Lebanon, Israel, the occupied Palestinian territory and/or Iran, and could trigger a regional war.  

An emboldened Sunni protest movement in Syria has already helped inspire Sunnis in Shia-led Iraq to rise up again, Phillips said. Suicide attacks, car bombs, and assassinations have targeted Shia neighbourhoods since US troops withdrew. Analysts say Shia Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to make the political elite inclusive, leaving Sunnis feeling threatened and causing them increasingly to try to exert their influence. Iraq is already on an escalating path of violence. 

The risk of losing al-Assad, a key ally, has heightened Iran’s perception of risk and may have contributed to ramped-up rhetoric between Iran and both the US and Israel over Iran’s nuclear programme and its threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway leading to the Persian Gulf through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes. 

“The sense of anxiety in Iran is quite high. This also increases the possibility of miscalculations there that could ignite a regional war,” Kahwaji said. 

Al-Assad’s fall would also weaken Hezbollah in Lebanon and tempt Israel to try to take the group out once and for all. “With the Syrian regime gone, Hezbollah would lose all supply lines with Iran and will appear to Israel as easy prey,” Kahwaji told IRIN. An attack on Hezbollah would fan old sectarian flames in Lebanon.

Gaza

The Israelis may also seek to weaken Hamas, the militant group that rules the Gaza Strip, which has been strengthened by the rise of moderate Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. 
Israeli military leaders have already warned that an attack on Gaza, similar to Operation Cast Lead [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=82301 ] in 2008-2009 is increasingly likely [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94484 ]. Ron Gilran, manager of the intelligence department at Max Security Solutions, a risk consulting company based in the Middle East, went a step further, describing it as “inevitable”. [ http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4169475,00.html ]
Some analysts say a US election year means Israel will face less opposition, due to domestic pressure, from the Obama administration and thus will have more room to act – both in Gaza and against Iran – “with any number of unexpected, unintended - and potentially disastrous - consequences”, Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, said. [ http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/27/next_years_wars?page=full ] 
 
However, others say the US is unlikely to greenlight a controversial Israeli attack during an election year. 

Yemen 

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s agreement to step down in February has halted mass protests that had engulfed the capital Sana’a and other cities, but observers are not convinced of a peaceful resolution.  

“Yemen stands between violent collapse and a thin hope of a peaceful transfer of power,” Arbour said. 

Elections scheduled for February could be very divisive and a failure to implement the political agreement could trigger further civil unrest and increased insecurity, according to the UN. 

Violence due to ongoing conflicts between the government and rebels in the north, as well as Al-Qaeda-affiliated militants in the south, continues to displace people and challenge the government’s ability to provide basic services.

Aid workers expect the number of internally displaced and severely food-insecure people to rise to 700,000 and 5-7 million people respectively in 2012. They also expect this year to bring increased malnutrition, outbreaks of communicable diseases, and mortality for vaccine-preventable diseases for children, as well as decreased school attendance and water availability. 

The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has identified Yemen as the country at most extreme risk of a humanitarian emergency in the Middle East in 2012, appealing for more than twice the funding it requested last year to meet needs in the country. 

Counter-revolution 

In those countries where uprisings have succeeded in pushing dictators out of power, the transitions have not been as smooth as many had hoped. 

“There is the potential that by the end of 2012, things look far less democratic and positive than they are now,” Phillips told IRIN. 

In Egypt, the failure of revolutionary youth and parties to make political gains after the uprising might be cause for trouble, according to Cairo University political science professor Amira Al Shanawany. 

“They are not part of any of the post-revolution governments,” Al Shanawany said. “They could not make any tangible victories in the parliamentary election either.” 

The resultant frustration might give rise to more political and social unrest in the next year in the form of more demonstrations and confrontations with military and civilian policemen, she said. Delayed reaction to results of the first elections, in which Islamists won the majority, could also spell trouble. 

In Libya, militias hanging on to their weapons [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94559 ] continue to pose a threat to the country’s stability as the interim central government struggles to exert control. 

Livelihoods

Economies hard hit by the Arab Spring - Egypt, Yemen, Syria and Tunisia - are unlikely to bounce back in 2012, according to Walid Khadduri, an adviser to the Middle East Economic Survey [ http://www.mees.com/ ]. 

“A lot of the money – both Arab and international – pledged to these countries has not really arrived,” Khadduri said, and foreign investors are unlikely to return immediately amid continued instability.”

In Egypt, for example, a widening budget deficit (150 billion pounds or nearly US$25 billion), coupled with falling revenues, will reduce the government’s ability to subsidize basic commodities this year, contributing to increased poverty and malnutrition, according to Ain Shams University economics professor Yumn Al Hamaki. 

Even in countries that do have the money, like Iraq (with projected oil revenue of $100 billion in 2012) and Libya (which is expected to return to pre-war levels of oil production by June), wealth may not trickle down to the people, Khadduri said, because of corruption or lack of functioning government. 

Youth unemployment – a major driver in the Arab Spring – continues to be a major challenge for the region, with more than half the population in Arab states younger than 25 and unemployment largely exceeding the global average. 

One-quarter of college graduates in Egypt and 30 percent of those in Tunisia cannot find full-time jobs, according to the UN Development Programme's (UNDP) 2011 Human Development Report (HDR) [ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Complete.pdf ]. 

Resource scarcity 

The Arab region is the world’s most arid: one-quarter of the population lives on land that cannot be productively cultivated – more than in sub-Saharan Africa, the 2011 HDR said. Water problems affect more than 60 percent of the region’s extreme poor, it added. Arab states have the greatest urban pollution of all regions and the world’s highest dependency on fossil fuels. 

“People are more concerned with security and how to manage these uprisings and new constitutions. Water and energy and food security will not be prioritized,” Rabi Mohtar, executive director of the Qatar Environment and Energy Research Institute, told IRIN.

“Already, we were at a crisis. Now… it’s going to get worse.”  

In Sudan and Morocco, nearly 40 percent of people live on degraded land - four times the global average - seriously affecting long-term ability to meet food needs, the HRD said. In Iraq, more than half the population is unhappy with its water supply, the report added. In Egypt, farmers will find it more difficult to find the necessary water for their fields. 

“Our population continues to grow, but our share of the water of the Nile [River] does not increase,” said Maghawry Shehata, an adviser to the Egyptian Irrigation Minister. 

Countries in the region are prone to drought and the increasing effects of climate change - land erosion, expanding deserts and severe water shortages - could sharpen existing hardships facing Arab states, the HDR warned.  Population growth and urbanization are further challenging the region.

“This is a slow-onset disaster, but very much a source of concern,” Abdul Haq Amiri, head of OCHA in the Middle East, told IRIN. 

There are already signs of increasing malnutrition in Yemen and Egypt. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia all consume water at many times the sustainable rates, while Jordan and Syria threaten to exhaust their renewable resources - “heightening tensions within the countries and with neighbours”, the HRD said. 

Troubles between Egypt and other Nile Basin countries are likely to grow as some of these countries, including Ethiopia, go ahead with plans to build Nile dams that might affect Egypt’s share, Shehata said. The positions of the newly created South Sudan and the new military regime in Egypt on this issue have yet to be fully understood and may also tip the balance. 

ae/ha/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94633</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112191307520496t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - If you thought 2011 was a historic year for the Middle East, 2012 is likely to be even more unpredictable.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Visions for a healthier West Bank economy*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). 
 
 “The Palestinian economy is a closed cash-circle,” the general manager of the Palestinian microfinance network Sharakeh explains.
 
 He goes on to draw several small arrows on the line, meant to indicate different elements of an isolated system: At the bottom, there is the construction worker, who gets his salary from a company contracted by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while the PA itself is kept alive through foreign aid. 
 
 “And this aid is the only fuel that keeps the circle running,” Tawil says, with a serious mien.
 
 Humanitarian aid to oPt increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to $1.3 billion in 2009. After Sudan, oPt was the second largest recipient of aid in the world in 2010. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] Economists and businessmen warn that the PA’s dependency on aid and vulnerability to external shocks could lead the entire West Bank economy to collapse, provoking a humanitarian crisis. Among the most vulnerable are the owners of small businesses and all those who depend on foreign aid channelled through the PA.
 
 Tawil is among a number of people in the West Bank with suggestions for a better way forward.
 
 Coping with aid cuts
 
 Shortly after the 2006 elections which brought militant group Hamas to power in oPt’s Gaza Strip, donors cut off more than $1 billion in aid to the PA as a means of boycotting Hamas. Since then, the West Bank economy has trembled over and over - despite a resumption of aid transfers to the PA in December 2007.
 
 2011 was an especially troublesome year for the PA’s budget, which was hit by delayed payments from Arab countries, temporary aid cuts of $200 million by the US Congress, and a temporary freeze on Israel’s monthly transfer of $100 million in tax funds to the PA. Though both Israel and the US later resumed payments, Israeli officials made clear that they would freeze funds again should Fatah, the dominant political party in the West Bank, form a unity government with Hamas. 
 
 The threats raised fears of a crisis scenario similar to 2006, when the PA’s budget slid from $180 million to $55 million a month, amid running debts of $1.7 billion. The crisis left government employees, who have a relatively high spending power, without salaries. Banks imposed a more restrictive borrowing policy on businesses; and the unsafe environment made foreign investment appear risky and less attractive. 
 
 As withholding aid has become a way to punish the Palestinians for unwanted political manoeuvring, the PA is now seeking more financial independence. 2013 is supposed to be the last year “in which the PA will need any external financing to help with recurrent expenditures,” Prime Minister Salam Fayyad announced in a 2011 interview with the Associated Press. [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45508465 ] 
 
 But it will not be easy, given such aid amounted to about $1.5 billion of the PA’s $3.7 billion budget in 2011. The remaining sources of income were about $105 million in monthly tax refunds from Israel, and much smaller domestic tax revenues. 
 
 The dangers of credit
 
 At first glance, the Ramallah-centred West Bank economy seems solid. Many new neighbourhoods are being built around the city and expensive cars are not uncommon. The West Bank economy grew by 7.6 percent (GDP) in 2010, according to the World Bank. 
 
 But much of what may have seemed like a boom in Ramallah is veneer. 
 
 The economy grew by only 4 percent in the first half of 2011, according to the Bank, and unemployment remained at about 16 percent. According to one employee at a Ramallah branch of the Arab Bank, everything is bought on credit - “even wedding dresses... $300 is enough for a loan of 10,000”.
 
 With a total of $1.09 million in debts, the PA - including its public institutions and employees - is the biggest of all Palestinian debtors, representing 40 percent of what is owed to Palestinian banks, according to Shirin al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestinian Monetary Authority (PMA). 
 
 “A political shock like that of 2006,” al-Ahmad added, “would mean that these 40 percent become a risk factor for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, because no money from the PA means no salaries, and no salaries means that people can’t pay back their loans, or need to take out new ones.”
 
 Even more vulnerable than PA-employees are those with no regular income at all. Without steady work, they are not eligible for loans from any of the 18 banks that operate in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This is why 43,100 Palestinians need to borrow from one of Sharakeh’s 11 microfinance institutions, with a total credit portfolio of $74.6 million, of which $54.7 million can be attributed to clients in the West Bank.
 
 Building an independent economy
 
 “Most of our clients want to run a small business. They are the backbone of the West Bank economy,” said Tawil, the general manager of Sharakeh. “If the cash injections from foreign aid delay PA employees’ salaries, small businesses like groceries are the first that feel the results.”
 
 Mazen Khayyat, owner of a clothing shop in the centre of Ramallah, told IRIN his business was hard hit by the cuts in aid in 2006.
 
 “My debts rose in 2006 from almost nothing to 27,000 New Israeli Shekel [NIS - $7,013]. At the end of 2011, my debts reached 39,500 NIS [$10,260]. In 2006 alone, my profit decreased by 17 percent compared to the year before. All this was because people generally look for cheaper products when the economy is weak. And because most of my clients are government employees or their families, the problem was especially severe in 2006. When their salary comes late, they buy only the most necessary.”
 
 Tawil hopes that by lending to people with no steady income, micro-credit institutions can help build a more independent economy from the bottom up. He suggested the PA support these businesses by giving them tax exemptions. He also recommended university graduates be given more incentives to open a business. 
 
 “No one takes the risk involved in business in this unsafe environment,” he said, “because a regular income, financial safety and a loan have become core values for young people.”
 
 His call for less aid is shared by leading Palestinian entrepreneurs, such as Bashar Masri, who is leading the construction of the new West Bank city of Rawabi for 40,000 future residents between Ramallah and Nablus.
 
 Some foreign companies have refrained from investment in the West Bank because of the recurrent danger of violent conflict, the political unpredictability and the many restrictions on trade, mobility and access, imposed by Israel. 
 
 The World Bank has identified these restrictions as the main obstacle to private sector growth in oPt. So-called Investment Guarantee Funds had provided insurance for some investors against risks resulting from war and conflict in the past, but their reach is limited. Businessmen argue independence from aid would make the arena more attractive. 
 
 “Although cutting aid might hurt in the beginning, more businesses also bring more tax revenues for the PA,” Masri said, adding that “sometimes it has to get worse, before it can get better.”
 
 Despite the many obstacles, some private equity funds recently started investing in the West Bank, Masri explained, adding that one of them, a British fund called Blakeney, invested around $100 million in local projects. “Foreign funds [are showing] more and more interest,” he said.
 
 “Private sector could collapse”
 
 Rawabi’s budget of $800 million is entirely financed by a fund from Qatar, providing independence from the PA and from foreign aid - something most private sector projects in the West Bank lack.
 
 Take for instance the 750 local construction companies represented by the Palestinian Contractors Union (PCU). 
 
 “Many projects contracted by the PA got their money far too late and had to take out expensive loans,” PCU-chairman Adel Odah explained. “This way at least 30 companies went bankrupt in the last two years. Much profit is lost by paying interest rates to banks. If the PA goes bankrupt, the entire private sector could collapse,” he warned.
 
 Replacing aid
 
 The PA is well aware of the risks: “The PA is teetering at the edge of collapse at any point of time,” Prime Minister Fayyad said at the beginning of December, and began curbing its dependency on aid three years ago, according to Ghassan Khatib, a senior PA official.
 
 Between 2008 and 2011, the PA brought down the deficit covered by donors from $1.8 billion to about 1 billion, he said, adding that this trend would continue, “hopefully until the PA needs no more aid”.
 
 Fayyad said the PA’s operational costs should become independent of aid by 2013. 
 
 The question is how. 
 
 “On the one hand, we will replace aid by raising taxes and collecting them more effectively. On the other, we will reduce expenditures,” Khatib explained. Some saving measures, such as restricting PA employees’ use of their government sponsored cars outside working hours, have already been taken.
 
 Khatib said the need for external support would decrease this year, but noted the PA had no control over Israel’s behaviour. 
 
 “But their withholding of our tax money will not keep us from pursuing national unity with Hamas,” he added.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94606</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Floods leave Angolan returnees stranded</title><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa. 
 
 “At least 50,000 people - 24,000 of them returnees - in 10 villages in Uige Province [northeastern Angola near border with DRC] have been affected by the flooding, rains and hailstorms in the past four months,” said Antonio Maiandi, head of the Evangelical Reformed Church of Angola, which has been trying to help those affected. The rainy season here tends to be longer than elsewhere in Angola. 
 
 “It is still pouring hard. At least 1,142 houses have been destroyed by the rains. Each family with shelter is now hosting other families,” said Maiandi, adding that the returnees, who had sought refuge from the civil war in Angola which ended in 2002, were putting enormous pressure on locals, and organizations such as his. 
 
 “The local population who are mostly farmers have been severely affected. Their cassava [staple food in Angola] and groundnut crops have been destroyed, so there is not enough food to go round.” 
 
 The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) restarted formal repatriation of Angolans in November 2011 after logistical and other problems forced the process to stop in 2007. DRC is home to some 80,000 Angolans refugees, according to UNHCR. 
 
 The new return initiative comes after a UNHCR survey in 2010 found that 43,000 wanted to return home, and following a tripartite agreement between Angola, DRC and UNHCR (signed in June 2011), around 20,000 people signed up for help to return. The agreement came about after years of tense relations between the two countries: Angolan and Congolese nationals have been expelled from the two countries regularly. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93004 ] [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90906 ]
 
 “The local population is extremely poor and unable to support the returnees,” and “people are still coming in every day,” said Maiandi. 
 
 UNHCR in Angola told IRIN they took a break in December 2011 and would resume formal repatriation on 17 January, but did not have an update on the number of people who had already arrived. 
 
 According to aid workers, increasing instability in the DRC following the recent disputed elections could be prompting more people to leave. 
 
 Maiandi said the returnees had not received adequate support from the authorities and church organizations had limited resources. 
 
 Meteorologists for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have predicted normal to above normal rains for most of the region from January to March 2012 largely because of the continuing effects of the 2011 La Niña event. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91746 ] Thousands of people in the region were displaced and scores killed in early 2011 as a result of heavy rains and flooding associated with La Niña. 
 
 Zimbabwe 
 
 As the rainy season begins here, aid workers and disaster prevention teams are closely monitoring water levels in the all-important Zambezi river, the continent's fourth largest. 
 
 The authorities have issued a flood alert after being forced to release water from the swollen Kariba Dam on the Zambezi earlier than usual in the rainy season. 
 
 The Zambezi River Authority (ZRA) which usually opens the spillway gates of Lake Kariba in the last two weeks of January was forced to open one of the gates on 3 January. It has advised people living downstream to evacuate their homes. 
 
 Zambia 
 
 Zambia is in for a mixed season. Dominicano Mulenga, national coordinator of Zambia's Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit, said a plan had been drawn up to help 368,953 people likely to be affected by rain and dry spells. While northwestern and western parts of the country had seen heavy rain, southern, eastern and parts of central Zambia were likely to receive little or no rain, he said. 
 
 The water level in the Zambezi was higher than at the same time in 2011, he added. “We have had three seasons of heavy rainfall and the ground is saturated with water, making it more prone to flooding.” 
 
 Namibia 
 
 Namibians, currently experiencing a heat wave, are eager for rain, said Guido van Langehove, chief of the Namibia Hydrological Services. Southern African Development Community (SADC) meteorologists have forecast normal to above normal rains for Namibia over the next three months. “It was the same forecast last year and we recorded three times the normal rain,” van Langehove pointed out. 
 
 The Caprivi Region, Namibia’s poorest area, is prone to annual flooding. 
 
 Japhet Itenge, director of Disaster Risk Management in the Office of the Prime Minister, said they were prepositioning essential commodities and relief tools as part of their contingency plans. 
 
 Lesotho 
 
 Lesotho has not received adequate rainfall in the past few months, a spokesman for the country’s meteorological services told IRIN. “SADC has forecast heavy rains for Lesotho in the coming weeks. We are worried it can cause early frost and destroy crops that have already been planted,” he said. 
 
 Lesotho and Namibia have food insecurity levels greater than their five-year averages due to the severe flooding experienced during the last growing season, according to FEWSNET. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 The Mozambican authorities have begun to release water from the Cahora Bassa Dam on the Zambezi. People living mainly along the lower Zambezi basin and in Buzi, Save, and Pungue basins, including Beira city, are on alert. 
 
 Sofala Province in central Mozambique is currently distributing items such as bicycles, stretchers, masks, gloves, megaphones and boats, according to the Mozambique Red Cross; and members of seven local disaster risk management committees established in Beira City are cleaning the drainage system. 
 
 The National Institute of Disaster Management (INGC) is monitoring the rivers Montepuez, Licungo, Mutamba, Pungué, Buzi, Save, and Maputo, said FEWSNET. In the Zambezi and Limpopo river basins, FEWSNET warned of a near-average-to-high probability of flooding. 
 
 João Bobotela, CARE’s emergency response coordinator in Mozambique, said INGC and local authorities had been running flood simulation exercises since November 2011 to prepare communities for sudden evacuations. 
 
 Botswana 
 
 Arid Botswana has not received good rains in the past few months. “We are expecting average rains which might help crops,” said a spokesman for the Botswana Meteorological Services. 
 
 Malawi 
 
 More rains have been forecast for southern Malawi, where land adjacent to the River Shire, one of the most food-insecure parts of the country, is prone to flooding. Parts of the region, which has seen an outbreak of foot and mouth disease and a hike in food prices, are in crisis mode, warned FEWSNET. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 Much-needed rain has fallen in South Africa’s major maize-producing northern Free State area in the past few weeks. The government and USAID’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) say the country has adequate supplies, but global maize stocks are low, putting considerable upward price pressure on South African white maize. 
 
 jk-dd/cb 

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94598</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Libya’s long road to disarmament</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.
 
 “There is no full trust in the government,” said Adel AbdElmajid Zoubi, 28, who fought in the coastal town of Misrata, besieged for months by troops loyal to former leader Muammar Gaddafi. He spoke to IRIN on 27 December, having just returned from a protest demanding the government cleanse public institutions of remnants of the old regime.
 
 He said he was disappointed the new government did not appear to prioritize revolutionaries and said he would not hand over his weapons until after elections - currently scheduled for June 2012 - and the creation from near-scratch of a new national army, in the wake of the demise of Gaddafi’s military machine.
 
 “The reason people are hanging on is that they see their weapons as the guarantors of the revolution,” said Human Rights Watch (HRW) emergencies director Peter Bouckaert, who was in and out of Libya during the nine-month war. “They want to see the fruits of their revolution before they’re going to give up their weapons.”
 
 On 25 December, the government announced a long-awaited plan to start re-integrating members of hundreds - if not thousands - of disparate militias which fought to displace Gaddafi, many of whom have retained their weapons since the fighting ended in October.
 
 According to Ahmed Safar, undersecretary of the interim Labour Ministry, the hope is to integrate 75,000 fighters during 2012 - in a three-phase programme which will see a third joining the army, a third joining the police force and a third joining the regular labour force. 
 
 The government estimates there are 120,000 armed men who need to be demobilized. Almost every Libyan family has a stockpile of weapons in its home. 
 
 Members of militias - each with diverging loyalties to individual commanders, different cities or different religious agendas - have clashed with each other in recent months, killing several people and feeding fears that Libya could slide back into conflict.
 
 Security vacuum 
 
 At a sleepy checkpoint at the southern entry to Misrata, where fighters see themselves as heroes of the revolution, a handful of former rebels sit under a brightly coloured tent drinking tea, their AK-47s resting beside them. They complain the government has not paid them enough for their services.
 
 “I have kids and a house,” said Ahmed Abdelqadar, 24. “Two hundred dinars a month [US$159] is not enough.” 
 
 Zoubi said revolutionaries had not received “a single cent” from the government or the militia leadership in more than a month. 
 
 “The money is there, but they don’t spend it on us,” said another fighter. “They prioritize the injured and the martyrs’ families, which is normal.” 
 
 Most of the fighters who had jobs or studies to return to have done so, but they still serve in their militias for a day or so a week. Those who do not have alternatives remain in the militias full-time, often unpaid.
 
 Asked why they did not just leave, Abdelqadar answered: “If everyone left, there would be no one to guard the streets. We’d lose what we fought for.”
 
 His words echo a common belief among many of the engineers, doctors and teachers-turned rebels who had never carried weapons before the war. This was not a war of hardened fighters, but rather young boys in flip flops and jean jackets who were thrown off their feet the first time they used a rocket-propelled grenade. They themselves are worried about the proliferation of weapons in their country, but believe they have a crucial role to play until a national force can ensure security. 
 
 In a recent report, [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/libya/115-holding-libya-together-security-challenges-after-qadhafi.aspx ] the International Crisis Group (ICG) said fighters were likely to insist on keeping their weapons and militia structures until the elections.
 
 “To try to force a different outcome would be to play with fire, and with poor odds,” the report said. 
 
 But it is a bit of a catch-22, according to Jason Pack, a researcher of Libyan history at Cambridge University who also spent time in Libya during the war. 
 
 “[The militias say] ‘We can’t give up control because the national authorities can’t do it on their own. But the national authorities won’t be able to consolidate security as long as the militias are running around.” 
 
 Government programme 
 
 Under the new programme, registration of fighters could begin as soon as January, the Labour Ministry’s Safar said, followed by the profiling of registrants, including a psycho-social assessment and identification of post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as a determination of skills and capacity. 
 
 The plan calls for those interested in the security services to receive basic training and for others to have their skills matched to needs in the civilian labour market, with the possibility of additional training abroad and job placements upon return to Libya. The relevant ministries have submitted proposed budgets and plans to the Prime Minister’s Office for approval
 
 “It sounds nice, but it’s all on paper only,” said a skeptical Zoubi.
 
 Safar said a government survey showed that many of the revolutionaries were leaning towards joining the police, but IRIN interviews with fighters suggested the opposite: many of them had no interest in being integrated into the security services. One Misrata militia which surveyed its members found that only three in 100 wanted to join the army. 
 
 Leadership and transparency 
 
 Analysts say the National Transitional Council (NTC), the self-appointed political body which emerged from the revolution and appointed the interim government, lacks strong leadership. It is in a “state of relative paralysis” when it comes to making important decisions, HRW’s Bouckaert said, and does not have a strong hold over the fighters in the country. 
 
 “When the rebels come into town, the [police] move to the side,” said one international security analyst. “They’re little kids sitting in the corner while the adults do their thing.”
 
 The national army has no formal leadership as the NTC has yet to announce a chief of staff. Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, Muammar’s once fugitive son, remains in the custody of a militia in the western mountain town of Zintan and not in the custody of the national government. The main airport remains under the control of a Zintani militia commander, Mokhtar al-Akhdar. 
 
 “If the government has good people to secure the airport, then we will hand it over and go home,” he told the New York Times. [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/21/world/africa/qaddafi-son-seif-al-islam-is-alive-and-held-by-rebels-rights-group-says.html?amp=&pagewanted=all ] “But they cannot even control the border with Tunisia. If we give the government the airport, they will destroy it.”
 
 According to the ICG report, “Libya’s long tradition of local government reinforced this resistance to and suspicion of central authority.”
 
 While some militias from Misrata have very publicly pulled out of Tripoli, the 20 December deadline imposed by police and residents for foreign militia to leave the capital was largely ignored. 
 
 Many Libyans also complain of a lack of transparency in the NTC. Until now, it is not entirely clear who sits on the Council, whose meetings HRW’s Bouckaert described as “completely opaque.”
 
 “Until that changes, it is impossible to have a real demobilization,” he said.
 
 Ticking time bomb? 
 
 But the government says it cannot afford to wait until it has complete credibility to start working on demobilization. 
 
 “People are desperate to see something done about militias,” Safar told IRIN. “Yes, there are issues of transparency… but the vast majority of people that we have been speaking to understand the difficulties under which this government is operating… People want to see us get our hands on things more and more to move on.”
 
 Other critics say that despite the appointment of a revolutionary from Zintan as the interim defence minister, the government has failed to properly consult the revolutionaries as it makes its decisions - a challenging task given the vastness of military formations. 
 
 “There are ad-hoc consultations,” said one senior UN official in Tripoli. “But there is no systematic way of incorporating the revolutionaries in the decision-making process.” 
 
 In recent days, the numbers of weapons and military vehicles on the streets of Tripoli have decreased significantly, and signs reading “The weapons helped us. Don’t let them hurt us” are common. But the clock is ticking. 
 
 With so many weapons floating around, June’s elections could be dangerous.
 
 And already, frustration is mounting, with near-daily demonstrations, protesting among other things against the lack of transparency and rebel representation in government. At one such protest in the eastern town of Benghazi, the country’s interim leaders came under gunfire, according to AFP. [ http://news.yahoo.com/ntc-declares-benghazi-economic-capital-demos-185316338.html ]
 
 Some drunken armed men roam around the streets harassing women or shooting guns in the air. As one resident put it, “anyone who wears fatigues and carries a gun calls himself a revolutionary.” Others engage in vigilante justice. 
 
 Dangerous minority
 
 In the back of Mohammed’s* car sits a set of army fatigues. When he leaves his day job - distributing food to displaced people - he sometimes throws them on to go out with the “Misrata boys” on raids to capture people who fought with Gaddafi and are still in hiding. 
 
 His companions - members of a militia from Misrata - act independently, based on information they receive from neighbours or confessions from detainees, without any specific orders, but under the understanding that there is a “general order” to arrest any members of the fifth column.
 
 The outfit gives Mohammed a thrill and his armed buddies often storm houses “like you see in the movies”, kicking in doors and pushing women and children out of the way to get to the wanted people. The latter sometimes return fire, leading to exchanges of gunfire on residential streets. 
 
 “The vast majority of these militias are not blood-thirsty gunmen,” Bouckaert said. “[But] it’s the small minority of either power hungry or criminal militias that can destabilize the country.” 
 
 That being said, the overall absence of chaos and level of self-organization has been surprising - even to Libyans - given how recently the country came out of war and how little government presence there has been.
 
 “I’ve worked in 23 conflict zones,” said Brian McQuinn, a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford’s Centre for Anthropology and Mind, who has spent months in Misrata interviewing militias. “I’ve never seen militias as disciplined as these ones.” 
 
 In the back office of the camp for the Ard al-Rigal brigade in Misrata, binders line the bookcases and stacks of paper clutter the desks. While revolutionaries play table football into the late hours of the night, the brigade’s administrative leader, Ali Mousa, flips through the files of its members - mostly university-educated - complete with blood type, ID and health certificate. Every weapon and vehicle belonging to the militia is registered on a list and stamped by the local military council. 
 
 Even during the days of the fighting, decisions within the militias were taken by consensus, rather than orders from above. 
 
 “From the outside, it looks like chaos, but there is this underlying structure to it,” the researcher, McQuinn, told IRIN. "When you have a bunch of doctors, engineers and teachers as fighters, they don't follow orders blindly."
 
 City states
 
 But if, for the most part, the militias have not been as big a security threat as they could have been, the real problem, analysts say, is longer term. In the three months between the liberation of Tripoli and the creation of a cabinet, militias consolidated power and became entrenched to the point that they now offer services like other regional militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas, including running hospitals.
 
 At the western entrance to Misrata from the main coastal highway, cars line up before an archway made from stacked shipping containers. Armed men wave through some drivers and check the IDs of others. This is one of a series of militia-controlled and coordinated checkpoints that have earned the city nickname “Republic of Misrata” - for its order and some say autocratic nature. 
 
 Many now see Libya as a country where identity is shaped more than ever by city of residence and wartime allegiance rather than wider national affiliation. 
 
 “If you don’t take steps to build national institutions, these local militia and councils will be difficult to govern later on because they will develop their own identity and start solving their problems at the local levels,” the UN official in Tripoli said. “The longer it takes you to deal with the issue of the revolutionaries, the longer they stay in power. You create new centres of power that will not be easy for them to give up.” 
 
 *not his real name
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94559</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>TECHNOLOGY: IRIN&apos;s pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting. 
 
 Here is a round-up of IRIN articles on important humanitarian technology in 2011: 
 
 Humanitarians in Libya used the Ushahidi [ http://www.ushahidi.com ] initiative to map the crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92686 ] and plan their interventions. 
 
 An electronic voucher scheme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94024 ] is being used to fight malnutrition by providing nutritious food to HIV-positive Zimbabweans on antiretroviral therapy and their families. 
 
 EpiCollect, [ http://www.epicollect.net ] developed by Imperial College, London, allows the geospatial collation of data [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93675 ] collected by mobile phone; Kenyan vets are using it for disease surveillance, monitoring outbreaks, treatments, vaccinations and animal deaths. 
 
 The Nepalese government and World Health Organization are mapping health facilities using GPS to help the country [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92413 ] plan disaster response in case of a major earthquake. 
 
 Tennis ball-sized mud balls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94224 ] were thrown into flood water in the hope of improving the quality of stagnant water following weeks of flooding in Thailand. 
 
 Using FrontlineSMS [ http://www.frontlinesms.com ] - an open-source software enabling users to send and receive text messages with groups of people - village malaria workers [ http://irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93662 ] in Cambodia can now report, in real time, all malaria cases in their villages to the Malaria Information and Alert System in Phnom Penh with a simple text message, including the patient's name, age, location and type of parasite. 
 
 The "Kenyans for Kenya" [ http://www.kenyans4kenya.co.ke ] initiative used mobile cash transfer services to raise more than US$7 million [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93633 ] during the drought which affected northern and eastern parts of the country. 
 
 Tweetback, an Egyptian fundraising campaign [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93495 ] to help slum-dwellers, raised $218,855 within 10 days of its formation in July. 
 
 In Bangladesh, Airtel, a private mobile operator, has teamed up with the Campaign for Sustainable Rural Livelihoods, the Centre for Global Change and two international NGOs (Oxfam and CARE) to provide early weather warnings [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93914 ] to fishermen at sea using GPS. 
 
 A handheld, battery-powered device [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94483 ] which can take a drop of blood, urine or sputum and tell a community health worker in a remote village whether a feverish child has malaria, dengue or a bacterial infection is in development by Canadian scientists. 
 
 The Burkina Faso Red Cross sends bluntly worded text messages to government officials, employers, traditional leaders, teachers, business owners and housewives several times a year in an effort to reduce the widespread exploitation of domestic workers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92708 ] by raising awareness of their rights. 
 
 As part of efforts to reform the mining sector, an initiative in the Democratic Republic of Congo [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94465 ] aims to map artisanal mining sites, transportation routes, and mineral trading points, reflecting the security and human rights situation on the ground, using Geographic Information System (GIS) software. 
 
 The Map Kibera project, [ http://www.mapkibera.org ] which uses hand-held global GPS devices to collect geographic information in Nairobi's largest slum, is providing vital information [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91545 ] on the availability and location of health, security, education and water/sanitation services. 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94565</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2007/2007080636t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Computers and mobile phones are already essential to humanitarian planning, and 2011 saw the growth of technology-based humanitarian interventions, from the use of GPS (global positioning systems) to provide early weather warnings to real-time health reporting.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FILM: Our most-watched films of 2011</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011. 
 
 1. Slum Survivors (2007) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4142 ]: More than a billion people live in slums worldwide, hundreds of thousands of them in the Nairobi slum of Kibera. The film tells the stories of a few Kibera residents and charts their remarkable courage in the face of extreme poverty. 
 
 2. Soldiers’ Stories (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4786 ] follows two Ugandan soldiers - a female gunner and a male nurse - serving in the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) at a critical stage in the battle for Mogadishu between Al-Shabab insurgents and the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government. From their training in Uganda to deployment in the shattered city in July 2011, Roselyn Namutebi and Otto Moses share their thoughts and fears on the frontline of one of the world's most intractable crises. 
 
 3. Turning the Page? (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4511 ]: In August 2000, a peace accord was signed in Burundi, bringing to an end more than a decade of ethnic conflict. This film analyses the fragile state of the peace process in the wake of elections held in 2010. 
 
 4. In Search of Stability (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4710 ]: In November 2010, a presidential election in Côte d’Ivoire led to a wave of violence between supporters of incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo and the internationally recognized winner of the poll, Alassane Ouattara. The film examines the prospects for lasting peace and the need for equitable justice. 
 
 5. The Sex Worker (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4443 ]: This film profiles Sou Southevy, a 70-year-old transgender sex worker who has been plying the streets of the Cambodian capital Phnom Penh since he was thrown out of home by his parents at the age of 14. Through the worst ravages of the Khmer Rouge regime and since, Sou has been subjected to terrible discrimination and at times violence, and in the absence of any support groups working with transgender and gay men, he decided to start one himself. 
 
 6. Bolivia’s Changing Climate (2010) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4263 ]: In Bolivia, melting glaciers and erratic rainfall patterns are driving tens of thousands of people to the capital La Paz in search of water. 
 
 7. Leprosy (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4540 ]: Part of a series featuring neglected diseases, this film was shot in a leper colony in Egypt and highlights the stigma attached to the disfiguring disease which affects more than 200,000 people worldwide. 
 
 8. A Question of Trust (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4665 ]: Nepal’s decade-long civil war ended in November 2006 with a comprehensive peace agreement. The Maoist rebels won elections two years later and a Constituent Assembly was also elected to write a new constitution. However, by 2009, the peace process was not complete, with little progress made on key issues like the disarmament and integration of thousands of Maoists ex-fighters. 
 
 9. Bus Schools (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4739 ]: Millions of children living in the slums of Delhi in India do not have access to formal education. Many parents would rather put their children to work than send them to school. So the schools featured in this film - converted buses - travel to the children. 
 
 10. The Colonel (2011) [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4596 ]: One of several Heroes of HIV [ http://www.irinnews.org/film/?id=4869&SeriesID=2 ] profiled by IRIN Films, Col Felix Ntungumburanye was the first member of the Burundian army to declare himself HIV-positive. Doing so during a time of conflict left him fighting on two fronts: against rebels and stigma. Ten years later, largely thanks to the colonel’s courage, the army’s policies on HIV/AIDS have been transformed. 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94553</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201012011430250686t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Launched in 2004, IRIN’s film unit has won numerous awards for its productions, several of which have been aired by prominent international broadcasters. Here is a list of the unit’s most-watched films in 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Deaths, displacement in Isiolo fighting</title><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200912180826090649t.jpg" />]]>ISIOLO 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Fighting between communities over grazing land in northern Kenya&apos;s Isiolo region has led to at least 10 deaths and the displacement of some 2,000 people in the past three days, according to local leaders and residents.</description><body><![CDATA[ISIOLO 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Fighting between communities over grazing land in northern Kenya's Isiolo region has led to at least 10 deaths and the displacement of some 2,000 people in the past three days, according to local leaders and residents. 
 
 The fighting, mainly between the members of the Turkana and Somali communities, with some Borana siding with the Somalis, has disrupted transport and trade networks and hampered access to farms and communal grazing areas. 
 
 The camel milk trade has been affected, with traders who take the milk to Nairobi daily unable to access grazing fields. Residents have also reported a shortage of charcoal due to lack of access to trading centres. 
 
 The areas most affected by the fighting are Burat, Mulango, Kilimani and Kampi ya Juu, all in Isiolo central division. A similar conflict, involving the Gabra and Borana communities in Moyale, near the Ethiopia-Kenya border, recently displaced several thousands of people. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94535 ]. 
 
 At a funeral in Isiolo's Kambi Oda cemetery on 26 December, Mohamed Kuti, the minister for livestock production, said those fuelling the fighting should be arrested and those with guns disarmed. According to police sources, no arrests have been made so far. 
 
 "These clashes must be brought to an end immediately. Many lives have been lost; many people have abandoned their homes. Security officials, the entire [district] security committee team must be moved and punished for failing to do its work," Kuti said. 
 
 Residents of the affected areas told IRIN tension remains high as more families continue to flee - most of them to Isiolo town - fearing more attacks. Some 2,000 members of the Turkana community are reported to have arrived in the town in recent days. 
 
 Isiolo has seen an escalation in violence since October 2010, with analysts pointing to the town's planned economic expansion as well as elections due in 2012 as key drivers of conflict. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94312 ] 
 
 Blame game 
 
 Members of the warring communities have traded accusations over who is responsible. 
 
 Paul Mero, a Turkana leader, said members of his community had been forced to abandon their homes, farms and businesses. “Bandits are being used to force the Turkana to leave; we are being fought to pave way for other people to settle on our ancestral land… It is not fair that we are blamed and accused of being cattle rustlers." 
 
 Dozens of Somali herders and families from areas affected by fighting have also been displaced and are unable to access grazing fields. 
 
 Somow Mohamed, a Somali elder, told IRIN he was unable to reach Burat, where his camels are grazing and was only communicating with his herders by phone. 
 
 "The road to Burat has been blocked by armed Turkanas. We cannot access our animals," Mohamed said. "I am informed some of my camels are sick but I cannot take the drugs required to treat them." 
 
 He added that more than 1,000 families who depended on camel milk to sustain their families were now desperate. "These families depend on the sale of camel milk to buy food and clothes, [and] pay fees and drugs for those who are sick; now they have no option but to beg. We have been forced to become beggars by these bandits," Mohamed said. 
 
 Local councillor Ekuam Terru said attacks on the Turkana were political: "We have suffered for many years as a result of politics. The situation is now worse because it is now a combination of politics and campaigns to take away the land, sand and farms of the Turkana." 
 
 House set ablaze 
 
 Halima Mohamed, a resident of Kambi Garba, said she lost her belongings when her house was set ablaze. 
 
 "I am now staying with relatives. My house was burnt; all my clothes, my children's clothes and books got burnt; now I am an internally displaced person… The government should help us the same way it has been helping those who were displaced by the post-election violence [of 2007-2008]." 
 
 Mary Ekuot, a mother of five, is among 200 displaced Turkanas at Kambi ya Juu Church. She said she fled her home on the night of 25 December after a neighbour informed her that youths from the rival community were planning to attack her village that night. 
 
 "I left my house to spend the night in the open at the church so as to escape death; I have witnessed many deaths this year," Ekuot said. "When my neighbour informed me that a group of youths from her tribe were planning to attack us on Sunday [22 December] night, I left immediately to save my life and my children." 
 
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]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94555</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200912180826090649t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISIOLO 28 December 2011 (IRIN) - Fighting between communities over grazing land in northern Kenya&apos;s Isiolo region has led to at least 10 deaths and the displacement of some 2,000 people in the past three days, according to local leaders and residents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ASIA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008100711t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Volcanic flooding (rain mixed with lava) greeted us at the start of 2011 in Indonesia and we wrapped up the year with billions of cubic metres of water bearing down on Thailand’s capital, and the southern Philippines caught off-guard by storms, which killed more than 1,000 in December.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Volcanic flooding (rain mixed with lava) greeted us at the start of 2011 in Indonesia [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91599 ] and we wrapped up the year with billions of cubic metres of water bearing down on Thailand’s capital, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94474 ] and the southern Philippines caught off-guard by storms, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94493 ] which killed more than 1,000 in December. 
 
 In between, IRIN’s editors pushed the boundaries of disaster preparedness vocabulary to describe the constant vigilance and resilience required of people who have lived through one of the region’s most costly years for disaster relief. 
 
 “Gearing up”, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93957 ] “bracing for” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92161 ] and “preparing”[ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94109 ] - some agencies and residents had time to stock medicines, evacuate danger zones and seek safer ground. 
 
 But there were also the ones who did not make it, whose families posted announcements searching for them [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92203 ] in vain - and are still waiting. 
 
 The 11 March earthquake and tsunami which hit the Tohoku region along the Pacific coast of Japan was the fourth largest earthquake recorded globally and the largest in Japan’s history. 
 
 The subsequent tsunami resulted in 15,839 dead and another 3,642 missing or unaccounted for as of 17 November - and set off a chorus of “are we prepared?” in countries in and along the Pacific’s so called Ring of Fire. 
 
 In the increasingly rare moments when we were not covering a natural disaster, we tracked the quest for clean water from mud balls [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94224 ] to magic tree seeds [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91879 ]; considered the price of goodwill unchecked; [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94067 ] analyzed the role of blame in charitable giving; [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92756 ] and consulted scientists tracking hotspots of anti-malarial drug resistance. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92516 ] 
 
 Meanwhile, in Myanmar, donors and the political opposition cautiously celebrated the government’s pledges of reform, as analysts highlighted challenges, including sporadic violence in Kachin State, where only recently aid groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94544 ] have gained access, albeit limited. 
 
 In the Philippines, peace inched forward between spasms of violence and disaster for Mindanao, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94493 ] while in Sri Lanka a decades-long civil war - declared over in May 2009 - has left questions about reparations, accountability [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92586 ] and reconciliation. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94501 ] 
 
 pt/cb 
 
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94547</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008100711t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Volcanic flooding (rain mixed with lava) greeted us at the start of 2011 in Indonesia and we wrapped up the year with billions of cubic metres of water bearing down on Thailand’s capital, and the southern Philippines caught off-guard by storms, which killed more than 1,000 in December.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Yemen malnutrition data should &quot;shock&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003170750450181t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope &quot;shocking&quot; new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope “shocking” new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.
 
 Until now, aid workers say some donors have been unconvinced of the extent of the problem because of a perceived lack of evidence.
 
 “It’s been a challenge,” one Yemen-based aid worker told IRIN. “Every time we sit down with donors, they say ‘Where are the figures? Where is the data?’” 
 
 Geert Cappelaere, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Yemen, said donors have asked him for more evidence that malnutrition was such a priority.
 
 “That kind of question - each and every time - kills something in me. Why do you want children to die first before you’re going to give any credibility to a disaster looming here in Yemen?”
 
 Results 
 
 Yemen’s Ministry of Public Health and Population, with the support of UNICEF, surveyed 3,104 households in Hudeidah Governorate in October and collected data on 4,668 children under five.
 
 The survey found a global acute malnutrition (GAM) rate of 31.7 percent - meaning nearly one third of children surveyed suffered from either moderate or severe acute malnutrition - of which nearly 10 percent were severe cases. These figures are more than double the internationally recognized emergency threshold of 15 percent. The survey also found that nearly 60 percent of children were underweight and 54.5 percent stunted, meaning their height was too low for their age, a sign of longer-term malnutrition. 
 
 These results are consistent with recent surveys conducted in other parts of the country. 
 
 In the southern Abyan Governorate, a battleground in ongoing fighting between government troops and al-Qaeda affiliated militants, a UNICEF survey in September found a GAM rate of 18.6 percent, of which 3.9 percent were severe cases. In the northern Hajjah Governorate, a government survey in June found a GAM rate of 31.4 percent, of which 9.1 percent were severe cases. Nearly half of the children surveyed in Hajjah were underweight and 43.6 percent were stunted. 
 
 “Wherever we go, wherever we survey, wherever we assess, we come to the same conclusions,” Cappelaere told IRIN. “The levels of acute malnutrition in Yemen are incredibly high.” 
 
 Yemeni Minister of Health Ahmed Al-ansi says half a million children suffer from acute malnutrition across the country. Hundreds of thousands of farmers are at risk of losing their livelihoods because of floods and drought, he added. According to the NGO Oxfam, many Yemenis live off tea and bread. 
 
 The UN says some seven million people (a third of the population) are food insecure, meaning they go to bed hungry or do not know where their next meal is coming from. This number is expected to rise significantly when the World Food Programme carries out a new national Comprehensive Food Security Survey in January. Aid workers expect the humanitarian situation in Yemen to continue getting worse next year. 
 
 The mortality formula
 
 While malnutrition rates in parts of Yemen are comparable to those in parts of Somalia, they have not yet resulted in the same mortality rates, only because - until recently - Yemen had a functioning, if imperfect, primary health care system, including vaccination.
 
 But in the past 10 months, during which anti-government demonstrations led to a violent crackdown and a political crisis, some areas have seen up to 40 percent fewer children immunized, UNICEF’s Cappelaere said. 
 
 Combine the high rates of malnutrition, the low levels of vaccination and sporadic outbreaks of diseases like measles, and “a disaster may be around the corner.”
 
 The Hudeidah survey found that three in every four children suffered from diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections or fever in the two weeks preceding the survey; and 2.5 percent of mothers reported symptoms of measles in their children in the past three months. The survey found measles vaccination coverage of 74 percent in Hudeidah, well below the 90 percent coverage rate needed to prevent an outbreak. 
 
 “Why is it that the international community gets mobilized primarily when it sees the dramatic outcome of a situation or a crisis that we could have seen coming for many, many years?” Cappelaere asked. “This is not a blaming and shaming [exercise], but this is a collective question we need to ask ourselves.” 
 
 The UN has appealed for US$154 million for food and agricultural programmes and $70 million for nutritional programmes, the largest sectoral demands amid an overall appeal of $447 million for Yemen in 2012. 
 
 Government capacity
 
 Government officials admit dealing with the dramatic levels of malnutrition will be a challenge for the interim Yemeni cabinet which emerged after a peace deal signed in late November pulled the country back from the brink of civil war.
 
 The cash-strapped government is charged with organizing presidential elections by February         2012, while trying to maintain stability. Pro-democracy protesters, and an armed opposition, had been clashing with government forces on and off since February 2011. The peace deal has brought some calm to the capital Sana’a and the second city Taiz, but rebels, separatists and al-Qaeda affiliated-militants are still opposing the government in different parts of the country. 
 
 Majid Al Jonaid, deputy minister of health, said one of the government’s priorities is to address issues affecting the daily life of Yemenis, including malnutrition. The government plans to open clinics and run education campaigns, as part of a multi-sectoral national government strategy on malnutrition approved by the cabinet last year, before the latest crisis. 
 
 But “it depends mainly on the availability of resources and the overall situation,” he told IRIN. “We will start our work with the hampered resources that we have.” 
 
 Still, Al Jonaid said he was concerned malnutrition may not get the attention it deserves amid competing government priorities and big constraints. For example, the Ministry of Health was virtually shut down for weeks because of insecurity in and around the building. 
 
 Cappelaere said it was unrealistic to expect the government to take over much of the international community’s humanitarian work in the next year.
 
 Long-term effects
 
 The economic situation in the country has been set back 5-10 years by the events of this year and Yemen will continue having substantial humanitarian needs for 3-5 years, according to the UN humanitarian coordinator in Yemen, Jens Toyberg-Frandzen. Cappelare said the country will probably continue needing some form of assistance for two to three decades. 
 
 Addressing malnutrition is a complex task, as the problem relates to poverty, lack of education, bad sanitation, and cultural practices, like chewing khat and resisting exclusive breastfeeding. In Hudeidah, only 9 percent of infants under six months were exclusively fed breast milk. 
 
 The Ministry of Health report from the nutrition survey recommended establishing out-patient therapeutic programmes in community health facilities and considering “radical strategies” like blanket, rather than targeted, distribution of supplementary food.
 
 Investments in lifesaving humanitarian assistance, as well as longer-term development work, are required immediately, Cappelaere said, to prevent both high mortality rates and longer-term effects of chronic malnutrition, like retardation in cognitive development, which will affect the country’s ability to move forward.
 
 “Yemen is entering a new phase in its history,” said Pete Manfield, deputy head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Yemen, “but it’s critical that humanitarian needs are met in 2012, not only to prevent the loss of life, but also to support the stabilization of the country.” 
 
 “We appeal not to let Yemen become another catastrophe,” Toyberg-Frandzen added.
 
 ha/cb/bp
 
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94533</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003170750450181t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers hope &quot;shocking&quot; new malnutrition figures from a survey conducted in western Yemen will help highlight the serious humanitarian situation in the country and prompt donors to act immediately.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SRI LANKA: Tsunami anniversary highlights early warning gaps</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231030050268t.jpg" />]]>COLOMBO 26 December 2011 (IRIN) - Seven years after a devastating tsunami struck Sri Lanka, more work still needs to be done to secure an effective early-warning system, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[COLOMBO 26 December 2011 (IRIN) - Seven years after a devastating tsunami struck Sri Lanka, more work still needs to be done to secure an effective early-warning system, officials say. 
 
 More than 30,000 Sri Lankans lost their lives in the Indian Ocean tsunami of 26 December 2004 that struck 13 countries and left more than 200,000 dead across the region. 
 
 "We need to improve communication between the agencies," Pradeep Kodippili, assistant director, early warning, at the government's Disaster Management Centre (DMC) [ http://www.dmc.gov.lk ] told IRIN in Colombo, the capital. 
 
 After the 2004 tsunami, Sri Lanka enacted the 2005 Disaster Management Act [ http://www.disastermin.gov.lk/web/images/pdf/DMACTNO13_E.pdf ], which established the DMC and provided mandates for monitoring and early warning systems. 
 
 Under the act, the DMC is tasked with releasing early warnings to the public issued by government agencies such as the Meteorological Department [ http://www.meteo.gov.lk/ ], Geological Survey and Mines Bureau [ http://www.gsmb.gov.lk/web/index.php ] and the Irrigation Department [ http://www.irrigation.gov.lk/ ]. 
 
 "We have to be sure that we learn from past events and make suitable adjustments. There are improvements to be made for sure," Kodippili conceded. 
 
 That opinion was borne out on 25 November, when heavy rains and gale-force winds struck the southern coast of the island nation, with little warning to residents. 
 
 According to the DMC [ http://www.dmc.gov.lk/situation%20report/reports-pdf/2011/Situation%20Report%20as%20at%202011-12-05%20at%201830%20hrs.pdf ], at least 29 people died and almost 10,000 homes were damaged or destroyed, with tens of thousands affected. 
 
 Better coordination needed 
 
 A recent report [ http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/srilanka_hpsl/docs/UNDAC_SL_Report_Final_Email.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), released just days after the disaster, echoed the need for better coordination between state agencies. 
 
 "It is critical to the efficiency of the process that scenario development, early warning and related actions should not be considered in isolation but as an integrated process," the report said. 
 
 However, according to Kodippilli, the DMC received no warning of the storm from the Meteorological Department, mandated to issue warnings of severe weather conditions. 
 
 One of the worst-hit areas was the town of Weligama in the southern Matara District, where 14 were killed and close to a dozen reported missing, mostly fishermen out at sea. 
 
 "We never received any warning," Padmasiri Ediriweera, a fisherman and owner of two boats in Weligama, claimed. 
 
 In the past, the radio transmission tower at the local Kapparathota fisheries harbour in Weligama had received warnings, especially of cyclones. "This time there was no message so people went out to sea and were killed," he said. 
 
 Later, a top government minister also blamed the Meteorological Department for failing to issue a timely warning. 
 
 "They said there would not be such bad weather," Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Minister Rajitha Senarathana told parliament on 19 December, noting that the National Aquatic Researches and Resource Development Agency (NARA) had informed the Meteorological Department of the possibility of high winds, but the latter had failed to act on it. 
 
 Senarathana said NARA and his ministry would henceforth send out alerts directly to fishermen, without waiting for DMC or Meteorological Department alerts. 
 
 However, such a move would contravene the country's disaster management laws. Under the 2005 Act, only the DMC can issue warnings. 
 
 Capacity gap 
 
 According to the OCHA report, the Meteorological Department lacked the technical capacity to predict extreme and fast-moving weather patterns accurately. 
 
 "The Department of Meteorology of Sri Lanka does not have the capacity required to provide quantitative rain forecasts. Models currently used are assessed by the department as not fully reliable and the information issued by the department is not detailed." 
 
 The report added, however, that the department was in the process of upgrading its capacity with the installation of S-Band Doppler radar that would allow it to release more detailed updates. The new radar would give it the capacity to detect gale forces and updrafts, a common phenomenon in Sri Lanka. 
 
ap/ds/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 26 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94536</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112231030050268t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">COLOMBO 26 December 2011 (IRIN) - Seven years after a devastating tsunami struck Sri Lanka, more work still needs to be done to secure an effective early-warning system, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA: Several thousand displaced as communities clash in north</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251244180264t.jpg" />]]>MOYALE 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Several weeks of fighting between two rival communities in Moyale, near the Ethiopia-Kenya border, has displaced hundreds of families and disrupted transport services. The displaced have had no assistance, local sources and activists told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[MOYALE 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Several weeks of fighting between two rival communities in Moyale, near the Ethiopia-Kenya border, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94053 ] has displaced hundreds of families and disrupted transport services. The displaced have had no assistance, local sources and activists told IRIN. 
 
 Tension remains high in the area, residents say, as more families flee the resource-linked conflict between the Gabra and Borana pastoralist communities. The fighting was triggered by an attempt by both communities to seize a grazing area. Northern Kenya is prone to community conflicts over resources. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94031 ] 
 
 "The latest fighting has displaced over 6,600 people who have abandoned their farms and grazing fields; no animals are going to watering points located in areas affected by the conflict," Rashid Osman, a local leader, told IRIN on 22 December. 
 
 An estimated 15 people have died in the fighting, the latest deaths occurring on 20 December - a woman and four herders. 
 
 "Baboons are having a feast, feeding on maize which was ready for harvest but the owners have fled; hyenas are feasting on cows and goats which have been abandoned in grazing areas or were left in their sheds," Osman said. 
 
 Of those displaced, the Gabra families have sought refuge in Kinisa, a village along the Ethiopia-Kenya border while the Borana are in Butiye, about 4km from Kenya's border with Ethiopia. Most of the displaced were from Oda, Funanyatta, Adesa, Ngibe, Kalaliwe, Illadu and Funandimo villages. 
 
 Mubarak Wario, a humanitarian activist and local leader, said the displaced had not received relief aid since they had fled, some as early as November. 
 
 Aid needed 
 
 "The displaced Boranas and Gabras all need protection; they need to go back to their homes; they require urgent food and medical assistance," Wario said. "It is painful to see children and women sleeping in the open." 
 
 Sheikh Omar, an imam at Oda mosque, told IRIN: "I have lost all my belongings, all the 200 goats that I struggled to buy over the last 10 years. The goats were my main source of livelihood." 
 
 Mohamud Wako, a retired military officer from the Gabra community, said his mother died after she was stoned and her throat slit during the fighting on 20 December. 
 
 "Clashes between our communities seem to be getting worse; it is unbelievable people can turn against each other, kill and steal when they share similar problems, inter-marry and are supposed to work together to improve their lives," Wako said. 
 
 The fighting has paralysed transport services, with many residents stranded in Isiolo, Marsabit and Moyale towns after operators of public service vehicles suspended operations. 
 
 "We are likely to face a problem of food shortages and high prices of essential goods. Sugar has already increased from Sh200 [US$3] to 240 [$4] a kilo," Ahmed Sadik, a trader and resident of Moyale, said. 
 
 Issaih Nakoru, the regional commissioner for Upper Eastern, visited Moyale on 22 December. He said a peace meeting was planned to pacify the fighting groups. 
 
 "We have launched a series of peace meetings from today. All the elders, local leaders and clerics have been brought on board; we have also deployed a strong team of security officers to all the affected areas," Nakoru said. 
 
 Disarming of police reservists 
 
 It was resolved at a security meeting on 22 December that all police reservists in the affected area would be disarmed as they have been accused by local communities of using state-issued guns to fight their communities' rivals. An estimated 70 police reservists are from the two warring communities. 
 
 "Police officers have been deployed to Oda, Sololo and to the border area where inter-clan skirmishes have occurred. They are patrolling and have managed to restore calm," Nakoru said after the security meeting. 
 
 He said the displaced would be offered food aid and assisted to recover stolen livestock. 
 
 "It's our [state] obligation to hunt down cattle rustlers and not tribal militia. Besides, all the home guards have been instructed to hand over guns issued by the government by Friday [23 December]. All persons who either raided or killed are being pursued and they must be punished," Nakoru said. 
 
 na/js/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94535</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011251244180264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MOYALE 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Several weeks of fighting between two rival communities in Moyale, near the Ethiopia-Kenya border, has displaced hundreds of families and disrupted transport services. The displaced have had no assistance, local sources and activists told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Worrying signs for Iraq&apos;s stability as USA pulls out</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211207240952t.jpg" />]]>BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad’s northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.</description><body><![CDATA[BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad's northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.
 
 "It annoys me and others to see them every day," said Maarouf, a 69-year-old Sunni construction engineer. "They serve as a reminder of the US occupation, the violence we witnessed over the past years and a source of worry for our future," he said.
 
 As US troops withdraw from Iraq, capping a nearly nine-year war, the future of the battered nation has been thrown into doubt by fears that Iraqis are still not ready to handle their future alone.
 
 The stakes are high in a country with more than 1.2 million internally displaced people and another 177,000 Iraqis registered as refugees in neighbouring countries – a symbol of the lingering humanitarian dimension of the conflict.
 
 More than 20 percent of the population lives below the national poverty line. An estimated 2.1 million Iraqis are undernourished: on average, they spend more than one third of their total expenditures on food, and nearly three quarters of the population depend on a public distribution system as their primary source for wheat flour. The vast majority of the population does not have electricity 24 hours a day; and access to clean water is still limited in rural areas.  
 
 In 2009 there were about 140,000 US troops in the country. Today there are only 200 - to train Iraqi security forces and protect US diplomats.
 
 In 2007, Maarouf, a father of four, was abducted by Sunni militants belonging to Al-Qaeda in Iraq, a group which controlled many of the Sunni areas at the height of the insurgency. He was freed after about 24 hours when he paid a US$80,000 ransom.
 
 His son was shot in his left leg by thieves who tried to steal the money he withdrew from the bank for the ransom.
 
 Yet, he still sees these blast walls - many erected to prevent Shia and Sunni militants from attacking each others’ neighbourhoods - as a “heavy” legacy of the war weighing on Iraqis’ hearts. 
  
 A resurgence of sectarianism? 
 
 Since the ousting of Saddam Hussein’s Sunni-dominated regime in 2003, Iraq’s two main Muslim sects, Shias and Sunnis, have been at loggerheads. Iraq’s majority Shia community has dominated political life in Iraq, leaving many Sunnis feeling marginalized. 
 
 Violence between members of the two sects killed tens of thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands more, bringing the country to the brink of civil war. The tit-for-tat killings stopped in late 2007, only after US forces pushed tens of thousands of their troops into the streets with Iraqi forces to chase down militants. 
 
 On 19 December, one day after the last US troops withdrew, sectarian tension rose when Iraq’s Shia-led government issued an arrest warrant [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/20/world/middleeast/iraqi-government-accuses-top-official-in-assassinations.html ] for the country’s Sunni Vice President, Tariq Al-Hashimi, over “terrorism” charges described by some Sunnis as politically motivated. The arrest warrant followed a round-up of hundreds of former Baathists [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/10/25/us-iraq-baathists-idUSTRE79O5XB2011102 ] amid concern they would try to regain power after the departure of US troops. 
 
 The Sunni minority has accused Shia political factions - mainly the prime minister’s Dawa Party - of trying to remove all their political rivals to gain absolute power over the political process.
 
 "The government has spoiled our joy over the troops' withdrawal," said Sunni businessman Laith Younis from the northern province of Ninevah. "The timing means the consequences of the withdrawal will be grave," the 34-year old father of three added. 
  
 Incapable security forces
 
 Despite a sharp decrease in violence since the height of sectarian warfare from 2006 to 2007, Iraq is still fragile, and has not resolved many politically explosive issues that could lead to renewed fighting.
 
 There are persistent fears that Iraqi security forces are still not capable of handling the security challenges on their own. That could lead to a resurgence of Sunni militant groups, mainly Al-Qaeda in Iraq, which has suffered major blows since 2007 because of the US presence. 
 
 On the flip side, the top US General in Iraq, Lloyd Austin, has warned that Shia militias, namely the followers of firebrand cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr, will seek to climb the stage again by trying to create “a government within a government”, similar to Lebanon’s powerful and Iranian-backed Hezbollah movement.
 
 In a sign that more violence may be in the offing, militants have upped their attacks against civilians and military attacks since 24 November, claiming the lives of at least 56 people and injuring dozens of others.
  
 The most brazen attack came on 28 November when a suicide car bomber managed to enter Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone, which houses the parliament, key government offices and foreign embassies and is supposed to be one of the country’s most secured areas.
  
 "I have fears inside me mainly over the training and arming of our security forces," said Saied Jassim Moussa, 54, a Shia who heads the Baghdad-based Peoples' Institution for Democracy Culture.
  
 "Politicians should distance themselves from security so that security forces can work independently," Moussa added. "I believe that Iraq's main problem is with the politicians and their struggle for power."
  
 Iraqi officials have acknowledged that shortcomings still exist in terms of protecting their skies and borders, and mostly important in intelligence gathering. 
 
 Lt-Gen Babakir Zebari, the Ministry of Defence's chief of staff, told the Special Inspector-General for Iraq Reconstruction [ http://www.sigir.mil/files/quarterlyreports/October2011/Report_-_October_2011.pdf#view=fit ] that his military will not be ready to fully provide for its external defence until 2020 to 2024. 
 
 Fawzia Al-Attia, a professor of sociology at the University of Baghdad, said the US administration should have prepared the stage for this day.
 
 "Until now, security is absent. Citizens still suffer from bad security and stumbling economy, industry and agriculture," Al-Attia added. "The US should have found ways to give a bright picture for their support after toppling the previous regime to rebuild this society," she said.
  
 Ethnic tension
 
 The country faces another threat in the north, where ethnic Kurds want to annex territory to their northern self-ruled region. Former President Saddam Hussein had tried to play with the demographics of several provinces in the area to make Arabs the majority. A plan to redraw the borders was adopted after the US invasion, but a referendum for the people in these disputed areas - due to take place in 2007 - never happened. On some occasions, Kurds took over some of these areas by moving in their troops and only withdrew after US military mediation.
 
 Kurdish Kirkuk resident Ibrahim Salam Raheem said the US forces should have solved the issue of the disputed territories before their withdrawal.
 
 "They didn't do anything in this regard and they just left the issue as it is. The conflict between Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen will be increased," the 35-year old employee in the Oil Minstry's Oil Products Distribution Directory said. "The situation is getting worse day by day and it will be disastrous in the future."
 
 Also on the table is the expected meddling in Iraq’s internal affairs by its neighbours.
 
 Iraq's Sunni community and the USA accuse Shia Iran of training and financing Shia militias and securing their interests in the region through Shia politicians harboured in Iran during the Saddam era. Meanwhile, Shias accuse Sunni countries like Saudi Arabia and Turkey of supporting Sunni militants and financing Sunni political parties. 
 
 Some senior Iraqi politicians, including the parliament speaker Osama Al-Nijaifi, have worried outside meddling could rise in post-pullout Iraq. "Iraq now suffers from weakness points and whenever neighbouring countries see that Iraq is weak and can't protect its borders and internal security they will interfere more," he told a press conference in October. 
 
 "It is our future"
 
 Still, many Iraqis acknowledge that the US withdrawal had to come sooner or later. 
 
 "If you want to learn how to swim you have to get into the swimming pool by yourself - not only take lessons outside it," said Jamal Tawfiq, a 44-year old father of three from Baghdad. 
 
 "Keeping US troops more years in Iraq means complicating our problems more and more," he said. "It is our future and we have to build it."
 
 'It is an exam for Iraqis… and it could be a tough one," added Ameer Hassan Al-Fayadh who lectures in politics at the University of Baghdad.
 
 "The best way to deal with [the post-withdrawal challenges] is for influential political groups to set their differences aside and work together."
 
 sm/ha/cb/bp
 
]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94532</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112211207240952t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BAGHDAD 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - Every day, the bleak concrete blast walls circling Baghdad’s northern neighbourhood of Adhamiya trigger flashbacks in the mind of Sahib Awad Maarouf of the violence which plagued Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Getting early warning right in the Sahel</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.
  
 It says the links between cereal production and malnutrition have been exaggerated, the complexities of regional market conditions inadequately conveyed, and the need for long-term structural solutions under-emphasized. 
  
 IRIN discussed with aid agencies and Sahel food security analysts, the subtleties of getting early warning messages right in such situations. 
  
 Food security in the Sahel this year is part of a “persistent and predictable reservoir of chronic acute food insecurity” they say,” in a predictable portion of the region’s population”, and requires long-term structural aid not short-term fixes.  
  
 Malnutrition versus food security
  
 Countries in the Sahelian zone produced a lower-than-average harvest this year , leading UN agencies and analysts to predict 2.5 million ton cereal deficits in the region, some of which should be met by market flows.
  
 But predicted cereal deficits should not be conflated with malnutrition, says FEWSNET. While harvest outputs and malnutrition rates are linked, they are not inextricable: “Even unlimited amounts of food assistance would not be able to eliminate a substantial (probably more than half) part of this [malnutrition] caseload,” they estimate.
  
 This is because much of the malnutrition in the region is caused by other factors: poor water quality, low-quality health care, poor sanitation and poor feeding practices, which were recently stressed in the Sahel Working Group and Oxfam’s report entitled Escaping the Hunger Cycle; Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94082 ]
  
 Food aid is thus a blunt tool to address this problem - as well as the myriad other problems that poor pastoralists, poor urban communities, and others are currently dealing with.
  
 Oxfam’s food security head Al Hassan Cissé agrees: “Given a still-growing population, chronic malnutrition, indebtedness, and loss of remittances, among other factors, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ] I am not sure we [the international community] have the right tools to address these issues at the moment,” he said. 
  
 Any relevant response must take into account the chronic, structural vulnerability of the Sahel, say aid agencies and analysts. For instance, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has estimated over one million children in the Sahel region may face “severe and life-threatening malnutrition” in 2012, over one third of them in Niger. It is important to note that in 2011, with one of the best harvests on-record, just under 900,000 under-fives were in the same scenario. “And these needs will probably be there in 2013,” said the analyst. “This context is important.” 
  
 UN World Food Programme (WFP) food security head Naouar Labidi acknowledged that food security and malnutrition do not have a simple cause and effect relationship. However, they are linked: “Malnutrition is everything - health, access to water, feeding practices, etc, but it is also the result of access to food, and it [malnutrition] gets wborse when this access declines,” she told IRIN.

  Malnutrition is already poor in the Sahel, with rates exceeding 15 percent – the emergency threshold -- in some locations. “In a crisis you want to prevent death –any additional shock could push up these malnutrition rates further - resulting in higher mortality rates. Blanket feeding is one way of preventing deterioration of the nutrition situation. So we cannot afford not to act,” she said.
 It’s all in the prices
  
 FEWSNET also notes that while high food prices across the Sahel “obviously increase stress on poor families and have human impacts”, they could also draw grain stocks from coastal countries into the region, which could serve to increase the availability of food in markets, and stabilize prices. 
  
 One of the reasons the 2005 crisis was so severe was because coastal food prices were even higher than in the Sahel, says FEWSNET. 
  
 Price predictions can also become a self-fulfilling prophecy, they warn, as well as encouraging residents to hoard grain, which can drive prices up further.
  
 Alhousseini Bretaudeau, executive secretary at food security analysts CILLS (a Permanent Inter-State Committee to Prevent Drought in the Sahel) told IRIN from Abuja: “When you give strong declarations, stock-retention could occur and prices could go up further.” 
  
 Likewise, notes WFP, if governments and institutions state they will be purchasing large quantities, prices could stabilize. 
  
 Rather than speculating on future prices, which Labidi notes is a risky business, even the information that is currently available “shows that something is wrong”, says Labidi. Prices in some places have increased by over 80 percent over the five-year average, and have continued to rise rather than fall which is the usual seasonal dynamic. 
  
 Millet prices are 77 percent higher than the five-year average in Malian capital Bamako; 93 percent higher in the northern city of Gao, and up by 85 percent in the central region of Ségou, according to the Food and Agriculture.

 Even if prices were to stabilize, there would still be a problem, said WFP, as they are already unsustainable for lots of people.
  
 Market solutions
  
 FEWSNET analysts note that the lower-than-average cereal crops could be compensated for by food imports, which for instance in Niger in 2010-11 amounted to 900,000 tons - more than double the current estimated production gap. “The current food insecurity is less a food availability problem than an access issue.”
  
 Interviewees agreed: it is high food prices, and poor terms of trade for the most vulnerable that put food out of their reach. “The entry point [for response] is access, not availability,” said WFP market analyst Jean-Martin Bauer, noting high food prices are a greater problem than a deficit of grains, since markets will to some degree always compensate for at least part of gross food deficits.
  
 But opinions differ on the degree to which the markets will be able to resolve the access problem. 
  
 At the December 2011 meeting of the Food Crises Prevention Network (FCPN) on the situation in the Sahel and West Africa, agencies and analysts issued a joint communiqué, stressing the need for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to keep food trade fluid across their borders.  
  
 States must “avoid any action which will by nature impede the proper functioning of the markets and cross-border trade flows,” it stated. [ http://www.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_doc_13.pdf ]
  
 Protectionist measures worsened the impact of the 2005 food crisis and also posed some barriers to response in 2009-2010, which meant aid agencies had to partly source from outside of the region, upping the cost and delivery period.
  
 CILLS’s Breteaudeau was in Abuja where he was discussing ECOWAS plans, when he spoke to IRIN. “All governments are worried,” he said, “if you give alarming information then governments start to put themselves first: the message we must continuously impart is the need for solidarity.” 
  
 But for WFP’s Bauer, the problem is that - unlike in 2009 when prices were high in one of the region’s three major trading systems (known as the eastern, central and western basins) but not the others - this year all three are exhibiting high prices for staple grains such as maize and millet. 
 Ghana is estimated to have a grain surplus of 240,000 tons of maize for instance, but its price is 75 percent higher now than it was in 2009.  

 The numbers game

 Among other areas that need to be more nuanced, FEWSNET says the number of people in the Sahel who will need food assistance this year is “far smaller” than many are reporting. Oxfam stated in an early December communiqué that six million people could be highly vulnerable to food insecurity in Niger; 2.9 million in Mali; 700,000 - over quarter of the population - in Mauritania; and over two million in Burkina Faso; while in Chad 13 out of 22 of the regions could be affected by food insecurity. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ]
  
 Agencies should be more precise, says FEWSNET. Six million people live in the provinces and districts of Niger that are affected by low outputs, but a much smaller number of people within them are insecure and need assistance. 
  
 Further, “this crisis is not engulfing the region, it is simply distributed across it,” they say. Rather than a blanket response, targeted, localized interventions are needed. 
  
 Each area will need its own specific response, stressed Oxfam. For CILLS the key is to get enough fodder for animals - this came too little too late in 2010 - and improving pastoralists’ access to water points. For Oxfam the response priorities are: cash vouchers and/or cash-for-work; destocking before livestock prices drop; seed distributions; water provision; and rebuilding national and community emergency food stocks. NGO Save the Children, meanwhile, prioritizes supporting people’s livelihoods to stop them falling into crisis, providing free health care, and treatment for malnutrition in Niger - one of the countries predicted to be worst-affected.
  
 Aid agency representatives IRIN spoke to recognized affected regions are scattered, but noted the areas affected are still substantial. Oxfam’s economic justice manager, Eric Hazard, told IRIN: “We never said it was a catastrophe; we just said based on the information that we have, if nothing is done, millions could be vulnerable to food insecurity.”
  
 The tension lies in trying to rally donors to try to step up response to a chronically forgotten region in an early warning scenario which still awaits the results of several malnutrition and food security studies, said an observer. Aid appeals for West Africa are almost always under-funded: 37 percent of the 2011 request has come in thus far, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=emerg-emergencyDetails&appealID=910 ]
  
 And early warning is important, stressed Hazard: agencies rang the alarm in December 2009 during the last crisis; the media responded in February 2010 and aid agencies were only fully mobilized in May and June. 
  
 “Progress”
  
 Rather than stressing division, it is time for consensus, agree agencies and analysts. “Look at the progress,” said Hazard. “In the 1970s countries didn’t even identify crises; in the 1990s they started to respond but with low capacity; in 2005 they at least had a plan in mind; now early warning systems are in place.”
  
 There has been much talk over the past decade of improving aid effectiveness, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94502 ] and supporting country-led development. “Here countries are telling us there is a problem - even if the projections will change and be revised. Let them take that responsibility,” said Hazard. 
  
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94531</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SYRIA: Violence, sectarianism stalk Homs</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg" />]]>BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents.</description><body><![CDATA[BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents. 
 
 Some 160km north of Damascus, Homs has become a focal point of the conflict between government forces and protesters demanding that Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad step down. 
 
 The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says more than 5,000 people have died across the country since the popular uprising began in March. According to the Violence Documentation Center [ http://www.vdc-sy.org ] a website run by a network of Syrians in different cities, more than 1,800 have died in Homs alone as a result of the government’s violent crackdown on protesters. 
 
 But what began as peaceful protests have taken an increasingly violent turn in Homs. Some locals have now formed an armed resistance to the regime’s forces, supported by members of the Free Syrian Army, a paramilitary organization composed of army deserters.
 
 “Armed people are roaming the city and are regularly clashing with the army,” a resident of Homs told IRIN. The military presence in the town of 820,000 has increased significantly in the past few weeks and many opponents fear the regime could try to strike the city with a decisive blow, as it did to quell a revolt in the city of Hama in the 1980s, killing tens of thousands of civilians. 
 
 “There are tanks and soldiers everywhere in the city,” said Alaa, a 20-year-old student protester. “The Free Syrian Army is playing a crucial role by protecting the civilian population and responding to the violence of the regime,” she added. 
 
 Omar Idlibi, a prominent dissident who fled Syria and a leading member of the Local Coordination Committees (LCC), the main opposition network on the ground in Syria, acknowledged a shift towards violence among the regime’s opponents. 
 
 “The nature of people and their will to protect their families are making some of them seek revenge and engage in violent acts. This is the kind of behaviour that we refuse entirely,” he is quoted as saying in a statement [ http://www.lccsyria.org/3679 ] released by the LCC in early December. 
 
 Sectarianism 
 
 Homs, a major transportation node that forms a crossroads between the main regions of the country, used to be a microcosm of the national mosaic - made up of a mix of ethnic and religious groups, including Sunni Muslims, Christians, and Alawis, members of a minority offshoot of Shia Islam to which al-Assad belongs. 
 
 But activists say neighbours of different sects who used to live side by side peacefully have increasingly turned against one another. 
 
 Initially, the LCC accused government-allied militia of kidnapping protesters, with the number of kidnappings rising in November, it said. 
 
 But increasingly, residents say, civilians have been behind sectarian-coloured counter-kidnappings of government forces, but also of Alawi and Christian civilians, as well as Sunnis considered to be spies for the government. The LCC maintains that some counter-kidnappings are conducted only to secure the release of captured civilians. 
 
 “There should not be any doubt of the regime’s entire responsibility for the sectarian turn of events in Homs,” opposition figure and author Yassin Haj Saleh said in the LCC statement. The regime “starved [the people] and incited hate between the people of different neighbourhoods,” he said. 
 
 But other well-placed sources, said they had received reports that opposition groups were behind much of the violence in Homs. The resident quoted earlier said the kidnappings seemed to be conducted mostly by Sunnis, and said he knew of three Christians who had been kidnapped in two days this week. 
 
 Risk of humanitarian crisis
 
 In what he described as a deliberate policy aimed at “punishing” the protesters, one government opponent in Homs told IRIN that some restive areas were indeed besieged by the regime’s forces. 
 
 “Electricity there is cut off for several hours every day. Food as well as basic products, such as gas and heating oil, are difficult to find and have to be smuggled, which make them much more expensive than before,” he explained. 
 
 At this time of year, the temperature in Homs can near zero degrees at night, and there is much concern that some among the most vulnerable people, especially young children and the elderly, might not survive in those harsh conditions. 
 
 Public services in the city are still running, except in areas where clashes are taking place. Shops remain in business, though they close early; and schools are open, though many parents are afraid to send their children to class after one school came under fire, according to a second protester. 
 
 The situation is further aggravated by the fact that many people from restive areas do not want to access public medical services, because they fear they might get arrested at hospitals. 
 
 “We rely on the aid provided by clandestine doctors and volunteers from the Red Crescent,” said the first opponent said. 
 
 The Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) are the only aid agencies with access to Homs, and have distributed food supplies and medical kits to the local population. 
 
 “Since May, we’ve never really stopped. Our involvement is now even bigger than before,” Saleh Dabbakeh, ICRC spokesperson in Damascus, told IRIN. “The volunteers from the SARC are doing an amazing job, but it remains difficult for them to access certain critical areas, where they might get killed or kidnapped,” he added. He said ICRC volunteers have to deal with both the army at checkpoints and leaders of neighbourhoods once they are inside, and urged all actors to facilitate their work. 
 
 Activists say there are now clear signs that the city is heading towards a major security and humanitarian crisis.
 
 “We’re at the end of the road. We can't take this much longer,” said the first opponent. “It's getting worse every day. Keep us alive!… Stop the killing by security.”
 
 The Syrian government agreed earlier this week to an Arab League plan which calls for international observers to be allowed into the country. The League’s mission is scheduled to begin on 22 December, but observers question how much it will accomplish, given it is not allowed to access “sensitive military sites”. 
 
 According to the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), almost three million people have been affected by the civil unrest which began in Syria in March. This includes thousands who have fled the country, and many more who have sought refuge with family and friends away from their homes. Food and fuel prices have risen and the economy is in decline.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94529</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112221329200619t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BEIRUT 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - Syria’s central city of Homs is in a state of quasi-civil war, as violence becomes a daily routine, with sectarianism increasing and living conditions deteriorating, say residents and government opponents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: HIV and the risk of non-communicable diseases</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109200935030609t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - While antiretroviral drugs have significantly improved the life expectancy of people living with HIV, the virus - and often the ARVs themselves - can make people more susceptible to non-communicable diseases than the rest of the population.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - While antiretroviral drugs have significantly improved the life expectancy [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93269 ] of people living with HIV, the virus - and often the ARVs themselves - can make people more susceptible to non-communicable diseases than the rest of the population. 
 
 Here are six non-communicable diseases that are more likely to affect people living with HIV: 
 
 Heart disease - Several studies have made the link between coronary disease and HIV infection: one [ http://www.retroconference.org/2011/PDFs/809.pdf ] presented at the 18th Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections (CROI) in March 2011 found that HIV-infected participants had an increased risk of "acute myocardial infarction" - heart attack - compared with demographically and behaviourally similar HIV-negative study participants. 
 
 Another 2011 study [ http://archinte.ama-assn.org/cgi/content/short/171/8/737 ] found that HIV infection was a risk factor for heart failure, with ongoing viral replication associated with a higher risk of developing heart failure. 
 
 The link between ARVs and heart disease is less clear; one study [ http://www.retroconference.org/2011/Abstracts/40434.htm ], also presented at CROI, found that HIV infection increased the risk of coronary heart disease, but ARVs and higher CD4 counts – a measure of immune strength - significantly reduced this risk. However, a 2011 Canadian study [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21499115 ] found that several ARVs - abacavir, efavirenz, lopinavir, and ritonavir - were all associated with an increased risk of heart attack. 
 
 Cervical cancer - After breast cancer, it [ http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/714655 ] is the second most common cancer among women worldwide; more than 80 percent of new cases and deaths from the disease occur in developing countries. 
 
 Studies have found that HIV-positive women are at higher risk of human papillomavirus (HPV), a precursor to cervical cancer; women with low CD4 counts seem to be particularly vulnerable. 
 
 HPV can be prevented with a vaccine recommended for pre-adolescent girls before they reach their sexual debut but the vaccine is too expensive for most women in developing countries. In addition, cervical cancer screening levels remain very low in many poor countries; for instance, just 3.2 percent of Kenyan [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93209 ] women aged 18-69 are tested every three years, compared with 70 percent of women in the developed world. 
 
 Other cancers - People living with HIV are more susceptible to several cancers, including Kaposi sarcoma, Hodgkin's and non-Hodgkin's lymphoma, anal cancer, skin cancer and liver cancer - than HIV-negative people, a new study has found. 
 
 Published in Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers and Prevention, the study [ http://cebp.aacrjournals.org/content/early/2011/11/18/1055-9965.EPI-11-0777.abstract?sid=5134a395-412a-4cdf-b8b1-bf5d5beee14f ] found that immunodeficiency was positively associated with all cancers examined except prostate cancer. The authors recommended starting antiretroviral therapy earlier to maintain high CD4 levels. 
 
 Mental illness - Studies show that the prevalence of mental illness among HIV-positive in-patients and out-patients in the US ranges between 5 and 23 percent compared with 0.3-0.4 percent in the general population. 
 
 According to the World Health Organization (WHO) [ http://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/EB124/B124_6-en.pdf ], apart from the psychological impact of HIV, the virus has direct effects on the central nervous system, leading to neuropsychiatric complications, including HIV encephalopathy, depression, mania, cognitive disorders, and dementia. 
 
 Studies also show that depression can lead to high-risk behaviour [ http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21078150 ], including transactional sex, partner abuse and low condom use. 
 
 However, depression is frequently overlooked [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94410 ] by healthcare providers; a severe shortage of mental health professionals in developing countries means patients often suffer in silence. 
 
 Kidney disease - Known as HIV-associated nephropathy [ http://www.nephrologyrounds.org/crus/nephus_0809_07.pdf ], kidney disease is relatively common in people living with HIV. The virus interferes with the kidneys' ability to function correctly, particularly in people with advanced HIV who have a low CD4 count and a high viral load, as well as older people. 
 
 Poorly functioning kidneys can cause other health conditions, including cardiovascular disease, nerve damage, bone disease, and anaemia. 
 
 Certain ARVs, tenofovir in particular, have also been associated [ http://journals.lww.com/jaids/Fulltext/2010/01010/Impact_of_Tenofovir_on_Renal_Function_in.10.aspx ] with a decline in renal function. 
 
 Liver disease - A leading cause of morbidity and death among HIV-positive individuals [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(10)62001-6/fulltext#bib3 ], it is mainly caused by co-infection with hepatitis B or hepatitis C, alcohol abuse, insulin resistance or side-effects of medicines. 
 
 Experts say early identification and proper management of liver disease in HIV-infected people are crucial to improve long-term outcomes. 
 
 kr/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94522</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109200935030609t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 22 December 2011 (IRIN) - While antiretroviral drugs have significantly improved the life expectancy of people living with HIV, the virus - and often the ARVs themselves - can make people more susceptible to non-communicable diseases than the rest of the population.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
