<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Cote d'Ivoire</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 13:33:45 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Analysis: A long road ahead for justice in Côte d’Ivoire</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305031042070560t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Wary of a backlash, Côte d’Ivoire’s government has hesitated to charge its own supporters of crimes committed during the 2010-2011 poll violence, something that has raised doubts about its commitment to impartial justice, say analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Wary of a backlash, Côte d’Ivoire’s government has hesitated to charge its own supporters of crimes committed during the 2010-2011 poll violence, something that has raised doubts about its commitment to impartial justice, say analysts.

The government’s National Commission of Inquiry into the conflict has accused both the Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces (FRCI - now part of the army) and fighters loyal to deposed president Laurent Gbagbo, of crimes. It said FRCI was responsible for 727 deaths while Gbagbo’s forces killed 1,452 people.

In June 2011, two months after taking power, President Alassane Ouattara set up the Special Inquiry Unit - a special court - to try violence suspects. Prosecutors have charged more than 150 Gbagbo supporters but just a handful from FRCI. 

Analysts argue that this lack of even-handedness is due to Ouattara’s weak grip on the army which is largely made up of fighters who backed him during the poll chaos. Many of the fighters are also loyal to Guillaume Soro, a former rebel leader and now the National Assembly president.

Christophe Kouamé, head of the Ivoirian Civil Society Convention, said the slow pace of justice was because “social divisions are so deep that the president is certainly wary of rekindling conflict.”

“The one-sided approach to accountability is likely due in part to the president’s still tenuous hold over the entire military,” Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in an April report [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/04/03/cote-d-ivoire-unrealized-promises-impartial-justice ].

“Pursuing justice may prove to be deeply unpopular, including among segments of the population who believe that the forces loyal to President Ouattara who committed serious crimes were justified in doing so,” it added.

Only recently did the government go after its loyalists. In April, the trial of 33 FRCI troops - charged with crimes against the population, including premeditated murder, voluntary and involuntary homicide and theft - opened before a military court in the commercial capital Abidjan. Two soldiers were handed prison sentences [ http://news.abidjan.net/h/458597.html ] on 2 May.

Other moves against FRCI members seem likely following the April exhumation of bodies from 57 mass graves across Abidjan. Thirty-six of those graves, containing the bodies of people killed during the post-election violence, are in the city’s Yopougon District which was a Gbagbo stronghold.

FRCI has also been accused of atrocities in the west. In March, a judge tasked with investigating a July 2012 attack on a camp for the displaced in the west of the country visited the scene to identify mass graves. According to the International Human Rights Federation (FIDH), there are 13 mass graves in 12 different sites containing the bodies of people who were summarily executed during the attack.

HRW West Africa researcher Matt Wells said the trial of the soldiers was “an important step forward in Côte d’Ivoire’s fight against impunity. But the Ivoirian authorities need to also pursue the more sensitive cases involving FRCI for which victims have seen no justice, particularly the grave crimes committed during the post-election crisis.”

A good start?

Observers and rights groups have urged the government to be even-handed in pursuing justice, to avert the threat of unrest. However, achieving equitable justice in Côte d’Ivoire is a long and difficult process, warned Kouamé.

“We should be realistic. Côte d’Ivoire has a long way to go. We are not going to change things in one or two years,” he told IRIN.

“The fact that the government is taking responsibility for the killings committed by the forces that supported it is a good thing. This is a good start.”

To attain fair justice, the government should target foot soldiers and low-level commanders in both the Ouattara and Gbagbo camps, and then work its way through the chain of command, Florent Geel of FIDH’s Africa bureau, told IRIN.

Such an approach would help “build the confidence of the victims in the system and also develop the experience and the expertise of the local judicial authorities to be able to go up the chain of command,” said Param-Preet Singh, senior international justice counsel at HRW.

“We are not asking for perfect justice immediately. Impatience will not help. But there is need for political will to move things forward, as well as concrete and visible proof that things are moving forward,” said Geel, stressing that the government “must demonstrate that people who committed crimes must be made accountable”.

However, another analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the government should instead go after senior commanders in both camps.

“You can’t try every Tom, Dick and Harry,” said the analyst. “The authorities should target top and middle-level people and focus on people that were in a position of command, [involved in] policy-making and financing.”

Transitional justice

More than a decade of violence and instability has heightened impunity and weakened the justice system in Côte d’Ivoire. “Impunity and lack of justice have led many people to conclude that there is no solution other than taking up arms,” said Geel.

Justice Minister Gnenema Coulibaly recently told reporters that the government inherited a dysfunctional justice system and announced a broad plan to reform the sector by 2015.

“A transitional justice process is vital for any country recovering from a situation like Côte d’Ivoire’s to ensure guarantee of non-repetition,” said Mohamed Suma, head of the International Centre for Transitional Justice office in Côte d’Ivoire.

“The risk of not doing anything is too much for the country," he told IRIN.

In the second half of 2012, Côte d’Ivoire was rocked by a series of attacks targeting army bases, police stations and other targets in Abidjan and elsewhere. The government blamed the deadly raids on Gbagbo supporters exiled in Ghana and Liberia, but they deny responsibility.

In March, at least 14 people were killed in a spate of attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Country/CI/Cote-dIvoire ] in the country’s volatile western region where long-standing land and ethnic disputes have repeatedly sparked violence.

Simone Gbagbo

Côte d’Ivoire handed over Gbagbo to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in November 2011 for trial over crimes he allegedly committed during the post-election violence that claimed at least 3,000 lives, but it is yet to surrender Gbagbo’s wife, Simone, despite the court’s arrest warrant issued in November 2012. Simone Gbagbo is charged with crimes against humanity.

The government is concerned that Simone would be able to get in touch with former regime officials if she is out of its hands, a Western observer told IRIN on condition of anonymity.

“The authorities have two options: they can surrender Simone Gbagbo or challenge the admissibility of her case before the ICC. They have done neither,” said HRW’s Singh.

“It is okay to try her in Côte d’Ivoire if she can get a fair trial and if the ICC agrees that the national authorities have the ability to do so, but they have to respond.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97969/Analysis-A-long-road-ahead-for-justice-in-Côte-d-Ivoire</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201305031042070560t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 03 May 2013 (IRIN) - Wary of a backlash, Côte d’Ivoire’s government has hesitated to charge its own supporters of crimes committed during the 2010-2011 poll violence, something that has raised doubts about its commitment to impartial justice, say analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Calls for Côte d’Ivoire government to tackle unrest in west</title><pubDate>Thu, 25 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208090925290524t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - After recent attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s volatile western region in which more than a dozen people were killed, the authorities announced new security measures, but observers say more than a military response is required.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - After recent attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s volatile western region in which more than a dozen people were killed, the authorities announced new security measures, but observers say more than a military response is required.

In the latest spate of armed raids in March, at least 14 civilians and soldiers were killed. The region saw some of the worst fighting [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96024/COTE-D-IVOIRE-We-should-stop-killing-each-other ] during the country’s 2010-2011 post-election conflict. In 2012, at least 10 civilians and seven UN peacekeepers were killed. Weeks later gunmen raided and torched the last remaining internally displaced persons (IDP) camp hosting some 5,000 people.

At the start of 2012 there were 186,000 IDPs [ http://ivorycoast.humanitarianresponse.info/Portals/0/Reports/Others%20reports/CIV%202013%20BESOINS%20HUMANITAIRES%20Final%20February%202013.pdf ] in Côte d’Ivoire, most of them in the country’s western region. An estimated 45,000 people remained displaced by the end of 2012.

Ethnic rivalries, and disputes over land that are worsened by political rivalry, have turned western Côte d’Ivoire into a tinderbox. Mistrust and enmity have often degenerated into violence. Greater efforts are needed to reconcile communities, restore confidence and address grievances, say observers. 

“The government must fully appreciate this problem and bring a lasting solution,” Francis Niangoran, a lecturer at Abidjan’s Sainte-Marie Teaching Institute, told IRIN. “Aid groups are faced with recurrent population displacements, organizing their return, distributing relief aid - it’s a vicious circle.”

While on a visit to the west following the attacks, Interior and Security Minister Hamed Bakayoko announced an emergency security plan to bolster troop numbers, set up attack brigades and equip them with modern radios as well as build an additional police station.

“When you travel across the region, you see ill-equipped soldiers. They don’t even have radios. The telephone network is also unreliable and they cannot use their mobile phones,” said Séraphin Zégnan, who fled the western Petit Guiglo area to the commercial capital Abidjan after an attack in the area in 2012.

Army chief Soumaila Bakayoko, also visiting after the attacks, said a permanent military base would be set up in the region. In 2012, the government formed a 600-strong force to secure the western region. The force is backed by both the UN mission in Côte d’Ivoire and the UN mission in neighbouring Liberia.

“The government has the will to end the instability in the west - only it seems to lack the military capacity to achieve that. The western region is a difficult zone to secure and there is need for better trained and better equipped troops,” said Rodrigue Koné of the Centre for Research and Action for Peace (CERAP), an Ivoirian organization.

Others are also sceptical about the military efforts. 

“Moving from a security plan to an emergency security plan is to play with words rather than having a real will to resolve the problem. It is proof that the government is unable to contain the situation. It doesn’t know where and how to tackle the problem,” said Niangoran.

The Interior and the Defence Ministries declined to comment.

A matter of trust

Alexandre Neth Willy, secretary-general of the Ivoirian Human Rights League (LIDHO), told IRIN that the use of drones as recently requested by Côte d’Ivoire’s UN ambassador Bamba Youssoufou “will not be sufficient to solve the problem. The confrontations, recriminations and hatred are deeper [in the west] than in the rest of the country. 

“On the one hand there’s a need to build confidence among the people themselves and on the other between the people and the army.”

CERAP’s Koné said: “Today the majority of the people in the west consider the army as the government’s militia. They have not overcome the events of the post-election crisis and the army has not been able to gain their confidence.”

He argued that the government should work to forge an army with a national outlook following the deep divisions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96574/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Facing-insecurity-with-unreformed-army ] caused by the post-election unrest.

Who are the gunmen?

Residents of the region - an area covering 73,000sqkm and home to nearly seven million people, or a third of the country’s population - say that apart from gunmen attacking from neighbouring Liberia, there are several armed groups operating inside the region with bases in the forests. 

These militias fought for current President Alassane Ouattara during the violent dispute with his erstwhile election opponent Laurent Gbagbo, they say.

“The most famous of these armed groups is headed by Amadé Ourémi, a Burkinabé, who with his 1,000 fighters, is extending his area of operations without the slightest response from the authorities,” said Fabien Dotonin, an administrator in the western Duékoué District.

“The authorities in Abidjan make threatening statements about dislodging him. But once they come to the west, they neatly avoid talking about the problems caused by Ourémi or even meeting him, yet this is a typical case which if resolved will help a great deal in easing the security crisis,” he added. 

Prime Minister Daniel Kablan Duncan on 4 April said all those occupying government forests will be expelled by the army, but so far no action has been taken.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97920/Calls-for-Côte-d-Ivoire-government-to-tackle-unrest-in-west</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208090925290524t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - After recent attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s volatile western region in which more than a dozen people were killed, the authorities announced new security measures, but observers say more than a military response is required.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Côte d’Ivoire awash in weapons</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211504560522t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s recent turbulence - including the ouster of president Henri Konan Bédié in 1999, a long-running insurgency and deadly poll unrest in 2011 - has left the country awash in arms, which have contributed to human rights abuses, widespread crime and persistent insecurity.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s recent turbulence - including the ouster of president Henri Konan Bédié in 1999, a long-running insurgency and deadly poll unrest in 2011 - has left the country awash in arms, which have contributed to human rights abuses, widespread crime and persistent insecurity.

Two years after coming to power in 2000, Laurent Gbagbo’s administration faced an army mutiny, which morphed into a full-scale rebellion. In response, the government underwent a “frenzied arms-acquisition programme”, Amnesty International said in a recent report [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/arms-proliferation-and-abuse-shatter-communities-c-te-divoire-2013-03-20 ].

Angola, China, Belarus, Bulgaria, Ukraine and Israel sold weapons to the Ivoirian government between 2002 and 2003, according to the report. A 2004 UN arms embargo did little to halt the flow of weapons into the country, according to Salvatore Sagues, Amnesty International’s West Africa researcher.

“Arms continued to be delivered to pro-Gbagbo forces during the 2011 post-election crisis,” Sagues told IRIN. “This shows that even a UN arms embargo is not enough to stop the illegal trade of weapons.”

Arms acquisition by the New Forces rebels, who controlled Côte d’Ivoire’s north between 2002 and 2009, is harder to trace, as most of their weapons are unregistered. Still, they are known to have used a range of Chinese, Polish and Russian assault rifles, Amnesty said.

It is unclear how many arms are in circulation in Côte d’Ivoire, said Désiré Adjoussou, the head of the National Commission to fight against the Proliferation and Illegal Circulation of Small Arms (ComNat).

“These weapons are held illegally. They are easy to disassemble, hide and transport around,” said Adjoussou.

Arms in the 2011 crisis

During the post-election conflict, in which some 3,000 people were killed, weapons were looted from police stations and army barracks, contributing to the wide circulation of arms in the country.

Since the crisis, the country has been rocked by several armed attacks, which President Alassane Ouattara’s administration blames on supporters of his election opponent, Gbagbo.

Military bases, police stations and other targets came under attack in late 2012, both in the commercial capital, Abidjan, and in other regions. Those attacks, purportedly by supporters of Gbagbo, led to a government crackdown and alleged human rights abuses [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96612/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Crackdown-sparks-rights-abuse-allegations ].

Côte d’Ivoire’s western region also remains a tinderbox of ethnic-driven political rivalry and intractable land disputes. In March, at least 14 people were killed in raids near the Liberian border over the long-standing land and ethnic conflict.

“Many people are armed in the west of the country, especially the dangerous dozos,” said Sagues, referring to a group of traditional hunters who fought alongside Ouattara’s forces during the post-election crisis.

“They have traditional arms and AK-47 supplied by the authorities, and they use them to make arbitrary arrest or extort money,” said Sagues. In a February report, Amnesty International described the dozos as “a militia supported by the state.”

“There is a huge trafficking of arms and munitions in towns, villages … which goes on at times with the complicity of some security forces members,” said a recent ComNat report, referring to western Côte d’Ivoire.

The ComNat report said that “during the post-election crisis, everybody sought to protect him or herself and so everyone was armed. Weapons are now easily available, and acquiring one is simple.”

In Abidjan a firearm can be bought for between 30,000 and 50,000 CFA francs (US$60-100). In the country’s restive western region, an automatic pistol costs 10,000 francs ($20) and an AK-47 goes for 20,000 francs ($40), according to ComNat.

“There is a climate of fear that is pushing some people to withhold their weapons in case they would need to defend themselves,” Rinaldo Depagne, West Africa researcher for the International Crisis Group (ICG), told IRIN.

Disarmament

A former pro-Gbagbo fighter, who gave his name only as Noël, told IRIN that many ex-combatants are not yet ready to give up their arms because they are wary of the government, which has made several demands for general weapons surrender.

“They doubt [the government]. Their weapons are what reassure them, and they prefer to keep them close,” said Noël, explaining that he has buried his four firearms somewhere near his house in Abidjan.

“Many [of Gbagbo’s former fighters] say that if they show up to hand over their weapons, something may happen to them,” he added.

Disarmament efforts since the poll violence have so far borne few results. Some 2,800 people have surrendered weapons, around 1,900 different types of firearms and 1,850 grenades have been collected, said ComNat’s Adjoussou.

In a renewed push in 2012, the government formed the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Authority (ADDR), replacing six different disarmament bodies.

Some 64,500 ex-fighters are set to be disarmed, according to Prime Minister Daniel Kablan Duncan, but the head of opposition group Lider, Mamadou Koulibaly, puts the figure at around 100,000.

Duncan also recently announced that 30,000 ex-combatants will be demobilized this year, with the majority set to be integrated in the private sector and others hired in the customs department or as prison guards.

Adjoussou said that some people have turned to theft with their weapons to survive.

“Disarmament cannot work until unemployment is tackled,” he said. He also urged the lifting of the arms embargo to enable the government deal with the insecurity. “How can we ensure security of the people and property with bare hands?”

In a January report [ http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-66_en.pdf ], Doudou Diene, a UN independent expert and human rights specialist, also argued that Côte d’Ivoire’s insecurity warranted the lifting of the arms embargo.

“The fact that the security situation is weakened by the rise of a culture of violence and by repeated attempts to destabilize state security is justification for lifting the embargo and providing technical reinforcement to state security agencies on an urgent basis,” he said in the report.

But ICG’s Depagne warned, “Côte d’Ivoire still has a weak arms control mechanism to regulate new imports of weapons.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97854/Côte-d-Ivoire-awash-in-weapons</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303211504560522t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire’s recent turbulence - including the ouster of president Henri Konan Bédié in 1999, a long-running insurgency and deadly poll unrest in 2011 - has left the country awash in arms, which have contributed to human rights abuses, widespread crime and persistent insecurity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Relief as thousands recognized as Ivoirian citizens*</title><pubDate>Fri, 22 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303221017330126t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - Which of Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s 20 million inhabitants qualify as nationals is a question that has driven political debate and conflict here for many years, and one that came to the fore earlier this month when thousands of people who had lived here all their lives were finally, and simultaneously in a public ceremony, given formal citizenship documents.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - Which of Côte d'Ivoire's 20 million inhabitants qualify as nationals is a question that has driven political debate and conflict here for many years, and one that came to the fore earlier this month when thousands of people who had lived here all their lives were finally, and simultaneously in a public ceremony, given formal citizenship documents.

While around 140,000 similarly eligible residents have received documentary confirmation of their Ivoirian citizenship since 2011, the public ceremony held earlier this month in the administrative capital, Yamoussoukro, made waves because the documents were given to more than 8,000 people at the same time.

There are hundreds of thousands of people in Côte d'Ivoire who qualify for Ivoirian nationality but who, for various, reasons lack the documents to prove it. Because many are descended from people from other west African countries, they are often regarded as foreigners. In law, they are effectively stateless.

A long struggle

Among the most recent group to receive citizenship papers was 53-year-old Maurice Kamgabéga, whose family settled in Côte d'Ivoire's central-western Bouaflé area in 1933 from what was then known as Upper Volta (present day Burkina Faso).

"I breathed a sigh of relief... Finally the end of a long struggle," Kamgabéga said after being handed a certificate giving him Ivoirian citizenship.

"We were frustrated and angry because our Ivoirian brothers and sisters treated us like foreigners. It was humiliating to know that we never belonged to a country and were somehow nonexistent," he told IRIN.

"For my children and grandchildren to go to school at times I had to do under-the-table dealings with the schools. But it's when they were to take final examinations that things got more complicated because we did not have any documents," he added.

Kamgabéga's brother Zongo, who also took part in the ceremony, said: "We now have the same rights [as other Ivoirians]... We are all very proud of the decision by the government. The harassment on the roads that some of us have suffered will be over. We are grateful to the Ivoirian authorities."

Identity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/56955/COTE-D-IVOIRE-What-s-in-a-name-A-fight-for-identity ] has been at the heart of Côte d'Ivoire's political crises for decades. After independence from France in 1960, founding president Félix Houphouët-Boigny continued the French tradition of encouraging workers from neighbouring countries to come and work in the Ivoirian cocoa fields. Until 1972, those born in the country had an automatic right to citizenship.

Nationality became a controversial political issue when current President Alassane Ouattara, who served as Houphouët-Boigny's prime minister, set his eyes on the presidency upon the founding president's death in 1993.

In 1995 Ouattara was deemed ineligible to run for president on the grounds that he failed to meet the parentage requirements then in place. 

Ouattara was again barred by from taking part in the 2000 presidential and parliamentary polls, leading to street protests in which scores died. The protests were seen by some observers as sparking the 2002 rebellion that split the country in two, with the north under insurgent rule and the south under former president Laurent Gbagbo.

"The issue of nationality is one of the causes of Côte d'Ivoire's crisis that stretches back two decades. It should therefore be dealt with carefully," said René Hokou Légré, who heads the Ivoirian Human Rights League.

Dissenting voices

Reactions to the March ceremony reveal how sensitive - and misunderstood - the issue of nationality is.

Although the process of providing documents to those lacking proof of nationality was initially set in motion by a gazette notice in 1996, when Gbagbo was president, some saw hidden motives behind the current administration’s move to distribute the documents in large numbers.

"The government is bolstering its electoral strategy ahead of the 2015 or 2020 presidential polls. Otherwise there is no urgency to naturalize so many people... It is a worrying situation, and the authorities must explain themselves," said Françoise Bah, a teacher in the commercial capital, Abidjan.

Lawyer Nick De Bessou was among those who described the beneficiaries of the process as “foreigners”. He accused the government of “selling nationality at a throw-away price.” 

Justice Minister Mamadou Gnénéma dismissed such criticism, insisting it was “unacceptable that people can belong to no country. The statelessness of these people had to be resolved to make them understand that they can now enjoy the same rights as other Ivoirians. It's been a long time since their names were gazetted."

Salifou Soro, who heads SOS Apatride, an NGO dealing with stateless persons, concurred: 

"Over time this situation caused socio-political tensions. It was therefore important to regularize their status in order to turn the page on this sombre history of Côte d'Ivoire," he said.

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*This report was amended on 28 March to correct the number of people who have received citizenship documents and to clarify the process of verifying citizenship.


]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97708/Relief-as-thousands-recognized-as-Ivoirian-citizens</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303221017330126t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 22 March 2013 (IRIN) - Which of Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s 20 million inhabitants qualify as nationals is a question that has driven political debate and conflict here for many years, and one that came to the fore earlier this month when thousands of people who had lived here all their lives were finally, and simultaneously in a public ceremony, given formal citizenship documents.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rubber squeezing out cassava around Abidjan</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302261252160678t.jpg" />]]>DABOU 26 February 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers near Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, are abandoning cassava, a staple for many Ivoirians, and switching to natural rubber, a move which may jeopardize food self-sufficiency, analysts say.</description><body><![CDATA[DABOU 26 February 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers near Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, are abandoning cassava, a staple for many Ivoirians, and switching to natural rubber, a move which may jeopardize food self-sufficiency, analysts say.

Large numbers of farmers began to take an interest in rubber in the past decade thanks to high prices resulting from a surge in global demand, Alphonse Gnaoré Koh, an expert from the National Rural Development Agency (ANADER) in Dabou, a main rubber centre 50km west of Abidjan, told IRIN.

Prices jumped from 200 CFA francs per kilo in 2002 to 1,200 per kilo in 2007, but have fallen back since then to 550 per kilo, he said.

The rubber rush is pushing out farmers of cassava, agro-economist Daouda Dahaux from Abidjan’s Swiss Centre for Scientific Research told IRIN, and there is evidence that cocoa farmers may not reign supreme for long either [ http://pulitzercenter.org/reporting/ivory-coast-economy-cocoa-rubber-farming-crops ].

Côte d’Ivoire started to grow rubber industrially in the 1950s, and the crop became more widespread when village plantations were created in the 1980s, according to Koh. The crop was originally grown in the southern forest areas along the coast but is now spreading north, especially in central-western and central-eastern parts of the country.

Stable income

Farmers say rubber gives them a more stable and predictable income because they can harvest 10 months a year, whereas cassava is harvested only once a year. Moreover, harvesting cassava is demanding work compared with rubber which is easier to grow, Dahaux said. A rubber tree can live for 40 years.

“With rubber, we harvest and we are paid every month. It’s like being a civil servant,” farmer Jean Essis N’Guessan, based in Debrimou, a village near Dabou, told IRIN. N’Guessan started to plant rubber last year on his cassava farm and plans to replace all the cassava in three years when the rubber trees will have grown. Natural rubber can be harvested seven years after the trees are planted.

His brother, David Esmel, is a retired civil servant and planted rubber along with cassava two years ago. “For many farmers, rubber is more important than cassava now,” N’Guesssan told IRIN. Revenues from rubber are much more substantial than from cassava, he said. “With rubber, you can have the lifestyle of someone working in Abidjan. It’s attractive.”

One hectare of rubber can provide a gross monthly income of about 400,000 CFA (US$800), said Koh. Côte d’Ivoire’s minimum salary is set at 36,600 francs per month.

Farmers’ interest in rubber has also been boosted by the political crisis over the past decade, Dahaux told IRIN. “In the face of political uncertainty, many people have opted for perennial crops.”

Côte d’Ivoire, Africa’s top rubber grower and the seventh largest in the world, produced 230,000 tons of rubber in 2012, according to Albert Konan, executive secretary of the Rubber Development Fund. Annual production of 600,000 tons is envisaged by 2025, he said.

About two-thirds of the farmland in Dabou region is used to grow rubber and the trend is on the rise, Koh said.

A cultural tradition in jeopardy?

However, cassava is widely used in southern Côte d’Ivoire to produce attiéké, a side dish accompanying most meals, and the switch to rubber could lead to cassava shortages in future.

“If nothing is done to support cassava, and if we consider the population growth in a city like Abidjan, there will likely be substantial shortages in 10-15 years,” Dahaux said. “The threat is real.”

In Debrimou, the first signs of cassava shortages have already appeared, inhabitants told IRIN.

“There’s less and less cassava in the region,” Madeleine Coulibaly, 48 and mother of three, told IRIN. “Without cassava, how will we eat in the future?”

Southern ethnic groups, including the Adioukrou from Dabou, are among those making balls of attiéké and selling them, but producers now have to travel up to 150km to buy the cassava, the price of which has consequently risen, Coulibaly said.

A ball of attiéké which used to cost 250 CFA francs (50 US cents) a few years ago, now costs 350-400 (70-80 US cents), Koh said.

“Without cassava, Adioukrou women don’t have anything to do,” said Joséphine Koproyeï, 62.

The National Centre of Agronomic Research has created new varieties of cassava with better yields in the past few years, bringing women more autonomy and a sense of achievement [ http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/09/cote-divoire-new-cassava-varieties-bring-women-autonomy/ ].

Coulibaly complained that this is not the case with rubber. “Our husbands are planting rubber for them, and only for them. It does not suit us,” she said.

A cultural tradition is in jeopardy, stresses Jacques Lathes, chief of a neighbourhood in Débrimou. “Attiéké is part of the culture of the Adioukrou people. Our region derived its wealth from cassava.”

“All the remaining cassava plantations are about to be invaded by rubber,” Lathes told IRIN. “This is worrying.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97547/Rubber-squeezing-out-cassava-around-Abidjan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302261252160678t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DABOU 26 February 2013 (IRIN) - Farmers near Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, are abandoning cassava, a staple for many Ivoirians, and switching to natural rubber, a move which may jeopardize food self-sufficiency, analysts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Côte d’Ivoire cocoa farmers certified and satisfied</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302131450560657t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of Côte d’Ivoire cocoa farmers are reducing pesticide use, curbing soil erosion and water contamination and at the same time boosting yields and income thanks to certification schemes which are making their cocoa more attractive to foreign buyers, say certification companies.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of Côte d’Ivoire cocoa farmers are reducing pesticide use, curbing soil erosion and water contamination and at the same time boosting yields and income thanks to certification schemes which are making their cocoa more attractive to foreign buyers, say certification companies.

For example, more than 80,000 cocoa farmers in Côte d’Ivoire (and around 36,000 others in neighbouring Ghana) are enrolled in the Rainforest Alliance certification programme which requires producers to use farm and environmental management practices aimed at sustaining production in the long term.

“Before planting, we used to burn the fields, but we've been taught that it's not good so we stopped and now only use machetes to prepare the fields,” said Olivier Abeyao, a farmer in Abengourou in eastern Côte d’Ivoire. He explained that he has reduced pesticide use and is now planting 10-18 trees per hectare to be used for shade in his cocoa fields.

Certified farmers are linked with cocoa exporters and chocolate firms that finance their training and buy their produce. The companies take a share of the premium the farmers earn from certified cocoa.

Child labour, deforestation and low farmers’ incomes are major concerns for cocoa consumers, according to Rainforest Alliance. 

Cocoa Barometer, a European network of NGOs and unions in the cocoa sector, says consumer demand, better brand reputation and transparency of the supply chain are other factors that make companies turn to certified cocoa.

Global production of certified cocoa increased fourfold between 2009 and 2011 to reach 474,000 tons in 2011 and is expected to grow to 2.2 million tons by 2020, according to Cocoa Barometer.

Côte d’Ivoire is the world’s top producer of cocoa (35 percent of world production). It is grown by around 900,000 farmers and sustains some 3.5 million livelihoods. In the 2011-2012 season it produced nearly 1.5 million tons.

As many as two million West African households live directly off cocoa and more than 20 million West Africans rely on the cocoa economy, but many farmers remain in deep poverty.

“The aim of Rainforest Alliance is to create value for cocoa producing communities by improving farm management practices, including productivity and resilience to climate change, strengthening farmer organizations and supporting local partners,” Eric Servat, senior manager in Rainforest Alliance's cocoa and spices programme, told IRIN.

“Besides taking care of the environment and our health, we get a premium, which is something good for us,” Abeyao said, revealing that he earned 150,000 CFA francs (US$300) in premiums in the 2011-2012 season which ended in September 2012. 

“The farmer gets better paid for doing a better work. It is satisfying,” said Theodore Guetat, head of a cocoa cooperative of 1,100 farmers in Abengourou. “The quality of our production is much better.”

More farmers are willing to switch to certified cocoa, Guetat said. “If you don’t get your production certified, it’s not certain that you’ll manage to sell your cocoa in the future,” he said.

Not enough buyers?

However, some farmers told IRIN they have had difficulties finding buyers for their certified cocoa. “If you don't have a contract with an international company it may be difficult to sell the crop,” said Leon Edoukou Adou, a cocoa farmer and the head of a certified cooperative in Abengourou.

“We haven't found any buyer so we had to sell our cocoa beans as if they were regular beans, not certified,” said Adou, whose produce is certified by Fairtrade, another certification company. 

Servat said reaching farmers outside cooperatives, and smaller plantation owners, was difficult. It thus trained farmers on sustainable farming methods; they in turn trained their colleagues outside the certification scheme.

Farmers working with Rainforest Alliance and UTZ, another certification company, sell their produce to exporters or chocolate manufacturers under agreements with the certification firms. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97471/Côte-d-Ivoire-cocoa-farmers-certified-and-satisfied</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201302131450560657t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 13 February 2013 (IRIN) - Tens of thousands of Côte d’Ivoire cocoa farmers are reducing pesticide use, curbing soil erosion and water contamination and at the same time boosting yields and income thanks to certification schemes which are making their cocoa more attractive to foreign buyers, say certification companies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Cash-strapped ICC takes on Mali</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.

Announcing her first formal investigation since taking office, prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on 16 January promised justice to victims of “brutality and destruction” in three northern regions of Mali. But with a shrinking team of investigators and a budget that has barely increased despite a doubling of the workload, some analysts are doubtful she can deliver.

“There are serious questions to be asked of the new prosecutor as to whether it is a drastic overstretch to have eight African countries being dealt with simultaneously with essentially the same level of staff and the same level of finance as her office was operating on before,” said Phil Clark, a lecturer in comparative and international politics at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. “Is it really feasible for the office to be dealing with so many cases?”

The ICC intervenes in countries that cannot - or will not - prosecute perpetrators of mass atrocities. It is intended as a court of last resort in countries where prosecutions are unlikely to happen without its intervention.

Total court funding in 2013 is around US$144 million, with possible access to a contingency fund of up to $9.3 million, compared with $138 million in 2010. The prosecutor’s office, which carries out the investigations, was this year allocated $37 million. This represents an increase of just $1.3 million since 2010 despite the addition of Mali, Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire and Libya to the docket - and these countries were themselves in addition to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, Uganda and the Central African Republic (CAR).

“They are really at the edge of what they can do with their resources,” said Kevin Jon Heller, associate professor and reader at Melbourne Law School.

Investigating through intermediaries

The ICC is examining claims of murder, mutilation, torture, attacks on protected objects, executions, pillaging and rape since January 2012 when insurgent groups began their campaign to take over northern Mali. French troops and the Malian army have been reclaiming captured towns this month, but ongoing fighting means ICC investigators are unlikely to be gathering evidence on the ground.

“It isn’t like anyone from the ICC is going to Mali anytime soon,” said Heller.

Court investigators will instead speak to French troops, the Malian government and so-called intermediaries - usually local human rights groups who gather evidence and contact witnesses in areas the court cannot access.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the International Federation of Human Rights, among other groups, continue to actively investigate human rights abuses in Mali.

The use of intermediaries by ICC investigators has been controversial in previous cases, particularly during the trial of the DRC’s Thomas Lubanga. He was convicted [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95073/DRC-Lubanga-verdict-a-first-step ] of using children to fight in his Ituri rebel group but the intermediaries who helped prosecutors build the case were accused of bribing witnesses. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, who fought on the opposite side in the Ituri conflict, was late last year found not guilty [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97079/Reactions-from-the-DRC-to-ICC-acquittal-of-militia-leader ] of war crimes. The judges in that case were not convinced by the witnesses or the evidence.

Analysts hope the ICC will not repeat past investigative mistakes in Mali.

“Using intermediaries is unavoidable in those situations, because the intermediaries will know the field very well, be able to contact witnesses in a secure manner and arrange meetings in a way that can be done safely,” said Geraldine Mattioli-Zeltner, advocacy director in the international justice programme at Human Rights Watch.

“What needs to be improved is the way it is done; [there needs to be more] understanding [that] it is not the intermediaries who are conducting investigations but the investigators, and checking who your intermediaries are - whether they are credible and what kind of promises they have made to your witnesses.”

When possible, sending ICC investigators to the scene of the alleged crimes is the best way to investigate, she said. “It takes money to be able to deploy in the field which we believe is necessary in order to do good investigations.”

The Syria question

The ICC had asked for $157 million in 2013 to reflect its growing workload but major funders including the UK, France and Germany have resisted any increases. All three, however, signed a Swiss government letter to the UN Security Council earlier this month calling on it to refer Syria to ICC.

Russia, China and the USA - none of them ICC members - are unlikely to support such a referral.

Mattioli-Zeltner questions this pressure to add new cases to the already-crowded and unfinished docket.

“There is still more work to do in Darfur and DRC and now we are piling on new situations,” she said. “We don’t think the states parties have thought through what this means. It is very important that states commit to the justice process but also commit to an institution that has the means of doing its work properly.

“At this point we don’t think the ICC has the resources to do more situations, but we think there are a number of situations that deserve ICC intervention.”

Heller goes further: “I think if the Security Council should refer Syria and not give more money to the court, then Fatou [Bensouda] should refuse to investigate.”

But a UN request to intervene in Syria would be hard to resist for a young court that has yet to make its mark. Clark says the ICC wants to be seen as an active player in the conflict zones that matter most to the international community.

“The ICC is a new institution that is trying to build its own legitimacy,” he said. “It wants to be an option the Security Council can use in times of war, but this is leading the ICC to be too available even if they don't have the resources.”

The UN has already asked the ICC to investigate in Sudan and Libya. In Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya, the prosecutor’s office initiated the cases, while the governments of Mali, Uganda, DRC and CAR referred themselves to the court.

One-sided investigations

In Mali’s case the government asked the ICC to investigate in July 2012. Once a government asks ICC investigators to come into their country, investigators in theory, under their mandate, can pursue any case they find, which means they could end up charging government officials or members of the army. But to date, self-referrals have resulted only in cases against rebels.

Heller suggests that countries such as Uganda are using the ICC to “outsource their criminal justice problems” and should prosecute their own rebel groups. “Does the ICC need to spend all its time worrying about Joseph Kony and the LRA? Of course not,” he told IRIN. “If Uganda can get their hands on Kony, with international help they can give Kony a fair trial. Uganda has a very sophisticated legal system.”

The Uganda case faced sharp criticism when investigators failed to pursue evidence of widespread human rights abuses by the Ugandan army.

Likewise, instances of alleged extra-judicial killings carried out by the Malian armed forces this month and documented by human rights groups such as the International Federation of Human Rights, and Human Rights Watch, risk remaining untouched by the ICC.

One problem is that ICC investigators rely on governments to facilitate their visit to a country, which makes it difficult for them to pursue cases on all sides, even if it is within their mandate to do so, say observers. The ICC has no police force and thus relies on the goodwill of governments to make their investigations possible.

However, the ICC Prosecutor put up the pressure on the Malian authorities on 28 January, issuing the following statement: “My Office is aware of reports that Malian forces may have committed abuses in recent days… I remind all parties to the on-going conflict in Mali that my Office has jurisdiction over all serious crimes committed within the territory of Mali, from January 2012 onwards.” [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/news%20and%20highlights/Pages/otpstatement280113.aspx ]

The prosecutor’s office did not respond to IRIN’s requests for an interview.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97359/Analysis-Cash-strapped-ICC-takes-on-Mali</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Côte d’Ivoire&apos;s cotton sector on the up</title><pubDate>Mon, 24 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212241055580684t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 24 December 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire&apos;s cotton industry is regaining momentum after being nearly decimated by a decade of political chaos and conflict. Farmers in the cotton-growing northern regions, which came under insurgent rule, are hopeful of returning to economic stability.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 24 December 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire's cotton industry is regaining momentum after being nearly decimated by a decade of political chaos and conflict. Farmers in the cotton-growing northern regions, which came under insurgent rule, are hopeful of returning to economic stability.

Before the 2002 crisis, Côte d’Ivoire was among West Africa's main cotton producers, with an output of 400,000 tons per year. Up to 50 percent of cultivated land in the north and parts of the central region was for cotton growing, according to the National Centre for Research in Agronomy (CNRA). Some three million people depend directly or indirectly on cotton in the region.
During the crisis production slumped to 120,000 tons per year and only 18,000 farmers, down from 35,000, cultivated it.

"Nobody was interested any more in cotton cultivation. Many farmers opted for other activities they deemed more profitable such as shea butter or cashew nut production and livestock keeping," said Bertin Kouakou Kouamé, an agricultural engineer in the Boundiali area of northern Côte d’Ivoire.

"But since the end of the crisis, we have seen people slowly resuming cotton farming. We now hope that the authorities will take more interest, especially given that prices are rising. Cotton farming is a very difficult activity. It requires huge manpower," Kouamé told IRIN.

Since the 2011-2012 season, the government fixed prices, setting the price of first-grade cotton at 265 CFA francs (50 US cents) per kilo and 240 francs (48 US cents) for second-grade cotton.

"Prices of cotton sometimes fell to 150 francs a kilo. That really dented our morale, yet cotton farming is what we depend on to raise our families. So, few of us continued with cotton farming. We now want this resumption [of cultivation] to benefit farmers so that they can forget the nightmare they underwent," said Kanigui Coulibaly, a cotton farmer from Dikodougou area in the north of the country.

In the 1990s, Coulibaly was among the major cotton producers in northern Côte d’Ivoire, earning some eight million francs ($16,000) from an annual production of 40 tons. "With the war, everything crumbled around me with the fall in cotton prices. My cousins and nieces decided to leave for the south of the country to do other businesses," he told IRIN. 

“Things have improved”

"I had abandoned cotton farming because the crisis made us miserable. I could not pay school fees for my four children. But as things have improved, I resumed farming last year. Although I cannot make up for what my children have forgone, I can help them in other initiatives," said Lambert Gohi Bi, a farmer in Côte d’Ivoire's south-central region.

Bi said he earned about 400,000 francs ($800) in the 2011-2012 season, harvesting 1.5 tons of cotton and hopes to earn double that in the next season.

The Ivoirian Textile Development Company (CIDT) in charge of the cotton sector in parts of the country's central regions estimates that the 2012-2013 season will yield 35,000 tons, up from 15,000 tons. The Ivoirian Cotton Company (COIC) in charge of cotton production in parts of the northern region said 115,000 hectares have been put under cotton cultivation from which it estimates an output of 120,000 tons during the current season.

"The last season earned farmers 13.5 billion francs [$27.2 million]. Farmers are expected to earn more from the current season's sales. This is proof that cotton production is slowly recovering," said COIC director Adama Silué. 

The government has injected more than seven billion francs ($14.1 million) into subsidies for the cotton industry, bringing down the cost of fertilizer by 25 percent.

"Although it may not be sufficient, it's a huge support for producers. Now the government should support phytosanitary standards so that the cotton sector can definitively take off," said farmer Coulibaly. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97117/Côte-d-Ivoire-apos-s-cotton-sector-on-the-up</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212241055580684t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 24 December 2012 (IRIN) - Côte d’Ivoire&apos;s cotton industry is regaining momentum after being nearly decimated by a decade of political chaos and conflict. Farmers in the cotton-growing northern regions, which came under insurgent rule, are hopeful of returning to economic stability.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Côte d&apos;Ivoire needs top-down reconciliation</title><pubDate>Thu, 20 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212201322440230t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 20 December 2012 (IRIN) - Responsibility for reconciling Côte d&apos;Ivoire’s divided society after years of conflict, rebellion and instability rests largely with its leaders, but long-running political rivalries and mutual suspicion are raising tensions and blocking efforts to heal rifts, say analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 20 December 2012 (IRIN) - Responsibility for reconciling Côte d'Ivoire’s divided society after years of conflict, rebellion and instability rests largely with its leaders, but long-running political rivalries and mutual suspicion are raising tensions and blocking efforts to heal rifts, say analysts.

“The divisions over the past 10 years were due to several economic difficulties and land disputes that were exacerbated by political manipulation and stigmatization,” said Christophe Kouamé, the head of the Ivoirian Civil Society Convention. “Ivoirians are not fundamentally divided.”

Côte d'Ivoire is home to more than 60 ethnic groups and inter-communal marriages are common.

“We are told that we need to have reconciliation, but reconciliation with whom? I don’t have a problem with my neighbours. It’s the politicians who must reconcile with one another,” said Fabrice, a resident of Yopougon District in the commercial capital Abidjan.

“In my extended family we have people from different ethnic groups, some of whom are regarded [by others] as enemies,” said Isidore from Abidjan’s Cocody District.

Côte d'Ivoire rose to become one of Africa’s prosperous economies soon after independence from France in 1960, with an economy driven by huge agricultural exports, notably cocoa. However, an economic crisis sparked by a commodity price slump in the 1980s hit the country hard, squeezing public sector funding. The country was to be later jolted by political competition with the death of founding president Félix Houphouet Boigny in 1993 and the introduction of multiparty politics.

“The nature of (the country’s) crisis is political. It is attributed to the political class, which after the collapse of the Ivoirian economic model adopted a strategy based on ethnic identity to compensate for the lack of policies to resolve people’s problems,” said Rodrigue Koné, an Abidjan-based sociologist.

“The people’s position at the grassroots is determined by the political leaders. Reconciliation must be driven by the politicians.”

Tense political relations

Relations between President Alassane Ouattara’s Rally of Republicans (RDR) party and that of his predecessor, the Ivoirian Popular Front (FPI) party, since the end of the 2010-2011 poll dispute remain tense. A meeting between the FPI and the head of Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR) in March and the party’s observer status at a national political conference have been the only public contacts by the two sides.

The FPI, which boycotted the 2011 parliamentary polls, insists that any talks with the government are conditional on ex-president Laurent Gbagbo being freed from the International Criminal Court where he faces crimes against humanity charges. However, that demand is widely seen as an unrealistic.

“What we’ve seen so far are just semblance of meetings and political reconciliation,” said Moussa Fofona, a sociologist at the University of Bouaké in central Côte d'Ivoire.

Armed attacks [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96080/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Gunfire-and-fear-in-Abidjan ] at military and police bases in August and September in Abidjan and elsewhere in the country have dashed hopes of reconciliation between the Gbagbo and Ouattara camps. The government blames Gbagbo supporters for the raids in which at least 15 soldiers were killed. Gbagbo supporters have denied any involvement.

Over the past decade, Côte d'Ivoire has been rocked by violent instability that erupted with the 1999 ouster of President Henri Konan Bédié. A year later, a popular uprising forced out junta leader Robert Gueï, who was replaced by Gbagbo. In 2002, a military mutiny broke into a fully-fledged insurgency that split the country in two, with rebels controlling the northern half and the government the south.

In 2010, presidential elections were held, but Gbagbo refused to concede defeat to Ouattara, sparking months of bloody conflict which ended with Gbagbo’s arrest in April 2011. Despite the violence abating, the country remains divided and a reconciliation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95910/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Hard-road-to-reconciliation ] process initiated after the unrest has had little effect.

Partisan press

An article recently published in a pro-Gbagbo newspaper likened Ouattara to Adolf Hitler, while a commentary on the blog of National Assembly leader Guillaume Soro, the country’s former prime minister (and Outtara supporter), called for the eradication of FPI.

“Dialogue between the government and the opposition, which is a vital component of reconciliation, is stalled and does not go beyond statements of intent,” the International Crisis Group think tank said in a November report [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/cote-divoire/193-cote-divoire-defusing-tensions.aspx ].

“Political turmoil is accompanied by a return of hateful and dangerous discourses relayed by a partisan press, loyal to one side or the other... The political class does not seem to have learned all the lessons from the post-electoral crisis, and is repeating the very attitudes that have led the country to the brink,” the report said.

The government should steer political reconciliation, and the FPI should drop its tough conditions on joining talks, said Kouamé, the Ivoirian Civil Society Convention chief. Observers say responsibility to kick-start political reconciliation lies with President Ouattara.

“I don’t think that what happened in Côte d'Ivoire is worse than South Africa’s experience. But Nelson Mandela created an atmosphere of reconciliation,” said sociologist Koné. “If the president wants reconciliation, nothing is stopping him.”

CDVR, tasked to investigate human rights violations between the 2010 polls and 15 May 2011, and which has a two-year mandate starting from September 2011, is yet to win the trust of many Ivoirians. The panel’s chairman, Charles Konan Banny, faces criticism. Banny is a member of the ruling coalition and was one of Ouattara’s campaign managers. “He has political ties which limit his ability to act,” said Koné.

The reconciliation panel has also set up 36 local reconciliation commissions to encourage local participation, but there are concerns [ http://www.theelders.org/article/cote-divoire-elders-call-more-decisive-steps-towards-reconciliation ] as to their effectiveness.

The government has also been blamed for selective justice [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96612/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Crackdown-sparks-rights-abuse-allegations ]. More than 150 Gbagbo loyalists, including top FPI officials, have been charged with offences stemming from the post-poll violence. No Ouattara supporter has been charged.

Dropping charges against Gbago supporters facing less serious charges could help create an atmosphere for dialogue, analysts say.

Mistrust

“The president should give pledges, say clearly that `the war is over, let’s move on’, but while he is reaching out, opposition members are being arrested,” said Pascal Fobah, a member of opposition group Lider, formed by an erstwhile Gbagbo ally who quit the FPI on the grounds that the party is unable to close the chapter on Gbagbo.

“Ouattara is not part of the vindictive political class, but he isn’t in phase with the country’s socio-political realities. He is a Keynesian. He adheres to the liberal ideology. He needs to abandon the idea that the economy is the catalyst of reconciliation because it’s simplistic,” Koné explained.

While the political class should drive the reconciliation, it is also vital that divided communities be brought to dialogue to ensure a lasting stability, analysts say.

“The people are trying to reconcile with one another, but there’s still some mistrust,” said University of Bouaké sociologist Fofana. “In general, Ivoirians are not fighting each other as during the crisis. They are somehow ready for reconciliation, but they have no support.”

The country’s western region remains restive after the crisis, with land and ethnic tensions still unresolved. In July a refugee camp in the Duékoué area hosting thousands of people who fled the violence was torched by a group of armed men from the north of the country.

om/ob/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97094/Analysis-Côte-d-apos-Ivoire-needs-top-down-reconciliation</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212201322440230t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 20 December 2012 (IRIN) - Responsibility for reconciling Côte d&apos;Ivoire’s divided society after years of conflict, rebellion and instability rests largely with its leaders, but long-running political rivalries and mutual suspicion are raising tensions and blocking efforts to heal rifts, say analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALI: Humanitarian impact of armed intervention</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210030958230318t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over 700,000 people could be displaced if military intervention goes ahead next year in northern Mali, according to preliminary estimates by humanitarian agencies, who stress that the numbers are just approximations.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over 700,000 people could be displaced if military intervention goes ahead next year in northern Mali, according to preliminary estimates by humanitarian agencies, who stress that the numbers are just approximations.

This includes some 300,000 internally displaced Malians (a significant increase on the current 198,550) and 407,000 refugees (currently 156,819), most of them headed to Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Senegal and Algeria.

Over recent months humanitarian actors have been using risk and threat models to develop likely disaster scenarios, with a view to mapping out what their response might look like - an exercise fraught with difficulty given the uncertainties involved.

“It is almost impossible to predict what is going to happen where and when - everything is very broad,” said Philippe Conraud, West Africa emergency coordinator with Oxfam, which is working in Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Burkina Faso.

Humanitarian country teams - made up of UN agencies and partners including some NGOs and the International Organization of Migration - have set out in a planning document four potential scenarios, ranging from a progressive deterioration of the situation in northern and southern Mali but with no military intervention; to Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-backed military intervention, which is estimated as of now to be the most likely scenario.

ECOWAS has been urging the UN Security Council to authorize a military intervention to retake northern Mali from the Islamist Ansar Dine militia, which controls swathes of territory alongside the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO) and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI).

The regional body has also opened talks with the some of the forces in the north. On 4 December, ECOWAS mediator and Burkina Faso President Blaise Compaoré led talks in Ouagadougou between Mali government representatives and those of Ansar Dine and the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), a separatist Tuareg movement that initially captured key towns in northern Mali before being uprooted by Islamist forces.

In addition to mass displacement, potential humanitarian implications of military intervention could include inter-communal and/or inter-ethnic violence the possible reactivation of dormant terrorist cells in southern Mali and in the region; as well as deaths and injuries.

Inter-communal violence is not new to northern Mali, with Tuareg groups deeply factionalized through a succession of attempted rebellions. Currently militia groups are proliferating in the north and are expected to involve themselves in conflict. Earlier this year three prominent militias united to form the Northern Mali Liberation Front.

Destruction of infrastructure and restrictions in basic services in both the south and the north could take place; market prices are likely to be volatile; food insecurity and malnutrition rates could rise. Malnutrition rates [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96069/MALI-Malnutrition-Worrying-in-north-rising-in-south ] in parts of northern Mali have doubled in one year, to reach 13.5 percent, according to NGO Doctors of the World.

Other potential outcomes include a restriction in humanitarian access; anti-ECOWAS protests; terrorist attacks in ECOWAS troop-contributing countries; mounting hostility towards UN agencies - depending on the role of the UN in military intervention; a proliferation of militia and south-defence groups; and the near-cessation of development activities.

A potential rise in human rights violations could also occur; while children are particularly at risk of recruitment and separation from their families among other violations.

Time to plan?

Advance knowledge that a military intervention is very likely means “we have time - lots of time to plan, so we can set up to at least reduce to a minimum the last-minute scramble that is involved in a reactive response,” said Allegra Baiocchi, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in West Africa (ROWCA).

By planning ahead, agencies can at least make donors aware of the potential need for a large-scale response in the Sahel again this year, and the crisis in Mali could continue to focus donor attention on the region, which is cyclically hit with food insecurity and malnutrition crises.

Some 18 million Sahelians were food insecure in 2012 and vulnerability for millions will carry through to 2013, say aid experts.

An appeal for US$1.6 billion to cover humanitarian needs in the Sahel in 2013 was released today.

Donors favour certainty

Now that scenarios have been discussed, agencies are developing potential operational responses, which need to be aligned with regional and government plans.

But planning a response based on a potential scenario is difficult as donors will usually decline to fund it.

European Union aid body ECHO, one of the principal responders to malnutrition in the Sahel this year, will not allocate money specifically to prepare for military intervention in Mali, said its West Africa head Cyprien Fabre. “We don’t have a specific allocation to prepare for military intervention…. What we are trying to do is to enhance the capacity to respond to unmet needs now,” said Fabre. ECHO recently directed an additional US$26 million to the Sahel.

Some NGOs have private funding, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the World Food Programme in Mali have some funds to pre-position stocks for next year, “but it’s hard for everyone to have the flexibility to do this,” said Baiocchi.

“It is very difficult to prepare,” said Germain Mwehu, International Committee of the Red Cross response coordinator in Mali and Niger, “but we are used to always adapting to evolving situations… We are ready if there is an intervention, to the degree that we can be.”

Humanitarian principles

Another concern is which actors are planning to respond to humanitarian consequences. ECOWAS Commissioner for Human Development and Gender Issues Adrienne Yande Diop told IRIN: “We have a mandate to treat those affected with some sort of aid… humanitarian priorities will be food, nutrition, water, health and shelter… We want to be effective and to reach people in need.”

But this has alarmed many humanitarian actors who believe humanitarian and military intervention must be kept separate so as to not to muddy the humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality and put humanitarian staff - and populations in need - in danger.

“The ability of humanitarian actors, particularly NGOs, to stay and deliver, is predicated on their acceptance by communities and local authorities. Making sure they are viewed as being separate and independent to military intervention is essential,” said Baiocchi. “As we have seen in other contexts, how we relate to an internationally-supported military intervention can pose serious dilemmas to humanitarians.”

Political interventions usually range from peacekeeping to peace enforcement, to outright combat - the latter poses the most danger to humanitarian principles in the case of integrated missions [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94647/AID-POLICY-UN-Integration-under-the-spotlight ].

Most agree more dialogue is needed. “If ECOWAS plans humanitarian actions, that is its right to do so, but it is the modality on the ground that is at stake and where separation is needed,” said Fabre.

For regional humanitarian coordinator for the Sahel David Gressly, this is a chance “to test our systems”. He told IRIN: “There are a lot of countries involved with this planning - getting a common sense of operating assumptions is challenging, though having clarity across the board on what we may have to face in 2013 is an opportunity.”

aj/cb/am

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97076/MALI-Humanitarian-impact-of-armed-intervention</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210030958230318t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 18 December 2012 (IRIN) - Over 700,000 people could be displaced if military intervention goes ahead next year in northern Mali, according to preliminary estimates by humanitarian agencies, who stress that the numbers are just approximations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Defining piracy in the Gulf of Guinea</title><pubDate>Mon, 10 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111011217240688t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - In July last year President Boni Yayi of Benin sent a worried letter to the UN secretary-general. His country was being threatened by the activities of pirates, who were scaring shipping away from the ports on which his country&apos;s revenues depend. He wanted international help of the kind which had been deployed against piracy off the coast of Somalia.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - In July last year President Boni Yayi of Benin sent a worried letter to the UN secretary-general. His country was being threatened by the activities of pirates, who were scaring shipping away from the ports on which his country's revenues depend. He wanted international help of the kind which had been deployed against piracy off the coast of Somalia.

His letter put the issue of piracy off the West African coast onto the world agenda. The attacks continue and still cluster in the vicinity of Benin and its neighbour, Nigeria [ http://www.icc-ccs.org/piracy-reporting-centre/live-piracy-map ], but despite UN missions and a Security Council debate, the international community is still unsure of the best way to proceed.

On 6 December Coventry University organized a conference on Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea, in collaboration with London's Chatham House. One thing which emerged very clearly from the sessions was that what is being called piracy in this area is very different from piracy off the East African coast, and the kind of international naval deployment used against Somali pirates is unlikely to help.

In fact Chris Trelawny, deputy director of the Maritime Safety Division at the International Maritime Organization (IMO), suggested that most of what was going on in West African waters was not really piracy at all, within the meaning of the international conventions. "Piracy is defined as happening `outside the jurisdiction of any state', so outside 12 miles is piracy. If it's inside 12 miles we classify that as armed robbery against ships. The difference is jurisdiction. Piracy is a universal crime and states have an obligation to intervene. Inside 12 miles it is the coastal state's responsibility." 

Of the attacks which have been reported to IMO over the past 10 years, only a minority, 108, have happened in international waters: 170 were within territorial waters and 270 actually took place in port. So these are crimes taking place within national jurisdiction, and even though some of the coastal states of West Africa have states and judicial systems which are quite weak, there is no void of authority, like that in Somalia.

Few prosecutions

Using an international naval task force to address the problem is inappropriate in other ways too. Navies can be very good at deterring pirates, or chasing them and recovering stolen weapons and cargo, but they are not designed or trained to collect evidence and process criminals for prosecution. 

One of the speakers at Chatham House was Tony Attah from Shell Nigeria, a company which has suffered severely from maritime crime, sometimes losing whole cargoes of crude oil to pirates. Nigeria has a joint military task force which is now mandated to tackle oil theft but Attah is frustrated by the results. "We are aware that over 1,000 illegal refineries have been destroyed through the efforts of the navy, and a number of tankers full of stolen crude have been seized in high profile raids, but despite the increased focus to date, we are not aware of a single thief being prosecuted or convicted. The big barons behind this criminality walk free."

The oil industry, much of it offshore, is one of the main lures for maritime criminals in the area. And, says Attah, this is not petty crime. "I can tell you this is a well-financed criminal phenomenon, a parallel industry, with a well-developed supply chain and growing sophistication. It includes trained engineers who weld valves to high pressure pipelines, boatyards which construct and supply barges."

Oil is also the reason why the issue is of wider international significance. The region supplies around 40 percent of Europe's oil and 29 percent of that consumed by the USA. Keeping these shipping lanes open and safe is vital for world supply. The outside world is ready to offer some help - both the British Navy and the US Africa Command were represented at the meeting. Both have offered training and capacity building to West African navies and coast guards. 

For these national forces to work together is clearly important because the criminals are so mobile. One speaker likened fighting piracy in the region to sitting on a balloon - push down on one side and it pops up at the other; push on the other side and it pops up somewhere else. Joint military patrols by the Nigerian and Beninois navies reduced attacks in their own waters, but moved the pirates' attention to Togo and Côte d'Ivoire. 

So far that has been the only joint action; apart from that, regional cooperation has mostly involved meetings and seminars, held by regional bodies.

Information gap

One of the major gaps is a lack of information, highlighted at the meeting by Lt-Cmdr Stephen Anderson of the UK's Royal Navy whose ship, the Dauntless, recently returned from a patrol in the Gulf of Guinea, and who had clearly been very struck by the near impossibility of finding out which ships were meant to be there, and which were suspect vessels.

There is a sense at the moment that the region and its international allies are still feeling their way. Piracy off the west coast of Africa is not yet at the same level as that that off Somalia to the east, but there is a clear concern that it could escalate. 

The deputy executive secretary of the Gulf of Guinea Commission, Ambassador Florentina Ukonga, addressed a heartfelt appeal to all those concerned. "With the right combination of efforts. to achieve a common legal framework for the arrest and prosecution of criminals, adequate financial investment and capacity building - piracy can be reduced to a bare minimum.

eb/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97004/WEST-AFRICA-Defining-piracy-in-the-Gulf-of-Guinea</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111011217240688t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 10 December 2012 (IRIN) - In July last year President Boni Yayi of Benin sent a worried letter to the UN secretary-general. His country was being threatened by the activities of pirates, who were scaring shipping away from the ports on which his country&apos;s revenues depend. He wanted international help of the kind which had been deployed against piracy off the coast of Somalia.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Marital equality law sparks controversy</title><pubDate>Tue, 04 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212040809290430t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 04 December 2012 (IRIN) - The adoption by Côte d&apos;Ivoire’s parliament of a law on equality between legally married couples has sparked anger, especially among religious people. For them, this law will create more problems in the home than it will solve.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 04 December 2012 (IRIN) - The adoption by Côte d'Ivoire’s parliament of a law on equality between legally married couples has sparked anger, especially among religious people. For them, this law will create more problems in the home than it will solve.

Adopted on 21 November, the law says family affairs should be managed jointly by both spouses in the interests of the household and children. The previous law stated that the husband was the sole head of the family.

"To remove this status granted to the man and say man and wife are joint heads of household - there’s something up for debate here since Islam recognizes the man as the sole head of the family," said Imam Mamadou Dosso, secretary-general of the National Islamic Council.

For him, the new law does not reflect realities on the ground. "There has not been a poll or survey. Before the text was adopted, there should have been a consultation exercise. Had there been one, the powers that be would have realized that the new law is not supported by Ivoirians," he said.

Rev Ediémou Blin Jacob, president of the Church of Christ Celestial in Côte d'Ivoire, agrees. "Laws must bring us together and not divide us. Governments must tackle this. If you want to nourish the body with something the mind rejects, it is difficult. Man cannot change the instructions of God," said Jacob

President Ouattara was against any amendments to the law. After week-long inter-party negotiations and a cabinet reshuffle, of the 229 deputies voting, 213 approved the law, 10 voted against and six abstained. 

"Our entire civilization is built around the concept of chief: head of the family, head of the community or neighbourhood, village chief, business owner, head of state. To get rid of the concept of head of the family is, in my opinion, not necessarily going to promote the rights of women," said Yasmine Ouégnin, an MP who voted against the bill.

This view was not shared by Constance Yai, a former minister and ardent campaigner for women's rights.

"All the noise you are hearing is being made by people who are using this law as a pretext to express once again their resentment of women. There is nothing new. The law merely formalizes what we all knew already - gender equality in marriage. Protesting against this law should stop," said Yai.

Destructive law?

In homes, the law is being met with some skepticism by women, the main beneficiaries. "This law is destructive to the family unit. Not because women do not need to be equal to men, but because our beliefs and cultures do not envisage such a thing. That should have been taken into account," said Henriette Kobenan, married with four children.

"In my home, I do not seek to be equal with my husband. For me he is still the leader and when he makes decisions, it is in the interest of the family of which he has total charge," she added.

This is not the case for Sandrine Etilé, a businesswoman who has been married for five years. "I do not understand the fear around this law and especially the reaction of women. It is a right they have always claimed - to be treated on the same footing as men and take their place in the home. Why are they fleeing their responsibilities?" asked Etilé.

For her, the controversy is groundless. "In the home, the man can no longer decide everything on his own; there has to be acceptance of his decisions. We are tired of suffering from the unhealthy practices of men who treat women as less than nothing," said Etilé.

"There is a danger the law could engender fear which might push people to opt for other styles of conjugal life - whether legal marriage or even homosexuality - that come to pass in the name of evolution," said Mamadou Dosso, imam in charge of the documentation and research at the Centre for Islamic Education and Research (Cedris) in Abidjan.

"Even before, there were couples who could start coming to blows if women kept insisting on this point of law. This will frustrate many spouses. Therefore, it is vital that those in government educate people to accept this law," he said.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96960/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Marital-equality-law-sparks-controversy</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201212040809290430t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 04 December 2012 (IRIN) - The adoption by Côte d&apos;Ivoire’s parliament of a law on equality between legally married couples has sparked anger, especially among religious people. For them, this law will create more problems in the home than it will solve.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Government returns to the north</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211301238510591t.jpg" />]]>KORHOGO/BOUAKE 30 November 2012 (IRIN) - After almost a decade of rebel rule, northern Côte d&apos;Ivoire is coming to terms with a new authority as the government of President Alassane Ouattara, who assumed power some 18 months ago, establishes its presence in a region which effectively split from the rest of the country.</description><body><![CDATA[KORHOGO/BOUAKE 30 November 2012 (IRIN) - After almost a decade of rebel rule, northern Côte d'Ivoire is coming to terms with a new authority as the government of President Alassane Ouattara, who assumed power some 18 months ago, establishes its presence in a region which effectively split from the rest of the country.

A 2002 armed insurrection partitioned Côte d'Ivoire into two, with the north under insurgent occupation and the south ruled by Laurent Gbagbo, who was ousted as president in April 2011 after a bloody poll dispute with Ouattara. A 2007 deal between the rebels and Gbagbo provided for the eventual unification of the country.

The return of the government to the Central-North-West (CNO) region that makes up 60 percent of Côte d'Ivoire’s territory is slowly reviving the education and health sectors, but residents complain of rising commodity and rent prices due to government levies, and say insecurity remains high, especially in the central city of Bouaké, the former rebel stronghold where some ex-fighters are still armed and are accused of committing crimes.

“There’s now an effective return to normalcy,” said Daouda Ouattara, administrator of the northern Korhogo District, noting that around 1,000 government workers are back on duty in the various district offices in Korhogo, home to some one million people.

In Bouaké, Côte d'Ivoire’s second largest city, most government offices have reopened. Lassina Diomandé, the local member of parliament, told IRIN that there was a 95 percent government presence in the city. However, armed forces are still occupying a building meant to house the social security offices.

Private firms are also re-establishing in the north. Major local banks have reopened alongside smaller branches of international banks. Foreign oil companies are also making a come-back to set up filling stations in Bouaké and Korhogo, where many fuel sellers still operate small roadside stations.

Government and tax

For many residents of the north, the return of government is mainly associated with taxation. Under rebel rule, tax collection was rather random. Commodities were smuggled in from neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali and residents therefore paid no customs levies.

“We are setting up a public sensitization campaign. For almost 10 years people were used to living free from paying taxes,” said Ouattara, adding that a customs office is now operational.

Out of an 800-million CFA (US$1.6-million) tax revenue target for Korhogo District, the authorities have so far collected more than two billion francs ($4 million). “There’s good progress. We are able to work. Our aim now is to have people pay the taxes they were never used to paying,” a customs officer appointed to the region five months ago told IRIN.

On the streets of Korhogo and Bouaké, many motorbikes do not have registration plates. The authorities there have set low registration fees (compared to the rates in the commercial capital Abidjan), and an end of December 2012 vehicle registration deadline.

“Some people have kept their motorbikes at home because they don’t have the money to pay the duty,” said Korhogo resident Yaya Soro. “We are all trying to adapt to the new order, but it’s difficult to resume a trend we lost 10 years ago.”

Bouaké legislator Diomandé argued that the government’s presence was beneficial to the people. “People used to pay little, but for low quality products, especially sugar, cooking oil and fuel.” 

House rents are reported to have tripled as those who fled the area to Abidjan return, and demand has also pushed up by the return of government workers.

Health and education improving

Some 476 volunteer teachers who took over after government teachers fled from the north during the conflict have been trained and absorbed by the Education Ministry, said Louis Vigneault-Dubois, a communications officer with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

In Korhogo, 300 primary and secondary school teachers have been employed, including volunteer teachers to fill a shortage, and a university is also to be built in the region, said Ouattara, the local administrator. The university in Bouaké has been renovated to accommodate 21,000 students who resumed studies in November.

However, in some northern Côte d'Ivoire areas, school attendance is around 40 percent and the region has registered some of the poorest examination results in the past two years, according to officials.

Korhogo region has had one paediatrician, one cardiologist and one gynaecologist for years, said Ouattara. But since the government’s return, doctors have been employed and the University of Korhogo is to have a training hospital.

With the return of the administration's regional offices, “people no longer have to make long trips to Yamoussoukro or Abidjan for official documents such as birth certificates,” said Diomandé. “It’s comforting.”

Nonetheless, many still decry the underdevelopment in the northern region compared to Abidjan where infrastructural development is advancing. A few roads have been renovated in Korhogo, according to residents.

A Bouaké resident who spoke to IRIN on condition of anonymity described the return of government as a “semblance of administration.”

“The judiciary is not functional yet. If I have problem and I want to lodge a complaint, there is no one to help me.”

“I don’t object to paying more taxes to the government, but I would like to see the outcome in infrastructure development. Here, nothing has been done,” said local restaurant owner Albertine Kouassi.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96939/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Government-returns-to-the-north</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211301238510591t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KORHOGO/BOUAKE 30 November 2012 (IRIN) - After almost a decade of rebel rule, northern Côte d&apos;Ivoire is coming to terms with a new authority as the government of President Alassane Ouattara, who assumed power some 18 months ago, establishes its presence in a region which effectively split from the rest of the country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Breaking out of the cold chain</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.

Before, like almost all vaccines, the Meningitis A vaccine (marketed in Africa as MenAfricVac) was only licensed for use if kept at temperatures of 2-8 degrees Celsius.

The breakthrough follows years of rigorous testing of the effect of heat on the vaccine by the regulator Drugs Controller General of India, Health Canada [ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ahc-asc/index-eng.php ], and the World Health Organization (WHO) Vaccines pre-qualification programme [ http://apps.who.int/prequal/ ].

As a result, very remote populations will access the vaccine more easily, the logistics of vaccine campaigns will be simpler, and vaccine campaign costs will drop both for partners and for national governments, said Michel Zaffran, coordinator of WHO’s Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) [ http://www.who.int/immunization_delivery/en/ ], and Marie-Pierre Preziosi, director of the meningitis Vaccine Project, a partnership between international NGO PATH [ http://www.path.org/ ] and WHO.

Costs will not drop significantly immediately, but will diminish as more vaccines are relicensed, says WHO. Cost implication studies are under way in northern Benin and Chad. 

While cold chain limitations do not tend to limit coverage, they do overburden health workers, says WHO. 

Even industrialized country vaccine campaigns have trouble sticking to the cold chain, and each year thousands of vaccines are thrown away due to cold chain failure, even if the vaccine might still have been unaffected, according to WHO. 

“This is a breakthrough,” said Zaffran. “It is the first vaccination ever to be licensed for use in a developing country with the flexibility to take us out of the rigid temperature structure. It is a great simplification of logistics. And it opens the door for other manufacturers to follow suit.”

Why so long?

But the vaccine is nothing new - merely the license has changed following analysis of years of data on the vaccine’s stability - that is, how well it can withstand temperature rises and other conditions.

“The potential for some vaccines to remain safely outside the cold chain for short periods of time has been widely known for over 20 years,” said Zaffran in a recent communiqué. “But this is the first time a vaccine intended for use in Africa has been tested and submitted to regulatory review and approved for this type of use.”

It took decades to get here because agencies got stuck in a mindset, said Zaffran. The EPI was set up in the 1970s to immunize as many children against diseases as quickly as possible, and put in place simple rigid rules to avoid risk: one of which was to keep vaccines cold. “It was quite difficult to move away from this mentality,” said Zaffran.

Regulators and manufacturers are “very conservative in order to protect the population,” said Preziosi. “It took a while for all the documentation to be gathered to convince them to go ahead.” 

Strict controls remain: “This is not a “green light to do anything with a vaccine - it still needs to be kept… at no more than 40 degrees, for any more than four days," stressed Zaffran.

Hepatitis B next?

“The momentum is there. I am quite confident that within the next year or two, we’ll have one or two more re-licensed in this way,” he said.

Analysis on the heat stability of Hepatitis B and HPV [ http://www.cdc.gov/hpv/whatishpv.html ] (human papillomavirus) vaccines is under way; next on the list are yellow fever, rotavirus and pneumococcal disease. 

Even the oral polio vaccine - one of the most heat-sensitive vaccines - was shown to be stable when the cold chain broke down in a part of Chad, according to a recent study though WHO was emphatic that rather than licensing the vaccine it will gradually be phased out as progress towards eradication inches along. 

Meningitis progress

The MenAfricVac, which costs just under 50 US cents per dose, was designed for use in the 26 countries that span the African meningitis belt, from Senegal to Ethiopia. 

Some 100 million people aged 1-29 across 10 countries have been vaccinated thus far; a further 16 countries are planned between now and 2016. 

Early results have been very positive: Burkina Faso [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92985/WEST-AFRICA-Meningitis-cases-dramatically-down ] has had the lowest level of epidemic meningitis in 15 years, and the campaign is achieving “herd immunity” - that is, those either too old or too young to have received the vaccine have also been shown to be clear of the bacteria. 

Meningitis A could be eliminated in the meningitis belt if the mass campaign continues, says Preziosi, and if governments then incorporate it in their routine immunization programmes. 

But more funding beyond the US$160 million from the GAVI Alliance [ http://www.gavialliance.org/ ], and contributions from national governments, will be needed to complete the campaign, she warns. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96827/HEALTH-Breaking-out-of-the-cold-chain</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Despite progress, HIV efforts fall short</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209031112180900t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is &quot;entirely feasible&quot;. But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is "entirely feasible". But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some. 

This was the message UNAIDS officials drove home with the release of the agency’s newest figures, in the 2012 World AIDS Day Report The report notes that at the end of 2011, around 34 million people were living with HIV around the world. In 2011, 1.7 million people died from AIDS-related illnesses - a 24 percent decline in AIDS-related mortality compared with 2005 [ http://www.unaids.org/en/resources/campaigns/20121120_globalreport2012/ ].

“The pace of progress is quickening - what used to take a decade is now being achieved in 24 months,” said Michel Sidibé, executive director of UNAIDS. “We are scaling-up faster and smarter than ever before. It is proof that with political will and follow through we can reach our shared goals by 2015.” 

A mixed bag 

UNAIDS says that half the global reductions in new HIV infections in the last two years have been among newborn children. “It is becoming evident that achieving zero new HIV infections in children is possible,” said Sidibé at the launch of the report. “I am excited that far fewer babies are being born with HIV. We are moving from despair to hope.” 

But while the incidence of HIV infections continues to fall globally, the report expressed concerns about HIV trends in the Middle East and North Africa, where the number of people newly infected has increased by more than 35 percent. 

Evidence indicates that the incidence of HIV infection in Eastern Europe and Central Asia began increasing in the late 2000s after having remained relatively stable for several years," it added. 

In sub-Saharan Africa - still the most heavily affected area, new HIV infections have dropped by 25 percent in the past eight years. 

Southern Africa, in particular, has recorded dramatic reductions since 2001; the rate of new HIV infections fell by 73 percent in Malawi, 68 percent in Namibia and 41 percent in South Africa. 

"It’s a combination of two things: the number of people initiated on treatment (we've seen recent scientific evidence that people on treatment are able to lower their viral loads and reduce the risk of transmission) and, secondly, there has been progress in prevention, particularly among young people," Mbulawa Mugabe, deputy director of UNAIDS Regional Support Team for Eastern and Southern Africa, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Room for improvement 

There remains much room for improvement. According to the report, recent data from surveys in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and Uganda indicate declines in condom use. And the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) estimates that only nine donor-provided male condoms were available for every man in sub-Saharan Africa last year, and only one female condom was available for every 10 women. 

Progress on male circumcision has also been slow in east and southern Africa. In six countries - Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe - less than 5 percent of the targeted number of men had been circumcised by the end of 2011. 

"The biggest challenge has been that the demand has not been as quick as we wanted it to be - except in a few localized situations like KwaZulu-Natal and Kenya. Where there has been progress, it's not necessarily been in the groups targeted, such as sexually active men. We need to do a little bit more," said Mugabe. 

In addition, the report found that prevention among men who have sex with men (MSM) remained "inadequate", with fewer than 1 in 3 men being tested in the past 12 months in South and South-East Asia and Western and Central Europe, areas where MSM play a significant role in country epidemics. Stigma against MSM often discourages them from seeking treatment or prevention services. 

By the end of 2011, 8 million people in low- and middle-income countries were receiving antiretroviral treatment - a 20-fold increase since 2005. But 6.8 million people - nearly half of those eligible - still did not have access to the drugs. "Half will die within 24 months if they don’t start antiretroviral therapy," UNAIDS warned. 

“Must move faster” 

Despite considerable increases in domestic funding, countries continue to rely on external development assistance for their HIV response. International funding accounted for more than half of spending in 59 countries and contributed more than 75 percent of spending in 43 of the 102 low- and middle-income countries. 

"Recent progress on HIV treatment and prevention is terrific news, but if we're serious about ending AIDS we must move faster. If ending AIDS were a marathon, we'd already be behind pace at the first mile marker. In 2013, we must aggressively expand HIV prevention to stay on track to bring new infections to zero,” Mitchell Warren, executive director of the AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC) Global Advocacy for HIV Prevention, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

“Priorities must include speeding access to powerful tools like treatment as prevention, voluntary medical male circumcision and pre-exposure prophylaxis, and continuing to invest in new solutions like a vaccine," he said. 

kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96830/HIV-AIDS-Despite-progress-HIV-efforts-fall-short</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209031112180900t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Record progress in reducing the number of new HIV infections and lowering the numbers of people dying from AIDS-related causes indicate that the end of AIDS is &quot;entirely feasible&quot;. But the epidemic is not over in any part of the world, and is gaining pace in some.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Cocoa farmers welcome state-imposed prices</title><pubDate>Wed, 07 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211061607520722t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN/ABENGOUROU 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cocoa farmers in Côte d&apos;Ivoire, the world&apos;s largest producer, began the 2012-2013 season in October with a minimum price guaranteed by the state. This measure, part of the government’s sector-wide reforms, should stem corruption and make farmers less prone to the vagaries of international cocoa prices, giving them more financial stability so they can invest in their cocoa plantations.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN/ABENGOUROU 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cocoa farmers in Côte d'Ivoire, the world's largest producer, began the 2012-2013 season in October with a minimum price guaranteed by the state. This measure, part of the government’s sector-wide reforms, should stem corruption and make farmers less prone to the vagaries of international cocoa prices, giving them more financial stability so they can invest in their cocoa plantations.

Côte d’Ivoire produces about 35 percent of the world’s cocoa. Some 900,000 farmers grow cocoa in Côte d'Ivoire and 3.5 million of the country’s 22 million inhabitants live directly off the crop.

Prices have now been fixed at 725 CFA (US$1.41) per kilogram, a 9 percent increase on 2011-2012 average producers’ income. The price is equivalent to 60 percent of the international price at which cocoa is exported.

In the previous system, the government gave an indicative farm-gate price (the value of cocoa when it leaves the farm) at the beginning of each season but buyers rarely respected it. Last year farmers earned about 667 CFA ($1.29) per kilogram while the recommended price was 1,000 CFA ($2).

Producers have widely welcomed the price announcement. The set price should encourage people to invest, expand their plots, buy new fields, or better maintain them using fertilizers and insecticides, cocoa farmers in Abengourou in eastern Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.

George Kouame, a grower in Daloa in the west, said the regulation has encouraged him to add two more hectares to his 3.5 hectare cocoa plantation.

Many farmers call the previous pricing system hypocritical. "I am delighted the system has changed. It did not make sense to make farmers believe they would reach a set price while everyone else knew they’d earn less than that,” said Moussa Zoungrana, head of a cocoa farmers’ cooperative in Guiglo, western Côte d’Ivoire.

The government also hopes the higher price will improve the quality of the beans, which is often eroded because farmers do not dry them sufficiently in the rush to get them to market when prices are higher.

Under pressure from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, Côte d’Ivoire initiated cocoa sector reforms in early 2012, the goal being to regulate a sector that had been liberalized by these same institutions 13 years earlier. Cocoa production hit a record 1.5 million tons in the 2010-2011 season, declining by 2 percent in 2011-2012 mainly due to poor weather

Extortion, racketeering limit profits

Despite welcoming the moves, many farmers complain their income remains depressed as sales are down. Poor roads and pervasive racketeering are dissuading buyers now that they cannot pass on the cost to the producers, complained Alasane Sogodogo, head of a cocoa cooperative in Para, near the Liberian border.

Extortion from soldiers and police at illegal road-blocks set up between the cocoa-growing zone and ports in the south can cost the cocoa sector as much as $19.5 million per year, according to the newly formed administrative body, the Café Cacao Council (CCC).

According to farmers, three weeks after the price was set, buyers were still trying to push down prices - citing the poor state of the roads, or racketeering - but for the most part, they are sticking to the new rules.

Local buyers - usually organized into cooperatives - complain they already cannot compete with multinationals and with the new prices. They will struggle further unless they get more support from the government, Jacques Kouacou in Daloa, a cooperative head in western Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.

Meanwhile, the CCC says it will have renovated 3,000km of roads by December2012 in main cocoa-growing areas.

Other cocoa sector reforms

Other reforms include replacing four administrative bodies with the CCC (which will run the sector), and reducing the number of intermediaries involved in the buying process, which has in the past promoted corruption.

The state has also announced it will purchase 70-80 percent of the harvest in advance, in a bid to make both its own revenue and that of farmers more predictable.

The CCC announced that 368 CCC officers and 500 agents from the National Agency to Support Rural Development (ANADER) have been deployed across the country to ensure buyers and intermediaries are respecting prices.

Heavy penalties have been announced for those who do not respect the price, including buyers having their licenses withdrawn, and criminal prosecutions being pursued, noted CCC President Massandje Touré at the campaign launch on 3 October.

Five middlemen have already been arrested in western Côte d’Ivoire for trying to buy beans at a price lower than that set by the state, according to the CCC. One of them has been sentenced to three months in prison and fined 500,000 CFA ($974). Judgments on the others have yet to be passed.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96731/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Cocoa-farmers-welcome-state-imposed-prices</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211061607520722t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN/ABENGOUROU 07 November 2012 (IRIN) - Cocoa farmers in Côte d&apos;Ivoire, the world&apos;s largest producer, began the 2012-2013 season in October with a minimum price guaranteed by the state. This measure, part of the government’s sector-wide reforms, should stem corruption and make farmers less prone to the vagaries of international cocoa prices, giving them more financial stability so they can invest in their cocoa plantations.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Crackdown sparks rights abuse allegations</title><pubDate>Mon, 22 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208101358020749t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - Since a spate of attacks on Côte d’Ivoire’s army and police bases in August, several civilians have been rounded up, beaten and detained for ransom, say rights groups and ex-detainees who accuse the Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces (FRCI – also part of the army) of violation and mistreatment.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - Since a spate of attacks on Côte d’Ivoire’s army and police bases in August, several civilians have been rounded up, beaten and detained for ransom, say rights groups and ex-detainees who accuse the Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces (FRCI – also part of the army) of violation and mistreatment.

In recent months, armed gangs the authorities say are suspected supporters of ousted president Laurent Gbagbo have raided [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96080/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Gunfire-and-fear-in-Abidjan ] military and police bases in and around the commercial capital Abidjan as well as a power station and a border post. The attack on the power station in mid-October was the first non-military target since the ambushes begun.

The FRCI fought for then opposition candidate Alassane Ouattara in a bloody post-election conflict pitting them against supporters of Gbagbo, who refused to accept defeat to Ouattara in the November 2010 polls. Ouattara took power in April 2011.

“On 15 September I was kidnapped by a group of Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces based at Camp 2 in Yopougon-Niangon. Along with eight other youths, they accused us of planning to cause instability and demanded that we reveal where we were hiding weapons,” said Thibaut Guéï, a teacher living in Abidjan’s western Yopougon District, a Gbagbo stronghold during the 2010-2011 post-election violence.

“Every time we denied the accusations, we were badly beaten and they poured urine on us,” said Guéï, who showed his slit left ear he said was cut by one of the soldiers. “I begged them not to do it, but they did it.”

“After I lost consciousness, they called my parents and demanded 150,000 CFA (US$300) before freeing me and taking me to hospital.”

Yacouba Doumbia, the head of the Ivoirian Human Rights Movement (MIDH), told IRIN that illegal detentions and mistreatment were on the rise. He said a village youth leader in the west of the country was beaten by FRCI troops at their base in August. FRCI also detained two people from the same family for three days and beat a man in the same area who later died of his injuries. All were accused of plotting to cause instability.

“Ensuring the country’s security is very important and should be done in a manner that respects people’s rights and in observance of the rules. In a lawful state, ensuring order is the exclusive duty of the police and gendarme so trained,” Doumbia said.

“That is why we call on the government to give FRCI military and human rights training.” 

Insecurity is a major threat to stability in Côte d’Ivoire, a country that has been shaken by deadly political crises over the past decade. Political tensions persist since the post-election unrest, a reconciliation drive has not taken effect, violence has repeatedly erupted and the country’s armed forces, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96574/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Facing-insecurity-with-unreformed-army ] deeply divided by the conflict, are yet to be reformed.

Government spokesman Bruno Nabagné Koné said the accusations of mistreatment were “lies”.
“Of course there’s always a rise in tension in the country, but the arrests have been done legally and in total transparency.”

Serious allegations

For Ricard Kodjo, spokesman of Gbagbo’s former ruling Ivoirian People’s Front party, hundreds of people have been arrested by armed men he did not identify.

“Some 400 people have been abducted and 360-380 others arrested and four killed in Abidjan. Worse, some homes of people who have been exiled are now being used as concentration camps. There are at least a dozen torture camps [in Abidjan],” Kodjo said in a statement on 16 October.

Twenty-eight year-old Boniface Ackah said he was arrested on 16 August in Dabou area to the west of Abidjan after an attack on a police station there, and later transferred to the capital.

“We were detained for 10 days. They never explained anything to us. We were beaten with truncheons and rods,” said Ackah, whose body bore dark marks from beatings. He said he and other detainees contacted their families [and as a result] the soldiers demanded 50,000 CFA ($100) from some and a million CFA ($2,000) from others.

“The soldiers were determining who has a rich father and who doesn’t. Our parents are poor, but they were saying `this parent has money he can send a certain amount’. Then the family member who comes for you has to pay before leaving the detention camp,” Ackah told IRIN.

The head of the Ivoirian Human Rights League, René Hokou Legré, said they had contacted the interior minister over the arrests and ransom demands, and the minister said a probe had been launched.

“We fear that these acts will continue and cause deaths. It is turning into banditry and it isn’t likely to reduce tension and help national reconciliation,” [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95910/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Hard-road-to-reconciliation ] said Legré.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96612/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Crackdown-sparks-rights-abuse-allegations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208101358020749t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 22 October 2012 (IRIN) - Since a spate of attacks on Côte d’Ivoire’s army and police bases in August, several civilians have been rounded up, beaten and detained for ransom, say rights groups and ex-detainees who accuse the Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces (FRCI – also part of the army) of violation and mistreatment.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Facing insecurity with unreformed army</title><pubDate>Wed, 17 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030928420247t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 17 October 2012 (IRIN) - Armed raids on military and police bases, a border post and other key installations in Côte d&apos;Ivoire since August are deepening insecurity in a country struggling to forge a unified armed force to help restore stability after 2010-2011 electoral unrest.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 17 October 2012 (IRIN) - Armed raids on military and police bases, a border post and other key installations in Côte d'Ivoire since August are deepening insecurity in a country struggling to forge a unified armed force to help restore stability after 2010-2011 electoral unrest.

On the night of 14 October, armed men attacked a power station in the commercial capital Abidjan. Another gang hit a town in the east of the city where they tried to break into a police and paramilitary forces’ base.

In August, gunmen raided [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96080/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Gunfire-and-fear-in-Abidjan ] military posts and police stations in separate incidents in Abidjan. On 20 September, three people were killed when armed assailants attacked two police stations and a paramilitary forces’ post in Port-Bouët to the south of Abidjan. Hours later gunmen attacked the Noé border post with Ghana, some 170km east of the city.

The government of President Alassane Ouattara came to power after months of vicious battles between his forces and those loyal to Laurent Gbagbo, who was ousted from the presidency after his refusal to accept defeat by Ouattara in the November 2010 elections.

Reforming the army, deeply divided by the conflict, is a key priority for Ouattara’s government, but there has been little progress since he took power in April 2011. The authorities blame exiled Gbagbo loyalists for the spate of attacks, an accusation the supporters of the former president deny, but many Gbagbo sympathizers have been arrested on suspicion of involvement in the raids.

“The government makes nice speeches, but political divisions are so great that they are affecting the institutions. The FRCI [Ouattara’s forces] are so politicized. The authorities must make sure that their restructuring conforms to international standards and that they work for the country and not for a party or an individual,” Muhammad Iqbal Asi, commander of the UN forces in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI), told IRIN.

Need for disarmament

UNOCI estimates there are 60,000-80,000 former fighters who should be disarmed, but Côte d'Ivoire’s Defence Minister Paul Koffi Koffi says the number is much lower at 30,000. It is also estimated that 1-3 million arms are in circulation in the West African country.

“It’s the same thing every year. They do a census (of ex-fighters) but nothing comes out of it. I can die of hunger if I wait for the authorities to do anything for me,” said Youssouf Koné, explaining that he took up arms during the post-election violence, but has since returned to his taxi business.

“Personally I don’t associate the FRCI with the national army, but think of them as a pro-Ouattara militia that neither represents the country nor the people,” said Aboubacar Coulibaly, a resident of Abidjan’s Yopougon District which was a Gbagbo stronghold during the conflict.

The government in August set up a disarmament, demobilization and reintegration body which started work in Bouaké, Côte d'Ivoire’s second biggest city in the central region. Previous disarmaments [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95767/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Will-DDR-work-this-time ] have had little success.

The country’s reformed army is supposed to be incorporating fighters who backed Ouattara, members of the national army under Gbagbo and men who took up arms for the fight in Abidjan, the scene of the worst clashes during the months-long conflict.

Not all fighters can join the national force and those left out could be a threat to security if they are not properly reintegrated into the society, Mamadou Koulibaly, a former national assembly speaker who now heads a political party, said in comments carried by a local paper.

“Today, Côte d'Ivoire has no army, but is gripped by several armed groups fighting each other and taking the people hostage,” Koulibaly said.Rodrigue Koné of the Centre for Action and Peace Research, a Côte d'Ivoire research group, said ethnic animosity was also a major problem within the army. “The army’s internal weakness is defined by personal and ethnic rivalries. Even within the FRCI, there are divisions and infighting among the personalities young recruits identify with.”

More FRCI patrols

Since the resurgence of violence, the government has ramped up security surveillance. In Yopougon, for instance, armed patrols are on many of the neighbourhood’s intersections.

“FRCI were previously in the barracks, but now they are everywhere,” said Jean-Claude Tako who lives in Yopougon where residents now return to their homes early to avoid a brush with the forces.

René Legré Hokou, head of the Ivoirian Human Rights League, told IRIN that in the aftermath of the attacks in August FRCI troops conducted violent searches and stole from civilians.

“Suspected Gbagbo supporters are being abducted and taken to unknown places and later released after paying 100,000 or 200,000 CFA (US$200 or $400) in ransom.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96574/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Facing-insecurity-with-unreformed-army</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030928420247t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 17 October 2012 (IRIN) - Armed raids on military and police bases, a border post and other key installations in Côte d&apos;Ivoire since August are deepening insecurity in a country struggling to forge a unified armed force to help restore stability after 2010-2011 electoral unrest.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Universities reopen after political unrest</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208231559200532t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 24 August 2012 (IRIN) - When Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s five public universities reopen on 3 September, 61,000 students will arrive for the first time after almost two years since they were closed in the violent unrest sparked by the disputed 2010 presidential vote. There are fears the influx could cause chaos.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 24 August 2012 (IRIN) - When Côte d'Ivoire's five public universities reopen on 3 September, 61,000 students will arrive for the first time after almost two years since they were closed in the violent unrest sparked by the disputed 2010 presidential vote. There are fears the influx could cause chaos.

In the 2009-10 academic year, before the closure, there were some 56,000 students. "If the influx is not competently handled, it will spark fears of serious social problems among the students and parents," said Kanvaly Fadiga, a lecturer at the Ecole Nationale Supérieure [a specialized tertiary institution] in Côte d'Ivoire's commercial capital, Abidjan.

Fadiga argues that the whole education system lacks quality, and that the lost years should have been used to assess university education. Weaknesses could have been identified and rectified through consultations, measures devised to eradicate violence, the learning programmes revised, and rigour in teaching instilled.

Côte d'Ivoire was rocked by months of fighting between forces loyal to former president Gbagbo and those of his opponent, Alassane Ouattara, when Gbagbo refused to concede defeat after the November 2010 presidential election.

While Gbagbo was in office, the main university students' union was seen by some as an armed wing of the ruling party, an accusation the union has denied. However, at the height of the 2010-11 election violence, several union members were known to carry firearms, and to extort money from students to fund union activities. Union members said the weapons were for self-defence, but witnesses told rights groups that they used the arms to harass people.

Gbagbo was arrested in April 2011 and Ouattara's government ordered the closure of the all public universities in order to reorganize them for a fresh start.

"When the government decided to close the universities, we thought that it wasn't a judicious move, especially that it was bound to cause more problems," said René Hokou Legré, the head of the Ivoirian Human Rights League. "The consequences of the closure are being felt now. It is impossible to immediately catch up on the lost years. It will take generations. At the same time, there are many problems... such as how the universities, which are going to be overcrowded, will host the students."

Edmée Abbouattier-Mansilla, the chief of staff at the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, said measures had been taken to cope with the surge of students when universities reopen. "Universities had been run down for around 15 years. These problems were worsened by the socio-political problems in 2011," said Abbouattier-Mansilla. "We have therefore initiated reforms to restructure the university system so that they become institutions of excellence. For the opening day, all measures have been taken to accommodate the students."

In July the government scrapped a provision that allowed students to repeat study years several times without having to leave, even in cases of failure. The change affected 1,856 students who have repeated three times, or have been at university for more than seven years.

Registration fees for a first degree course were raised from 6,000 CFA ($12) to 100,000 CFA (about $200). However, fearing an angry backlash, the authorities slashed the fee to $60, but this is still a considerable increase.

Lack of motivation

After the two-year disruption, many of the students have lost their enthusiasm. The expected overcrowding has dampened optimism, and resuming learning after such a long break will be slow and difficult. Massiami Kamagaté, 23, sat her high school exams in 2009 and has been waiting since then to join university. "It is demoralizing and frustrating," she said.

Martial Assamoi, 28, who was pursuing a Master's degree in criminology, fled the Port-Bouët University in Abidjan during the election violence and has been working at a cybercafé to support himself while living with his parents in the city.

"I have to find my notes and books, remember where I stopped, and restart my studies," he said. "Two university years have been lost and I'm two years older. I'm not really motivated anymore, especially that the government did nothing to help us catch up on the lost years."

Education consultant Sébastien Kouamé told IRIN: "What is worse is that we already had poor education standards. The lost years have worsened the situation because many were unoccupied the whole time."

Foreign and local education experts at a meeting in Abidjan in 2009 noted that despite the education sector receiving substantial state funding - around four percent of the budget - education standards in Côte d'Ivoire remained low compared to other West African countries because of low school enrolment, a high number of dropouts and the poor quality of education.

The universities also face a shortage of lecturers, since many who were perceived as Gbagbo followers fled into exile or have been detained. "For two years, lecturers were paid to do nothing. This is a loss of investment by the government," Kouamé said.

"The government will still have to dialogue with the lecturers, who will not hesitate to raise sensitive issues, like freeing their detained colleagues, before they can resume work."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96163/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Universities-reopen-after-political-unrest</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208231559200532t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 24 August 2012 (IRIN) - When Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s five public universities reopen on 3 September, 61,000 students will arrive for the first time after almost two years since they were closed in the violent unrest sparked by the disputed 2010 presidential vote. There are fears the influx could cause chaos.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Cleaner toilets to save slums from cholera</title><pubDate>Thu, 16 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208151606380006t.jpg" />]]>FREETOWN/CONAKRY/ACCRA/DAKAR 16 August 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies are scrambling to treat thousands of cholera patients in Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, where the number of infections is mounting by over 250 per day. Most patients are from the city’s various urban slums, where open defecation is rife, toilets are rare, sewage is improperly disposed of, and awareness of cholera is very low. Water and sanitation specialists say unless these problems are addressed, cholera will continue to flourish both in Sierra Leone and throughout West Africa.</description><body><![CDATA[FREETOWN/CONAKRY/ACCRA/DAKAR 16 August 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies are scrambling to treat thousands of cholera patients in Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, where the number of infections is mounting by over 250 per day. Most patients are from the city’s various urban slums, where open defecation is rife, toilets are rare, sewage is improperly disposed of, and awareness of cholera is very low. Water and sanitation specialists say unless these problems are addressed, cholera will continue to flourish both in Sierra Leone and throughout West Africa.

By 15 August, 19,370 people had contracted cholera in West Africa, the most affected countries being Sierra Leone (9,613 cases), Ghana (5,121 cases), Niger (5,023 cases), and Guinea (802 cases), according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 

“There is a massive failure to take cholera seriously in this region, and to publicize it,” said a West Africa cholera specialist. “Ultimately, if you want to get rid of cholera you need to address the structural issues that cause it.” The money is there, “it is a question of tapping into it and taking responsibility for your citizens.”

Take cholera seriously

Most West African countries are falling far short of their Millennium Development Goal to double the proportion of citizens with access to proper sanitation facilities - just 37 percent of inhabitants can access a clean toilet, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). [ http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/monitoring/jmpfinal.pdf ]

As in Freetown, a high proportion of the cholera cases in Conakry, the Guinean capital, and Accra, Ghana’s capital, are concentrated in urban slums, where there are few clean toilets and most people openly defecate, often dangerously close to open wells that are the source of water for most residents.

The cholera outbreak now has a caseload of 60 per week in Conakry and Accra and is thought to be past its peak, when there were 90 to 100 cases per day in each city, but Charles Gaudry, head of Médecins sans Frontières in Guinea, warned that “We must still be on our guard.”

Governments tend to clean up the cholera mess once it is in full swing rather than working on prevention, said an independent water and sanitation (WASH) specialist in West Africa. “It is government’s responsibility to address the very basic sanitation rights of its citizens.”

Donors, too, prefer to fund reactively, hence “UNICEF’s ‘Sword and Shield’ [response-prevention] strategy is more sword than shield,” noted Patrick Laurent, West Africa WASH coordinator at UNICEF.

When aid agencies approached the African Development Bank in 2011 for cholera prevention support in the Central African Republic, the response was: "When you report a cholera case, we’ll give you the money."

In Guinea, just one or two aid agencies - Action against Hunger and UNICEF - work on cholera prevention with the government, while one - MSF - is doing the bulk of the treatment and transmission containment.

Ghana: prosecution over publicity

In Greater Accra, with 77 percent of the country’s cholera cases, at least 20,000 people have no toilet or use bucket latrines (a pot that is periodically dumped outside), according to Accra health department director Simpson Boateng. Those living near the sea simply defecate on the beach.

The Ghanaian government banned open defecation and bucket latrines in 2010, and arrests all perpetrators, said Boateng. “We need to continue to educate them [people], but more importantly, you will be arrested when caught,” he told IRIN. “As I speak, over 1,000 landlords have been prosecuted for still using pan latrines in their houses.” The city council is establishing a ‘sanitation court’ to try the culprits. “We are simply enforcing the by-laws which frown upon this conduct,” he said.

Rather than crackdowns, more awareness-raising is needed, suggested Accra residents, including journalists, who had no idea there was a cholera outbreak in their city.

Unlike in neighbouring Guinea and Sierra Leone, where the governments are weak and rely on aid agencies to drive the response, the Ghanaian authorities are leading the cholera response but have “underplayed it” for political purposes, said WASH specialist Laurent.

The recent death of President John Atta Mills and the approaching parliamentary elections have drawn the attention of most government officials for weeks.

Give them an alternative

Arrests may be a temporary deterrent, but people will continue to defecate in the open as long as they have no alternative, say aid agency staff. Just 17 percent of Accra’s residents, and 8 percent of rural Ghanaians, have access to an adequate toilet, according to the government’s 2008 health survey.

The key is to get communities all over West Africa to want to use and maintain clean toilets. In Sierra Leone, UNICEF is pushing “community-driven total sanitation”, in which communities move away from open defecation once they understand its consequences, and go on to build and maintain clean toilets themselves.

In this model, UNILEVER, which manufactures cleaning products, has worked with UNICEF and local partners in Gambia, and with Water and Sanitation for the Urban Poor, a non-profit group, in Ghana to form The Clean Team. The process is: trigger a demand for toilets through behaviour change; arrive at a price that works for everyone; and then make clean toilets available.

An ongoing project in Kumasi, south-central Ghana, targeted 100 families, most of whom were sharing dirty latrines. Each was given a free chemical toilet with a sealed waste container that was exchanged two to three times per week. A family of five pays about US$15 per month for the service, which is less than it costs to use the public toilet.

The waste is processed in the city’s septic tank system, but the municipality hopes to use it to produce biofuel in the future. Thus far the scheme has improved hygiene, lowered household costs and reduced the use of plastic bags for defecation, otherwise known as "flying toilets", said Clean Team manager Asantewa Gyamfi. The plan is to expand it to 1,500 families. 

Keeping toilets clean

Transferring such an intensive approach to an urban slum setting in Freetown is a challenge, said UNICEF’s Sierra Leone communications, Gaurav Garg. Most of Freetown’s flood-prone slums are hemmed in by the ocean and/or mountains, and there is simply no room to build new toilets - public latrines are the only option.

An urban WASH consortium - made up of NGOs Oxfam, Action against Hunger, Save the Children, GOAL, and Concern - charged with helping the government improve sanitation in Freetown’s slums, has decided that improving and rebuilding public toilets is the only option, but keeping them clean is the real challenge, said Marc Faux, the group coordinator.

Community committees have been set up to run the toilets. Each is given four roles: collect money for their use (usually 100-200 leones per person [2 to 4 US cents] use the money to clean and repair the toilets; communicate the community’s sanitation concerns to political decision-makers; and make sure waste is dumped safely. Health officials say until each of these jobs is done well, use will continue to be low.

To date, most of the waste from public latrines has been dumped in nearby rubbish tips or into the sea. The NGO consortium is currently experimenting with a low-technology device that pumps waste into containers that can then be taken to trucks. Another method being tested is a device used to separate urine from faecal matter, which can then be turned into compost over an 18-month period.

These and other innovations are an important start to addressing the myriad challenges in unsanitary, densely populated, coastal cities such as Freetown, Conakry and Accra. But they will only make a dent in cholera prevention. The issue must be addressed, “not on a project-by-project basis, but holistically, involving education, health systems, water and sanitation infrastructure - the lot,” said Mariamme Dem, West Africa head of NGO Wateraid in Senegal. 

That looks a long way off. For now, NGOs like MSF are hastily setting up treatment centres to care for the cholera victims who come their way - as they have done every few years since the 1980s.

aj/js/ic/bb/sda/he

Fact Box

Cholera in Niger

In Niger, the situation is different in terms of topography and humanitarian context. Some 99 percent of the cholera cases are in the Tillaberi Region in the southwest of Niger, on the Niger River. The rest are in refugee camps in Ouallam, in southwestern Tillaberi.

Cholera has broken out against a backdrop of high rates of malnutrition and food insecurity, and large numbers of refugees who fled the takeover of northern Mali. The rains and insecurity make it difficult to access some cholera-hit villages, said UNICEF’s Patrick Laurent.

“If you add all of the above conditions, plus the rainy season, floods and poor sanitation, it’s not surprising to see a cholera outbreak,” he noted.

The government has a low capacity to respond to cholera but is willing to collaborate with the many relief and aid agencies working to alleviate the emergency there, said Laurent. “For me, this is half the battle.”

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96112/WEST-AFRICA-Cleaner-toilets-to-save-slums-from-cholera</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208151606380006t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">FREETOWN/CONAKRY/ACCRA/DAKAR 16 August 2012 (IRIN) - Aid agencies are scrambling to treat thousands of cholera patients in Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, where the number of infections is mounting by over 250 per day. Most patients are from the city’s various urban slums, where open defecation is rife, toilets are rare, sewage is improperly disposed of, and awareness of cholera is very low. Water and sanitation specialists say unless these problems are addressed, cholera will continue to flourish both in Sierra Leone and throughout West Africa.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Gunfire and fear in Abidjan</title><pubDate>Fri, 10 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208101358020749t.jpg" />]]>ABIDJAN 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - A recent wave of armed attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, Abidjan, is lowering hopes of a steady return to security in a city that suffered some of the worst fighting during the 2010-11 election violence.</description><body><![CDATA[ABIDJAN 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - A recent wave of armed attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, Abidjan, is lowering hopes of a steady return to security in a city that suffered some of the worst fighting during the 2010-11 election violence. 

Armed assailants, whose identity is still unknown, attacked a military post in the city’s western Yopougon district on the night of 4 August, killing three people. Later, a police station was also attacked, sparking a fire fight in which five soldiers died. 

Two days afterwards, an attack on Akouédo army barracks in Abidjan, where three infantry battalions are lodged, claimed the lives of six troops and one attacker, according to government officials. Another army post in Agboville, in north Abidjan, then came under attack and two people were wounded, one of them seriously. 

“I never imagined that the sound of gunfire would return so soon. What has happened makes you fear for the worst, because it seems to me that the people are more divided than before,” said Fatoumata Bamba, a trader in Abidjan’s Cocody district. 

“We are in the market every day and we see that people are not courteous to one another. Côte d’Ivoire is slowly going back to square one with this violence that is going to bereave families of their loved ones,” said Bamba, who is considering taking her children to her village in the north of the country. 

Mathieu Touah, a civil servant who lives in Yopougon, said he now goes home early to be with his family. During the attack in his neighbourhood, his wife’s fish stall was hit by a bullet. “She is now forced to return home early, while customers often come to buy [on their way home] at nightfall. Unfortunately, the situation calls for prudence. She is losing out at this difficult time,” he told IRIN. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92982/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Bullet-holes-and-lost-livelihoods ] 

The government of President Alassane Ouattara is blaming sympathisers of former president Laurent Gbagbo. The two men were locked in months of bitter election disputes after the November 2010 presidential run-off, triggering clashes in which some 3,000 people were killed. 

“There was some complicity in Akouédo [military] camp. I believe that everything was coordinated by pro-Gbagbo ex-soldiers from Ghana. This was planned to be a time for harassment. There is a series of acts and aggression to erode investor confidence and the morale of Ivoirians,” said Interior Minister Ahmed Bakayoko. 

Gbagbo is being detained by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, where he is facing four counts of crimes against humanity. A statement by his party on 8 August said, “The Ivoirian Patriotic Front rejects the accusations following the attacks… The party strongly condemns the wave of deadly violence, and expresses its indignation at these senseless acts that create a general climate of insecurity.” 

Although life has largely returned to normal in Abidjan’s Abobo district, where violence first broke out during the post-election violence, forces loyal to Ouattara still patrol the streets, control traffic and carry out searches on residents and homes. 

A road block of tyres and metal bars still exists at the entry to the neighbourhood since a force known as “invisible commandoes” seized the area and began fighting the army in early 2011. Residents complain of harassment and mistreatment, and have demanded that fighters of the Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI) be removed. 

“They fire their weapons… [all the] time. I don’t feel secure. They ask for IDs and if you don’t have one, they detain you. There are so many of them on the streets,” said Linda Amoun. “There is no government authority here. They [troops] do as they please. Abobo is neglected - we have been left on our own. Something should be done to get these people out of the streets.” 

Abobo is the only district in Abidjan where the troops perform police duties. The government has issued several orders for the forces to leave but none have been obeyed. 

“If the government can’t do anything beyond issuing statements and circulars [ordering the forces to leave Abobo], it is clear that it doesn’t want to change the situation,” said René Hokou Legré, the head of the Ivorian Human Rights League (LIDHO). 

The government set up a reconciliation panel in July 2011 but it has not yet begun work on the ground. Analysts warn that the delay and the incidents of violence may undermine its efforts to bridge political, ethnic and other divisions. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93962/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Wounds-raw-in-west ] 

“The presence of this force is a threat to [social] cohesion… the government should act fast, because prolonging the situation could trigger popular reaction that may put the legitimacy of the government into question,” said Legré. 

Côte d’Ivoire's western region has been plagued by violence in recent months. Seven UN peacekeepers were killed there in an ambush in June, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95635/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Everyone-is-looking-for-safety ] and around six weeks later the country’s last camp for internally displaced persons was torched and six people died in an ethnically driven attack. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96024/COTE-D-IVOIRE-We-should-stop-killing-each-other ] 

Arbitrary arrest and detention, mainly of those considered to be Gbagbo supporters, is also undermining efforts to reconcile a country that has suffered several crises in the past decade. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95910/COTE-D-IVOIRE-Hard-road-to-reconciliation ] Kévine Adou, secretary general of the Centre for Research Action for Peace (CERAP) in Côte d’Ivoire, said there were still deep divisions in the police, the military police and the army after the post-election conflict. 

“Efforts have been made on the economic front, but security is still weak. It is difficult to know who is behind this series of attacks. An investigation should be carried out to identify the perpetrators and what they want,” Adou told IRIN. “The army needs to be united. Everybody should be involved, even those who are not on Ouattara’s side.” 

aa/ob/he 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96080/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Gunfire-and-fear-in-Abidjan</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208101358020749t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ABIDJAN 10 August 2012 (IRIN) - A recent wave of armed attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s commercial capital, Abidjan, is lowering hopes of a steady return to security in a city that suffered some of the worst fighting during the 2010-11 election violence.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Desperation after last IDP refuge razed</title><pubDate>Thu, 09 Aug 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030927160790t.jpg" />]]>DUEKOUE 09 August 2012 (IRIN) - On the morning of 20 July, after an attack that killed four people around Duékoué, a town in Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s turbulent west, a huge crowd surrounded the nearby Nahibly camp hosting 5,000 internally displaced people (IDPs).</description><body><![CDATA[DUEKOUE 09 August 2012 (IRIN) - On the morning of 20 July, after an attack that killed four people around Duékoué, a town in Côte d'Ivoire's turbulent west, a huge crowd surrounded the nearby Nahibly camp hosting 5,000 internally displaced people (IDPs).

In what has been described as an ethnically driven revenge attack, the mob of between 500 and 1,000 people said to be of armed Malinké men, backed by traditional hunters known as Dozos, stormed the camp and torched it, killing six people and injuring dozens of others. The site was the last remaining IDP camp in Côte d'Ivoire following the 2010-11 election unrest.

The camp, now empty, hosted mainly Guéré people and supporters of former leader Laurent Gbagbo, who was locked in a bitter dispute after the November 2010 polls with opponent and now President Alassane Ouattara. The Malinkés are seen as Ouattara supporters.

Tension remains high in western Côte d'Ivoire, where land disputes have also triggered clashes.

Many of the displaced people from Nahibly sought refuge at the Catholic mission in Duékoué, the town hall and in the surrounding thicket before returning to their nearby places of origin, which are still largely in ruins. Continued insecurity is making resettlement there difficult.

ob/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96064/COTE-D-apos-IVOIRE-Desperation-after-last-IDP-refuge-razed</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201208030927160790t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUEKOUE 09 August 2012 (IRIN) - On the morning of 20 July, after an attack that killed four people around Duékoué, a town in Côte d&apos;Ivoire&apos;s turbulent west, a huge crowd surrounded the nearby Nahibly camp hosting 5,000 internally displaced people (IDPs).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>