<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Central African Republic</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 17:30:38 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Analysis: The LRA - not yet a spent force</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts. 

The LRA is seen as being in “survival mode”. It has a lightly armed 250-strong militia dispersed across a territory half the size of France, and uses “terror” tactics to subdue local populations and is facing a coordinated response from the armies of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Central African Republic (CAR), South Sudan, Uganda and the USA. 

In recent weeks African Union (AU) special envoy for affairs relating to the LRA Francisco Madeira, and the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General Abou Moussa have toured Kinshasa, Bangui, Juba and Kampala to discuss regional military cooperation, following authorization from the AU Peace and Security Council in November 2011, with the support of the UN, for them to deal decisively with the LRA. 

Ashley Benner, a policy analyst at the Enough Project [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] - a US NGO lobbying for an end to mass atrocity crimes - told IRIN: “The proposed AU intervention force will consist of approximately 3,500-5,000 troops from the four affected countries. The mandate and goals of the mission are to end the LRA, protect civilians, and lead to security and stability in the affected countries.” 

The USA has deployed about 100 military advisers - they carry weapons for self-defence only - to assist the region’s military forces, but Benner said this would not be sufficient. 

“The advisers need to be bolstered by more capable troops, greater intelligence and logistical capabilities, including helicopters, improved collaboration between regional forces, and increased efforts to encourage LRA members to leave the group,” she added. 

Sandra Adong Oder, a senior researcher at the conflict management and peacebuilding unit at Pretoria-based think-tank the Institute for Security Studies, told IRIN the same military actors involved in previous and failed attempts to eradicate the LRA were involved in the AU initiative, and asked: “It [the initiative] may be doing more, [but] is it any different?” 

Top priority? 

The LRA was also not a top priority for the four affected countries: Kony’s forces, were no longer operating in Uganda; they were more than 1,000km from Kinshasa and so not seen as a key security issue for the DRC; they are not threatening any economic interests or political constituencies in CAR; and South Sudan was grappling with more urgent security considerations, said Oder. 

In a research note entitled The AU’s Regional Initiative Against the LRA: Prospects and Implications [ http://www.iss.org.za/iss_today.php?ID=1420 ] published on 30 January, Oder said: “The regional intervention force… is based on some assumptions that the LRA is an easy problem to solve, and that the insurgent group’s threat capability has been reduced. This may prove to be a grave mistake… 

“The new force should therefore not merely improve on existing military operations, but needs to refrain from merely duplicating operational structures and techniques that do not work, while at the same time leaving the military command in the hands of national governments, which could fuel suspicion and intraregional tensions within the alliance, which in turn could severely limit cooperation and coordination - and hence the AU’s overall ownership of the mission… 

“This time round, the consequences of another failure will be prohibitive, in the sense that once committed, the AU mission would then have to use all necessary force to avoid failure, and would be under immense pressure to escalate military involvement to ensure success,” the note said. 

The International Working Group on the LRA, in a World Bank June 2011 report entitled: Diagnostic Study of the Lord’s Resistance Army, [ http://www-wds.worldbank.org/servlet/main?menuPK=64187510&pagePK=64193027&piPK=64187937&theSitePK=523679&entityID=000386194_20111103040219 ] written by Philip Lancaster and Guillaume Lacaille, said: “It should be remembered that the LRA only has to survive to succeed… 

“As long as it [the LRA] is present, it is capable of generating insecurity in the region. To survive, it needs only to avoid, as much as possible, direct contact with superior armed forces and continue to resupply itself from vulnerable civilians. As long as it retains the freedom to choose the time and place of its attacks, it retains the tactical and strategic initiative,” the World Bank report said. 

In the past month, LRA Crisis Tracker, [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ] a real-time mapping platform for crimes committed by Kony’s forces, has attributed six deaths and 14 abductions to the armed group. 

Ugandan leadership? 

Uganda, the regional military power, is expected to take the lead role in the military operations by virtue of its acknowledged professionalism compared to the region’s other forces, and its close working relationship with US forces over the past few years, although its dominance in an intervention force could increase regional tensions, especially between Kampala and Kinshasa: Last year DRC President Joseph Kabila asked his counterpart Yoweri Museveni to halt operations in his country against the LRA by the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), and it is unclear how this impasse will be resolved. 

Oder said although the Ugandan army was “overstretched” with its commitments to the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), it had a personnel score to settle with the LRA, after previous encounters had exposed the “weaknesses, corruption and competences” of the UPDF. “It’s about saving face and pride,” she said. 

A 2 February 2012 Enough Project report entitled Ensuring Success: Four Steps Beyond US Troops to End the War with the LRA [ http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/ensuring-success-four-steps-beyond-us-troops-end-war-lra ] by Sasha Lezhnev, said Uganda’s best troops were in Somalia and it did not have any bases in the DRC. “Some 90 percent of LRA attacks over the past six months have taken place in [DR] Congo… The shortage of troops is also hurting civilian protection efforts, which are in urgent need of a boost.” 

Skilled bush fighters 

The bush fighting skills of LRA fighters have been masked and overshadowed by their reputation as a ragtag bunch of bandits, marauding and raping, reliant on abducted children brainwashed into soldiering under Kony, and with an absolute disregard for human rights. The LRA is responsible for thousands of deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people across the four-country region. 

“We have ample evidence from reports of the past 20 years that the LRA are a force to be reckoned with. Ruthless as they are, their tactics are well adapted to the terrain and the nature of the forces they face,” Philip Lancaster - former head of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration division of the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC), the predecessor of the current UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the Congo - said in an August 2011 article entitled the Lord’s Resistance Army and Us. [ http://congosiasa.blogspot.com/2011/08/guest-blog-lords-resistance-army-and-us.html ] 

“The LRA make deliberate use of terror to tie up military forces and survive by hit-and-run attacks that are well-planned and flawlessly executed,” he wrote. 

LRA fighters value reconnaissance, are skilled in ambush techniques and the evasion of air surveillance, are trained in both irregular and regular forms of warfare and have adapted to different climatic regions from rainforests to arid wastelands. “Their extraordinary ability to survive, even when constantly on the move, gives LRA fighters an edge over all pursuing armies,” the World Bank report said. 

The notion that the LRA’s estimated 250 fighters and their dispersal into small cells indicates weakness, is misleading, the World Bank report said. “While the LRA has been weakened over the past two years, it is premature to regard them as lacking capacity, since the number of the core fighters is not much lower now than what it has been throughout the years.” 

The response to any concerted military effort against them is likely to be accompanied by the LRA’s “very crude way of operating” in using civilians as targets, Oder said. 

Civilian protection 

The Ugandan 2008 offensive against the LRA, Operation Lightning Thunder, resulted in a sharp rise in the number of LRA attacks on civilians, rather than a drop-off: There were two successive Christmas massacres in 2008 and 2009. 

“These events, particularly the massacre of December 2009 in the Makombo area of Haut Uélé, DRC, provoked questions about the wisdom of offensive operations against the LRA without adequate accompanying measures to protect civilians in the area of operations,” The World Bank report said. 

“The military response from UN peacekeeping and national forces has been totally inadequate insofar as they focus on providing limited static defence of a small number of civilian settlements. The LRA just find the ones that aren’t protected. Since none of the armies deployed have a policy of pursuit after attack, the LRA consistently escape with loot and abducted recruits,” says Lancaster’s article. 

“A major component of the military operations to apprehend Kony and his senior leadership should be civilian protection,” said Benner. 

Kony, an indicted war criminal, has also received an unexpected boost from the undermining of Uganda’s Amnesty Act with the trial of former LRA commander Thomas Kwoyelo, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93377 ] which “is further worsening chances that LRA fighters will come out; the case has sparked fear of prosecution among the LRA ranks,” the Enough Project report said. 

The UN Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (UNDDRR) exercise has been viewed as a major weapon in deconstructing the LRA through its propaganda campaign to encourage defections. 

The Enough Project report quoted a former LRA captain who had defected from the armed group. “I spent 18 years with Kony. The only thing that can be effective now against the LRA is the gun. Don’t leave the UPDF alone - the international community should step in. US advisers won’t be effective, though. You need joint troops from other countries. Kony doesn’t fear the US advisers because he knows the number [of Ugandan troops and US advisers] now is small. One LRA unit can defeat 10 UPDF units.” 

go/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94794</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260920200187t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - The belief that the end is nigh for Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) - a small but ruthless transnational armed group operating in four African states - underestimates its resilience and overestimates the unity and capability of the forces ranged against it, say analysts.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: AU wants peace, security and bigger global role in 2012</title><pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg" />]]>WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</description><body><![CDATA[WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.

AU Ambassador to the United States, Amina Ali of Tanzania, presented the list of top priorities at a conference on 11 January held at Washington think-tank, the Brookings Institution.

Among them were the regulars - peace and security, enhanced democracy and good governance – as well as improved regional trade and greater involvement of the continent’s large diaspora in African affairs.

The first priority for Africa was the AU's resolve to review its international partnerships to ensure they bring greater benefits to Africa. 

“We are working to be able to build closer partnerships with our international partners so that Africa can really attain a sustainable economy,” Ali told the conference.

The AU wants Africa to manufacture and export finished products to its trading partners rather than just selling them the raw materials as it does now. She cited China, India, the EU and US and other rising stars in trade with the continent, including Turkey and Latin America, and said the AU had held talks on the new breed of partnerships with some of them.

The AU also wants Africa to have a veto-wielding seat on the UN Security Council, and a place at the G20 negotiating table, Ali said.

The peace and security that have eluded Africa for decades continue to be high on the list of problems that the continent needs to resolve, but she spoke only of conflict in Sudan. “The AU will continue to look into issues for Sudan,” Ali said.
 
A report released at the conference, Foresight Africa, highlighted other tinderboxes and called for “urgent instability and warfare policy reviews” to meet the challenges the continent faces in not only Sudan but also in Somalia and Nigeria. [ http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2012/01_priorities_foresight_africa.aspx ]

The report compares the instability in Africa to the decade-old US-led war in Afghanistan, and warned that if “the current trend continues”, a swathe of Africa, stretching from the Horn to Nigeria, “is likely to experience increasing instability and warfare, while narratives of jihadist revolt and terrorist technologies circulate among its citizens”.

The unrest could affect Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia, the report says. Clearly, the AU has to do more than just supervise goings-on in Sudan and its new neighbour, South Sudan.

The AU also pledged to "review the mechanism for democratic process in Africa" after the wake-up call from the uprisings in the Arab world, including North Africa, a year ago, Ali said.

The AU will press member states to sign a charter ratified by the AU assembly in 2007, which aims to strengthen democracy and good governance in Africa, she said.

The charter was inspired in part by concern that “unconstitutional changes of governments” are a key cause of insecurity and “violent conflict” in Africa, and by a determination to “strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of transparency, accountability and participatory democracy”.

As of November last year, 38 of the AU’s 54 member states had signed the charter, but only 10 had ratified it. It is notable that nearly all the countries in the areas of Africa that are “likely to experience increasing instability and warfare” have signed the charter, with the exception of Somalia and Eritrea in the east and Cameroon in the west.

Food security

The AU will take steps to establish “food reserves” that give areas that face drought a “cushion” against famine, said Ali. She also voiced fears that parts of west Africa could be hit by drought this year, highlighting the need to rapidly establish food reserves – a tough challenge in a time of high food prices and an economic crisis in Europe, which has hit Africa.

Africa also has to “secure access to markets and competitive prices for farmers” or “risk inciting unrest” and food riots, the Foresight Africa report says.

AU officials will push in 2012 to establish a free trade zone that spans the length and breadth of the continent, Ali said. It would boost commerce between countries, a key step towards development.

At present, less than 15 percent of African trade stays on the continent - the rest is sold abroad.

The last item on the AU wish-list is greater involvement of the African diaspora, said to outnumber Africans at home, in the continent’s affairs.

The AU is due to host an African diaspora summit in May, Ali said.

Ali stressed the importance of the diaspora to the continent: remittances represent a larger revenue source for Africa than overseas development aid.

kdz/oa/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94630</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201121410270941t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">WASHINGTON 12 January 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union (AU) has unveiled an ambitious wish-list of priorities for Africa that would give the continent a stronger global voice, boost democracy and encourage peace and security.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: UN highlights &quot;security vacuum&quot; as northern clashes continue</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.

On 26 December, members of this group, the Front Populaire Pour le Redressement (FPR – Popular Front for Recovery) clashed with fighters of a domestic insurgency, the Front Démocratique du Peuple Centrafricain (FDPC – the Central African People’s Democratic Front) in the northern village of Vafio, on the road between Kabo and Batafongo, according to a bulletin released by the country’s Humanitarian Development Partnership Team, which said two FPR fighters were killed.

The prospect of retaliatory attacks by both sides led the UN to suspend movement along the road.

According to unconfirmed press reports, four civilians were killed and several houses burnt a few days later when 300 FPR elements attacked the town of Kabo.

“Panic gripped the town after these criminals burned one of their victims alive,” one report quoted Kabo’s deputy mayor, Philippe Gonzay, as saying.

“The population can no longer go about its daily business. We regret that the security forces present in the region did not react to these rebel attacks on the civilian population,” he said.

The FPR, which arrived from Chad in 2008, has also been implicated in security incidents in the central province of Ouaka, where a November 2011 report by local officials said the group “had taken up position in several villages and settlements where they extorted more than 900 cattle, several motorbikes and a large sum of money”.

According to local sources, the FPR has also conscripted members of the Peul community, an ethnic group - sometimes called Fulani - present in many West African states, as well as CAR, Chad and Niger. The FPR claims to be protecting the wider Peul community.

UN response

In a 21 December resolution, the UN Security Council expressed “deep concern” about the “extensive recruitment and the acquisition of weapons by the FPR, which threaten peace and security in the Central African Republic and the region and constitute violations of the commitments made by the FPR to lay down its weapons and enter into discussions towards peace in the Final Communiqué signed on 13 June 2011 by FPR leader Baba Laddé and the national mediators of Chad and the Central African Republic”.

The resolution went on to condemn “human rights violations perpetrated by the FPR, and [to encourage] the Government of the Central African Republic to continue to liaise with the Government of Chad to reach a solution”.

According to the 13 June communiqué, a peace agreement was supposed to have been reached within a month on the understanding that this would lead to the return to Chad of 400-500 FPR fighters.

A 28 November Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council said talks aimed at implementing the agreement had stalled, “mainly over the issue of security guarantees for the return of Baba Laddé to Chad”.

The same report said a faction of another armed group, the Armée populaire pour la restauration de la démocratie (APRD – the Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy), had said it would only join in a national programme of disarmament and demobilization if the FPR returned to Chad.

Two days after the report was released, CAR President Francois Bozizé said of the FPR, “We will resume previous negotiations to send them back to Chad and if the dialogue fails we will take this matter into our own hands.”

But, as the Security Council report underlined, a “serious security vacuum in many parts of the country” is a direct result of “the lack of state authority outside the capital. The national security and defence forces, which should function as primary security providers in the remote areas of the country, are under-resourced and largely incapable of fulfilling their responsibilities.”

While the Secretary-General’s report noted “significant progress” in disarming former combatants in CAR, the head of the UN Peacebuilding Office in the country, Margaret Vogt, warned of the dangers of under-funding this process.

“Failure to consolidate security in the CAR would increase its attractiveness as a safe haven for regional brigands and rebel groups operating in the region,” she said on 14 December.

For his part, Laddé denies accusations of abusing civilians, and recently told a local radio station his group was working to protect people from criminal gangs – known as Zaraguinas - which have long preyed on civilians in several parts of the country.

cd-k/tl/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94624</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the most pressing security threats in the Central African Republic (CAR) is a Chadian armed group active in the north of the country, which allegedly continues to recruit and acquire weapons, despite having undertaken to return to Chad.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Yaws treatment study prompts WHO review</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110749170559t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out. 
 
 "We may be closer now than we have been in decades," Kingsley Asiedu, a yaws expert with WHO's Department of Neglected Tropical Disease Control, told IRIN, calling the study [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)61624-3/abstract ] on the bacterial skin disease, which leads to chronic disfiguration and disability in 10 percent of untreated cases, the most significant in half a century. 
 
 After a UN-led worldwide control programme cut infections from 50 million to 2.5 million in 1964 in 46 countries, the disease re-emerged in the 1970s when control efforts lagged, affecting an estimated 460,000 people - mostly children - in poor, tropical rural areas mainly in Africa and Asia, according to the most recent figures reported to WHO in 1995. 
 
 In 2010, the Lihir Medical Centre in Papua New Guinea (PNG), where the disease is still endemic, gave the one-time oral dose of the antibiotic azithromycin to about half of 250 infants and children from six months to 15 years infected with yaws. 
 
 Follow-up exams in 2011 showed the treatment was as effective as penicillin injections, which - unlike oral antibiotics - require trained health staff and equipment often scarce in areas most in need of treatment, wrote the researchers. 
 
 In a recent index of health workers' outreach [ http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/HealthWorkerIndexmain_4.pdf ] by the NGO Save the Children, PNG ranked in the bottom 20 of 161 surveyed countries. 
 
 The meeting of yaws experts convened by WHO in Geneva from 5-7 March will "fully define how we are going to embark [on a new yaws treatment regimen] using azithromycin", said Asiedu. 
 
 WHO's yaws treatment guidelines date back to the 1960s and there have been no alternatives since, he added. 
 
 In Southeast Asia, WHO set the goal for regional eradication by 2012 in two remaining endemic countries - Indo¬nesia and Timor-Leste. PNG, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu have also reported cases. 
 
 Sub-Saharan Africa was the most heavily affected based on earlier estimates, but the "picture is not entirely clear now", said Asiedu. Cameroon, Central African Republic, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Togo have all reported cases. 
 
 More studies are needed to ensure resistance to azithromycin treatment does not develop, said David Mabey from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. 
 
 While penicillin "has stood the test of time" - still as effective fighting the bacteria causing yaws after roughly 60 years - he noted mass azithromycin had only been used in developing countries for about a decade to treat trachoma [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=89568 ], another bacterial disease prevalent in poor rural areas. 
 
 Discussions at the upcoming WHO meeting will include a measure to monitor antibiotic resistance, said Asiedu. "Antibiotic resistance is a risk in any treatment and we always have to be vigilant." 
 
 pt/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94621</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110749170559t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Findings that a one-time oral treatment to cure yaws, a neglected tropical disease, is as effective as the currently recommended penicillin injection have prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to convene a meeting on how the disease may be wiped out.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Spotlight on New Deal for fragile states</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4/ ] in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.
  
 The New Deal will be piloted in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste, with help from Australia, Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. 
  
 It identifies five peace- and state-building goals as prerequisites for development without which “no MDG [Millenium Development Goals] will be met”, said Marcus Manuel, director of the Budget Strengthening Initiative at the UK’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI), one of the architects of the New Deal. 
  
 The goals include legitimate politics, security, justice, economic foundations and revenues and services. “If you don’t sort them [these criteria] out, no matter how many schools you build, if you haven’t figured out the payroll, you won’t be able to move forward,” Manuel told IRIN. 
  
 For years donor governments have struggled with how to approach development support to fragile states, which lack the systems or resources to process aid effectively, and often have high levels of corruption leading to low value-for-money. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93402 ] 
  
 Aid to fragile states has often propped up corruption, rather than weakened it, says the World Bank. 
  
 Some 1.5 billion people live in conflict-affected and fragile states, most of which are not on track to meet a single MDG. 
  
 However, the recognition that fragile states need a different approach to aid altogether, has gradually turned from policy and discussion - at the Paris and Accra aid fora [ http://www.oecd.org/document/18/0,3343,en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1,00.html ] and declarations for action - into a more concrete action plan, said Manuel. 
  
 New approach
  
 Under the proposed changes (to be presented to member states at the UN General Assembly in September 2012 ) “compacts” with countries will be agreed, i.e. there will be a shared understanding of aid modalities and priorities drawn up by donors, recipient governments and civil society.
  
 Rather than each donor assessing a recipient’s fragility, countries will be encouraged to carry out their own fragility assessments, which should create more apt solutions, Manuel told IRIN. For instance, the government of Timor-Leste deemed the need to re-house internally displaced people as a security priority once the conflict was over, and proposed giving each displaced family significant cash sums to do so. Donors said this approach was too expensive and would not work, but it did, and paid off, says the ODI. 
  
 With country ownership at the heart of aid efforts, donors should not shy away from direct budget support to fragile governments early on, if the right safeguards are set up first, says the ODI in a briefing paper. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=5961&title=budget-strengthening-fragile-states-conflict-g7 ] Donors waited five years after the conflict to invest in government structures in South Sudan, versus two years in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, and just a few months in Afghanistan, and in each example the early support was “critical” to rebuilding state structures, says the ODI. 
  
 In Guinea, deemed by many to be a fragile state, the health and public hygiene minister, Naman Kéita, told IRIN donor hesitancy to fund ministries directly, hampered their chances of setting ambitious agendas. 
  
 However, supporting national auditing systems, and strict financial safeguards come with this approach, stress aid analysts. 
  
 In other proposed shifts, donors will agree to streamline aid flows and their administration under the New Deal, for instance by setting up just one programme management and monitoring unit in each ministry rather than the current practice, where each donor may have its own. When the Rwandan government insisted on this approach, the capacity of its ministries started to increase rather than be over-stretched.
  
 Practical things, such as caps on pay rates also need to be introduced, say the G7+, though the modalities are yet to be worked out. In Liberia, the UN was hiring well-qualified professionals at the same time as the government was, but the UN hired 10 times as many staff, and could pay them two to three times more, constraining the government's ability to hire. 
  
 Critics
  
 However, some practitioners with long experience of working in fragile states, say country ownership and dismantling corruption may not always be a priority for governments. 
  
 John Morlu, ex-auditor-general in Liberia, who some say was pushed out of the job because his anti-corruption probes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93431 ] threatened high-level government officials, was skeptical. “I think we have to be very careful. We talk about countries taking ownership, but do they want to take ownership? I can think of cases in Liberia where it’s much easier to say, `This is UN driven, this is IMF [International Monetary Fund] driven’ because that gives you the political cover you need.” 
  
 Furthermore, local citizens may have priorities other than greater transparency and less corruption, Guinean and Sierra Leonean youths told IRIN: they want jobs more than anything else. 
  
 Manuel hopes that as country systems strengthen, development progress will also speed up - for now, patience is still required: a 2011 World Bank report estimates it takes 20-30 years to dismantle corrupt systems in a government. [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ]
  
 aj/cb
  
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94502</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: A healthcare crisis, says MSF</title><pubDate>Wed, 14 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281910060031t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has described the Central African Republic (CAR) as being in a state of “chronic medical emergency” and is calling on donor governments and development agencies to provide additional funding and take urgent action.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has described the Central African Republic (CAR) as being in a state of “chronic medical emergency” and is calling on donor governments and development agencies to provide additional funding and take urgent action. 

The NGO sounded the alarm in a 13 December report, Central African Republic: A Silent Crisis [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/publications/article.cfm?id=5668&cat=special-report ] based on a countrywide survey conducted over the past 18 months. 

According to the report, CAR has one of the high mortality rates in the world, in some areas three times over the emergency threshold of one death per 10,000 inhabitants per day. The country also has the second lowest life expectancy in the world, at 48 years. This situation is mainly attributed to conflict, displacement and an absence of basic healthcare provision. 

“The health system has been eroded by years of political and military instability and has massive structural problems… Access to basic healthcare is extremely limited and all these factors contribute to high mortality rates,” says Olivier Aubry, head of the MSF mission in CAR. 

Malaria is the country’s leading health problem and primary cause of death, with every inhabitant infected at least once a year. MSF has a shortage of essential drugs, while the state’s failure to adhere to a policy of providing free malaria treatment to all children under five is a major contributing factor to the disease’s mortality rate. The NGO recommends a widespread distribution of treated nets. 

About 11,000 people die every year from HIV/AIDS; the prevalence rate is 5.9 percent in the 15-49 age group. A total of 15,000 patients are receiving antiretroviral drugs out of approximately 45,000 people and 14,000 children needing urgent assistance, according to the National Committee for the fight against AIDS (CNLS). 

In 2011, MSF was providing treatment to just fewer than 1,000 HIV patients. The report said fewer than 20 percent of the 19,000 people thought to have tuberculosis, the latent form of which is often activated by HIV infection, were receiving treatment and that this prevalence rate was “certainly an under-estimate given the lack of diagnostic facilities in most of the country”. National programmes to deal with HIV and tuberculosis are ineffective, mainly due to shortage of drugs and funds from the government and international organizations. 

“We are aiming towards the Millennium Development Goals and recognize the need to make more effort to achieve these goals, which implies the need for more financial resources and a coordinated aid effort,” said Modeste Hoza, director of communications at the Ministry of Health. 

“In developing countries it is difficult to mobilize resources and take urgent action, which is why we are asking for support from external partners. In principle, 15 percent of the budget should be dedicated to health, but in reality only 9 percent is. When it comes to disbursements, what is disbursed is not what is allocated,” he said.

“This report has positives and negatives to it. Negative, because when we ring the alarm, we give the impression that nothing is being done. Positive, because we can get attention, take action and move forward,” he added.

cd-k/tl/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94470</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201006281910060031t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 14 December 2011 (IRIN) - Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has described the Central African Republic (CAR) as being in a state of “chronic medical emergency” and is calling on donor governments and development agencies to provide additional funding and take urgent action.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94372</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: US advisers limited to &quot;support&quot; role in tracking down LRA</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210904450285t.jpg" />]]>NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.</description><body><![CDATA[NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.
 
 They “are not directly involved in the operation to find members of the Lord's Resistance Army”, said Major James Rawlinson of the US Special Operations Command, Africa, in a statement to IRIN. While they will be “working and living closely with African security forces”, the focus is “on enabling their ability to better conduct command and control, planning and coordination”.  
 
 In testimony before the US Congress in October, Alexander Vershbow, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, said “the bulk” of the 100 advisers would be based in Uganda but “small teams would deploy forward in partnership with local forces, to help them improve their skills on the front-lines”. 
 
 They will carry small-arms weapons only for self-defence, he said. Vershbow would not describe the weapons for the Congressional panel.
 
 The main goal, both said, is to help the militaries of Uganda, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR) share intelligence, which would allow for prompt and concerted action against the LRA. 
 
 The failure of Operation Lightning Thunder in 2008 against an LRA camp by Uganda, the DRC and South Sudan, was blamed on poor coordination among the combatant forces and a lack of operational secrecy. Seventeen US military advisers provided support for the operation. 
 
 In its immediate aftermath, LRA units went on the rampage, killing hundreds of civilians and forcing tens of thousands to flee their homes.
 
 At present, 440,000 civilians in the region are displaced, most in DRC, because of LRA activities, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
 
 “Our intention is to supplement host nation military efforts with advice and assistance that maximizes the flow of information to, and synchronizes the activities of host nation units in the field,” said Rawlinson. 
 
 Vershbow said he hoped “fusing the intelligence information with the operational plans” would lead to the elimination of “the remaining leadership of the LRA".
 
 Raising questions
 
 Congressman Brad Sherman, a Democrat from California, criticized Vershbow for being “vague” about the US operations. In comments to CNN, Senator John McCain, a Republican from Arizona, echoed those sentiments: “The LRA is one of the most atrocious and barbaric organizations in history and I applaud the goal, but I would like to know more.”
 
 Richard Downie, a fellow and deputy director of the Africa Programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC, cautioned that the increased US involvement did not guarantee the LRA’s days were numbered.
 
 “I think you do have to be a little bit cautious in your expectations,” he said. “The difficult thing here is ultimately the responsibility is going to lie with the militaries on the ground.”
 
 Ashley Benner, a policy analyst for the Enough Project, a Washington-based NGO that advocated for the US mission, worried that only sending advisers “will not make enough of an impact and, when the desired results are not seen, will likely lead to their premature withdrawal”. 
 
 She called on the Obama administration to urge African countries to improve their special forces, convince European countries to provide logistical assistance, defuse tensions between regional governments, and ensure the protection of civilians. 
 
 “The advisers should be tasked with helping to develop and coordinate a targeted apprehension strategy and improve US oversight of mission planning and execution,” she said. “Only then do we have a real chance of finally apprehending Joseph Kony and his senior commanders and bringing them to justice.”

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 pd/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94261</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210904450285t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NEW YORK 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - The main stated aim of the US deployment of 100 military advisers to central Africa is to improve coordination among the armies of countries affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) to avoid repeating the fiasco of the 2008 multinational offensive against the group.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Waiting for Washington</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg" />]]>ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </description><body><![CDATA[ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. 
 
 “We have no freedom now,” Agueboti told IRIN. “In the past we could hunt, we could fish, we could farm our land. All of that has gone into decline now. There is no security for us. Our hands are tied and our arms are crossed.” Agueboti welcomed the interventions made by NGOs and UN agencies in Zémio and the surrounding region, providing shelter for IDPs and refugees, running health clinics and supporting local agriculture. But he said people were wary of the culture of dependency that had resulted. Agueboti warned that the continuing insecurity had left the region increasingly isolated. Civil servants, teachers and medical personnel were more reluctant to move to the southeast, particularly after the killing of a senior doctor in a road ambush in June.
 
 Like others in the southeastern Haut-Mbomou region, Agueboti refers to the LRA as the “Tongo-Tongo”, loosely translated from the local Zande dialect as “those who never sleep, who march at night, and who can catch you any time”. Witnesses of LRA attacks talk of groups of heavily armed men breaking into houses, destroying property, killing or abducting their victims, easily recognizable because they speak Acholi, Kiswahili or Lingala, not central African languages like Zande or Songo.
 
 Since early 2008, the LRA has attacked dozens of villages in CAR, mostly in the southeast, forcing a mass exodus into towns such as Obo and Zémio, where they are now mostly sheltered in hastily assembled displaced people's (IDP) sites, joining thousands more forced out of their homes by the LRA across the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). 
 
 "Let down" 
 
 Three years ago, the tide appeared to be turning against the LRA. Well-armed troops from the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), deployed in the CAR with the full blessing of the host country’s government, had mounted a high-profile counter-insurgency operation against the LRA, tracking the mixed columns of rebel soldiers and their abductees through the bush. The UPDF confidently announced that a long elusive victory was at hand, pointing to the elimination of several senior LRA lieutenants, hinting that the movement’s leader, Joseph Kony, was finally within their sights. 
 
 Agueboti said Kony was still in southeast CAR, hiding out in the forests north of Zémio, near the River Vovodo. He praised the UPDF for its display of force - “without them this place would have fallen to Kony” - but said his people felt let down. He accused the Ugandan military of failing to deliver on its initial promises, the UPDF not liaising effectively with the local population, losing out on valuable local intelligence. Augeboti was more dismissive of the Central African Armed Forces (FACA). “If there is an LRA attack, they are wholly underprepared. They have to come to this office to get money for fuel before they can go off on an operation.” 
 
 Augeboti said people were now setting up special prayer cells, asking God to deliver them from the LRA. “We have used our fetishes against them, we have used our gris-gris, but they have been no match for Kony.”
 
 News has filtered through to Zémio of President Barrack Obama’s stated intention to deploy at least 100 military advisers as part of a commitment to enforce the 2009 Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act. Obama’s pledge has been accompanied by a 30-page strategy paper and a promise “to help bring an end to the brutality and destruction that have been a hallmark of the LRA across several countries for two decades”. 
 
 In a paper entitled Ending the Lord’s Resistance Army, Enough, the Washington-based Project to End Genocide and Crimes against Humanity, applauded the deployment of observers, but stressed that much more concerted military action was needed. Enough urged the US “to provide a surge of military, intelligence, logistical, and diplomatic support”, enrolling special forces from European nations and giving strong backing to AU initiatives to eliminate Kony. [ http://www.enoughproject.org ] Scepticism 
 
 But there is still considerable scepticism and confusion regarding Washington’s intentions, particularly among the displaced. 
 
 “The Americans have let us down for two years,” said Moise Wodouaia, president of the IDP community at one of the four IDP sites in Zémio. “They said they were coming to help us push Kony back, but we have watched in vain. Do they want us all to die before they come to our aid?”
 
 Wodouaia and others said the US had the technology available to locate Kony and eliminate him if necessary. “That is something we could never do ourselves. Our own army doesn’t care about the southeast, while we have only spears to use against the Tongo-Tongo and they have AK-47s.”
 
 Justin Rabby is also convinced Joseph Kony is at large in the CAR. Now a nurse in Zémio, Rabby spent two years as an LRA hostage, kept alive because of his medical skills, moving from base to base and regularly treating Kony himself. Having escaped his captors, Rabby now heads an association for survivors of the LRA. 
 
 He warns against underestimating Kony’s military capability, pointing out that the LRA has in the past used its captives as human shields, deterring military strikes. Rabby says Kony himself should be captured not killed. “If the man dies, we the victims lose out,” Rabby told IRIN. “It would be far better to have Kony before the International Criminal Court.” 
 
 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 cs/mw 
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94262</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111210938380098t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ZEMIO 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - “We want American soldiers here on the ground. They could sort this out. Just having two of them here would make a big difference.” Sitting outside his office in Zémio, 730km east of the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, the mayor, Pierre-Raymond Agueboti, spoke with anger and frustration about the havoc wrought by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in his region. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Taking on the LRA</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg" />]]>GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.</description><body><![CDATA[GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.
 
 “The situation is completely out of hand, people are being killed day and night,” Silvestor Kimbezi, a Congolese priest, told a recent workshop on the LRA’s impact in Uganda, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic (CAR), held in the northern Ugandan town of Gulu.
 
 “These people are experiencing the worst form of violence they have ever witnessed; women and children are being abducted and subjected to inhuman conditions while older people are clobbered to death. We urge governments of these countries to get serious, otherwise people might be wiped out in these places,” he added.
 
 Although the LRA is estimated to have fewer than 500 fighters, it has displaced some 440,000 people across the three countries, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Between January and August 2011, there were 240 attacks attributed to the LRA, leading to 130 deaths and 327 abductions. Most of these incidents took place in northeastern DRC.
 
 “The government of South Sudan has endorsed and accepted the role of the US to help fight the LRA,” that country’s information minister, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, told IRIN in Juba.
 
 “The US has a major role in terms of logistical support, in terms of trying to locate [groups] on difficult terrain,” he added.
 
 “We need the support from the superpowers, who have the capacity to detect them [the LRA] hiding in very deep forest,” echoed military spokesman Philip Aguer, remarking on his country’s lack of necessary air power and surveillance capacity.
 
 In South Sudan, into which LRA forces were first chased from their original northern Uganda bases in the late 1990s, the group remains active, especially in Western Equatoria State’s Yambio County, according to Justin Ginara, director of child welfare in the newly independent nation.
 
 “People in Western Equatoria depend on the land. The LRA has frightened them away and they are running. All the villagers surrounding Yambio [town] have been pushed or displaced to Yambio and denied their source of livelihood, which is the land on which they depend,” he said.
 
 "They do not have food, they do not have medicines. They become vulnerable to anything that can happen and they cannot access all the basic services like health and education," he added.
 
 “We hope that this suffering will soon come to an end,” civil society organizations working in the region’s LRA-affected areas wrote in a recent open letter to South Sudan President Salva Kiir, published online by Human Rights Watch. [ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/11/11/letter-president-republic-south-sudan-salva-kiir-mayardit-civil-society-representati ]
 
 Such organizations have criticized the governments of affected countries, especially DRC, for playing down the threat posed by the LRA to civilians.
 
 Attacks
 
 DRC’s government spokesman and communications minister Lambert Mende insisted in an interview with IRIN that “almost all [LRA] troops” have left DRC for CAR.
 
 “According to the reports of our troops in the field and the evaluations that our partner make, there have been no LRA attacks since seven or eight months,” he said.
 
 “We have instances of abductions and looting in a few villages but each time we arrested the culprits we were surprised to see that they are Congolese citizens using the LRA label to scare the others and then try to loot them. So you can understand that the LRA is not as active as it was eight months, a year or two years ago,” he said.
 
 According to OCHA, the LRA was responsible for 82 attacks, 32 deaths and 41 abductions in northern DRC between June and August 2011.
 
 Junior Safari, executive secretary of Groupe Lotus, a human rights NGO based in Kisangani, capital of Orientale province, suggested such assurances were attributable more to politics than reality.
 
 “The LRA is still not annihilated. It still continues to massacre the population in villages.
 
 “As the electoral campaign got under way, it is no surprise the authorities say the security situation is under control in the country, whereas this is untrue. As for the people allegedly ‘arrested’ the government is referring to, this is just a trick for them to be seen as peacemakers,” he said.
 
 Guy-Marin Kamandji, in charge of communication at Caritas Congo, told IRIN there was a “clear discrepancy between the official discourse” and the reality on the ground.
 
 “The fact is that the threat really exists and that our populations still suffer the consequences.”
 
 Kamandji described the US intervention as a “good start that will reinforce efforts already under way” but warned that the Americans would “have problems collecting information in the field because of the difficulty of the terrain, which includes the Virunga National Park.
 
 “And they will have to face rebels who behave like guerrillas, who can disappear when they want,” he said.
 
 Another caveat about the US involvement came from regional civil society organizations, which warned, in a common declaration signed after an October meeting in the northern DRC town of Dungu, that the “deployment will only be effective if the governments of CAR, South Sudan and Congo... fully commit to meaningful cooperation in regional and international efforts to protect civilians.”
 
 They also suggested that Washington’s commitment, on its own, would be insufficient and appealed for “significant engagement from the African Union, European Union, UN Security Council and UN peacekeeping missions in the LRA-affected region”. They further called for “more financial and technical support to early warning networks, sensitization and demobilization efforts, and long-term rehabilitation for returnees and ex-combatants”.
 
 Early warning
 
 “The task will not be easy,” warned Richard Downie, deputy director of the Africa Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC, in an analysis posted on the organization’s website.
 
 A botched international operation - codenamed “Lightning Thunder” - mounted against the LRA with US involvement in December 2008 prompted the massacre of at least 700 civilians and led the LRA to “scatter into smaller groups, making them much more difficult to track down... The groups have discarded any communication equipment that would allow them to be traced and instead rely on runners to relay messages. In addition, the LRA is a hardened guerilla force used to operating in difficult terrain. It has survived against the odds for a quarter of a century.”
 
 Religious opposition
 
 Religious leaders in Uganda and Sudan, meanwhile, have spoken out against further military intervention.
 
 The chairman of Uganda’s Episcopal conference and the Archbishop of Gulu John Baptist Odama told reporters earlier this month: “We do not want the aspect of pursuing Kony with military means. History has taught us pursuing these people militarily will just make the conflict and suffering spill over to other places.”
 
 Sudanese bishops issued a similar message in late October, declaring: “The people of Western Equatoria, Western Bahr el-Ghazal and neighbouring countries continue to suffer due to the activities of the Lord's Resistance Army. We reject further militarization of any of these conflicts, and call upon governments and the international community to work for negotiated settlements.”
 
 After years of negotiations a peace agreement was completed in 2008 but at a ceremony in South Sudan Kony refused to sign it, mainly over concerns about his ICC indictment.
 
 The catastrophic consequences of Operation Lightning Thunder are likely to be repeated with any further military action, according to the Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative (ARLPI), [ http://www.arlpi.org/ ] which has played a leading mediatory role.
 
 “While many have lost hope in any peaceful resolution to the conflict, the reality is that the peace process, in particular the Juba peace talks which began in 2006, is responsible for the relative calm being experienced in northern Uganda today,” ARLPI said when the US deployment was announced.
 
 “Instead of relying on military intervention, let us redouble our efforts to engage in dialogue. We believe this is the only way to bring about a lasting solution that will foster healing and reconciliation in a region of the world that has long experienced instability and deserves peace.”

 For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: On the trail of the LRA [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=92&amp;reportid=94259 ]

 ca-hb-hm/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94263</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201109090734440184t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GULU-JUBA-KINSHASA 22 November 2011 (IRIN) - Washington’s contribution of 100 military advisers to help central African forces neutralize the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been welcomed by some in the countries where the insurgency sows terror, but has also been met by caveats and calls for a negotiated path to peace.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93991</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA: Cholera thriving two years on</title><pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101191305510629t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 
 
Three multi-country epidemics are ongoing – each with separate strains - : the Lake Chad Basin, affecting Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria and Niger; the West Congo Basin, with impacts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic; and Lake Tanganyika - which encompasses DRC and Burundi. In Chad and Nigeria, the epidemic started in 2010. 
 
Why so persistent?
 
“If something is not working, you have to question if the response is appropriate,” said David Delienne, water and sanitation adviser at UNICEF’s West Africa office. “To stamp out cholera you need good surveillance systems to identify the epicentres of the disease - these do exist but it in some places surveillance is not systematic enough.” 
 
Surveillance systems along the (very long) Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad borders are generally quite patchy, said Grant Laeity, emergency head for UNICEF, as the areas are so remote, with few health facilities, and tend to be far from the nearest administrative capitals (Abuja, Yaoundé and N’djamena, respectively). Some remote areas, such as north and northwest Cameroon, have very high case fatality rates of up to 22 percent, according to the World Health Organization (WHO).
 
Chad
 
According to WHO, five countries - Ghana, DRC, Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad -account for around 90 percent of the total number of cases and deaths.
 
The epidemic is the worst in Chad’s history, with 16,000 cases and 433 deaths. The country’s vast territory, and large-scale population movements, makes it hard to respond to each and every case, said Michel-Olivier Lacharité, programme director for Chad at Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) France. 
 
In remote health districts where there are only two or three cases, MSF, which alongside the government has treated 11,000 people thus far, may have to forgo treating them, prioritizing higher-density caseloads. 
 
But even a small number of cases can cause the disease to spread further. “If it were a camp for displaced people, where no one was going anywhere, it would be a lot easier to contain,” Lacharité pointed out.
 
Over half of Chad’s health districts have been affected thus far. 
 
Paradox
 
“This disease is a paradox,” said Lacharité, “as it is very easy to treat with generic antibiotics and rehydration fluids.” But equally, it is very easy to spread, particularly since carriers often do not know they are infected, he said. 
 
In northeastern Nigeria containing the disease has been hampered by high population density, and by sporadic conflict which has left health clinics empty in some districts, according to Laeity.
 
All of the affected countries have poor water and sanitation facilities, and none are on track to meet the Millennium Development Goal for basic sanitation. While there is more awareness of the need for better water and sanitation in the region, it has not necessarily led to changes in funding and behaviour, said Delienne. “Ghana, Mali have made some efforts…but overall, it [progress] needs to accelerate.” 
 
Cross-border prevention
 
Preventing cholera from spreading does not have to be complicated: setting up systematic information-sharing systems across borders to identify cholera “hotspots” is effective; as are practical measures such as encouraging hand-washing at borders, or disinfecting boats crossing to and from DRC capital Kinshasa to Congo-Brazzaville capital Brazzaville. 
 
The governments of Guinea and Guinea-Bissau eventually set up effective information-sharing at the border, and encouraged those crossing to wash their hands, acts which contributed to the eventual decline in caseload. 
 
But setting up a sanitation-police system at the border does not really make sense, said MSF’s Lacharité, partly because it would be so hard to administer. 
 
Questions authorities need to ask include: “Is there enough water treatment going on in cholera hotspots? Is there adequate separation of drinking water from sewage systems? What kind of border checks are set up?” said Laeity. 
 
In late 2010 UNICEF undertook a study to identify the key cholera hotspots and how the infection was spreading across borders; it is now working on how to implement the findings.
 
Health experts in Cameroon, Nigeria and Chad met in late September to discuss how to work more closely together to try to stem the spread of the disease, said WHO spokesperson Tarek Jasarevic. WHO is supporting health ministries in all of the countries involved, to improve disease surveillance and identify new cases; as well as sending out rapid response teams.
 
Third year running?
 
It is still “too early” to say whether each outbreak has reached its peak, said Laeity. While fewer cases have been reported in Chad and Cameroon over the past month, in Kinshasa and in Brazzaville, heavy rains are just starting, so transmission could well rise. 
 
Health authorities in the Central African Republic declared an outbreak just two weeks ago - tests are under way to determine if it is the same strain as in a previous epidemic.
 
In Chad, the disease could well continue until 2012, said Lacharité. “It should continue to diminish now the rainy season has ended, but could easily stick around and climb again in next year’s rains.”
 
aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=93949</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201101191305510629t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 12 October 2011 (IRIN) - Three simultaneous cholera epidemics have affected 24 countries in West and Central Africa, with 85,000 infections and 2,466 deaths since the beginning of 2011, according to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Sleeping sickness in cattle put to bed?</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year. 
 
 The research claims to have isolated two genes critical in the development of disease-resistant cattle. 
 
 Harry Noyes, lead author of a paper [ http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2011/05/17/1013486108.full.pdf+html ] on this published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA (PNAS) on 16 May, told IRIN their research had been prompted by the fact that while East African humped cattle breeds are susceptible to trypanosome parasites which cause sleeping sickness, the N’Dama, a humpless West African breed, is not seriously affected by the disease. 
 
 African animal trypanosomosis - also known as `nagana’ (Zulu: "to be depressed") or tryps - is transmitted through the bite of an infected species of the tsetse fly and is endemic from Senegal to Tanzania, and Chad to Zimbabwe (an area almost the size of the USA). 
 
 “The humped cattle [zebu] originated in India, where the tsetse fly is not found, while N’Dama, which probably had been exposed to [the] trypanosome parasite for thousands of years had developed a mechanism to control the impact of the disease,” explained Noyes, a senior researcher at Liverpool University. 
 
 Over the past two decades the researchers found at least 10 genes which control the impact of the disease in the N’ Dama breed. 
 
 “Out of those resistant genes we isolated what we feel are the two most significant ones for our purposes,” said Steve Kemp, a geneticist with the Nairobi-based International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), who also collaborated on the study. 
 
 Now that the scientists know what they are looking for, they have embarked on the task of isolating humped cattle breeds which also carry the two genes. 
 
 Over the next three years, ILRI intends to breed humped cattle varieties with at least one of the genes. The humped cattle breeds produce more milk than the N’Dama. 
 
 Decades away? 
 
 “This, of course, does not mean that poor farmers will soon have cattle that are resistant to sleeping sickness,” said Kemp. ILRI scientists will only be able to test resistance in the humped cattle after three years. 
 
 Thereafter it will take decades before sleeping sickness resistant breeds find their way down the chain to small farmers, the researchers believe. 
 
 “We can make the sperm and semen available for dissemination,” said Noyes, adding, however, that it was up to governments and extension services to make it accessible to all farmers. 
 
 Developing a resistant breed is critical as most of the drugs claiming to offer immunity to the disease are proving ineffective as new and drug-resistant strains of the disease evolve, according to the researchers. Furthermore, many of the new drugs are unaffordable for poor farmers. 
 
 In the week the discovery was published, the Global Alliance for Livestock Veterinary Medicines (GALVmed), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/r4d/SearchResearchDatabase.asp?ProjectID=50092 ] announced a five-year plan to help livestock keepers in Africa access better drugs, diagnostics and maybe even a vaccine to deal with the disease. 
 
 Initially, the programme will identify ongoing research which could help livestock farmers. 
 
 At least three million cattle die from the disease in Africa every year, according to GALVmed. An estimated 50 million cattle and 70 million sheep and goats are at risk of tryps every year. Although best known for causing human sleeping sickness, the trypanosome parasite’s most devastating blow to human welfare comes when farmers have sick, unproductive cattle, said PNAS in a press release. 

jk/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92773</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Supporting women’s rights in remote areas</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008042510t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 25 April 2011 (IRIN) - Violations of human rights are on the increase in northeastern Central African Republic (CAR), with aid workers expressing concern for protection of civilians amid renewed clashes between government troops and the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP) rebels - one of the few groups that has not signed a peace agreement with the government.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 25 April 2011 (IRIN) - Violations of human rights are on the increase in northeastern Central African Republic (CAR), with aid workers expressing concern for protection of civilians amid renewed clashes between government troops and the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP) rebels - one of the few groups that has not signed a peace agreement with the government. 
 
 "Killings, arbitrary arrests, burning and looting of villages, forced disappearances and abductions are frequently reported, in particular in conflict-affected areas in the north and in regions where CPJP and LRA [Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army] are present," Fornelle Poutou, the secretary-general of the Association of Women Lawyers of Central Africa (AFJC), told IRIN. "People are afraid to [go] to the police because they have no confidence in them, fear repercussions or simply do not know their rights. 
 
 "The 12 April attacks in Ndélé, in the Bamingui Bangoran prefecture, displaced hundreds of people. Part of the administration was paralyzed and people live in fear because of lack of security." 
 
 Know your rights 
 
 In 2010, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), with the AFJC, set up a legal aid programme for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV), offering sensitization and awareness training on human rights, particularly for women. 
 
 Legal clinics integrated into the strategy of the Ministry of Justice to promote people's access to justice have been built in several rural areas in the northeastern prefectures of Ouham, Ouham Pende and Bamingui Bangoran, areas that have experienced significant population displacement since they have the highest presence of armed groups. 
 
 Alberta Santini, a protection officer for the council in Bangui, the capital, told IRIN: "Promoting a culture respectful of human rights in contexts marked by long-term conflict, lack of knowledge of legal protection tools and negative female archetypes is a great challenge." 
 
 Clinics in Ndélé, Paoua and Batangafo are managed by an AFJC lawyer, with the help of three to four paralegals, all volunteers, familiarizing communities on women’s rights and strengthening their capacity to assert themselves. 
 
 Psychosocial support 
 
 The team also takes GBV survivors through a series of integrated care systems, including medical care, psychosocial support and eventual social reintegration. 
 
 "The great difficulties [stem] from the very nature of the judicial system," Santini said. "A system that does not properly develop the skills and knowledge of people working in the legal and judicial system, lack of human and material resources to implement it in the remote areas and a generalized lack of confidence of the people in the respect of their rights." 
 
 The clinics provide education, legal consultations, mediation, guidance and support to local populations. However, said one volunteer: "Due to insecurity, people often cannot leave their villages to report violence cases to the CAR army. But with all the complaints of violence and other abuses against the [army] itself, many say they would not report to them anyway even if [they] had to." 
 
 Since their establishment, the clinics have become centres for counselling on female genital mutilation/cutting, early marriages and early pregnancies as well as legal consultation for domestic violence, parental responsibilities towards children, responsibilities to husbands or wives and forced marriage. 
 
 Some 5,461 people, 11 paralegals and 55 focal points have been trained and 1,395 people across the country have been sensitized to human rights and protection issues. 
 
 In Ndélé, 1,260 people were trained, mostly women, including four paralegals and 20 focal points. 
 
 Awareness-raising was also conducted among local authorities, chiefs, imams, community leaders, security forces, staff of international NGOs, and other economic and social groups. 
 
 Since December 2010, counselling and mediation sessions have reached about 100 people, according to Santini. 
 
 Potou told IRIN: "Through legal clinics, we try to sensitize people to know their rights and refer to [the] justice system. Our biggest success is to see many women visit the clinic and tell us about the violation of human rights and report violence cases or to get advice. 
 
 "Because of the presence of armed groups in Ndélé, the population keeps on living in fear of violence and human rights abuses. There is still a lot to do to get people to know their rights and claim them. 
 
 "But the government should also do its part to support the knowledge of the legal system and ensure that justice takes its course," Potou said. 
 
 In Bamingui-Bangoran there are no resident judges because of the instability. 
 
 "I see behavioural changes in our communities ever since sensitization programmes have started. But we need judges to come here. How can we believe in justice if judges themselves refuse to come to Ndélé?" a beneficiary of the legal clinic asked. 
 
 cp/js/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92565</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008042510t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 25 April 2011 (IRIN) - Violations of human rights are on the increase in northeastern Central African Republic (CAR), with aid workers expressing concern for protection of civilians amid renewed clashes between government troops and the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP) rebels - one of the few groups that has not signed a peace agreement with the government.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92550</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Opposition building to Great Green Wall</title><pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti. 
 [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] 
 
 An estimated 10 million people faced severe food shortages due to recurrent drought and climate change in the Sahel region last year. [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=34840&Cr=Africa&Cr1=hunger ] In Niger alone, the famine in 2010 left half the country’s population needing food aid and one in six children suffering from acute malnutrition. Some villagers in Niger described 2010 as worse than the 1973 drought that killed thousands of people, according to Malek Triki, West African spokesperson for the World Food Programme (WFP). [ http://www.wfp.org/content/aid-workers-warn-famine-disaster-niger ] 
 
 The Great Green Wall (GGW) project, originally proposed by Burkina Faso’s Marxist leader Thomas Sankara in the 1980s, was later resurrected by former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo in 2005 before receiving approval by the African Union in December 2006. In June 2010, 11 countries involved signed a convention in Chad to further the development of the project, but the plan remained on standby until February when it was officially approved at an international summit in Bonn, Germany. 
 
 During the summit, the Global Environment Facility (GEF) [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/whatisgef ] set aside US$115 million to fund the wall. Mohamed I Bakarr, a senior environment specialist with GEF, told IRIN the wall “is in reality a metaphor to reflect the vision of African leaders for an integrated land-use system that addresses environment and development needs across all affected countries”. The GEF foresees the wall adopting a “mosaic” of “sustainable land-management systems with stakeholders, including grassroots communities, in all 11 countries implementing options that are appropriate to the local context”. 
 
 The plan entails each country implementing its own land, water and vegetation-management projects on up to two million hectares of land, under the framework of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification. [ http://www.thegef.org/gef/press_release/great_green_wall_2011 ] Monique Barbut, CEO of the GEF, said in a statement it would not fund “an all-out tree-funding drive from Dakar to Djibouti”, but rather, would allocate the funding according to national priorities, which have yet to be finalized. In a paper adopted by the Sahara and Sahel Observatory (OSS) in 2008, alleviating poverty is said to be one of the wall’s principal objectives. 
 
 The paper outlines national and regional objectives, including consolidating and expanding existing greenbelts of trees, conserving biodiversity, restoring and conserving soil and promoting income-generating activities, as well as carbon capture and storage of 0.5-3.1 million tons of carbon per year. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/donnees/Concept_Note.pdf ] 
 
 Indigenous communities "threatened" 
 
 The project has faced opposition, despite its stated commitment to combating drought and desertification, which have exacted a heavy toll on the region as a whole. Wally Menne, a member of Timberwatch, the African NGO focal point for the Global Forest Coalition, told IRIN the organization was sceptical. “In our view it seems poorly conceived in terms of both ecological and socio-economic considerations. Its chances of being a success could be limited, and it may even cause more harm to the environment,” he said. The Global Forest Coalition campaigns for the rights of indigenous and forest people and for socially just policies. 
 
 Menne added that the inclusion of carbon sequestration activities and the potential future development of REDD projects (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) as components of the GGW would require converting suitable land within the belt to fast-growing foreign species of monoculture tree plantations and carbon sinks opposed by many indigenous groups in the Sahel. Growing plantations would also require displacing people living on land earmarked for the GGW and would lead to further depletion of scarce water sources. 
 
 A concept paper on the kinds of vegetal species to be included in the GGW states that the wall will run through both inhabited and uninhabited areas, but will be located in areas where the average annual rainfall is higher than 200mm. It also stated that the only species to be adapted to the wall would be "primarily those that are found, live and develop there". [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/donnees/especes_vegetal.pdf ] 
 
 However, in a statement to the Indigenous People’s of Africa Coordinating Committee, IPACC, Sada Albachir, director of Association Tunfa, a Tuareg human rights group in Niger, said that “international agreements in the past introduced alien invasive species into the Sahara, without tackling the root problems of poor governance, dangerous uranium mining, and a failure to conserve biodiversity and water security in the arid region. I think the idea of planting a Green Wall across Africa is not to be entertained by indigenous people living in the proposed sites, unless the project has been studied in collaboration with them and they are also involved in the implementation.” [ http://www.ipacc.org.za/eng/news_details.asp?NID=276 ] 
 
 The programme coordinator for the OSS, Jihed Ghannem, told IRIN such concerns were baseless. “The full participation of communities is essential,” he said. 
 
 Timberwatch’s Menne told IRIN: “In my experience, ‘consulting’ local communities usually means misinforming them about the potential impacts of a project by exaggerating how they will benefit, whilst neglecting to inform them of the negative impacts. When they say that local communities will be an integral part of the project, it normally means that they will be used to provide cheap labour.” 
 
 Part of the GGW concept plan includes a section on “Food for Work” designed to recruit unemployed workers in each country to help with the planting of the greenbelt in the Sahel. According to OSS, under the scheme, “members of the communities assuming responsibilities are paid in part at the time of planting. The remainder is paid two years later on the basis of the plant growth scale.” The plan also indicates that private businesses, including “initiators of safari parks, modern farming, ecotourist sites” will find “some economic opportunities” in the wall. [ http://www.grandemurailleverte.org/gmven/objectifs.php ] 
 
 Menne said the wall could be a useful tool to combat desertification only if “viewed as an exercise in adaptation, rather than as an opportunity for climate change mitigation and making money from CDM/REDD carbon offsets as presently envisioned”. 
 
 According to Khadija Hassan*, representative of an indigenous people’s organization, the GGW might also interfere with migration patterns of pastoral communities and instead should incorporate ancestral systems of land management. “It would be best to protect what already exists in the region, stop the felling of trees in valleys and oases, repair damage caused by climate change, educate communities about REDD and restore livestock that has been lost,” she said. “I find the project is good, but too ambitious.” 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 zm/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92422</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201104081211530965t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 08 April 2011 (IRIN) - What’s green, controversial, 15km wide, 7,775km long, cuts across 11 African countries and is designed to reduce livestock deaths and boost food security for millions of people? Nothing yet, but the Great Green Wall project, a pipe-dream for decades, was recently endorsed by a swathe of African states stretching from Senegal to Djibouti.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Sophie Ndotah, “There is nothing left to go back to and nobody to take care of us back home”</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103021329250911t.jpg" />]]>N'DELE 02 March 2011 (IRIN) - Years of crisis have left the healthcare system in Central African Republic in shambles. There is one doctor for every 3,000 people, a nurse for every 1,000 and 37 percent of the population have to walk an average 10km to reach the closest health centre.</description><body><![CDATA[N'DELE 02 March 2011 (IRIN) - Years of crisis have left the healthcare system in Central African Republic in shambles. There is one doctor for every 3,000 people, a nurse for every 1,000 and 37 percent of the population have to walk an average 10km to reach the closest health centre. 
 
 N’dele hospital in the northern prefecture of Bamingui Bangoran could almost be considered an exception. Recently rehabilitated, with one wing still not functional, the kitchen, latrines and a warehouse under construction, the hospital is fairly operational and has an average of 100 patients a day seeking consultations. 
 
 Due to frequent rebel attacks and doctors being targeted, the hospital remains short-staffed, with only four doctors and five nurses, eight assistants and two midwives. 
 
 Sophie Ndotah*, 35, from Djamassinda, a village 25Km from N'dele on the Miamani-Golongosso axis, walked for a day to reach the hospital to visit her husband, who was brought to N’dele the week before. 
 
 “I left my five children at home. I got worried when after one week in N’dele my husband did not come home,” she told IRIN. 
 
 “He has been sick for three years and nobody could tell us what was wrong with him. There is a clinic in Djamassinda but medicines did not help so I advised my husband to come here. 
 
 “I have never been to a hospital before. I was never sick and had all my babies at home. 
 
 “For the past three days I have been sleeping outside under a tree, together with other ladies, also here to visit their family. 
 
 “We are almost like a small family. We cook, drink, wash and sleep together here. And whenever we can, we go to the wards to see our loved ones. 
 
 “I had to leave my kids at home alone. My last child, who is five, is sick and nobody is there to take care of him. 
 
 “I couldn’t take them with me. I was afraid we could get attacked or robbed on the way here. I wouldn’t risk my babies’ lives. 
 
 “I just learnt [my husband] has HIV and my biggest fear is that when we go home, nobody will help us any more. 
 
 “I wish I could stay here, even under a tree, with my children, taking care of my husband. There is nothing left to go back to and nobody to take care of us back home.” 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 cp/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92078</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103021329250911t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">N'DELE 02 March 2011 (IRIN) - Years of crisis have left the healthcare system in Central African Republic in shambles. There is one doctor for every 3,000 people, a nurse for every 1,000 and 37 percent of the population have to walk an average 10km to reach the closest health centre.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Struggling for healthcare</title><pubDate>Tue, 01 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103011351200849t.jpg" />]]>N'DELE 01 March 2011 (IRIN) - After decades of political violence, displacement and insecurity caused by clashes between rebel groups and government forces, as well as armed bandits, thousands of people in Central African Republic (CAR) are vulnerable to disease and have little access to health services, aid agencies say.</description><body><![CDATA[N'DELE 01 March 2011 (IRIN) - After decades of political violence, displacement and insecurity caused by clashes between rebel groups and government forces, as well as armed bandits, thousands of people in Central African Republic (CAR) are vulnerable to disease and have little access to health  services, aid agencies say. 
 
According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), many health centres in the north and southeast of CAR are either looted or not operational because medical workers are often compelled to leave the area 
[ http://ochaonline.un.org/humanitarianappeal/webpage.asp?Page=1918 ].

Though in general access to health is very poor throughout the country, except in the capital Bangui, insecurity impedes or delays responses in northern and southern CAR, and especially in the rebel-hit prefectures in the east. NGOs use mobile services to help thousands of displaced in areas not covered by the Ministry of Health’s basic facilities.

In the north, around Kaga Bandoro and Bocaranga, despite tension at times between the government and opposition forces, road access is generally granted; however, in more remote regions towards Kabo and Sida, and northern areas bordering Chad, insecurity poses greater challenges, limiting humanitarian access. 

Most of CAR’s 192,000 IDPs - 30,000 more since the beginning of 2010 - do not live in large managed camps. They seek sanctuary in small makeshift settlements close to their fields, set back a safe distance from the roads along which their villages are located. 

Many villages once boasted functioning health posts and dispensaries, some with in-patient facilities. But now few are staffed and most have been looted.

“Some areas in the north of the country are completely cut off from any sorts of medical assistance. Humanitarian workers can move only along a few main roads and reaching those who ran to the bush or to areas not accessible to us is a great challenge,” health workers told IRIN.

Most of the relief is distributed by UN Humanitarian Air Service (UNHAS) flights to crisis regions such as Ndele, Birao in the north and Zemio in the southeast. 

“While UNHAS served this function very well, they’ve been overworked for some time and have little flexibility to respond to urgent needs. It’s expected that the mission will receive the use of another plane, which should improve things considerably, but even so, transport by air alone is problematic for everyone,” aid workers, who requested anonymity, told IRIN. 

In the eastern Bamingui-Bangoran Prefecture, Médecins sans Frontières Spain, for instance, works with the Ministry of Health to deliver health services to the main referral hospital. Mobile health teams are also used in parts of the prefecture where access is difficult but limited to the two main roads of Ngarba and Miamani-Golongosso/Miamani Chari.

However, after events in Birao, Vakanga Province in the northeast of the country, in November 2010, when 8,000 people were displaced after a rebel attack 
[ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91308 ], the government has advised NGOs to efrain from accessing some areas. 

Unmet needs 

Key issues such as rehabilitating infrastructure, understaffing and disease prevention “have never been [fully] addressed either by the [Ministry of Health] or the international community. All of us are responding to sporadic urgent crises related to seasonal epidemics or insufficient access to basic healthcare due to displacement and insecurity,” an aid worker, who preferred anonymity, told IRIN.

“The incapacity of the government to provide services in the areas where NGOs have difficulty with access, and the fact that in some of these areas the statistics alone indicate a state of emergency, [means] one can easily understand why the health sector NGOs are still forced to provide emergency care,” Leland Montell, director of International Rescue Committee, told IRIN. 

Since 2008, the government has spent only 1.5 percent of GDP on public health 
[ http://hdptcar.net/blog/health ], hence its dependency on some 19 medical NGOs to provide drugs and medical equipment and improve the skills of health workers.

Malaria remains the leading cause of morbidity, accounting for 13.8 percent of deaths. There are resurgent meningitis outbreaks as well as other communicable diseases such as wild poliovirus, measles and yellow fever but the principal afflictions are water-borne, skin and respiratory diseases.

The Consolidated Appeal Report 2011 [ http://ochaonline.un.org/humanitarianappeal/webpage.asp?Page=1918 ]  states that only 30.5 percent of the population (28 percent in urban and 32 percent in rural areas) have access to safe drinking water , while the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)  says that with rural agricultural production abandoned in many areas due to insecurity, farmers do not have access to productive capital, having lost seeds, tools and harvests when forced to flee. Sixty-seven percent of the population live on less than US$1 and thousands are food-insecure or relying on aid agencies [ http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/am201e/am201e00.pdf ].

According to the UN Children's Fund, 16 percent of children under-five are acutely malnourished, while 6.6 percent are severely acutely malnourished, but there are only 25 therapeutic feeding centres and 60 outpatient facilities, covering one-third of the cases that would have to be managed. 

The country’s health cluster reports that while the national vaccination coverage reached a record 87.76 percent for diphtheria, Pertussis and tetanus in 2006, displacement has made it impossible to maintain this level, which dropped to 76.4 percent in 2009. 

Under-five mortality is 176 deaths per 1,000 live births and infant mortality 106 deaths per 1,000 live births. The country also has the highest maternal mortality rate in Africa, with 1,355 deaths per 100,000 live births, reports the health cluster.

cp/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=92069</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201103011351200849t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">N'DELE 01 March 2011 (IRIN) - After decades of political violence, displacement and insecurity caused by clashes between rebel groups and government forces, as well as armed bandits, thousands of people in Central African Republic (CAR) are vulnerable to disease and have little access to health services, aid agencies say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Idris Gilbert, “Teaching is my passion but to earn some money I cultivate people’s land”</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102211209520274t.jpg" />]]>N'DELE 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - With literacy and school-enrolment rates among the lowest in the world, the continuing fighting between local rebel groups is putting even more pressure on CAR’s fragile education system.</description><body><![CDATA[N'DELE 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - With literacy and school-enrolment rates among the lowest in the world, the continuing fighting between local rebel groups is putting even more pressure on CAR’s fragile education system. 
 
Years of displacement have caused the collapse of school attendance. Destroyed or looted facilities are still being rebuilt and the recruitment of teachers in areas affected by violence in the North is extremely difficult, leaving humanitarian aid organizations battling to providing basic education.
 
 Like many others, Idris Gilbert’s life and ability to work were disrupted by political instability and violence. 
 
 Trained as a primary-school teacher, in the early 1980s Gilbert was appointed agent for education by the Mayor of N’dele of the Bamingui-Bangoran Prefecture, in the northeast of CAR. 
 
 From 2000 he worked in Bangbah, a village 60Km from N'dele, along the Miamani-Golongosso axis, later controlled by the rebel group Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP). 
 
 Formed in December 2008 as a splinter group from the Union des forces démocratiques pour le rassemblement (UFDR), the CPJP has yet to sign the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the government and take part in the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programme being undertaken by other factions. 
 
 “In late 2008, some CPJP rebels came to me in the middle of the night saying I should leave the village as they were told I had informed the Mayor of Djamassinda about an attack that was about to take place in a nearby village. 
 
 “Until that moment CPJP had respected me because of the job I do. But when they found out it was me releasing the information, I was put on their black-list. 
 
 “Now my life was in danger but luckily people from the village had left before rebels arrived. 
 
 “I decided to stay in the village anyway. I was trying to keep regular lessons with the children in school though the situation was so fragile a lot of people had left. Many of them never came back. 
 
 “CPJP paid me regular visits just to ensure I would not cooperate with the government again. But in September 2010 my life was again no longer safe.” 
 
 Because of a clash between the armed group CPJP and UFDR, Gilbert’s family was threatened by both factions because of his wife’s ethnic group. 
 
 “My wife is a Gula, the ethnic group mainly supporting UFDR and we were living in a village controlled by CPJP. The CPJP did not want to have Gulas in the area they controlled and equally the UFDR did not want us to live in a CPJP-controlled town. 
 
 “This time I felt I had no choice. I couldn’t risk anything happening to my family. I left the village and relocated to N’dele. 
 
 “Since I left I haven’t been under contract with the government any more. However, I decided to carry on with teaching in rural areas, even though I am not paid for it. Teaching is my passion but now to earn some money I have to cultivate people’s land.” 
 
 cp/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91992</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102211209520274t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">N'DELE 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - With literacy and school-enrolment rates among the lowest in the world, the continuing fighting between local rebel groups is putting even more pressure on CAR’s fragile education system.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Education against the odds</title><pubDate>Mon, 21 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102211419210274t.jpg" />]]>LINGUIRI 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of political violence in northern Central African Republic have caused widespread destruction and displacement. The educational sector has been badly affected by a dire shortage of teachers and adequate physical infrastructure. For thousands of children, classes take place not in solid buildings of brick, but in rudimentary “bush schools”.</description><body><![CDATA[LINGUIRI 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of political violence in northern Central African Republic have caused widespread destruction and displacement. The educational sector has been badly affected by a dire shortage of teachers and adequate physical infrastructure. For thousands of children, classes take place not in solid buildings of brick, but in rudimentary “bush schools”. 
 
 “Needs are huge and funds insufficient. More appropriate infrastructure as well as qualified teachers are needed. Because of difficulties in the conflict-affected areas of the North, disparities in terms of access and quality are deepening,” Farid Boubekeur, chief education officer with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in CAR, told IRIN. 
 
 For about 200 pupils of the primary school Ecole Ouande, in the Linguiri Village of the M'Brès Sub-Prefecture in the northeast of the country, lessons are conducted under a big tree with five pupils sharing each wooden desk. 
 
 As trees protect from the sun but not from rain, during the rainy season, mainly from May to October, lessons are interrupted. And because of a lack of space, children have to alternate morning and afternoon sessions as classes are combined. 
 
 "Since the school got burnt by a bushfire in late 2010 we decided to hold classes outside. We thought it was going to be a temporary solution. But we don’t know if and when we’ll find money or somebody to fund a new structure,” Yama Bakeret Vassor, director of the school, told IRIN. 
 
 While funding is being sought through aid agencies and local government, parents are contributing with bricks to the construction of a new facility. 
 
 “We started bringing either bricks or grass for the roof that we pile up on a site where the new school should be built. But for now, there is no water and no latrines where the kids are having their lessons and for months also the food distribution has stopped,” David, father of one pupil, told IRIN. 
 
 Many of the pupils attending schools in the area were forced to flee their homes due to the conflict between rebel groups and government forces, and are now living in informal settlements in and around the village. 
 
 “Because of the fear of rebel attacks, teachers appointed by the government refuse to be deployed here,” Vassor told IRIN. 
 
 According to UNICEF, there are more than 5,000 children of primary-school age and a total of 19 schools in the prefecture, 10 built of semi-perishable materials. Among the 76 teachers, 40 are pupils’ parents, without any sort of qualification. 
 
 In line with country statistics showing an average of one teacher for about 94 students, the Ecole Ouande has two teachers, both contracted by the government, and one trainee. Unlike the two teachers earning a wage of 60,000 CFA (US$120), the trainees work for free. 
 
 “Finding teachers who would want to work in this area is very difficult. But pupils’ parents are very supportive and voluntarily contribute with 100 CFA each [50 cents] to support the trainee teacher,” said one of the teachers. 
 
 Aid agencies have helped to build some 800 schools in the northwest, two-thirds of them “bush schools”, and have given basic teacher training to some 2,000 parents. 
 
 cp/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91993</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102211419210274t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LINGUIRI 21 February 2011 (IRIN) - Decades of political violence in northern Central African Republic have caused widespread destruction and displacement. The educational sector has been badly affected by a dire shortage of teachers and adequate physical infrastructure. For thousands of children, classes take place not in solid buildings of brick, but in rudimentary “bush schools”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Concerns rise over human rights abuses</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102101221470156t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 16 February 2011 (IRIN) - Attacks by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) have created a complex situation that not only limits the humanitarian response but also raises concerns over widespread human rights abuses, experts say.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 16 February 2011 (IRIN) - Attacks by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) have created a complex situation that not only limits the humanitarian response but also raises concerns over widespread human rights abuses, experts say. 
 
 The LRA, a rebel group that originated in Uganda in the 1980s, moved into southeastern and northeastern CAR from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2008. Late last year, it attacked Mbomou and Haut-Mbomou prefectures, as well as Derbissaka, Djemah, Mboki, Obo, Rafai and Yalinga locations. In September, some fighters reportedly moved farther north into Vakaga Prefecture, according to the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey. 
 
 “In the last 10 days of December 2010, a spate of LRA attacks shook southeastern CAR close to the DRC border,” it noted in a February briefing paper. “It is possible that these attacks were caused by LRA groups returning from Vakaga prefecture south to Mbomou and Haut-Mbomou." 
 
 The LRA attacks in small, fast-moving groups, seizing new recruits before heading back into the forests. “Displacement, rape, torture, killings, forcing captives to carry stolen food items, and sexual violence, including intimidation and humiliation, are an integral part of the modus operandi of the LRA,” said Ida Sawyer, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch (HRW). 
 
 “With no international peacekeepers and few humanitarian actors operating in the south and northeast, protection of civilians remains entirely inadequate,” she added. 
 
 The rebel group has exploited the inability of the DRC, South Sudan and the CAR to effectively control their borders, allowing the LRA to evade repeated military operations by regional governments to hunt them down. 
 
 Abducted 
 
 Since September 2008, the LRA has abducted 3,054 people in the DRC, CAR and South Sudan, according to reports by HRW and the UN. 
 
 One such abductee, Sandrine*, now 19, was seized in April 2009 in the DRC. Caught close to her village of Nguilima in Doungou Province near the CAR border, she lived with the LRA for 18 months. 
 
 “I was brought into a camp in the bush, a few kilometres from where they attacked us,” she told IRIN. “There were four other armed men and many other women. Later I found out all of them had been kidnapped just like me.” 
 
 The group was regularly on the move, and Sandrine was unaware they had crossed into CAR. “I tried to escape twice, and was beaten badly for this… I understood that the best time to escape would be during an attack on the group.” 
 
 She finally managed to escape, walking until she met a group of soldiers who put her in touch with the CAR Red Cross. Through its international messaging system, they were able to trace her family, and Sandrine will soon be returning home to the DRC. 
 
 Other armed groups 
 
 Aside from LRA attacks, the CAR has been destabilized by years of clashes between government forces and several domestic armed groups, which have yet to disarm despite a 2008 peace accord most of them signed. 
 
 In the northeast, armed violence has severely disrupted livelihoods. Between July and November 2010, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), attacks on villages such as Ouanda-Djallé, Kpata and Yalinga in central-eastern CAR destroyed homes and left a number of civilian casualties. 
 
 “The complex security conditions in this region hinder humanitarian response, leaving the local population extremely vulnerable,” the ICRC said in a statement.  
 
 "Children as young as 10 have had their childhoods cut short by conscription into armed groups, especially in the east," said Benoit Chavaz, who runs ICRC's protection and detention activities in CAR. "The ICRC is extremely concerned about this issue, and we raise the matter in our dialogue with weapon-bearers wherever possible." 
 
 The prevalence of armed bandits coupled with the paucity of government security forces and the withdrawal in 2010 of the UN Mission in CAR and Chad also contribute to the insecurity. 
 
Insecurity also reportedly prevented the European Union from sending a larger observer mission to CAR’s recent elections – which saw President François Bozizé comfortably re-elected amid opposition criticism – even though it footed almost half the costs of the polls. 
 
 *Not her real name 
 
 cp/eo/cb/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91943</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102101221470156t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 16 February 2011 (IRIN) - Attacks by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) have created a complex situation that not only limits the humanitarian response but also raises concerns over widespread human rights abuses, experts say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Major needs, major challenges</title><pubDate>Fri, 04 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102041009320407t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 04 February 2011 (IRIN) - Access and funding are among the major challenges facing the 30 or so international agencies working in the Central African Republic (CAR), a country ranked 159 out of 169 in the 2010 UN Development Programme’s Human Development Index.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 04 February 2011 (IRIN) - Access and funding are among the major challenges facing the 30 or so international agencies working in the Central African Republic (CAR), a country ranked 159 out of 169 in the 2010 UN Development Programme’s Human Development Index.
 
 Local armed groups, inter-ethnic clashes and attacks by foreign groups such as the Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) restrict access in large parts of this country of 4.5 million people - 192,000 of whom were still displaced in October 2010, according to estimates by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 
 
 The displaced, whose numbers have risen from 168,000 at the beginning of 2010, are mainly in northern and eastern parts of the country, where armed groups proliferate and violence and impunity are at their worst. They live not in camps, but mainly in the forest, without access to health care, clean water and food, according to OCHA and UNICEF. 
 
 Aid workers with Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) Spain told IRIN the security situation seriously affected their freedom of movement. 
 
 Many have fled to neighbouring countries, especially Chad or Cameroon, or to remote areas in the hope of finding safety, but if they find it they invariably have harsh conditions to put up with - no food, little clean drinking water, and no access to health care or education. 
 
 “Access became a major constraint in 2010 in several parts of the north and southeast due to increased rebel group and LRA attacks throughout the year. The country was already in a very fragile recovery stage but the recent developments brought it back to an emergency state that makes it very difficult for the humanitarian community to operate,” Benny Krasniqi, country director of medical NGO The MENTOR Initiative, told IRIN. 
 
 “There are either impassable roads or accessible ones which are very insecure. Our movements in areas of the northeast are restricted to some major axes, but areas around them are completely cut off. The impossible logistics make it very hard for us to get information in remote areas and intervene in a timely fashion in order to provide basic services to the local population,” he added. 
 
 Funding 
 
 "Funding for programmes here in CAR has been a constant challenge. The major part has thus far been short-term grants which, given the complexity and restraints - weather, poor infrastructure, shortage of materials, etc. - make timely implementation extremely problematic,” Leland Montell, country director of the International Rescue Committee (IRC), told IRIN. 
 
 “The loss of a single major donor, as happened to IRC this past year in the protection sector, can lead to the closure of projects, layoffs, and mistrust of the entire NGO community in a given area. It is very destructive to a country programme. Add to this the instability inherent in a post-conflict context, and it is challenging to maintain a cohesive approach,” he said. 
 
 “A major problem in securing renewal funding is that CAR is not a high-intensity conflict with massive population displacements, so it goes largely unnoticed in a world with tsunamis, earthquakes, flooding and social unrest on a mass scale,” he added. 
 
 “Many [donors] still prefer to invest in more complex emergencies, like the neighbouring places such as Darfur and Chad,” Krasniqi told IRIN. 
 
 Funding requirements for the 2011 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) are US$128.8 million for 118 projects (the figure was $149 million in 2010), but as of November 2010 the CAP was only 43.5 percent funded. As a result, the Humanitarian Country Team is trying to maximize the use of additional funding from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) and the Common Humanitarian Fund (CHF). 
 
 According to OCHA, $6 million was made available via CERF in 2010, and 11.4 million via CHF ($6 million for projects starting in 2011). 
 
 Krasniqi pointed out that it is often difficult to get donors to understand that operating in the CAR context means aid delivery costs are very high. 
 
 “Material and all sorts of technical equipment must be purchased either in Cameroon or Chad, and then one has to wait for a month for stuff to be delivered.The other option would be ordering goods in Europe and paying shipping costs, which would mean waiting 3-4 months for the actual delivery,” he said. 
 
 Human resources 
 
 Another challenge is the high turnover of international staff and the difficulty of deploying even national staff in some areas. 
 
 “Recruiting staff for our programmes became a nightmare for many of us [aid agencies]. Working here does not seem to be considered as sexy as Haiti, Pakistan or Sudan, so recruiting for a post may take months, creating huge operational gaps,” said Krasniqi. 
 
 “Even if international aid agencies offer competitive salaries, it is not easy to find people able to fill some technical jobs - and also, who would want to be posted to the risky and remote areas?” 
 
 cp/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91832</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201102041009320407t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 04 February 2011 (IRIN) - Access and funding are among the major challenges facing the 30 or so international agencies working in the Central African Republic (CAR), a country ranked 159 out of 169 in the 2010 UN Development Programme’s Human Development Index.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Fraud claims dampen hopes for “peace-building” poll</title><pubDate>Wed, 02 Feb 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20035283t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 02 February 2011 (IRIN) - Hopes that a presidential election in the Central African Republic could improve stability and security in a country plagued by armed groups have been undermined by the opposition’s dismissal of the ballot - won by the incumbent Francois Bozizé - as a “charade”.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 02 February 2011 (IRIN) - Hopes that a presidential election in the Central African Republic (CAR) could improve stability and security in a country plagued by armed groups have been undermined by the opposition’s dismissal of the ballot - won by the incumbent Francois Bozizé - as a “charade”. 
 
 “The holding of transparent and credible elections was considered by many a prerequisite for the country to achieve stability, but with the massive frauds committed during the elections, and results already contested before the final proclamation, a return to peace will be problematic,” Nicolas Thiangaye, spokesperson of the Collectif de Forces du Changement (CFC), an opposition coalition which also includes several former rebels, told IRIN. 
 
 “External partners who supported the electoral process, not only the UN, have not been attentive to the demands of the opposition in particular concerning electoral lists and maps of voters. They did not live up to the hope of the CAR,” he said. 
 
 “It will be very difficult to turn a page on political instability in the country without dialogue [with rebel groups] and the completion of the disarmament and reintegration process. This is necessary to ensure peace,” he added. 
 
 The Independent Electoral Commission said on 1 February that Bozizé, who first came to power in a 2003 military coup, won the twice-postponed election, held on 23 January, with 66 percent of the vote. 
 
 All of of Bozizé’s four rivals have dismissed the validity of the election, alleging widespread fraud. Ange-Félix Patassé, whom Bozizé ousted in the 2003 coup, and who came second with just over 20 percent of the vote, said he would make a formal complaint to the Constitutional Council. 
 
 In a statement issued 25 January by the CFC, former prime minister Martin Ziguélé, who stood for the Mouvement pour la Libération du Peuple Centrafricain; former defence minister Jean-Jacques Demafouth (Armée Populaire pour la Restauration de la République et de la Démocratie, former rebels who signed a ceasefire in 2008, but who have yet to disarm); and Emile Gros-Raymond Nakombo (Nouvelle Alliance pour le Progrès) called for the election to be cancelled because results had been “fraudulently manipulated and in no way reflect the vote of the people because of their untransparent and unfree character”. 
 
 The candidates said there had been irregularities in 52 of the country’s 105 electoral districts. 
 
 Speaking to IRIN, Nakombo alleged that some voters outside the capital, Bangui, had been prevented from casting their ballots and that there had been several cases of multiple voting. 
 
 The National Election Observer Group, which coordinates the work of 500 national monitors, cited several procedural irregularities and violations of the electoral code by some candidates and their supporters but did not offer a judgment about the overall credibility of the poll. 
 
 An observer mission deployed by the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, which groups French-speaking countries, also noted “all kinds of difficulties and dysfunctions,” according to its leader, Burundian former president Pierre Buyoya. 
 
 “The preparation of the voters’ register, the printing and delivery of voter cards were the major cause of technical problems encountered,” Buyoya told RFI radio. 
 
 “Irregularities and shortages were noted with regard to the rules and procedures in polling stations and the presence of officials in some polling stations,” he said. 
 
 Two days before the vote, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said through his spokesman that the CAR elections were “are an important element of the recommendations of the Inclusive Political Dialogue held [in 2008] between the Government, the political opposition and other [armed] movements in order to consolidate peace in the country… and lay the foundation for stability and development.” 
 
 “It is important that these elections are credible, transparent and inclusive and that the results are respected by all candidates and parties,” the statement added. 
 
 Need for dialogue, disarmament 
 
 In December 2010, the UN Security Council expressed “serious concern” about the security situation [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=91694 ] in CAR, where attacks by local and foreign armed groups, notably Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army, “threaten the population as well as peace and stability of the Central African Republic and the sub-region”. 
 
 Bruno Gbiegba of the NGO Network for the Defence of Human Rights told IRIN: 
 “Negotiation and dialogue with [CAR] rebels is needed. If the voice of weapons is the only one that people want to be heard, we’ll not come out of the dark.” 
 
 “If the rebels participated in the organization of these elections, it was to encourage their return to normal life,” he added. 
 
 Most of CAR’s rebel groups, which emerged after elections in 2005, took part in the 2008 talks and pledged to disarm in return for roles in state institutions. Since then, some 6,000 fighters have gathered in centres in the northwest, but relatively few weapons have been collected. No disarmament activity has taken place in the northeast, where two new rebel groups have emerged in recent years. 
 
 The departure in late 2010 of the UN peacekeeping mission in CAR (and Chad), MINURCAT, has added to security concerns in a country where the national army is not only numerically unable to establish a significant presence outside Bangui, but is also feared by much of the population. 
 
 cp/am/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91808</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20035283t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 02 February 2011 (IRIN) - Hopes that a presidential election in the Central African Republic could improve stability and security in a country plagued by armed groups have been undermined by the opposition’s dismissal of the ballot - won by the incumbent Francois Bozizé - as a “charade”.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Fears of violence before elections </title><pubDate>Fri, 21 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908261135390575t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 21 January 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing violence in some regions of the Central African Republic (CAR), including the southeast where Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army rebels are active, could affect general elections due on 23 January, aid workers and observers warned.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 21 January 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing violence in some regions of the Central African Republic (CAR), including the southeast where Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army rebels [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=89265 ] are active, could affect general elections due on 23 January, aid workers and observers warned.
 
 "Residents of remote areas in the south live in fear of rebel attacks," an aid worker, who requested anonymity, told IRIN. "Is this also going to affect their participation in the polls? We don’t know.”
 
 An estimated 1.8 million voters will go to the polls on 23 January to elect a new president and 105 legislators.
 
 “We have reports of increased LRA activity in south-eastern CAR since late December, particularly around Rafai and Obo,” Ida Sawyer of Human Rights Watch (HRW) said. “Protection of civilians in the LRA-affected areas of CAR [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=86391 ] remains entirely inadequate – there are no international peacekeepers and, partly as a result, few humanitarian actors operating in the region.”
 
 On 18 January, the Catholic-run Missionary Service News Agency reported attacks by the LRA in the south, 100km from Bangassou, highlighting a sense of insecurity that could depress voter turnout in the far north and the southeast. 
 
 “There are also serious gaps in reintegration programmes and psychosocial assistance for former combatants and children and adults who were abducted by the LRA and later managed to escape," Sawyer told IRIN.
 
 In December 2010, the UN Security Council voiced serious concern over the security situation in CAR. Condemning “all attacks by local and foreign armed groups that threaten the population as well as peace and stability”, it called on the government to ensure free, fair, transparent and credible elections.
 
 An international NGO source, who requested anonymity, said the areas of most concern were the northeast and southeast. Armed conflict aggravated by ethnic tensions between communities in the north-eastern prefectures of Vakaga and Bamingui-Bangoran had also severely disrupted civilian life. 
 
 In Birao, recent attacks displaced and killed civilians, the source added. The complex security situation had also hindered humanitarian response, leaving the local population extremely vulnerable. 
 
 But in the northwest, the security environment had improved because of the ongoing inclusive political dialogue, although tensions persist and the continuing presence of armed groups demands caution. CAR refugees who fled to Chad and Cameroon are slowly returning home to rebuild their lives. 
 
 Nonetheless, some of those who fled their villages for the bush are still unwilling to return home, limiting their access to healthcare, clean water and education.
 
 Positive spin
 
 However, some international organizations hailed the election process. "The election process seems to be heading to an acceptable direction, despite all logistical challenges," Aminata Gueye, UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) representative in CAR, told IRIN. "The campaign is going peacefully and our analysis is that the elections will take place, including in the Haut Mbomou [area], despite the LRA threat.
 
 “One concern remains the area controlled by CPJP [Convention des Patriotes pour la justice et la paix], where volatile security impacts on humanitarian intervention," Gueye said. "For the time being, UNHCR continues to operate without problems. However, renewed violence means new displacement and will affect our work considerably, taking us back to previous years.
 
 "Renewed violence may also affect our access to refugees who may follow the internal displacement of populations as [happened] in the Kabo-Sido axis [in the north-central region] where we lost track of refugees who returned spontaneously in 2009."
 
 Observers note that south-western and eastern areas remain prone to persistent acts of banditry, attacks by foreign armed groups and other local politico-military factions not included in the peace process that began in December 2008 with an agreement between President Francois Bozize, opposition parties and rebel groups.
 
 But violence in the north in 2010 between the CPJP, government forces and the presidential guard, displaced people into the forest and to Chad. It also limited humanitarian operations as did LRA attacks around Sam Ouandja near the Chad border, according to HRW. [ http://www.hrw.org/node/94213 ] 
 
 “There [is a] need for the government to reform its security sector and address widespread impunity, [and] greater communication and coordination amongst actors across the region, including the establishment of an early warning mechanism,” Sawyer said. 
 
 Efforts should also be targeted at arresting LRA leaders [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91376 ]. Since September 2008, the LRA has killed 2,385 civilians and abducted 3,054 in the Democratic Republic of Congo, CAR and Southern Sudan, according to reports by HRW and the UN.
 
 cp/eo/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91694</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200908261135390575t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 21 January 2011 (IRIN) - Continuing violence in some regions of the Central African Republic (CAR), including the southeast where Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army rebels are active, could affect general elections due on 23 January, aid workers and observers warned.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Serious about food</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency. 

Shortly after Malawian president Bingu wa Mutharika became AU chair in 2010, he announced a plan to make Africa food secure in the next five years. 

Martin Bwalya, head of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) said the AU’s seven-year roadmap to put the spotlight on farming so as to promote food security and economic growth, and reduce poverty, had been set in motion five years ago. 

By the end of 2010, the agriculture development plans of 18 African countries had undergone a rigorous independent technical review and were being rolled out. 

Over 60 percent of Africa’s people live in rural areas and most depend on farming for food and income. Agriculture contributes between 20 percent and 60 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) to national coffers. 

In a document called The African Food Basket, Mutharika spelt out the details of his plan, which requires countries to allocate a substantial portion of their budget to agriculture, provide farming input subsidies, and make available affordable information and communications technology. 

This would be possible with the help of a new strategic partnership between countries, donors, aid agencies and the private sector. 

CAADP, initiated in 2003, covers all the main aspects of Mutharika’s plan, including the commitment to devote at least 10 percent of their budgets to agriculture. 

Under the programme, countries draw up comprehensive investment plans that include the four CAADP pillars: sustainable land and water management; improved market access and integration; increased food supplies and reduced hunger; and research, technology generation and dissemination. 

“We expect the countries to contribute at least 10 percent of the annual expenditure budget demonstrating local ownership and responsibility…”, said Bwalya. 

He added while development aid financing remained important, it was also crucial that countries consider measures to attract direct private sector financing to agriculture.

Uganda, one of the 18 states to undergo the review process, has accounted for about 65 percent of its funding requirements from its own budget. 

The AU’s development agency, the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which runs CAADP, helps countries to mobilize funds. 

Is achieving food self-sufficiency in five years a realistic goal? It would be a tough call said Ousmane Badiane, director for Africa at the US-based International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). 

He noted that the AU had 53 members with varying degrees of agriculture investment, development and needs, and some countries did not have the structural capacity to reach the target of food self-sufficiency for many reasons including civil conflicts. 

Going regional 

A more realistic option, Badiane said, would be for countries with the potential to improve food production to produce enough to feed their less productive neighbours. This called for expanding regional trade and investment in transportation, including ports, railways and highways linking countries. 

AU members have begun to take regional economic integration “seriously”, noted Calestous Juma, professor of international development at Harvard University in his recently released book, The New Harvest. 

He lists regional markets as one of the three opportunities that could fortify Africa’s food security against the rising threat of climate change. 

There are at least eight Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community (EAC) “that are recognized by the AU as building blocks for pan-African economic integration”. However, “regional cooperation in agriculture is in its infancy and major challenges lie ahead." 

Regions could become food secure “by capitalizing on the different growing seasons in different countries and making products available in all areas for longer periods of time”, he wrote. 

Both Mutharika and CAADP emphasize the development of regional markets. Mutharika listed 12 regional trade corridors identified by the various RECs and suggested the AU draw up an institutional framework for each corridor. 

Science and technology 

In his book Juma lists advances in science and technology as another factor that could propel Africa towards food self-sufficiency, and called for more investment in the creation of regional hubs of research and innovation. 

Research is being carried out by groups created under NEPAD, such as the Biosciences Eastern and Central Africa Network (BecANet), which has been leading research on food crops, including banana, teff, cassava, sorghum and sweet potatoes. More investment in networks, especially agriculture-related ones, could produce far-reaching results. 

Subsidies 

Underuse of fertilizers has often been cited as a major cause of low production in Africa. Only four countries – Egypt, Malawi, Mauritius and South Africa – have exceeded the 50 kg per hectare target set by the AU, Mutharika noted in his plan. 

Fertilizer use in Africa accounts for less than 10 percent of the world average of 100 kg per hectare, “Just five countries (Ethiopia, Kenya, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria) account for about two-thirds of the fertilizer applied in Africa,” Juma said. 

Mutharika, who promoted the provision of subsidised fertilizer in Malawi, makes a strong case for this approach. At present 19 African countries are implementing various programmes providing fertilizer. 

Juma sees leaders like Mutharika, who has prioritized food security as the third factor that could set Africa on the path to food security. The Malawian government devotes 16 percent of its national budget to agriculture. 

Yet IFPRI’s Badiane sounded a note of caution on subsidies and cited the case of Senegal. After independence the West African country put in place an agriculture subsidy programme in the 1960s that was even more comprehensive than Malawi’s. “It had a dramatic effect on agriculture in Senegal, but by 1979 one of its [agriculture] agencies had worked up a deficit amounting to 98 percent of the national budget.” 

Carefully managed subsidies, run for a short term, and aimed at strengthening existing markets and agricultural infrastructure, were a lot more effective, he said. 

The Rwandan government provided free fertilizer to farmers for four years after 1994. In 1998 it wanted to hand over importing and distribution to the private sector, which unfortunately lacked capacity, so the government continued to procure and import fertilizer but left distribution and selling to the private sector. 

Since then, aid from financial institutions has helped the private sector build capacity to import, and at least 20 bodies now import several hundred tonnes of fertilizer, Badiane said. 

Way forward 

The AU’s plans for agriculture also tackle other major issues affecting food security, such as irrigation (only four percent of Africa’s crop area is irrigated, compared to 39 percent in South Asia); improving soil fertility (more than three percent of agricultural GDP in Africa is lost annually as a direct result of soil and nutrient loss); post-harvest storage loss (sub-Saharan Africa loses about 40 percent of its harvest per year, against one percent in Europe); setting up databanks to share early warning information and energy. 

There is a high level of engagement between countries on agriculture. “They meet regularly and we support them in building evidence-based information,” CAADP’s Bwalya noted. 

If they stayed the course in implementing CAADP, Badiane said in five years a large number of African countries, if not food secure, would be in a much better position to feed themselves. 

jk/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=91547</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2011 (IRIN) - The record prices of staple grains in 2008 made investment in agriculture an attractive proposition for countries exporting as well as importing food. The African Union (AU), with its mix of producers and buyers, has been steadily gearing up for self-sufficiency.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
