<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Central African Republic</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 25 Apr 2013 16:30:55 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Children bear brunt of CAR crisis</title><pubDate>Thu, 25 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301301830240086t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - Sporadic armed clashes, looting of orphanages, recruitment into armed groups, and widespread school closures have made life perilous for children in the Central African Republic (CAR) in the wake of a 24 March rebel coup by the Séléka alliance.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - Sporadic armed clashes, looting of orphanages, recruitment into armed groups, and widespread school closures have made life perilous for children in the Central African Republic (CAR) in the wake of a 24 March rebel coup [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-comes-amid-deepening-humanitarian-crisis ] by the Séléka alliance.

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), some 2.3 million children are directly affected by the breakdown of law and order and the interruption of basic services.

On 12 April, 14 children were wounded in the capital, Bangui, when a rocket-propelled grenade fell on a playing field. Two days later, a rocket landed on a church, killing seven people, including three infants, and wounding 11 children - three of whom had to have their legs amputated.

“It’s scandalous that children are being caught in crossfire as they go about their daily lives, playing football or going to church,” said Souleymane Diabaté, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative in CAR.

“Children who fall sick with basic diseases” such as malaria are also in need of medical attention, said Ellen Van Der Velden, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) head of mission in CAR.

Yet healthcare provision outside of main hospitals has been unpredictable. “In some areas [of Bangui] the health centres are functional, in others they are closed, again in others minimal services are being delivered. The situation may change quite quickly. One day a [health] centre could be operational, the next it can be closed,” said Van Der Velden.

Children’s homes targeted

A Bangui centre for street children, run by the Voix du Coeur (Voice of the Heart) Foundation, “suffered a lot during these recent events,” according to its director, Ange Ngassenemo.

“Two children died and several were injured during the looting. We were also visited by Séléka, on the pretext of looking for young thieves, and they also looted what little the children had,” added Ngassenemo.

“We unfortunately don’t have the necessary means. This situation is becoming harder and harder as more and more children come here, and taking care of them becomes a crushing burden for our little organization,” he said.

“We call on the state to help us. Couldn’t they get us running water for the children, who need to wash themselves and their clothes… We estimate there are about 6,000 street children in Bangui. If they come to us and we send them away, it becomes dangerous and is not a viable solution. It would be better to help us help them,” he added.

On April 13, armed men thought to be part of Séléka looted a Bangui orphanage run by SOS Children’s Villages, after letting off their weapons to intimidate staff members.

“The children were hiding under their beds. Staff members were in tears when they spoke to me,” said the city’s archbishop, Dieudonné Nzapalainga.

“There are no guns in these houses. There are just children. What’s happening? This was no weapons search, it was looting. Shooting in the air, scaring people to death… I am outraged by this situation,” he said on Radio France Internationale.

Recruited by all sides

Various armed groups continue to recruit children, according to UNICEF, which warned in a 12 April statement [ http://www.unicef.org/media/media_68681.html ] that such practices violated international law.

More than 2,000 children, both boys and girls, were associated with armed groups and self-defence organisations before conflict resumed in December 2012, the agency said, adding that the practice continued after the fall of Bangui.

“Recruiting children is both morally unacceptable and forbidden under international law,” said UNICEF’s Diabaté. 

“We have called on the new leadership in CAR [Séléka ] to ensure that all children associated with armed groups should be released immediately and protected from further violations [of law],” he said in the statement, adding that those now in power had demonstrated their intention to do just that.

“UNICEF is committed to working with them to ensure that there is an immediate halt to new recruitments and support a process of identification, verification and reintegration of children.”

According to Amy Martin, who heads OCHA’s Bangui branch, “The presence of child soldiers is evident amongst the ranks of Séléka.”

“Recruitment into the national army was ongoing a few weeks ago but is less evident now,” added Martin.

Out of school

Insecurity has forced thousands of children and teachers from schools in Bangui, and has interrupted educations in regions in the east and north of the country. 

“Schools have remained closed in Bangui and elsewhere since March. There is vacation soon, so families who can afford to hire tutors for catch-up courses will do so over vacation. [But] not everyone can afford this,” said Martin.

The education ministry remains sceptical about the re-opening of schools with insecurity still rife. “The children are understandably at home because the security situation demands it,” said Education Minister Marcel Loudegue. 

Schools are also among the properties that have been looted since the rebel takeover, with teachers, like civil servants, remaining unpaid.

In a 23 April statement, UNICEF warned [ http://reliefweb.int/report/central-african-republic/children%E2%80%99s-education-central-africa-republic-devastated-conflict-un ] that hundreds of thousands of students are at risk of missing out on the entire school year, “with half the country’s schools shuttered.”

UNICEF’s Diabaté said: “The new government must prioritize protection of and investment in the country’s education system, in order to respect and fulfil children’s basic right to education and to provide this generation of children with hope for a healthy future.” 

Literacy levels are low in the CAR, with over one million children out of school in total, according to UNICEF.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97921/Children-bear-brunt-of-CAR-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201301301830240086t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 25 April 2013 (IRIN) - Sporadic armed clashes, looting of orphanages, recruitment into armed groups, and widespread school closures have made life perilous for children in the Central African Republic (CAR) in the wake of a 24 March rebel coup by the Séléka alliance.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uneven progress on child stunting in East and Central Africa</title><pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition [ http://www.unicef.org/media/files/nutrition_report_2013.pdf ] by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF). However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.

Stunting can lead to irreversible brain and body damage in children, making them more susceptible to illness and more likely to fall behind in school. Based on UNICEF’s report, IRIN has put together a round-up of the nutrition situations in six East and Central African countries that are among 24 countries with the largest burden and highest prevalence of stunting.

Burundi: Under-five mortality in this small central African country dropped from 183 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 139 per 1,000 live births in 2012. This is far short of the 63 deaths per 1,000 live births necessary for the country to achieve UN Millennium Development Goal (MDG) [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/child_mortality/en/ ] 4, which aims to reduce child mortality by two-thirds by 2015. An estimated 58 percent of children under age five are stunted, compared with 56 percent in 1987, according to demographic and health surveys from those years.

According to the UNICEF report, Burundi has made “no progress” on MDG 1 [ http://www.who.int/topics/millennium_development_goals/hunger/en/ ], which aims to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

Central African Republic (CAR): An estimated 28 percent of under-five deaths in CAR occur within the first month of a child’s life; the biggest killers of children under five are malaria, diarrhoea and pneumonia. The percentage of children under age five who are stunted has changed little since 1995, standing at 41 percent in 2010, as has the percentage of children who are underweight, which has remained at about 24 percent for the last 18 years.

There has, however, been significant progress in the number of mothers exclusively breastfeeding their infants. In 2010, 34 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed, compared to just 3 percent in 1995. According to UNICEF, infants who are not breastfed in the first six months of life are “more than 14 times more likely to die from all causes than an exclusively breastfed infant”.

Democratic Republic of Congo: Africa’s second-largest country bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, with 43 percent of children under age five suffering from stunting and 24 percent being underweight. Stunting is significantly higher (47 percent) in rural areas than it is in urban areas (34 percent).

The percentage of children who are underweight dropped from 34 percent in 2001 to 24 percent in 2010. DRC’s progress towards MDG 1 is described as “insufficient”.

Ethiopia: The Horn of Africa nation, which bears 3 percent of the global stunting burden, has seen a steep drop in stunting levels, from an estimated 57 percent in 2000 to 44 percent in 2011. The percentage of underweight under-fives has also dropped significantly, from 42 percent in 2000 to 29 percent in 2011. Between 2000 and 2011, under-five mortality was cut from 139 deaths per 1,000 live births to 77 per 1,000 live births - within striking distance of its MDG 4 target of 66 per 1,000.

A national nutrition programme launched in 2008 has been key to reducing national food insecurity, a major cause of stunting. The country’s health service extension programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72371/ETHIOPIA-New-programme-boosts-village-health-service-delivery ] has also played a role in bringing nutritional interventions to villages.

Rwanda: Community interventions - such as kitchen gardens and increasing the availability of livestock, as well as measures to boost healthy infant feeding practices like exclusive breastfeeding and the provision of nutritional supplements - saw the percentage of underweight under-fives in Rwanda drop from 20 percent in 2000 to 11 percent in 2010. Enhanced data collection and analysis has also enabled the government to improve its planning and monitoring of child malnutrition.

The report describes the country as “on track” to meet MDG 1.

Tanzania: Bearing 2 percent of the world’s stunting burden, Tanzania has made significant strides in improving child nutrition. An estimated 50 percent of infants under six months old were breastfed in 2010, compared to 23 percent in 1992. The country has also brought under-five stunting levels down from 50 percent in 1992 to 42 percent in 2010, but continues to suffer significantly higher stunting in rural children (45 percent) compared to urban children (39 percent).

Tanzania’s under-five mortality rate dropped from 158 per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 68 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2010, putting it close to its MDG 4 target of 53 deaths per 1,000 live births. UNICEF’s report says the country is “on track” to meet its MDG 1 targets.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97853/Uneven-progress-on-child-stunting-in-East-and-Central-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202150719060014t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 16 April 2013 (IRIN) - Improvements in nutrition and stronger government policies have led to a decline in childhood stunting, according to a new report on child nutrition. However, the condition continues to affect some 165 million children under the age of five globally.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Regional insecurity adding to Chad&apos;s humanitarian needs</title><pubDate>Fri, 12 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97434/Call-for-humanitarian-access-after-clashes-in-North-Darfur ] in Darfur and a recent coup [ http://www.irinnews.orgwww.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-amid-humanitarian-crisis ] in the CAR, respectively.

At least 74,000 people have fled into Chad from Darfur in the past two months, 50,000 of them in the past week alone, sparking the largest influx of refugees from Sudan into Chad since 2005, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) [ http://www.unhcr.org/5167e1366.html ].

Waves of refugees

In March, the first wave of 24,000 people fled from Darfur and arrived in Tissi, a remote area in Chad’s southeastern Sila Region; 8,000 were Sudanese and 16,000 Chadians. Most of them are women and children.

"Under every tree, there are women and children who are trying to protect themselves from sunshine," Abdellahi Ould El Bah, a UNHCR programme officer on mission in Tissi, told IRIN.

UNHCR staff on the ground say they “found women and children very scared, exhausted with haggard eyes”.

In Tissi, basic amenities are lacking.

“People lack everything and are living in very dire conditions. They need food, water and shelter. People are obliged to drink water from the river,” Aminata Gueye, the UNHCR representative in Chad, told IRIN. “Those who are wounded need healthcare, while health centres or clinics in Tissi [are] not functional.”

Access to Tissi by air is impossible, meaning aid workers have to spend eight hours by road, and they have to cross 21 wadis (seasonal rivers).

With insecurity rife, more refugees are expected. "We fear a new wave of refugees in the next few days, as there are reports of continuing violence on the side of Darfur," said Gueye.

Most recently, clashes have been recorded between the Misseriya and Salamat ethnic groups in Um Dukhum, Darfur, with dozens of deaths reported.

On 12 April, UNHCR started the relocation of at least 8,000 Sudanese refugees from Tissi, to the Goz Amir and Djabal refugee camps in Sila Region. The relocation is expected to help in the provision of assistance to the new arrivals and to improve their security.

Local authorities have provided some 100 ton of food for the new arrivals, with UNHCR and partners coordinating efforts to provide emergency assistance in Tissi.

Refugee population already large

The new refugee influx constitutes a huge challenge for UNHCR, which was already facing limited resources as it provided protection and assistance to the large numbers of refugees in Chad. Months earlier, UNHCR and the governments of Chad and Sudan had started discussions on the return of Sudanese refugees to Darfur.

Eastern Chad is already home to about 300,000 refugees from Darfur [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95863/SUDAN-CHAD-The-strains-of-long-term-displacement ] and thousands of others from CAR. Chad has, since December 2012, received at least 4,000 new refugees from CAR, in addition to some 65,000 already there, according to a 6 April update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Central%20African%20Republic%20Humanitarian%20snapshot.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Besides the new refugees, Chad is also grappling with the returns of hundreds of Chadian migrants released from detention centres in Libya [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97617/Chadian-migrants-rue-Libyan-detention-ill-treatment-deportation ].

“It is with great concern that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is monitoring the multiple migration crises currently developing along the Chadian borders. IOM is already responding to the influx of 1,200 extremely vulnerable Chadian migrants returning to Chad after having been released from detention centres in Libya.

“At the same [time], IOM is in the process of providing life-saving assistance, including homeward transportation, to over 17,000 Chadian migrants, [that] are fleeing the intercommunity violence in Sudan, that are arriving in remote border towns in Chad without means to support themselves,” Qasim Sufi, IOM chief of mission in Chad, told IRIN.

Measles outbreak

Medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is treating the wounded in Tissi, with serious cases being referred to the towns of Goz Beida or Abéché.

At the same time, teams are trying to contend with an outbreak of measles in a nearby area: “In Saraf Bourgou only, our team has confirmed 35 cases of measles, which represents 25 percent of consultations,” said Alexandre Morhain, MSF’s head of mission in Chad [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6719&cat=field-news ]. “The disease has already killed seven children, five of whom were under five years old.”

An emergency measles vaccination campaign is expected to be launched in Tissi, with severe acute malnutrition cases and paediatric emergencies also being treated.

According to MSF, the situation of the refugees there is precarious as the rains approach. “We need to act now, because within two months it will be impossible to access this area by road.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97840/Regional-insecurity-adding-to-Chad-apos-s-humanitarian-needs</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201304121513560373t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 12 April 2013 (IRIN) - Chad is grappling with an influx of refugees and returnees into its south-eastern regions, mainly from neighbouring Sudan, and others from the Central African Republic (CAR) following a series of inter-ethnic clashes in Darfur and a recent coup in the CAR, respectively.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Urgent humanitarian needs in post-coup Central African Republic</title><pubDate>Thu, 04 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271308490061t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - Less than two weeks after the overthrow of Central African Republic (CAR) President François Bozizé in a rebel coup, the humanitarian situation has deteriorated, leaving civilians in the capital, Bangui, in critical need of aid, said a senior humanitarian official.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - Less than two weeks after the overthrow of Central African Republic (CAR) President François Bozizé in a rebel coup, the humanitarian situation has deteriorated, leaving civilians in the capital, Bangui, in critical need of aid, said a senior humanitarian official.

“The main humanitarian needs in Bangui are access to health and nutrition and clean water [and] security and protection of civilians,” Amy Martin, who heads the Bangui branch of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN. 

Bozizé was ousted on 24 March after the rebel Séléka coalition overran Bangui, exacerbating the country’s already precarious humanitarian situation [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-comes-amid-deepening-humanitarian-crisis ]. Insecurity had already been rife before the coup, especially in the northeast, and access to basic services was inadequate.

Now, only two hospitals are functioning in Bangui, schools are closed nationwide and civil servants are not yet back to work. Water and electricity services have been interrupted, and insecurity has worsened.

Insecurity

“Insecurity is persistent, with the circulation of arms and poor discipline by the Séléka elements,” said Martin. 

Following the coup, there were reports of widespread looting and violence in Bangui. The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported [ http://www.unicef.org/media/media_68508.html ] that 10 metric tons of emergency supplies were stolen from its main warehouse. 

“The looting continues in Bangui as well as in towns where Séléka are expanding their presence, notably to the west and northwest of Bangui,” Martin continued.

Regarding the number of people affected by the crisis, she said: “We are using the population figure of the entire country, 4.5 million people, [as the number of people] affected. The most vulnerable people - women, children, elderly, [people living with HIV/AIDS] - are most at risk.”

The insecurity has led to population movements.

“In the northwest, people are fleeing to the bush; in Bangui, a few thousand crossed the River [Oubangui] to Zongo [in DRC], but as the situation calms down they are returning,” said Martin.

Insecurity could also worsen in southeastern CAR, an area affected by activities of the Ugandan rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Following the Séléka takeover, Ugandan troops and US military advisers in CAR suspended their search for LRA leader Joseph Kony.

“It is unclear whether the Ugandans and the Americans will leave, but if they do, there will be no security forces left in the southeast of CAR to offer any sort of civilian protection,” Ledio Cakaj, an independent researcher focusing on the LRA, told IRIN.

“It is unlikely that the new CAR regime has the capacity to provide security for an area close to 1,000km away from Bangui, same as was the case under the previous government.”

Cakaj added: “It is not clear yet how Kony will respond to the recent developments, but given the history of attacks in CAR it is likely that LRA attacks against civilians will intensify given the lack of protection of civilians [should the Ugandan and American forces depart].”

Food insecurity 

The insecurity, which has intensified since December, has affected farming and commercial activities raising food security fears [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97524/Looming-food-crisis-in-the-Central-African-Republic ]. 

“In the interior of the country, people need seeds and agricultural inputs for this agricultural season… Commerce needs to restart to allow people to access goods in markets,” said OCHA’s Martin.

According to a 28 March OCHA update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/CAR%20Situation%20Report%20No%209%2028%20March%202013.pdf ], “The border with all neighbouring countries is closed, which directly affects movement of commercial [goods] and fuel from Douala, which is Bangui’s main commercial and supply line from Cameroon.” 

“Land preparation, which should have started in January, is behind schedule in parts,” stated a UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) March update [ http://www.fao.org/giews/countrybrief/country.jsp?code=CAF ].

“The food security situation, which was already alarming… has deteriorated from December 2012 onwards, when the civil conflict escalated,” added the update, warning that the “situation is projected to further deteriorate until the next harvest, in July 2013, especially in the north of Nana-Grebizi, in Ouham and Vakaga regions.”

“It is worth noting that before the crisis erupted, floods in Nana-Gribizi, Ouham and Vakaga prefectures had already affected agricultural activities,” Alessandro Costantino, an economist with FAO’s Global Information and Early Warning System on Food, told IRIN.

And more flooding could become a problem:  “Every year, flooding occurs in CAR in the middle and towards the end of the rainy season, which spans from April until October in the South, from July to October in the rest of the country,” he said.

Rebels from the northeast 

The Séléka rebels mainly come from the restive northeast of CAR, a region that is “geographically isolated, historically marginalized and almost stateless,” according to the International Crisis Group (ICG).

Circumstances leading to the coup included the “absence of [a] solution to the problem of the armed groups of northeastern CAR; the lack of a programme of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) for these fighters; and a crippled security system,” said a 27 March ICG blog post [ http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/2013/03/27/failure-has-many-fathers-the-coup-in-central-african-republic/ ].

“The disarmament of the fighters has been planned since the agreements of Libreville in 2008, but it has never taken place due to the lack of political will of the Bozizé regime,” it said.

Séléka leader Michel Djotodjia named himself president after the coup, and “if he remains in power, he will be the first CAR president from the remote, neglected and largely Muslim northeast”, said a blog post in African Arguments [ http://africanarguments.org/2013/04/02/central-african-republic-president-michel-djotodia-and-the-good-little-putchist%e2%80%99s-tool-box-by-louisa-lombard/ ].

Djotodjia was the leader of the Union des forces démocratiques pour le rassemblement (UFDR) rebels, who merged with rebels from the Convention Patriotique pour le Salut Wa Kodro (CSPK) and Convention des patriotes pour la justice et la paix (CPJP) to form the Séléka coalition. 

Djotodjia’s government plans to hand over power to an elected president after a three-year transition period. But challenges are already emerging, with opposition critical of the composition of the new cabinet named by Séléka on 31 March, days after the suspension of the constitution and the dissolution of CAR’s National Assembly.

Access problems 

At present, hundreds of thousands of people remain cut off from aid and essential services.

According to UNICEF, children are among the worst affected, with some two million lacking access to basic social services and exposed to violence.

“Children in the Central African Republic were some of the most vulnerable in Africa even before the recent upsurge in fighting,” said Manuel Fontaine, UNICEF's regional director for West and Central Africa, in a 29 March statement.

“It is imperative to have full and secure access to communities affected by the conflict. With every lost day, every thwarted delivery and every stolen supply, more children may die.”

Fontaine added, “The time has come for the Séléka coalition, which took power last weekend, to really demonstrate how committed it is to humanitarian principles and human rights for all Central Africans.” 

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97780/Urgent-humanitarian-needs-in-post-coup-Central-African-Republic</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303271308490061t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 04 April 2013 (IRIN) - Less than two weeks after the overthrow of Central African Republic (CAR) President François Bozizé in a rebel coup, the humanitarian situation has deteriorated, leaving civilians in the capital, Bangui, in critical need of aid, said a senior humanitarian official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Kony hunt still on after CAR coup</title><pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.

Séléka overran the capital, Bangui, on 24 March, putting Bozizé to flight. The rebels named their leader, Michel Djotodjia, the new head of state.

“I don’t think the overthrow of President Bozizé by Séléka will change our mission and position in the hunt down of LRA rebels. We are in CAR with the mandate from [the] AU [African Union] and UN [United Nations],” Uganda’s state minister for international relations, Henry Okello Oryem, told IRIN, adding that his country is committed to capturing LRA leader Joseph Kony.

Uganda has some 2,500 soldiers deployed around the border areas of CAR, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, where Kony and his fighters are thought to spend most of their time. The Ugandan troops are joined by 500 Congolese fighters, 500 South Sudanese and 350 CAR troops, all operating under the auspices of the AU. In late 2011, the US deployed 100 special forces to the region as military advisers to the effort.

Ploughing on

According to Thierry Vircoulon, Central Africa project director for the think tank International Crisis Group (ICG), “the fall of Bozizé will not change much the situation on the ground, except if the Séléka leaders insist on the departure of the foreign troops as stipulated in the Libreville agreement [a peace agreement brokered in January and breached by the latest fighting? but never successfully implemented].”

Potential problems

Some analysts say, however, that the AU’s decision to suspend CAR from the organization following the coup could have negative consequences for the hunt for the LRA.

“The AU’s suspension of CAR poses a great challenge and will slow down the hunt for Kony and his rebels. Uganda has to re-negotiate with Séléka rebels… in order for its troops to have the mandate to operate in their territory,” Ronald Ssekandi, a regional political analyst based in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, told IRIN.

Angelo Izama, a political affairs analyst at the US-based Open Society Foundation, said the hunt for Kony and the LRA would largely depend on Séléka’s control of the country.

“The deterioration of government in CAR is a significant complication for the hunt against Joseph Kony. The LRA's asymmetrical, low-tech survival strategy thrives in conditions of lawlessness and violence, especially in the hinterland,” he told IRIN.

“Already the geographical terrain, as well as the size of CAR, has been a practical constraint against the forces hunting Kony. If Séléka is unable to consolidate control, it would further the physical and tactical net within which LRA can seek opportunities to rebuild weapons caches,” he added. “The Séléka rebels do not have the capacity [to limit LRA activities]… In addition, Kony is not their problem; there are much more important emergencies to deal with.”

According to Lt Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ (UPDF) Land Forces, Kony’s fighters currently number about 400, and they continue to roam around CAR, DRC, Sudan and South Sudan. He said some LRA defectors recently reported that Kony was in Sudan’s western region of Darfur, while his senior commanders, Dominic Ongwen and Okot Odhiambo, are thought to be in CAR.

Kony, Odhiambo and Ongwen are wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/situations%20and%20cases/situations/situation%20icc%200204/Pages/situation%20index.aspx ] for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Uganda.

LRA still a threat

“The LRA no longer pose a big threat, but there are still [a] few pockets of LRA rebels operating in CAR under Odhiambo and Ongwen. They are a nuisance. They have continued to abduct, maim and kill unarmed people,” Katumba told IRIN.

“It is important to recall that, despite [the] relatively small number of remaining elements, the LRA continues to pose a serious threat to civilians, with dire humanitarian consequences, in the affected areas in CAR, DRC and South Sudan,” Abou Moussa, head of the UN Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA), told IRIN via email.

In February, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported [ http://www.hdptcar.net/sites/www.hdptcar.net/files/Bulletin%20humanitaire%2001%20eng-1.pdf ] that in the country’s southeast, “there has been an increase in the LRA attacks against communities and hostages being taken.”

According to LRA Crisis Tracker [ http://www.lracrisistracker.com ], the LRA was responsible for 13 civilian deaths and 17 abductions in CAR February 2013. UNOCA says an estimated 443,000 people are currently displaced in LRA-affected areas, many of them depending on international assistance for food, shelter, health care, water and sanitation. This includes an estimated 347,000 people in Province Orientale’s Haut-Uélé and Bas-Uélé districts in DRC.

Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, recently sent a message [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/fr_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/Pages/statement-OTP-18-03-2013.aspx ] to the LRA, assuring them that, should they be arrested, they would not be “tortured or killed” and would receive a fair trial.

Commitment to the cause

Analysts say if the LRA threat is to be laid to rest once and for all, countries in the region must show more commitment to finding Kony.

“It requires committed governments to arrest Kony. The ICC can only base its optimism in this practical possibility. There is no government in CAR, soft states in South Sudan and Chad, and support for LRA from Sudan. It’s plausible that the situation above favours the LRA and not the ICC,” said Open Society Foundation’s Izama.

“Kony's continued existence, and that of his entire group, is part of a much larger problem in the Great Lakes region: failure by governments to resolve internal political problems and to work together in a concerted way to bring to an end cross-border insurgencies in the region,” said Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a political scientist and senior research fellow at Makerere University’s Institute of Social Research. “Their proliferation points to the existence of problems or grievances that ought to be addressed - questions to do with citizenship and nationality, land ownership, access to services and opportunity.”

so/kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97737/Kony-hunt-still-on-after-CAR-coup</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051154390753t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 26 March 2013 (IRIN) - The search for the Ugandan rebel group the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA) in the rainforests of the Central African Republic (CAR) will continue despite the ouster of President François Bozizé by rebel group Séléka, officials say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CAR coup comes amid deepening humanitarian crisis</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251111520356t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - The humanitarian situation in the Central African Republic (CAR) is worsening as the security and political conditions there rapidly deteriorate, with the Séléka rebel coalition taking the capital, Bangui, in the latest offensive.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - A rebel-led weekend coup in the Central African Republic (CAR) took place against a backdrop of worsening humanitarian conditions in many parts of the country, with access to affected populations severely restricted.

The Séléka rebel group overran the capital, Bangui, on 24 March, putting President François Bozizé to flight and naming Michel Djotodjia as the new head of state.

"With all offices and most stores looted  it will be difficult to evaluate needs. Bangui has no electricity or water.  We need to have security and for the population to stop looting," Amy Martin, who heads the Bangui branch of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN on 25 March.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon condemned the "unconstitutional seizure" and called "for the swift restoration of constitutional order."

"UN and NGO staff are concentrated in the UN compound. We are expected to evacuate staff, non-essential [staff], as the security is not in place and looting continues, with sporadic gunfire in the streets," said Martin.

A few days before the coup, Martin told IRIN: "In general, the political and security environment is deteriorating as the Libreville Agreements [a peace accord signed on 11 January] are not gaining any traction."

"The agreed conditions are not being respected by either side: release [by the government] of prisoners, the quartering of armed forces by Séléka. There are more rumours of additional former rebel groups to join the Séléka coalition. All remain very uncertain and unpredictable," she said.

On 20 March, the UN Security Council condemned Séléka attacks [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44443&Cr=central+african+republic&Cr1=#.UUxNkxyLCFV ] in the area of Bangassou and the surrounding region, "and the threat of a resumption of hostilities."

"Séléka now controls three-quarters of the country," said Margaret Vogt, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for CAR, several days before the capture of Bangui. She added that rebel members of the government of national unity - which parties agreed to form in the January peace deal - had decided to withdraw from the government and had gone "back into the bush".

The rebels had issued an ultimatum, threatening to resume fighting if their conditions - including the release of political prisoners and the withdrawal of foreign soldiers - were not met.

Humanitarian access limited

The rebels' taking of the town of Bangassou on 12 March, in breach of the January peace agreement, had led to a reduction in humanitarian access to populations in need of assistance.

"The current advancement of the Séléka to the southern town of Bangassou has effectively cut off a major hub for humanitarian actors' access to the southeast, affecting 300,000 people already suffering from six years of LRA [Lord's Resistant Army, a Ugandan rebel group] attacks. Since the beginning of the crisis in December, humanitarian access has been limited to about 33 percent of the areas under Séléka control," stated OCHA in a 12 March press release, adding that Séléka now controls a large part of the country, home to over 1.5 million people or 34 percent of the total population.

On 15 March, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) warned [ http://reliefweb.int/report/central-african-republic/unhcr-warns-risks-civilians-central-african-republic-refugee-numbers ] that "renewed fighting in Central African Republic was threatening the civilian population in the southeast of the country and compromising UNHCR's access to refugees and internally displaced people."

"As is always the case in these kinds of situations, as long as there isn't a total cessation of hostilities, the humanitarian crisis will continue and worsen," Pazougou Fulgence, a sociologist at the University of Bangui, told IRIN.

According to OCHA's Martin, humanitarian access has been a constant challenge: "Insecurity prevents free circulation of people, and limits movement between major towns. Looting of organizations' offices, equipment and stealing of vehicles has hindered operations in the field for humanitarians. Lack of protection for civilians limits their freedom of movement, with harassment and other exactions of violence," she said.

"With the rainy season fast approaching and very poor road infrastructure, [access] will reduce even more, especially to the more remote regions of the southeast and northeast of the country."

Latest in series of crises

The Séléka offensive [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97085/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Hundreds-flee-as-rebels-advance ], which began on 10 December 2012, is the latest in a series of crises in CAR, leading to an increase in civilian protection needs and heightening the risk of food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97524/Looming-food-crisis-in-the-Central-African-Republic ].

Tens of thousands of people in CAR were already in humanitarian need due to past crises, especially in the east. The crises have resulted from a number of factors, according to Kaarina Immonen, the UN Deputy Special Representative for CAR, including "recent conflict, attacks by unknown or uncontrolled armed groups, violent acts by Joseph Kony's Lord's Resistance Army, and continued banditry in parts of the country".

The crises have increased the number of people in need, their level of need and the cost of supplementary interventions, according to CAR's Prime Minister Nicolas Thiangaye. "Civilians have become victims of serious human rights violations: murders, rapes, looting and robberies," he said.

As of 12 March, the Séléka offensive had, according to OCHA, left some 175,000 people internally displaced, with at least 29,000 others seeking refuge in neighbouring Chad and in the Democratic Republic of Congo. An estimated 166,000 children were also out of school. These numbers could increase following the taking of Bangui.

Commenting on the impact of the current crises in CAR, Special Representative Vogt said, "At the best of times, the record in CAR was not good, but it is exponentially worse."

cd-k-aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97721/CAR-coup-comes-amid-deepening-humanitarian-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2013/201303251111520356t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - The humanitarian situation in the Central African Republic (CAR) is worsening as the security and political conditions there rapidly deteriorate, with the Séléka rebel coalition taking the capital, Bangui, in the latest offensive.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Looming food crisis in the Central African Republic</title><pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281203590995t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 22 February 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian agencies are warning of a looming food crisis in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR), a result of the insecurity that has displaced thousands of people and disrupted cultivation and trade.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 22 February 2013 (IRIN) - 

Humanitarian agencies are warning of a looming food crisis in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR), a result of the insecurity that has displaced thousands of people and disrupted cultivation and trade. 

Clashes between government and rebel forces in December and early January left some parts of CAR - and an estimated 800,000 people - under the control of the rebel Séléka coalition. 

“Between July and September, there will be serious food shortages in the most affected areas. So the first priority is to restart programmes that have been disrupted in these areas,” Jean Martin Bauer, an analyst with the UN World Food Programme (WFP), said. 

Food prices are increasing, according to the findings of a recent assessment by WFP and its partners. 

“Since December 2012, trade has been interrupted between the area held by the Séléka coalition and the rest of the country, bringing transactions to a halt and leading to sharp price increases. The cost of a food basket has increased by 40 percent in the area under the control of the Central African armed forces. Some of the zones under the control of the Séléka are experiencing food deficits due to price increases,” stated a 15 February statement by WFP [ http://www.wfp.org/news/news-release/new-united-nations-and-ngo-assessment-alerts-risk-food-insecurity-central-african- ].

Humanitarian officials expressed concern over the upcoming cropping season. “We are very concerned about prospect for the 2013 growing season, which is due to start in just a few weeks. Land preparation, which should have begun, is behind schedule in many places due to insecurity,” said Rockaya Fall, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) representative in CAR. 

The disruption of trade has caused income sources to decline, adds the statement: “The marketing season of the annual cotton crop, a lifeline for the northern part of the country, has yet to start in the Séléka zone, depriving farmers [of] their main income source.” 

An estimated 80,538 people in the Séléka zone are at risk of food insecurity in the May-September lean season. 

The situation in CAR remains unpredictable despite an 11 January ceasefire, added a report [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20SITREP%206%20FRENCH_0.pdf ] released by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on 18 February, which noted that a lack of humanitarian access due to insecurity, especially in the east, and poor roads are hindering the provision of assistance. 

Access 

Aid officials are calling for access to Séléka-held areas. 

“The main problem is to open a humanitarian corridor in the Séléka-held areas. Once free to move, we will be able to bring the affected population together so as to provide the necessary assistance,” said Kaarina Immonen, the UN deputy special representative for CAR. 

Other main humanitarian needs include healthcare [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97452/Healthcare-still-disrupted-in-the-Central-African-Republic ] and education. 

“We must go to those who are suffering. But first we would like to know and to understand the health situation on the ground before we respond to the needs of the population in the areas of conflict,” said Honorat Ouilibona-Cockciss, the chief of staff in the ministry of health. 

The number of patients seeking medical care is on the rise. In the area of Damara, 75km from the capital Bangui, for example, health centres are recording up to 200 consultations each day despite inadequate staff. 

Almost all of the schools in the Séléka-held areas have been closed, with at least 166,000 children out of school, according to OCHA. Some teachers have also fled, according to Henry Sylvain Yakara, a national humanitarian affairs officer with OCHA. 

The Séléka-rebels also destroyed some school facilities and were using some schools buildings as their bases, added Yakara. 

Attacks continuing 

Despite the 11 January peace accord, and the later formation of a government of national unity integrating the Séléka rebels, attacks are continuing. 

In early February, for example, 2,300 people fled the southeastern CAR region of Mobaye for the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) area of Mobayi-Mbongo after a Séléka attack. Some 4,500 people had previously fled to DRC in the past weeks, with hundreds of others seeking refuge in Chad. 

The Séléka rebels comprise militias from the Union des forces démocratiques pour le rassemblement (UFDR), the Convention Patriotique pour le Salut Wa Kodro (CSPK) and Convention des patriotes pour la justice et la paix (CPJP), who were seeking to overthrow the CAR government. 

cd-k/aw/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97524/Looming-food-crisis-in-the-Central-African-Republic</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281203590995t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 22 February 2013 (IRIN) - Humanitarian agencies are warning of a looming food crisis in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR), a result of the insecurity that has displaced thousands of people and disrupted cultivation and trade.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Healthcare still disrupted in the Central African Republic</title><pubDate>Mon, 11 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191128250708t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 11 February 2013 (IRIN) - Healthcare remains difficult to access in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) that are under the control of the Séléka rebel alliance, despite relative calm following an 11 January peace agreement, say humanitarian agencies. A scarcity of health workers and a lack of medical supplies are among the problems.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 11 February 2013 (IRIN) - Healthcare remains difficult to access in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) that are under the control of the Séléka rebel alliance, despite relative calm following an 11 January peace agreement, say humanitarian agencies. A scarcity of health workers and a lack of medical supplies are among the problems. 

“At the moment, there is a relative lack in response capacity among NGOs in healthcare. There are many places taken over by rebels, and in many of these places healthcare is partially disrupted, and access to paid healthcare is decreased in many places,” Ellen Van Der Velden, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) head of mission in CAR, told IRIN. 

"Where healthcare is available, it is [provided] with a fee for the user. Due to the fact that commercial traffic is not possible into the rebel-controlled area, it has to be assumed that fewer people than before are able to cover those fees.”

Many health actors in Séléka-controlled regions have yet to return to work. This is “affecting the delivery of vital health services,” according to an update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA_Situation_Report_%205_CAR_4%20February%20ENG.pdf ] by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which added that “health centres outside the biggest towns are out of medicines”.

MSF’s Van Der Velden concurs: "Timidly, people are returning to their village/town of origin, and where supplies are available - from before the crisis, or delivered by passing by NGO[s] on assessment - healthcare facilities have reopened. Some, however, must have run out of supplies due to higher demand than supply, while some are feared to have been looted."

MSF remains active in the rebel-controlled areas in Ndélé, Kabo and Batangafo, with additional activities having been recently started in the Damara and Sibut areas.

CAR is characterized by chronic humanitarian need. Healthcare needs were already great, and are now even greater. 

“Healthcare delivery, which was already poor in quantity and quality, has decreased, while the fact that care is to be paid for is more a burden to populations than before given the fact that they have fewer opportunities for trade or other money-generating activities due to rebel presence,” said Van Der Velden.

Tensions high

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/news.nsf/(httpIDPNewsAlerts)/890CA85299122A6CC1257B0B0053C222?OpenDocument#anchor0 ], tensions remain high in the rebel-affected regions despite the end of the month-long conflict [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97085/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Hundreds-flee-as-rebels-advance ] there following the signing of the peace agreement in Libreville, Gabon.

The formation of a government of national unity weeks later was also met with resistance by some rebels, noted IDMC, adding that “reports of armed attacks in the country [had] led to accusations that some members of the rebel coalition breached the ceasefire”.

In an 8 February statement [ http://www.icrcvideonewsroom.org/content/open.asp?ID=1917u6g.897068b80210m1lb.62&category=Africa ], the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) stated that thousands of people in CAR are living in uncertainty. “There is a risk of fighting breaking out, and many remain displaced, unsure whether to return home,” it noted.

ICRC’s Gabriel Mukalai added, “The effect of the Libreville agreement is not felt on the ground. There's no phone network. People don't know what's going on or what's been discussed. It's as if there is no peace accord."

At the height of the recent conflict in December and January, at least 80,000 people were displaced. “While some who had fled their homes in Ndélé have since returned, most are afraid to go back to their areas of origin due to the security situation," noted IDMC.

The displaced joined at least 52,000 others who were earlier displaced by ethnic tensions, criminal groups, activities of the Ugandan rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), as well as pre-2008 conflict in the country, according to IDMC.

Ndélé, in the northeast, was the first town to be attacked by Union des forces démocratiques pour le rassemblement (UFDR) rebels, on 10 December 2012, before the UFDR formed the Séléka coalition with the Convention Patriotique pour le Salut Wa Kodro (CSPK) and Convention des patriotes pour la justice et la paix (CPJP) rebels. Other areas that were affected included Sam Ouandja, Bamingui, Kabo, Batangafo, Kaga Bandoro, Ippy, Bambari, Bria and Sibut.

aw/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97452/Healthcare-still-disrupted-in-the-Central-African-Republic</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191128250708t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 11 February 2013 (IRIN) - Healthcare remains difficult to access in parts of the Central African Republic (CAR) that are under the control of the Séléka rebel alliance, despite relative calm following an 11 January peace agreement, say humanitarian agencies. A scarcity of health workers and a lack of medical supplies are among the problems.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Cash-strapped ICC takes on Mali</title><pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.

Announcing her first formal investigation since taking office, prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on 16 January promised justice to victims of “brutality and destruction” in three northern regions of Mali. But with a shrinking team of investigators and a budget that has barely increased despite a doubling of the workload, some analysts are doubtful she can deliver.

“There are serious questions to be asked of the new prosecutor as to whether it is a drastic overstretch to have eight African countries being dealt with simultaneously with essentially the same level of staff and the same level of finance as her office was operating on before,” said Phil Clark, a lecturer in comparative and international politics at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. “Is it really feasible for the office to be dealing with so many cases?”

The ICC intervenes in countries that cannot - or will not - prosecute perpetrators of mass atrocities. It is intended as a court of last resort in countries where prosecutions are unlikely to happen without its intervention.

Total court funding in 2013 is around US$144 million, with possible access to a contingency fund of up to $9.3 million, compared with $138 million in 2010. The prosecutor’s office, which carries out the investigations, was this year allocated $37 million. This represents an increase of just $1.3 million since 2010 despite the addition of Mali, Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire and Libya to the docket - and these countries were themselves in addition to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, Uganda and the Central African Republic (CAR).

“They are really at the edge of what they can do with their resources,” said Kevin Jon Heller, associate professor and reader at Melbourne Law School.

Investigating through intermediaries

The ICC is examining claims of murder, mutilation, torture, attacks on protected objects, executions, pillaging and rape since January 2012 when insurgent groups began their campaign to take over northern Mali. French troops and the Malian army have been reclaiming captured towns this month, but ongoing fighting means ICC investigators are unlikely to be gathering evidence on the ground.

“It isn’t like anyone from the ICC is going to Mali anytime soon,” said Heller.

Court investigators will instead speak to French troops, the Malian government and so-called intermediaries - usually local human rights groups who gather evidence and contact witnesses in areas the court cannot access.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the International Federation of Human Rights, among other groups, continue to actively investigate human rights abuses in Mali.

The use of intermediaries by ICC investigators has been controversial in previous cases, particularly during the trial of the DRC’s Thomas Lubanga. He was convicted [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95073/DRC-Lubanga-verdict-a-first-step ] of using children to fight in his Ituri rebel group but the intermediaries who helped prosecutors build the case were accused of bribing witnesses. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, who fought on the opposite side in the Ituri conflict, was late last year found not guilty [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97079/Reactions-from-the-DRC-to-ICC-acquittal-of-militia-leader ] of war crimes. The judges in that case were not convinced by the witnesses or the evidence.

Analysts hope the ICC will not repeat past investigative mistakes in Mali.

“Using intermediaries is unavoidable in those situations, because the intermediaries will know the field very well, be able to contact witnesses in a secure manner and arrange meetings in a way that can be done safely,” said Geraldine Mattioli-Zeltner, advocacy director in the international justice programme at Human Rights Watch.

“What needs to be improved is the way it is done; [there needs to be more] understanding [that] it is not the intermediaries who are conducting investigations but the investigators, and checking who your intermediaries are - whether they are credible and what kind of promises they have made to your witnesses.”

When possible, sending ICC investigators to the scene of the alleged crimes is the best way to investigate, she said. “It takes money to be able to deploy in the field which we believe is necessary in order to do good investigations.”

The Syria question

The ICC had asked for $157 million in 2013 to reflect its growing workload but major funders including the UK, France and Germany have resisted any increases. All three, however, signed a Swiss government letter to the UN Security Council earlier this month calling on it to refer Syria to ICC.

Russia, China and the USA - none of them ICC members - are unlikely to support such a referral.

Mattioli-Zeltner questions this pressure to add new cases to the already-crowded and unfinished docket.

“There is still more work to do in Darfur and DRC and now we are piling on new situations,” she said. “We don’t think the states parties have thought through what this means. It is very important that states commit to the justice process but also commit to an institution that has the means of doing its work properly.

“At this point we don’t think the ICC has the resources to do more situations, but we think there are a number of situations that deserve ICC intervention.”

Heller goes further: “I think if the Security Council should refer Syria and not give more money to the court, then Fatou [Bensouda] should refuse to investigate.”

But a UN request to intervene in Syria would be hard to resist for a young court that has yet to make its mark. Clark says the ICC wants to be seen as an active player in the conflict zones that matter most to the international community.

“The ICC is a new institution that is trying to build its own legitimacy,” he said. “It wants to be an option the Security Council can use in times of war, but this is leading the ICC to be too available even if they don't have the resources.”

The UN has already asked the ICC to investigate in Sudan and Libya. In Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya, the prosecutor’s office initiated the cases, while the governments of Mali, Uganda, DRC and CAR referred themselves to the court.

One-sided investigations

In Mali’s case the government asked the ICC to investigate in July 2012. Once a government asks ICC investigators to come into their country, investigators in theory, under their mandate, can pursue any case they find, which means they could end up charging government officials or members of the army. But to date, self-referrals have resulted only in cases against rebels.

Heller suggests that countries such as Uganda are using the ICC to “outsource their criminal justice problems” and should prosecute their own rebel groups. “Does the ICC need to spend all its time worrying about Joseph Kony and the LRA? Of course not,” he told IRIN. “If Uganda can get their hands on Kony, with international help they can give Kony a fair trial. Uganda has a very sophisticated legal system.”

The Uganda case faced sharp criticism when investigators failed to pursue evidence of widespread human rights abuses by the Ugandan army.

Likewise, instances of alleged extra-judicial killings carried out by the Malian armed forces this month and documented by human rights groups such as the International Federation of Human Rights, and Human Rights Watch, risk remaining untouched by the ICC.

One problem is that ICC investigators rely on governments to facilitate their visit to a country, which makes it difficult for them to pursue cases on all sides, even if it is within their mandate to do so, say observers. The ICC has no police force and thus relies on the goodwill of governments to make their investigations possible.

However, the ICC Prosecutor put up the pressure on the Malian authorities on 28 January, issuing the following statement: “My Office is aware of reports that Malian forces may have committed abuses in recent days… I remind all parties to the on-going conflict in Mali that my Office has jurisdiction over all serious crimes committed within the territory of Mali, from January 2012 onwards.” [ http://www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/icc/press%20and%20media/press%20releases/news%20and%20highlights/Pages/otpstatement280113.aspx ]

The prosecutor’s office did not respond to IRIN’s requests for an interview.

lc/aj/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97359/Analysis-Cash-strapped-ICC-takes-on-Mali</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201207301203450616t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 29 January 2013 (IRIN) - Concerns are being raised that the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into alleged war crimes in Mali is placing a serious strain on an already over-stretched and cash-strapped institution.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>South Africa bolsters its troops in the Central African Republic</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005261538140561t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa has deployed 200 troops in the strife-torn Central African Republic (CAR), which some see not simply as an effort to assist CAR’s army but also as a move to counter French military influence in the region.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa has deployed 200 troops in the strife-torn Central African Republic (CAR), which some see not simply as an effort to assist CAR’s army but also as a move to counter French military influence in the region. 

The deployment comes as rebel groups - acting together under the Séléka coalition - make rapid territorial gains in CAR. Since December 2012, rebels have seized key towns and mining areas in the absence of any significant resistance from CAR’s national army. According to reports, they are poised just outside the capital, Bangui. 

The rebels’ gains have been accompanied by reports of widespread looting and violence among a poor and vulnerable population, creating fears of a burgeoning humanitarian crisis [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97175/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Rebel-advance-worsens-humanitarian-crisis ].

But South Africa’s troop deployment was “coincidental to the context”, South African National Defence Force (SANDF) spokesperson Siphiwe Dlamini told IRIN. He said the soldiers’ purpose is to train CAR’s defence forces rather than engage rebel fighters. 

Military cooperation agreement 

South African presidential spokesperson Mac Maharaj said in a statement on 6 January that President Jacob Zuma had “authorized” the deployment of 400 soldiers between 2 January 2013 and 31 March 2018, as part of a military cooperation agreement. The authorization means the South African force could be doubled at short notice, without any procedural delays. 

South Africa and CAR signed a military cooperation agreement in 2007, which was renewed for a further five years in December 2012. That agreement is providing CAR’s army with an array of military training, from infantry, artillery and special forces training to logistics and driving courses, as well as “refurbishment” of military infrastructure in Bouar and Bangui. South Africa’s military has also supported disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes, and it assisted in CAR’s 2011 elections. 

After the signing of the military cooperation agreement - and before the recent deployment - the numbers of SANDF personnel had fluctuated by between 20 and 46 soldiers, Dlamini said. 

He declined to comment on any operational or equipment details, but said that according to rules of engagement, South African troops could act in self-defence and also “protect property we [South Africa] have there.” 

In February 2011, the South African government said, in a written reply to an opposition party parliamentary question, “South Africa’s involvement in the security of the Central African Republic followed President Francois Bozize’s request to South Africa to assist the Central African Republic’s Defence Force to upgrade their military capabilities.” A SANDF special forces unit was also provided for “VIP protection to President Bozize.” 

Bolstering military presence 

A host of other countries are also bolstering their military presence in CAR after the rebels’ recent successes. 

Ugandan troops, with the support of US special forces, are operating in the country in pursuit of Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) leader Joseph Kony [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95083/SECURITY-Fighting-Kony-with-beer-spy-planes-and-YouTube ]. About 100 US special forces have been advising and coordinating the fight against Kony for more than a year, operating in CAR, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan and Uganda; the majority are thought to be in CAR. US President Barrack Obama has reportedly ordered an additional “standby security force” of 50 troops to CAR owing to the “deteriorating security situation”. 

About 500 troops from Economic Community of Central African States - the majority of them from neighbouring Chad - are also in the country. Chad’s government has reportedly pledged a further 2,000 troops to support Bozize’s government. Bozize came to power in a 2003 coup supported by Chad’s President Idriss Deby; he has been elected twice since, although the 2011 poll was dismissed by opposition parties as fraudulent. 

However, it was France’s recent move to boost its troops in CAR from 250 to 600 that may have provoked South Africa’s increase in its own military presence, David Zoumenou, a senior conflict analyst at the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies (ISS), told IRIN. 

Since CAR achieved its independence from France in 1960, the former colonial power has maintained an almost continuous military presence in the country. France’s habit of stationing troops in its former colonies has always been a contentious issue for the African Union (AU) and its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). 

Diplomatic wars 

Zoumenou said, “We are asking why South Africa has deployed so many troops [to CAR].” It can been viewed as “a new battlefield between France and South Africa”. 

South Africa, the continent’s powerhouse, has championed the AU’s mantra of “African solutions to African problems,” and is increasingly becoming involved in Francophone Africa, Zoumenou said. It is an open secret that tensions exist between France and South Africa over how to deal with Madagascar’s nearly four-year-old political crisis. 

South Africa’s troop deployment to CAR can also been seen as a new foreign policy direction for the country, whose focus on the continent is changing from the human-rights-based agenda that held sway under former presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki towards strategic interests, such as mineral concessions and markets for South Africa’s arms industry. 

But there are drawbacks to South Africa’s use of military influence - particularly capacity issues, according to Zoumenou. The country is “overstretched” by its commitments to the continent in AU and UN missions, and it is handicapped by its force design, he said [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94597/Analysis-South-Africa-paper-tiger-of-African-peacekeeping-operations ].

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97194/South-Africa-bolsters-its-troops-in-the-Central-African-Republic</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201005261538140561t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 08 January 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa has deployed 200 troops in the strife-torn Central African Republic (CAR), which some see not simply as an effort to assist CAR’s army but also as a move to counter French military influence in the region.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Rebel advance in CAR worsens humanitarian crisis</title><pubDate>Fri, 04 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281203590995t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 04 January 2013 (IRIN) - A rebel takeover of several key towns in the Central African Republic (CAR) has placed additional strain on humanitarian conditions that were already precarious due to years of armed conflict. Access to populations in need and aid personnel on the ground are now significantly reduced.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 04 January 2013 (IRIN) -  A rebel takeover of several key towns in the Central African Republic (CAR) has placed additional strain on humanitarian conditions that were already precarious due to years of armed conflict. Access to populations in need and aid personnel on the ground are now significantly reduced.

That the rebels - grouped under the “Seleka” alliance - were able to advance to within 160km of the capital, Bangui, with little opposition from government forces underscores the absence of state infrastructure in much of the country. In many areas, basic healthcare and education are provided by aid groups or not at all.

“Population displacements have been reported in a number of areas, including Bangui, Ndélé and across the border into the Democratic Republic of Congo, from the Mobaye region in CAR and towards Bertoua in Cameroon,” the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in a recent update [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20Situation%20Report_CAR_2_01_2013.pdf ].

“There are serious concerns about the protection of civilians across the country amid reports of widespread looting and violence. An estimated 316,000 people are living in the affected areas, and some 700,000 persons in Bangui are at further risk of an escalation in fighting,” the update said.

“A few humanitarian partners are responding to the most urgent emergency needs of displaced people in Ndélé and other areas, but temporary evacuations of humanitarian staff from affected areas due to the violence have disrupted a number of humanitarian programmes across the country,” it added. The grounding of UN aircraft, “the primary means of transport around CAR,” has also limited the activities of partners on the ground.

Medical needs

Areas with the most pressing needs include the towns of Ndélé, Bamingui,

Kabo, Batangafo, Kaga-Bandoro, Sam Ouandja, Bambari, Bria and Sibut.

“Increased military movements and clashes between rebels and the army have forced the civilian population to leave their homes, preventing them from accessing the basic services they need - medical aid, in particular,” medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said a 27 December statement. “This situation could have fatal consequences for people already struggling to find care after a decade of chronic armed violence had severely limited the country’s health system.” [ http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=6510&cat=field-news ]

“Because of the insecurity in the area [the town of Batangafo, taken by the rebels on 20 December], it is impossible to refer any patient from the peripheral health posts to the hospital, in case of severe conditions and emergencies, due to the total restriction of motorbike-taxi movements,” said Amal El Oualji, MSF’s project coordinator in Batangafo.

“In the town of Ndélé, in the north of CAR, which was attacked on December 10… MSF is aware of at least 2,600 displaced people who are spending nights in small groups, hiding in the bush or seeking refuge at the airstrip, not far from town. Unfortunately, this is only a small fraction of the displaced population; most are spending the nights close to their crop fields, in smaller groups of between two and five families spread over many kilometres with no road access. Many of them suffer from diseases such as malaria, acute respiratory infection or diarrhoea,” the statement said.

Rights abuses

The International Federation of Human Rights Leagues (FIDH) says the rebel advance, which began in early December, has been accompanied by “repeated attacks, rapes and looting” against civilians in areas under their control.

“In Bangui, the rebel advance has reportedly unleashed a wave of arrests and intimidation against political opponents and people from the north of the country, a zone the rebels come from,” FIDH said in a statement.

“All international crimes committed by either side could fall under the competence of the International Criminal Court, which remains seized of the situation in CAR,” said FIDH chairperson Souhayr Belhassen.

The Federation added that the absence of justice in CAR has been one of the sources of armed violence over the last decade, including the one in 2003 that brought the current president, Francois Bozizé, to power.

FIDH also called for negotiations due to start 8 January in Gabon to include political groups and civil society “to guarantee a transparent political transition, allowing for the establishment of a better government and to tackle impunity for the most serious crimes.”

A forgotten crisis

The country is described by the European Commission’s humanitarian arm (ECHO) as being in a state of “forgotten crisis.”

“Its volatile context and very poor humanitarian situation are largely unknown, major donors are thin on the ground, and there is a lack of experienced partners. The multiple population displacements affect relatively small numbers of people compared with neighbouring countries, but the various vulnerability indicators are very worrying and reflect a lack of resilience of the population to absorb even minor shocks,” said an ECHO Humanitarian Implementation Plan released in October 2012.

According to the US$129 million 2013 Consolidated Appeal for CAR, “chronic crisis has substantial humanitarian repercussions that increase the population‘s vulnerability. This chronic vulnerability… is exacerbated by minimal access to basic social services, presence of destabilizing armed actors and frequency of localized natural disasters”. Major hurdles to addressing needs are “access constraints due to insecurity and criminality, and the lack of funding required for effective project planning and implementation”, the appeal said.

Action Against Hunger (ACF) noted, “Despite a certain recovery since the 2008 economic crisis, economic growth (in CAR) is too weak to have an impact on poverty reduction and job creation… The country is immense, five times the size of France, but infrastructure is non-existent. The state is quasi-absent and the health system barely exists except in Bangui.”

Next steps

Noting that the Seleka rebellion follows decades of instability and several bouts of violence in the capital, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in a briefing that the priority now should be avoiding another “battle of Bangui” and further violence against civilians [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/alerts/2013/car-alert-2jan2013.aspx?utm_source=caralert&utm_medium=title&utm_campaign=mremail ].

To this end, ICG urged that the forthcoming negotiations between the government, Seleka and opposition parties include discussions on the composition of a government of national unity, stimulating the economy, army reform, disarmament and the reintegration of combatants, as well as the creation of a commission to investigate state violence.

am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97175/Rebel-advance-in-CAR-worsens-humanitarian-crisis</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202281203590995t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 04 January 2013 (IRIN) - A rebel takeover of several key towns in the Central African Republic (CAR) has placed additional strain on humanitarian conditions that were already precarious due to years of armed conflict. Access to populations in need and aid personnel on the ground are now significantly reduced.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Hundreds flee as rebels advance</title><pubDate>Wed, 19 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 19 December 2012 (IRIN) - A new alliance of three rebel groups in the Central African Republic (CAR), which has taken control of five towns in northern-central areas, could jeopardize a complex peace process that has been under way since 2007.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 19 December 2012 (IRIN) - A new alliance of three rebel groups in the Central African Republic (CAR), which has taken control of five towns in northern-central areas, could jeopardize a complex peace process that has been under way since 2007.

The rebel alliance seized control of the northern towns of Ndélé and Bamingui in the last few days, and has now also seized Bria, a central-northern town in the country's diamond-mining area.

On 18 December, following an appeal from CAR President Francois Bozizé, Chadian troops entered CAR to join the government army in re-taking the captured towns.

In a statement sent to AFP on 17 December, the alliance said that unless Bozizé's administration agrees to discuss their grievances over peace terms, the insurgents will do all they can "to change, sooner or later, this predatory regime".

The towns in rebel hands are Ndélé, Sam-Ouandja, Ouadda, Bamingui and Bria.

The road to Bangui

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, hundreds of people have been displaced from their homes in Sam-Ouandja and Ndélé. The organization noted, on 18 December, that the towns’ residents faced “restricted access to assistance and social services, and loss of personal belongings and livelihoods”.

Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), the Danish Refugee Council, and the French Red Cross, which work in Ndélé and other nearby towns, have evacuated their staff to the capital, Bangui. MSF is maintaining a minimum presence at the hospital in Ndélé.

“The humanitarian community is deeply concerned about the humanitarian impact on the civilian population and urges all parties to observe strictly international humanitarian law, ensure that humanitarian access and space are unhindered as well as protect civilian lives and livelihoods,” Modibo Toure, acting UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in CAR, said in an 18 December statement.

Thierry Vircoulon, Central Africa project director for the think tank International Crisis Group, told IRIN that the rebels were "progressing quite fast and they constitute a real threat for the regime".

"They managed to unite and they are sufficiently well equipped to challenge the CAR's army and, except for the Chadian army, no force can prevent them from taking the road to Bangui at this stage," he said.

Rebel demands

An earlier alliance statement set out a long list of political and military demands and made a cessation of hostilities conditional on the government’s agreement to hold talks with them.

The rebels want: the implementation of the recommendations of the Inclusive Political Dialogue, which was held in 2008 among government, civil society, the opposition and the rebels; financial compensation for the rebels; the release of political prisoners; and the opening of an investigation into the disappearance of former CPJP (Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace) leader Charles Massi and other "crimes".

The statement denounced, among other things, "the exclusion and the contempt, the favouritism and the tribalism" of the head of state and his family, as well as "the looting of the wealth of Central Africans by the government authorities who are supposed to protect them."

The authorities have not responded officially to the seizure of Bamingui or Bria, or to the creation of the new alliance, though the latest army communiqué, dated 12 December, noted the rebel capture of Ndélé.

"The capture of these towns is a direct challenge to the government," Vircoulon said. "The demands of the rebels are very clear and illustrate a high level of dissatisfaction with the peace process. They basically consider that the peace process is unfinished business and needs to be reactivated."

The new politico-military alliance is called Seleka CPSK-CPJP-UFDR, and was officially launched in a press release signed by the three leaders on 16 December. It is made up of the Wa Kodro Salute Patriotic Convention (CPSK), chaired by Nureldine Adam; CPJP, chaired by Dhaffane Mohamed Moussa; and a dissident faction of the Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR), chaired Michel Djotodja.

The first two groups have signed peace deals with the government and were supposed to have laid down their arms.

A number of government soldiers have been captured or are missing. Twenty-two soldiers captured during the seizure of Sam-Ouandja on 10 December are still in the hands of their captors. Additionally, between 10 and 30 been untraceable since the fall of Bamingui, according to sources that also mention the disappearance of vehicles and other military equipment.

This sudden resurgence of hostilities in northern CAR could jeopardize the peace process [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95586/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Security-hopes-improve-after-main-rebel-groups-disband ] and the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government and three rebel movements - APRD (Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy); UFR (Union of Republican Forces); and UFDR.

cd-k/cb/kr/rz

 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97085/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Hundreds-flee-as-rebels-advance</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110937450253t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 19 December 2012 (IRIN) - A new alliance of three rebel groups in the Central African Republic (CAR), which has taken control of five towns in northern-central areas, could jeopardize a complex peace process that has been under way since 2007.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Breaking out of the cold chain</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.

Before, like almost all vaccines, the Meningitis A vaccine (marketed in Africa as MenAfricVac) was only licensed for use if kept at temperatures of 2-8 degrees Celsius.

The breakthrough follows years of rigorous testing of the effect of heat on the vaccine by the regulator Drugs Controller General of India, Health Canada [ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ahc-asc/index-eng.php ], and the World Health Organization (WHO) Vaccines pre-qualification programme [ http://apps.who.int/prequal/ ].

As a result, very remote populations will access the vaccine more easily, the logistics of vaccine campaigns will be simpler, and vaccine campaign costs will drop both for partners and for national governments, said Michel Zaffran, coordinator of WHO’s Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) [ http://www.who.int/immunization_delivery/en/ ], and Marie-Pierre Preziosi, director of the meningitis Vaccine Project, a partnership between international NGO PATH [ http://www.path.org/ ] and WHO.

Costs will not drop significantly immediately, but will diminish as more vaccines are relicensed, says WHO. Cost implication studies are under way in northern Benin and Chad. 

While cold chain limitations do not tend to limit coverage, they do overburden health workers, says WHO. 

Even industrialized country vaccine campaigns have trouble sticking to the cold chain, and each year thousands of vaccines are thrown away due to cold chain failure, even if the vaccine might still have been unaffected, according to WHO. 

“This is a breakthrough,” said Zaffran. “It is the first vaccination ever to be licensed for use in a developing country with the flexibility to take us out of the rigid temperature structure. It is a great simplification of logistics. And it opens the door for other manufacturers to follow suit.”

Why so long?

But the vaccine is nothing new - merely the license has changed following analysis of years of data on the vaccine’s stability - that is, how well it can withstand temperature rises and other conditions.

“The potential for some vaccines to remain safely outside the cold chain for short periods of time has been widely known for over 20 years,” said Zaffran in a recent communiqué. “But this is the first time a vaccine intended for use in Africa has been tested and submitted to regulatory review and approved for this type of use.”

It took decades to get here because agencies got stuck in a mindset, said Zaffran. The EPI was set up in the 1970s to immunize as many children against diseases as quickly as possible, and put in place simple rigid rules to avoid risk: one of which was to keep vaccines cold. “It was quite difficult to move away from this mentality,” said Zaffran.

Regulators and manufacturers are “very conservative in order to protect the population,” said Preziosi. “It took a while for all the documentation to be gathered to convince them to go ahead.” 

Strict controls remain: “This is not a “green light to do anything with a vaccine - it still needs to be kept… at no more than 40 degrees, for any more than four days," stressed Zaffran.

Hepatitis B next?

“The momentum is there. I am quite confident that within the next year or two, we’ll have one or two more re-licensed in this way,” he said.

Analysis on the heat stability of Hepatitis B and HPV [ http://www.cdc.gov/hpv/whatishpv.html ] (human papillomavirus) vaccines is under way; next on the list are yellow fever, rotavirus and pneumococcal disease. 

Even the oral polio vaccine - one of the most heat-sensitive vaccines - was shown to be stable when the cold chain broke down in a part of Chad, according to a recent study though WHO was emphatic that rather than licensing the vaccine it will gradually be phased out as progress towards eradication inches along. 

Meningitis progress

The MenAfricVac, which costs just under 50 US cents per dose, was designed for use in the 26 countries that span the African meningitis belt, from Senegal to Ethiopia. 

Some 100 million people aged 1-29 across 10 countries have been vaccinated thus far; a further 16 countries are planned between now and 2016. 

Early results have been very positive: Burkina Faso [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92985/WEST-AFRICA-Meningitis-cases-dramatically-down ] has had the lowest level of epidemic meningitis in 15 years, and the campaign is achieving “herd immunity” - that is, those either too old or too young to have received the vaccine have also been shown to be clear of the bacteria. 

Meningitis A could be eliminated in the meningitis belt if the mass campaign continues, says Preziosi, and if governments then incorporate it in their routine immunization programmes. 

But more funding beyond the US$160 million from the GAVI Alliance [ http://www.gavialliance.org/ ], and contributions from national governments, will be needed to complete the campaign, she warns. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96827/HEALTH-Breaking-out-of-the-cold-chain</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904201848030218t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 November 2012 (IRIN) - Health workers currently immunizing thousands of children and young adults against Meningitis A in Benin are currently doing so without having to spend days preparing ice packs and sourcing generators and fridges to load on trucks because the vaccine has now won approval for being kept at up to 40 degrees Celsius for as long as four days.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Diagnosis difficulties behind pneumonia spread</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211121123390577t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - In a bid to increase the low level of awareness of pneumonia in the Central African Republic (CAR), where the disease is the biggest killer of children under five, a wide-ranging media campaign has been launched.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - In a bid to increase the low level of awareness of pneumonia in the Central African Republic (CAR), where the disease is the biggest killer of children under five, a wide-ranging media campaign has been launched.

Launched on World Pneumonia Day  by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) the campaign, run in conjunction with the Network of Journalists for Human Rights in CAR, will focus on the disease’s symptoms, how it is spread and can be treated, as well as on the need for behaviour change [ http://worldpneumoniaday.org/ ].

It will also be highlighting the vaccine against pneumonia which is part of the Expanded Programme on Immunization in CAR.

According to UNICEF, 30 percent of deaths among children under five are connected to pneumonia, and the aim, in line with the relevant Millennium Development Goal, is to reduce this by 2015.

Pneumonia is an infectious disease of the lungs caused by bacteria or viruses, and it is difficult for parents and even some health workers to identify because of its resemblance to other pulmonary infections.

Communications director of the Health Ministry Modeste Hoza, told IRIN the disease was “more dangerous than malaria or other diseases such as whooping cough.

“One of the difficulties is that the description of the disease is too medical [technical]. The approach to diagnosis is also too medical, which makes it difficult for parents to detect if their children have pneumonia.”

The difficulty of distinguishing between pneumonia, tuberculosis, bronchitis, whooping cough and other respiratory infections is one of the main causes of the spread of the disease. The best thing for parents or relatives to do, Hoza said, was to take children to hospital as soon as they start coughing or develop a fever. Another sign of the disease is involuntary nose movements.

He added that the disease was also spreading in CAR because of the wrong vaccinations being administered, that is to say some children had not received the series of vaccinations they should have since birth.

"Children with sickle cell disease can also be easily affected by pneumonia. The disease is spreading and becoming more deadly because many people prefer self-medication to laboratory tests.”

Prevention is possible thanks to an existing vaccine, but this vaccine is not known to the public, owing to poor communications: A national vaccination campaign along the lines of the anti-polio drive has never been organized.

"Pneumonia is preventable thanks to the vaccine. Unfortunately, of the 10 vaccination centres in Bangui, barely four are operational throughout the year. Some are only operational perhaps six months a year,” said Hoza.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96757/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Diagnosis-difficulties-behind-pneumonia-spread</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201211121123390577t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 12 November 2012 (IRIN) - In a bid to increase the low level of awareness of pneumonia in the Central African Republic (CAR), where the disease is the biggest killer of children under five, a wide-ranging media campaign has been launched.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Victims cry foul over Uganda’s LRA strategy</title><pubDate>Tue, 30 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210301018330895t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 30 October 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda’s practice of pardoning and then integrating into its military captured or surrendered members of the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA), getting them to hunt down their former comrades-in-arms, has come in for criticism by civilians affected by the rebel group in the Central African Republic (CAR).</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 30 October 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda’s practice of pardoning and then integrating into its military captured or surrendered members of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), getting them to hunt down their former comrades-in-arms, has come in for criticism by civilians affected by the rebel group in the Central African Republic (CAR).

"This strategy is a real insult to the victims," said Gaétan Zangagoumé, chairman of a victims’ association in Obo, capital of Haut-Mbomou Prefecture. The area, in the extreme southeast of CAR, has been heavily affected by LRA activities. Victims there include hundreds of civilians forcibly conscripted into the LRA as well as people from villages repeatedly attacked, torched and now deserted. Fear of further attacks greatly restricts freedom of movement.

Zangagoumé said it is wrong to send former LRA members back to areas in which they operated, now as protectors. Civil society organizations like JUPEDEC (Youth United for Environmental Protection and Community Development), a local NGO working for a “inclusive” plan in the fight against the LRA in the prefectures of Mbomou and Haut-Mbomou, agree.

"At a meeting we organized, a female victim recognized among the Ugandan forces a former LRA rebel who had raped her. He even wanted to court her. She told us this; it is a difficult situation," said Alexis Lewis Mbolinani, the NGO’s coordinator.

Arms not enough

In Kampala, Uganda's military spokesperson Col Felix Kulayigye told IRIN that LRA fighters in CAR “who are captured in action or surrender to us are allowed to make a [decision] whether to join us or [whether they] want to go home. There is no secret about it. This happens for reconciliation purposes.”

A Ugandan officer in CAR, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said, “They are deployed in the field because they are more familiar with the terrain and areas where [LRA rebel leader Joseph] Kony’s  bases are.”

JUPEDEC believes civil society should play an important role in the hunt for Kony. The idea, it says, is to involve many actors in the fight: Civil society, the church, the army and local authorities must be mobilized to call for LRA members to defect because the rebellion cannot be ended by force of arms alone. 

"The more we multiply military attacks, the more we aggravate the situation of the civilian population; hence the need to focus on encouraging defections. The LRA has been in existence for 26 years, and armed response has not been able to stop it," Mbolinani said.

Civilians neglected

Civilians who have escaped LRA captivity in Haut Mbomou have formed self-help associations. The parent organization in Obo has 232 members; others have been set up in the towns of Zemio, Mboki, Bambuti and Djemah, with memberships ranging from 60 to 200. According to Kulayigye, the Ugandan army has freed 800 CAR civilians from the LRA.

The associations hope to attract government or foreign assistance, but sometimes donations turn out to be useless, according to Zangagoumé.

One NGO “has just donated a welder without providing a generator. I do not know how a machine of this kind can operate without a generator in a town without electricity," he said, lamenting the omission of victims’ needs from efforts to eradicate the LRA. 

Amnesty International Central Africa researcher Godfrey Byaruhanga made a similar point in a June 2012 report [ http://livewire.amnesty.org/2012/06/07/central-african-republic-catch-kony-but-don%E2%80%99t-forget-his-victims/index.html ] from Obo: “The international community appears to be more interested in the infamous Kony and his LRA outfit than in their many victims in CAR and other countries in the region. The LRA threat will hopefully diminish and eventually disappear - with Kony and other LRA leaders brought to justice - but the victims will remain.”

But civilians affected by the LRA in southeast CAR are not entirely without help.

COOPI, an Italian NGO, offers psychological counselling and training in livelihood skills. And earlier this month, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) - which provides some humanitarian and reintegration assistance in southeast CAR - launched a three-year programme to provide small grants to LRA-affected civilians to “develop and implement security plans and reduce their isolation and vulnerability through communications technology and skills-building.”

26,000 internally displaced

LRA violence first reached southeastern CAR in 2008. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), there are currently some 26,000 internally displaced persons in the southeast. 

In October 2011, the US government sent military advisers to support CAR and Ugandan armed forces in their fight against the LRA.

Similarly, the African Union is in the process of establishing a regional anti-Kony force composed of 5,000 men from the four countries affected by LRA activities. Last September, CAR provided 450 men, South Sudan 500 and Uganda 2,000. The Democratic Republic of Congo has yet to make any troops available.

UNHCR is also working directly with people who have fled the LRA, supporting income generating activities and providing psychological support through a partner NGO, Centre de Support en Santé Internationale. 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96666/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Victims-cry-foul-over-Uganda-s-LRA-strategy</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210301018330895t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 30 October 2012 (IRIN) - Uganda’s practice of pardoning and then integrating into its military captured or surrendered members of the Lord&apos;s Resistance Army (LRA), getting them to hunt down their former comrades-in-arms, has come in for criticism by civilians affected by the rebel group in the Central African Republic (CAR).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Boost for peace as rebel group disbands</title><pubDate>Tue, 09 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210091020370037t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Preparations for the repatriation of 3,000 followers of a Chadian former rebel leader have started in Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic (CAR). If successful, the month-long operation will be an important step towards the return of peace and security in northern and north-central CAR.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Preparations for the repatriation of 3,000 followers of a Chadian former rebel leader have started in Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic (CAR). If successful, the month-long operation will be an important step towards the return of peace and security in northern and north-central CAR.

Abdel Kader Baba-Laddé, the leader of the Popular Front for Recovery (Front Populaire pour le Redressement, or FPR), surrendered on 3 September and returned two days later to Chad to make peace with the government there. A committee - chaired by chief CAR ombudsman Paulin Pomodimo and supported by the UN and the multinational force in CAR - has been formed to oversee the repatriation of those of his followers who are Chadian, the majority of his forces. 

These followers are leaving the town of Ippy in central CAR, where the FPR holed up after a joint attack by CAR and Chadian armed forces in January 2012. "Women and children will be part of the first convoy, and men will follow after," said Ferreira Firmhino, a senior government mediation and repatriation official. They will head first for Bangui.

After several failed attempts at negotiations and dialogue, “General” Baba-Laddé surrendered, saying he would finally "make peace with the Central African population". 

But human rights activists are opposed to his unconditional repatriation, even if this is welcomed by civilians displaced by FPR’s activities.

Over 20,000 displaced

Baba-Laddé, who once served in the Chadian police, arrived in CAR in 2008, taking advantage of the lack of state security forces in the northwest.

Based mainly in Ouandago Commune, his group, which included some local unemployed youths, was accused of committing atrocities against civilians. A 29 May 2012 report presented by the UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in CAR (BINUCA) [ http://binuca.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?alias=binuca.unmissions.org/binuca-eng&language=en-US ], said 22,000 people had been displaced by FPR.

Fulani pastoralists were also targeted, often facing hold-ups and ransom demands. “Sometimes Baba-Laddé took our cattle. Sometimes, if he pleased, he bought them for a sum of his choosing. He also had us escorted by his men to the cattle market in Bangui, where we sold the cattle and handed over the money to him before being allowed to go,'' said Diodi, a cattle trader in Bangui.

Baba-Laddé’s presence also affected the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of other combatants in CAR.

An expert with BINUCA working on the DDR programme told IRIN that the armed group the Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD), based in northern-central CAR, had set as a condition for surrendering its weapons the disarmament or repatriation of Baba-Laddé’s forces. This led to the suspension of DDR activities in September 2011. It took the ''neutralization'' of Baba-Laddé’s forces in January for APRD to be completely disarmed and disbanded. 

Demands for justice

After his surrender, local NGO Network for Promoting and Defending Human Rights (ROPDDH) said Baba-Laddé’s crimes “may fall within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court.''

ROPDDH issued a 4 September press release calling for justice for Baba-Laddé’s “many victims of banditry”.

The National Mediation Council thinks this is "fair and normal", but not urgent. "This is not the priority. You cannot launch a lawsuit against this man while his followers still have weapons in their hands and are in CAR," said Ombudsman Paulin Pomodimo. 

The ombudsman also pointed out that there would be no DDR programme for Baba-Laddé’s Central African supporters. They will simply be gathered in Bangui before returning to their respective communities, except for an unknown number who accept Chad’s offer to host them.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96496/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Boost-for-peace-as-rebel-group-disbands</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201210091020370037t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 09 October 2012 (IRIN) - Preparations for the repatriation of 3,000 followers of a Chadian former rebel leader have started in Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic (CAR). If successful, the month-long operation will be an important step towards the return of peace and security in northern and north-central CAR.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NIGER: Agencies scramble to repair schools after floods</title><pubDate>Wed, 26 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209261300400518t.jpg" />]]>NIAMEY 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Niger and aid agencies are scrambling to clean and repair thousands of schools that were damaged in the flooding from rains in July and August, which displaced over 500,000 people and killed over 80, in an effort to return children to school as soon as possible.</description><body><![CDATA[NIAMEY 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Niger and aid agencies are scrambling to clean and repair thousands of schools that were damaged in the flooding from rains in July and August, which displaced over 500,000 people and killed over 80, in an effort to return children to school as soon as possible. 

The worst-hit areas were Dosso in the southwest, Tillabéri in the west and Niamey Region, which includes the capital. Altogether, 150 of the country’s 366 communes were affected, making the floods the worst the country has seen in 80 years, according to Oxfam. [ http://reliefweb.int/report/niger/worst-flooding-more-80-years-affecting-half-million-people-niger ]

The humanitarian response, from both the government and aid agencies, was swift, with thousands of food packages and non-food items distributed, says Modibo Traoré, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Niger, but recovery needs are now underfunded.

Some 1.5 million people were displaced or had their homes damaged in flooding across West Africa this rainy season, according to OCHA. 

Early recovery needs

The government has an early recovery plan, “but it needs funding,” said Traoré.

Some US$2.5 million from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) has been released for flood response, but none of it has gone to rehabilitate schools, as education is not considered to be “life-saving”.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) is being given $1 million to rehabilitate 1,000 damaged health centres, most of them in Dosso and Tillabéri.

Schools are supposed to re-open on 27 September, but this will likely be delayed - some by as much as several weeks - say aid workers. “There is lots of work to do. Two weeks is not enough to do it all,” Weifane Ibrahim, Oxfam’s Niger education coordinator, told IRIN.

Displaced families fled to some 80 schools and other public buildings following the floods, but most of these buildings have since been vacated, with families receiving cash vouchers, basic supplies and encouragement to stay with host families. 

“The sooner our schools are freed up, the quicker we can continue class,” said Hima Achana, communication secretary at the National Teachers Union in Niger. 

“Early recovery is the priority now - houses, schools, health centres, community centres, mosques and water points all need to be rebuilt,” stressed Traoré. 

Floods also destroyed some 7,000 hectares of crops, leaving farmers in need of tools and seeds so they can start again. 

Forced resettlement

Too many families have settled in floodplains along the Niger River and must be relocated, says the government. Many block run-off water from the river, exacerbating floods, while some families in the Niamey region have settled on the riverbed itself, which is dry for most of the year.

Niamey Governor Aichatou Boulama Kane has announced that families will be relocated in coming months, noting that the government has designated appropriate locations for them. 

This approach has not worked in the past; in 2010, some 900 families were given $1,000 to relocate, and then ended up just moving back to their original site, which was near the river and thus aided irrigated agriculture. But the government, then transitional, is now more firmly installed and should have more success this time around, Traoré predicted. 

Thousands of Niamey families who lost their homes are calling on the government to help them with temporary shelter and rebuilding. 

At Saga 1, a riverside village on the outskirts of Niamey, many homeless families have settled in with extended family or friends and are waiting for help. “They asked us to leave the schools where we were sheltering, but as of now no one has shown us the site where we’ll be moving,” said Mahamane Issa, 40. 

The government has promised to do so, with the help of its partners.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96395/NIGER-Agencies-scramble-to-repair-schools-after-floods</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209261300400518t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NIAMEY 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Niger and aid agencies are scrambling to clean and repair thousands of schools that were damaged in the flooding from rains in July and August, which displaced over 500,000 people and killed over 80, in an effort to return children to school as soon as possible.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: CAR refugees face urgent needs in DRC</title><pubDate>Wed, 05 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209051414080963t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 05 September 2012 (IRIN) - More than 1,700 people who fled attacks in the Central African Republic (CAR) have streamed into neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, aid agencies say.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 05 September 2012 (IRIN) - More than 1,700 people who fled attacks in the Central African Republic (CAR) have streamed into neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, aid agencies say.

“This population, estimated at 1,727 people, are fleeing atrocities being committed by armed elements who  invaded their home villages since June 2012, forcing them to cross the Ubangi River and seek refuge in the DRC,” according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). [ http://www.ifrc.org/docs/Appeals/12/MDRCD012.pdf ]

The refugees, from the eastern CAR villages of Gbasiki and Gbazamba, are now living in the northern DRC villages of Pendu and Guele “in precarious conditions and [they] require urgent assistance,” the Federation said.

They have little access to potable water or food, according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

"They lack both food and non-food items. The refugees are 5 times more numerous than the local population,” Yvon Edoumou, public information officer for OCHA in DRC, told IRIN.

“Pregnant mothers are giving birth in unhealthy conditions,” he said, adding that the refugees’ only source of water was the Ubangi River, which is also a source of waterborne disease.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96249/In-Brief-CAR-refugees-face-urgent-needs-in-DRC</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201209051414080963t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 05 September 2012 (IRIN) - More than 1,700 people who fled attacks in the Central African Republic (CAR) have streamed into neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, aid agencies say.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Donor fatigue forces WFP to cut refugee rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.

The cuts have already affected 16,000 refugees in Malawi’s Dzaleka camp who have been on half rations since March, while a further 120,000 refugees in Uganda began receiving half rations of cereals in May. 

According to WFP, another 100,000 refugees in Tanzania saw their maize rations cut by 50 percent starting from last week, and rations for some 54,000 refugees living in Rwanda are expected to be cut in August unless donors come forward with more funding.

“Even the full ration wasn’t enough,” said Sanky Kabeya, a 24-year-old resident of Dzaleka who spoke to IRIN at the end of March. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95259/EDUCATION-Online-learning-inspires-refugees ] “I haven’t taken breakfast this morning and many are in the same situation.”

Gustave Lwaba, another resident of the camp, said the usual monthly ration of 13kg of maize had gone down to 7kg, while rations of cooking oil, pigeon peas, sugar and salt had also been cut by half. "There are people in the camp who rely on relatives who've been resettled," he said. "The rest really starve because the rations can't last a month."

Michelle Carter, country director for the Jesuit Refugee Service in Malawi, which runs a number of educational and other programmes in the camp, said the cuts were “clearly leading to a fair amount of hunger… I know children are coming to school hungry,” she told IRIN. 

“The food is only lasting two weeks and if they’re on their own it’s much worse because they can’t combine rations.”

Noting that only a very small percentage of the refugees had any source of income, she said single mothers, unaccompanied minors and the elderly and disabled had been particularly hard hit by the reduced rations.

A protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Malawi, Gavin Lim, said his agency planned to carry out an assessment in the coming months to determine the full impact of the ration cuts but that reports of more women in the camp turning to survival sex were already coming in.

Difficult to become self-reliant

Most countries in southern and eastern Africa have an encampment policy for refugees which restricts their freedom of movement and reduces their chances of becoming self-reliant. Some earn a small income running informal businesses outside the camps but competition with often equally impoverished locals is fierce and has led to outbreaks of violence. 

In May, a number of refugees who were selling goods at a small trading centre outside Dzaleka were assaulted by local traders who accused them of undermining their businesses. According to Carter, the Malawian government plans to withdraw trading licenses for refugees from July.

Many of Dzaleka's residents have lived in the camp for over a decade. Indeed, an increasing proportion of refugees today live in what UNHCR describes as "protracted" exile (in 2011, more than seven million refugees had lived outside their country for more than five years). Donors are increasingly reluctant to shoulder the burden of feeding these long-term refugees.

Commenting on the funding shortfall, WFP spokesperson for east and southern Africa David Orr said: "There is inevitably some donor fatigue regarding longstanding or protracted refugee loads; these funding issues affect more than just food."

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: How close is an African criminal court?</title><pubDate>Wed, 13 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160805030645t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 13 June 2012 (IRIN) - The long-running spat between the African Union (AU) and International Criminal Court (ICC) over perceived bias has prompted the AU to push ahead with plans to form its own Africa-wide criminal court, but analysts believe the move could complicate, rather than enhance, international justice.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 13 June 2012 (IRIN) - The long-running spat between the African Union (AU) and International Criminal Court (ICC) over perceived bias has prompted the AU to push ahead with plans to form its own Africa-wide criminal court, but analysts believe the move could complicate, rather than enhance, international justice. 

“Africa wants regional ownership of its crimes and its leaders,” Alan Wallis, an international justice lawyer at the Johannesburg-based Southern African Litigation Centre (SALC), told IRIN, but pointed out: “There is a misbelief [by the AU] that Africa is being targeted, as all cases before the ICC concern African situations, but this ignores the fact that of those six [cases], three were referred to the ICC by the countries concerned.” 

AU commission chairperson Jean Ping has accused ICC of “bullying” Africa, with a key bone of contention being the 2009 indictment of Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir for alleged atrocities committed in Darfur. 

Plans for an African criminal court moved into an advanced stage with a final draft protocol drawn up in Addis Ababa on 15 May. It is widely expected to be adopted at an AU summit meeting of heads of state in July. 

The venue for the summit was originally intended to be Malawi, but the host president, Joyce Banda, said it would honour its ICC obligations and arrest Sudan’s president should he attend. The meeting was subsequently switched to Addis Ababa. 

Adoption of the new court, according to analysts, requires formalizing the crime of “unconstitutional change of government”, and it would require ratification by 15 AU member states - a process which could take a few years. 

The jurisdiction envisaged by the new AU court replicates that of the ICC, covering such things as the major international crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity - and adds others such as piracy, terrorism, mercenary activity, corruption, money-laundering, human and narcotics trafficking and the illegal exploitation of natural resources. 

Calls by the AU “in the interests of peace and security” on the UN Security Council to defer or postpone legal proceedings against Bashir - and against the alleged instigators of Kenya’s post-electoral violence in 2008 - have fallen on deaf ears. 

Stephen Arthur Lamony, Africa outreach liaison and situations adviser for the Coalition for the ICC, an umbrella organization of 2,500 civil society organizations in 150 countries, told IRIN: “The AU feels ignored”. He said AU requests to defer legal proceedings in the two cases would remain “a sticking point” between the AU and the ICC. 

He added that the ICC had been attempting to establish an AU-ICC liaison office for “quite a while”, but had not met with success. 

Amalgamation 

The African Court of Justice and Human Rights is supposed to be formed through a merger of the African Court on Human and People’s Rights [ http://www.african-court.org/en/ ] and the AU Court of Justice, [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/organs/court_of_justice_en.htm ] and is envisaged to comprise three sections: general affairs, human rights and international criminal law. 

According to the court’s draft protocol, the AU Peace and Security Council and the office of the prosecutor will be eligible to submit cases; the court’s jurisdiction for international crimes will commence after its inception. This means that the court would not trump current cases being considered by the ICC regarding the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, Kenya and Sudan. 

Wallis said the court’s composition, combining a human rights function and criminal prosecutorial powers was “unprecedented” under international law, and the process appeared to be rushed. “Here is a completely new creature - a regional criminal court, with identical jurisdiction to the ICC, but with no bridges between the two and it is difficult to anticipate the potential implications and challenges.” 

Where the ICC will fit in, if at all, was unclear. Lamony said the ICC has agreements with national courts but not with regional courts. Wallis foresees confusion should the AU court materialize. “In this regard guidance to African ICC states parties on balancing the relationship between obligations assumed through their ratification of the Rome Statute and the anticipated obligations imposed by the proposed expansion, and the legal implications, should be properly canvassed through further state engagement. A wait-and-see approach may do more harm than good.” 

Jonathan O’Donohue, Amnesty International’s legal adviser for international justice, told IRIN: “The ICC already exists, but it does not seem clear and it is not set out if there is any relationship between the ICC and the [proposed] regional criminal court. There is a danger of duplication [between the two international criminal courts] and also the potential for conflict over jurisdiction. This needs to be resolved before it goes any further.” 

ICC background 

The ICC was established by the Rome Statute in July 1998 and the court entered into force four years later and now counts 121 state parties - 33 of which are African - but noticeable by their absence are the USA, Russia, China, Israel, Sudan and India among others. 

Established as an international court of “last resort”, it was designed to pick up the slack should domestic laws or local criminal justice systems be unable to proceed against the major international crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. In August 2002 South Africa became the first African state to enact the Rome Statute’s provisions into its domestic law, and is only one of four African states to have complied so far. 

Weapon of the West? 

In 2009, the AU adopted the Sirte Resolution calling for non-cooperation by African ICC member states in the arrest of Bashir. Malawi (during the presidency of the late Bingu wa Mutharika), Chad, Kenya and Djibouti - all ICC state parties - have hosted Bashir since the arrest warrant was issued and did not arrest him. 

In a 2010 Institute for Security Studies monograph entitled The International Criminal Court that Africa Wants, [ http://www.issafrica.org/pgcontent.php?UID=30374 ] the author, Max du Plessis, a practising advocate and associate professor of law at South Africa’s University of KwaZulu-Natal, cites Bashir’s arrest warrant as the “flashpoint” that spawned a raft of allegations by the AU against the ICC, with the AU accusing the ICC of being “a hegemonic tool of Western powers” and of having double standards. 

Don Deya, an advocate of the High Court of Kenya and CEO of Pan African Lawyers Union which was tasked with drawing-up the legal foundations of the AU’s regional court, said in a March 2012 article for the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa entitled Is the African Court Worth the Wait? [ http://www.osisa.org/openspace/regional/african-court-worth-wait ] that there was no reason an African court and the ICC could not work “harmoniously” to end impunity for international crimes, “despite the current bitter divide between Africa and the ICC”. 

Deya said in the article that the genesis for the African criminal court was not the “furore” surrounding Bashir, but three other pertinent issues - universal jurisdiction, Senegal’s impending prosecution of former Chadian President Hissene Habré, and formulation of the international crime of “unconstitutional change of government”. 

A French court’s November 2006 arrest warrant for, and subsequent arrest of, Rose Kabuye, the post-genocide Rwandan chief of protocol, in Germany in 2008 was “a turning point”, Deya said: The AU determined that “African states… try international crimes on African soil.” 

Is it affordable? 

An AU report following a two-day meeting of justice ministers and attorney-generals in May 2012, attended by 29 African states as well as representatives of the African Court on Human and People’s Rights, the Pan African Parliament [ http://www.pan-africanparliament.org/ ] and the Africa Prosecutors Association, [ http://www.africaprosecutorsassociation.com/about-us.html ] highlighted the cost implications of establishing an international criminal court. 

“Technically it is not a bad idea on paper. Any forum that seeks to punish perpetrators of international crime is a good idea. But the concern is that you create this institution which may take years to formally get off the ground, but technically could nonetheless allow for `forum shopping’ by providing a choice between the African criminal court and the ICC, and could delay prosecutions and frustrate efforts at accountability,” Wallis said. 

Lamony said many AU member states do not pay their fees, which handicaps the continental body’s operations. “I do not know where they will get the money from [for the court]. In the past [former Libyan president] Muammar Gaddafi would have probably contributed.” 

O’Donohue said there were also concerns that the proposed combined AU court could see the criminal functions of the court drain resources from the already under-resourced human rights court and there “needs to be clarity on the budgetary system”. 

The estimated average cost of an ICC trial is about US$20 million or 14 percent of the AU’s overall annual budget. The ICC trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor cost about $50 million. The 2011 costs for the Special Court of Sierra Leone (SCSL) were $16 million, while the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had a budget of $130 million in 2010, with 800 staff involved in simultaneous trials. 

The cost of individual criminal trials far outweighs those of civil and human rights cases, Wallis said, adding: “The nature of international criminal proceedings makes them extremely resource intensive. Insufficient funding has the potential to prevent the proper dispensation of justice and could raise questions about the integrity and credibility of the court’s future proceedings… 

“There is no excuse in this day and age to make anything less than a perfect criminal court… The experience of international criminal tribunals demonstrates that states’ broad support is essential to arrests and assistance in investigations. The conceptualization of a regional criminal tribunal must take into consideration the experiences and shortcomings of other international criminal tribunals such as the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and ICTR and the ICC, so as to avoid problems down the line.” 

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95633/Analysis-How-close-is-an-African-criminal-court</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201201160805030645t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 13 June 2012 (IRIN) - The long-running spat between the African Union (AU) and International Criminal Court (ICC) over perceived bias has prompted the AU to push ahead with plans to form its own Africa-wide criminal court, but analysts believe the move could complicate, rather than enhance, international justice.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Security hopes improve after main rebel groups disband</title><pubDate>Tue, 05 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191128250708t.jpg" />]]>BANGUI 05 June 2012 (IRIN) - A near decade-long insurgency which stoked insecurity in the Central African Republic’s (CAR) northern regions has eased after the disbandment in May of two main rebel groups there, bringing hopes for stability.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGUI 05 June 2012 (IRIN) - A near decade-long insurgency which stoked insecurity in the Central African Republic’s (CAR) northern regions has eased after the disbandment in May of two main rebel groups there, bringing hopes for stability.

The Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy (APRD) and the Republican Forces Union (UFR) dissolved and their fighters begun to disarm under peace agreements with the government.

The 7,000-strong APRD, which formed in 2005, carried out its first attacks against the army two years later in the northern town of Pahoua in Houam Pende region; later, clashes spread to the central region of Nana Gribizi.

Fighters ruthlessly attacked civilians, religious leaders, aid workers and their property, forcing residents to flee to the bush or to neighbouring Chad. The UFR, with a smaller force of some 2,000 fighters, operated only in the northern Kabo region.

On 17 and 18 May respectively, the APRD and the UFR announced their dissolution, raising hopes of an end to years of insecurity and suffering by the local population.

“We have stopped hostilities since 2007 after signing a comprehensive peace agreement in Libreville in Gabon, allowing the free movement of people and goods in areas we control. We are disarming, but the government should ensure our security and give us all we need,” said Lakoue Maradas Nado, a regional APRD commander.

Figures, however, vary on the number of APRD rebels who have been disarmed, demobilized and reintegrated [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95471/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-DDR-moves-forward ] since the ex-rebel chief Jean-Jacques Demafouth signed the peace deal with the government in 2008 and committed to disarmament.

“APRD’s disbandment is a security gauge for the residents in the north. It marks the end of fear, the end of the checkpoints set up by the ex-rebels, and it will encourage a return of the displaced and refugees as well as a resumption of farming in these areas which were CAR’s breadbasket,” said Macaire Niwe, a sociologist.

The CAR government has acknowledged the rebels’ disarmament while the UN representative in the country, Margaret Vogt (also head of the disarmament plan), expressed satisfaction with the programme.

Vogt said she “acknowledges APRD’s disbandment… and that of the URF a day later by its leaders. The international community appreciates the true value of this gesture.”

Former rebel leader Demafouth said his fighters were now ready to work as part of the security forces.

“Regarding demobilized troops, they become ordinary citizens because the movement no longer has a reason to exist,” he added.

“They have an amnesty that protects them. I am the national coordinator of the UN reintegration programme for the former fighters. We will help them find work, reform their lives.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95586/CENTRAL-AFRICAN-REPUBLIC-Security-hopes-improve-after-main-rebel-groups-disband</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204191128250708t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGUI 05 June 2012 (IRIN) - A near decade-long insurgency which stoked insecurity in the Central African Republic’s (CAR) northern regions has eased after the disbandment in May of two main rebel groups there, bringing hopes for stability.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>REFUGEES: Moving out of the shadows</title><pubDate>Thu, 31 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists. 

“There are robbers who take advantage of the dark to rob people of their phones,” said Ifo Camp resident and freelance journalist Moulid Hujale. “Even when there’s a full moon, there’s less crime.”

For many households who cannot afford candles or kerosene lamps, let alone a generator, the only source of light is that produced by cooking fires. But firewood is an increasingly scarce and contentious commodity in an arid region where an ever growing refugee population has been competing with locals for dwindling natural resources since the first camp was established there in 1991.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) trucks in firewood at a cost of US$600,000 a month, but only enough to meet about 30 percent of each household’s monthly needs, forcing refugee women to walk up to 10km outside the camps to gather wood for cooking. These excursions expose them to the risk of violent attacks from resentful locals and even other refugees. 

“The incidents of gender-based violence against them are quite common,” said Njuki Venanzio, an associate environment officer with UNHCR based at Dadaab. “Our protection colleagues document about three cases per week.”

Even inside the camps, levels of sexual and gender-based violence have increased significantly in the past 18 months as the camp’s population has swelled and poor lighting has made new arrivals living on the outskirts of the camp particularly vulnerable. [ http://www.plusnews.org/Report/93682/KENYA-SOMALIA-Refugees-at-risk-of-sexual-violence ] 

Although the scale of Dadaab’s camps have magnified its security and environmental problems, refugee camps all over Africa face similar challenges. Seventy-two percent have no electricity (while only 30 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's general population has electricity) and many are located in fragile environments where wood is in short supply or completely unavailable. 

The area around Dzaleka Camp in Malawi is so heavily deforested that refugees often resort to selling a portion of their monthly food rations to buy firewood or charcoal, while women living in Touloum Camp in Chad say they spend four days a week searching for firewood. 

Eco-friendly technologies

A UNHCR initiative to bring solar-powered lights and fuel-efficient stoves to 920,000 refugees in Africa over the next three years could address many of the security, environmental and education challenges faced by refugees if donors can be persuaded to come up with the necessary $15 million in funding. 

The Light Years Ahead Initiative [ http://www.unhcr.org/4c99fa9e6.pdf ] has already been piloted in seven African countries with good results, according to Amare Egziabher, a senior environmental coordinator with UNHCR in Geneva. 

“We’ve had very positive feedback from the field,” he told IRIN. “Many believe it lowers the incidence of crime, and also gender-based violence for women and girls.” 

The initiative also has the potential to lower drop-out rates at camp schools. Children who lack light to do their homework in the evenings tend to fall behind with their studies, while girls often miss classes while helping their mothers collect firewood.

At Dadaab, the pilot phase of the project has already brought solar-powered lanterns to 140 schoolchildren preparing for exams and street lights to several areas of Hagadera Camp identified by residents as particularly unsafe at night. 

“It has had a major impact on security in those few areas,” said Venanzio. “But we’re talking about a camp with over 120,000 refugees so the coverage has been small.”

Each solar lantern costs $39 while a solar street light that can make a neighbourhood safer for up to 300 refugees costs $1,200. 

“So far we’ve had some promises of funding but nothing concrete yet,” said Venanzio.

Saving fuel, saving the environment

The fuel-efficient stove favoured by UNHCR is called Save80 because it uses up to 80 percent less wood than cooking over a traditional stove, but several NGOs and agencies working at Dadaab are distributing different types of energy-saving stoves. They have so far managed to reach about 48 percent of the refugee population, but as kerosene has been deemed too expensive and ethanol in too short supply, all of the stoves distributed still use firewood.

“We need something more sustainable,” conceded Venanzio. “There is a lot of environmental degradation within a 10km radius of the camps and the Kenyan government is insisting that we look for a viable alternative [to wood] soon.”

Increasing local production of ethanol from sugarcane is one option. Another is finding entrepreneurs willing to produce sufficient quantities of fuel briquettes from agricultural by-products like coffee or risk husks. 

In the meantime, UNHCR’s environmental management programme is distributing free saplings to refugee and host communities in an effort to reforest the area. “But the environment here is very dry so the survival of the trees is a bit challenging,” said Venanzio. 

Awareness-raising campaigns aimed at teaching refugees how to use firewood more economically, recycle garbage and grow vegetables using waste water are also aimed at mitigating the camps’ impact on the local environment but Venanzio said the programme struggled with insufficient funding. “Environmental programmes get a very small budget compared to other sectors that are considered life-saving like water, food, health,” he explained.

Private donors including churches and corporations gave $1.4 million towards the Light Years Ahead Initiative in 2011, but “we still have a long way to go,” admitted Egziabher. “The demand is so high.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95558/REFUGEES-Moving-out-of-the-shadows</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904242107480456t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 May 2012 (IRIN) - When night falls in the Dadaab refugee complex in eastern Kenya, nearly half a million refugees are plunged into darkness. The lack of light robs schoolchildren of the possibility of studying and provides perfect cover for thieves and rapists.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>