<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Angola</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 07:33:36 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>Southern Africa cracks down on TB in mines</title><pubDate>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 
</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa's gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 

In August 2012, heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed to sign the SADC Declaration on TB in the Mining Sector, following endorsements by their national ministers for health, labour and justice. [http://t.co/Fi6fAChcRe ] 

According to Swaziland’s Minister of Health, Benedict Xaba, he and South African Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, and Lesotho’s former Minister of Health, Dr Mphu Ramatlapeng, began pushing for the declaration in 2010. Xaba, the son of a miner, admitted that he has lost members of his family to TB. 

South Africa is supporting the declaration and related initiatives, including a 1,000-day campaign to meet TB and HIV targets in the region, but the country has not yet officially signed the declaration, according to Lynette Mabote, regional HIV, TB and human rights advocacy team leader at the AIDS Rights Alliance of Southern Africa (ARASA), a civil society body that has been heavily involved in the declaration and advocacy around TB in mines. 

How big a problem is TB in the mines? 

The South African Department of Health estimates the country's gold mining industry has the highest number of new TB cases annually in the world - up to 7,000 cases per 100,000 people per year - according to its TB Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011. [www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=72544 ] 

Data collected from autopsies on formers miners have also shown a prevalence of latent and undiagnosed TB as high as 90 percent, according to a 2009 study. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19105877 ] 

Why is TB a problem on the mines? 

While many people may carry latent TB infection, active TB infection will usually only occur in a small number of them. However, those with compromised immune systems and HIV co-infection are up to 30 times more likely to develop active TB. 

In South Africa, where HIV prevalence is about 18 percent, many miners are no doubt living with HIV but face additional occupational risks, according to Rodney Ehrlich from the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Research at University of Cape Town. He describes these risks as: 

* A high burden of silicosis, a respiratory disease that develops due to inhaling silica dust during the mining process and could be viewed as an immune deficiency illness; 

* Silica dust load in the lungs and previous lung damage; 

* Poor living conditions, including overcrowding; 

* Circular migration between neighbouring countries and South Africa, leading to interrupted TB/HIV treatment and poor access to care. 

The mines have also not escaped the growing epidemic of drug-resistant tuberculosis, which in the absence of wide access to molecular testing has not only been harder to diagnose but also to treat. Research released in 2010 estimated that that almost four percent of the national multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB) burden, where TB is found to be resistant to both the commonly used first-line drugs isoniazid and rifampicin, may reside on the country's mines. 

Falling employment figures indicate that the mines now employ considerably fewer miners than in the late 1980s, Ehrlich added. Commodity prices dropped in 2008 and 2009, leading to further lay-offs, which may greatly complicate addressing the needs of affected miners who are no longer employed and will be relying on already stressed health systems in rural areas or home countries for treatment. 

What did countries commit to in the declaration? 

Countries agree to taking tangible actions like establishing independent mining ombudsmen to handle health-related complaints, harmonising treatment protocols related to addressing HIV, TB and silicosis on the mines, and - controversially for some - classifying TB and silicosis acquired in the mines as such. 

At a meeting of SADC health ministers in April 2012, mining companies were reluctant to classify TB and silicosis, a respiratory disease linked to exposure to silica dust produced during gold mining, as occupational diseases. In addition, the responsibility of mining companies to ensure treatment of mine workers with these diseases even after employees have left the company was a sticking point, according to David Mametja, head of South African Department of Health's TB Control and Management Programme. 

The document now calls on employers to take full responsibility for the management of all occupational diseases, including TB associated with silicosis post-employment. 

However, activists have cautioned that national legal frameworks must be changed to ensure TB is treated as an occupational disease. This would have to include provisions for mine workers who have left employment but later developed active TB. 

"The history around the issue of occupational health is littered with companies not taking responsibility," activist Gregg Gonsalves told IRIN at South Africa's 2012 TB conference. "It has to be about regulation - states have to regulate their business practices. Only in jurisdictions where that has happened has that problem been solved. It has to come through statues and regulation." 

The declaration also calls for the development of a minimum package of services to facilitate cross-border care. 

"Our referral systems do not take into consideration the dynamics that are experienced in the region as far as TB in the mines is concerned," said Stephen Sianga, SADC secretariat director for social and human development and special programmes. "There are challenges regarding standard treatment, both between countries and within countries, where you find that the system used in the mines is different to that used in the public health system." 

While TB treatment regimens across the SADC are largely already harmonized, activists have long been calling for the same to be done regarding HIV treatment. This would also facilitate the use of health passports, which would enhance cross-border care, as would the standardization of a minimum package of HIV, TB and silicosis services. 

What happens next? 

In the run-up to the August 2012 signing of the declaration, civil society groups like ARASA called for a five- or 10-year action plan, with concrete steps to be taken to implement the declaration. Now, SADC will be looking to operationalize the declaration at national level through a code of conduct. 

According to Mabote, the draft code was dismissed by ministers of health at a SADC meeting in Angola in July 2012. An SADC technical working group reworked the document in November, but a final version of the document has yet to be released. 

llg/kn/he 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97719/Southern-Africa-cracks-down-on-TB-in-mines</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2007/200703129t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 March 2013 (IRIN) - South Africa&apos;s gold mines are estimated to have the highest number of new tuberculosis (TB) cases in the world, making the disease a leading export to neighbouring countries. IRIN takes a look at the declaration meant to change this situation. 
</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>African migrants pay high prices to send money home</title><pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/ ] from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world. 

While South Asians pay an average of US$6 for every $100 they send home, Africans often pay more than twice that - and in South Africa, which has the highest remittance costs on the continent, nearly 21 percent of money set aside for family members back home is spent on getting it there.

With an estimated 120 million Africans depending on remittances from family members abroad for their survival, health and education, the World Bank argues that high transaction costs are cutting into the impact remittances can have on poverty levels. 

To address this, the Bank is partnering with the African Union Commission and member states to establish the African Institute for Remittances [ http://sendmoneyafrica.worldbank.org/african-institute-remittances-air-project ], which will work towards lowering the transaction costs of remittances to and within Africa. It will also leverage the potential of remittances to influence economic and social development. 

“The World Bank’s approach supports regulatory and policy reforms that promote transparency and market competition and the creation of an enabling environment that promotes innovative payment and remittance products,” said Marco Nicoli, a finance analyst at the Bank who specializes in remittances.

Costly and difficult

Owen Maromo, a 33-year-old farmworker who lives in De Doorns, a grape-growing region in South Africa’s Western Cape Province, told IRIN that his family in Zimbabwe relies on the money he sends home every month. 

“I’ve got a house there and I need to pay rent. I’m also taking care of my youngest brother - since my mum died four years ago - and my wife’s family.

“Almost every Zimbabwean here is budgeting to send money back home,” he added. “If they could, they would send money home on a weekly basis.”

In a 2012 report by the Cape Town-based NGO People Against Suffering Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), interviews with 350 Zimbabwean migrants revealed some of the reasons sending money home from South Africa is both costly and difficult [ http://www.passop.co.za/news/featured/press-statement ].

A key impediment is the stringent regulatory framework that governs cross-border transfers from South Africa. Exchange control legislation, for example, requires money transfer operators (MTOs) to partner with a bank. According to PASSOP, this has had the effect of stifling competition that would likely reduce transaction costs.  

Legislation intending to counter money laundering and terrorist financing requires that customers provide proof of residence and proof of the source of their funds before they can access financial services. This effectively excludes the many migrants living in informal settlements and those who are paid in cash. 

PASSOP found that even among migrants who do have access to banks and MTOs like Western Union and MoneyGram, many lack the financial literacy to make use of them. 

“Some have just come from rural areas in Zimbabwe, so it takes time for them to know about such things,” said Maromo, adding that lack of documentation was another major obstacle. “If you’re undocumented, you can’t go through the banks.”

Three-quarters of the Zimbabwean migrants interviewed by PASSOP relied instead on “informal” remittance channels, such as giving money or goods to bus drivers, friends or agents to send home. This is often not much cheaper than using banks or MTOs, and it is significantly riskier. Of the respondents who used such methods, 84 percent reported negative experiences, including theft of their money, loss or destruction of their goods and long delays in remittances reaching intended recipients. 

Maromo relayed his own experience sending money home through an agent who charged a 15 percent commission to channel the money through his South African bank account before handing it over to Maromo’s relatives in Zimbabwe. “Some time ago, I nearly lost 2,000 rand ($225) because I deposited it in [the agent’s] account and he was saying he didn’t have it and giving excuses. In the end, we got the money, but it cost us nearly 1,000 rand ($113) in airtime calling Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Some are using bus drivers or those people who are going home, and you have to trust them because you’re desperate, but there can be a lot of problems,” he added. “There are a lot of people whose money just disappears. Almost on a daily basis, you hear those stories.”

Lowering transaction fees

Now, Maromo uses a UK-based online transfer service called Mukuru.com, which is popular with many Zimbabweans living overseas. The proof of residence and source of funds requirements are the same as for traditional MTOs, but the site charges 10 percent on transfers from South Africa to Zimbabwe - less than most banks. 

The South African Reserve Bank and the treasury have committed to bringing the cost of remittances down to 5 percent by relaxing regulations for smaller money transfers, negotiating with regulators in the Southern African Development Community on exchange control regulations, and removing the requirement that MTOs partner with banks.

However, at the time of writing, the Reserve Bank has not yet responded to questions from IRIN about how these changes will be implemented and within what timeframe.

Rob Burrell, director of Mukuru.com, said achieving the 5 percent target would be tough considering the numerous costs that MTOs have to cover, including fees paid to the companies that collect and pay out the money, the cost of supporting transactions through a call centre, and licensing and reporting requirements. “We would need everyone pulling together,” he said.

Burrell noted that less stringent laws governing MTOs in the UK mean more competition but much weaker anti-money laundering controls. To operate in South Africa, Mukuru.com has to comply with the regulation that they partner with a local banking license holder.

“In the UK, it’s easier to obtain your license. There are 4,000 [MTOs operating in the UK] compared to 12 in South Africa, but the downside is that it’s very difficult to police them all,” he told IRIN. “My last audit in the UK was four years ago because they can’t handle the volume of licenses.”

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97557/African-migrants-pay-high-prices-to-send-money-home</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200909291220100610t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 27 February 2013 (IRIN) - New data from the World Bank has revealed that African migrants pay more to send money home to their families than any other migrant group in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Solving statelessness in Southern Africa</title><pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.

Not considered a national by South Africa or by Kenya or Uganda - the two countries where he grew up - Ngubane is stateless, a predicament he shares with an estimated 12 million people worldwide, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), which is mandated with trying to reduce that figure. 

Nationality confers a host of rights that stateless individuals cannot access, from education and healthcare to the ability to register a marriage or a birth. As a result, statelessness is often passed from one generation to the next. 

As early as 1954, the international community, under the auspices of the UN, adopted the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb25729.html ], which defined who is a stateless person and established a framework for their international protection. A second international convention adopted in 1961 focused on reducing cases of statelessness [ http://www.unhcr.org/3bbb286d8.html ], primarily by requiring participating states to grant citizenship to children born on their territory who would otherwise be stateless. However, the majority of countries in Africa have not ratified either convention [ http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/Africa_ConvStateless54_61_detail_A3PC_01-10-2012.pdf ], leaving them under no obligation to pass national legislation that would address the issue. 

Regional issue

An individual can end up stateless for a variety of reasons. Orphans whose births were not registered before their parents died and unaccompanied child migrants who arrive in a foreign country without documents are particularly vulnerable. Laws still in place in several African countries, including Malawi and Madagascar, that prevent married women from passing nationality to their children also contribute to the problem.

According to Sergio Calle-Norena, deputy regional representative for UNHCR, laws allowing for only one nationality and the denial of citizenship to certain groups are the main causes of statelessness in the Southern Africa region.

In Zimbabwe, for example, following an amendment to the citizenship act passed in 2001, individuals with dual nationality were given six months to renounce their foreign citizenship or lose their Zimbabwean nationality. The new law affected countless Zimbabweans whose parents had migrated to the country from Zambia, Mozambique or Malawi at a time when white-owned farms and mines offered plentiful employment. Most did not, in fact, hold citizenship in their parents’ countries, making it impossible for them to renounce it, while many were simply unaware of the new law, which was widely viewed as a means for the ruling ZANU-PF party to disenfranchise opposition supporters.

“I think they didn’t want people like me to vote,” said Promise*, who was born and raised in Harare, the capital, to a Malawian father and a mother with Mozambican parentage. “Most people in high-density areas of Harare are in the same situation, and most are anti-Zanu-PF.”

The new law stripped both Promise and her mother of their citizenship. They now live in South Africa, where the asylum-seeker system offers them a temporary and precarious form of documentation. 

“I just kept renewing my asylum-seeker permit every six months, but I decided to take action last year,” said Promise, who is in her early twenties. “I was tired of having no nationality. It was limiting my opportunities. Most universities need a study permit, and I want to study law.”

Waiting

Promise approached Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), a South African NGO that, with funding from UNHCR, has been running a project to provide legal services to stateless individuals since 2011. UNHCR is also funding the international faith-based NGO Caritas to run a similar project in Mozambique, another country with a large burden of statelessness following years of civil war that displaced hundreds of thousands of its citizens.

South Africa has pledged to sign and ratify the two UN conventions on statelessness by the end of 2013, and both LHR and UNHCR are advocating for this pledge to be honoured and for relevant legislation to be established. In the meantime, LHR is assisting stateless clients on a case-by-case basis. 

Of the 736 stateless clients that LHR helped in 2012, over a third were born in Zimbabwe; many of them lost their nationality like Promise.

Another 150 were born in South Africa but are struggling to access nationality in any country. Jessica George, a legal counsellor with LHR, explained that this group of stateless individuals does not qualify for asylum, and they have no way to access legal immigration status other than through an exemption for permanent residence, a process that allows the Home Affairs Minister to grant permanent residency to foreigners with special circumstances. 

However, exemption applicants can wait up to three years for a decision. “In the meantime, they’re given no temporary permit, so they’re subject to detention, which tends to be prolonged because they can’t be deported,” said George. 

Ngubane spent three months at Lindela Repatriation Centre, South Africa’s largest holding facility for undocumented migrants awaiting deportation, after being arrested at a Home Affairs Department office while trying to replace a lost birth certificate. The document was his only proof of South African nationality; he had lost both his parents and all contact with his South African relatives during his time in Kenya and Uganda.

With help from LHR, Ngubane has applied for a permanent residency exemption, but so far he has received no response. In fact, according to George, only one of LHR’s stateless clients has received a decision on permanent residency exemption in the past two years, and it was negative.

Reforms, training needed

“I think some training is required in addition to law reform, because it’s clear there’s a misunderstanding about who is a stateless person,” said George. “Currently there are no guidelines in the law on how to identify a stateless person and what rights they’re entitled to.” 

In cases where a client has a claim to foreign nationality, LHR approaches the country’s embassy for assistance securing citizenship. However, few embassies or consulates provide such services, and for most stateless people, travelling to the country where they have a nationality claim is unaffordable and unfeasible given their lack of travel documents.

“One of the easiest ways to prevent statelessness would be if consulates provided certain services, so people wouldn’t have to leave South Africa in order to access their citizenship,” said George.

Calle-Norena of UNHCR says that, besides ratifying the two conventions on statelessness, addressing the problem requires political will. He noted, for example, that South Africa’s Citizenship Act grants nationality to any child born in the country who would otherwise be stateless, but that non-nationals without documents struggled to register their children’s births. “There should be a mechanism that allows [the law] to be applied, but in practice this is not yet operational,” he told IRIN.

Through a combination of luck and persistence, Promise has succeeded in convincing the Malawian authorities to grant her citizenship. She has never been to Malawi but plans to move there as soon as she receives her passport. 

Ngubane says he has tried applying for Kenyan citizenship, “but the embassy said there’s no way they can help me.” 

Numerous visits to home affairs offices in several provinces have not yielded any results, other than several attempts by corrupt officials to solicit bribes in return for a birth certificate or refugee status.

“If you don’t have money, you suffer,” he said. 

*not her real name

ks/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97372/Solving-statelessness-in-Southern-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022736t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 January 2013 (IRIN) - Frederik Ngubane was born in South Africa to South African parents 22 years ago but, lacking any proof of his origins or nationality, he lives a shadowy, marginal existence. He cannot travel, study or secure formal employment and has lost count of how many times he has been arrested for being undocumented.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Uncertainty for Angolans stripped of refugee status in DRC</title><pubDate>Tue, 22 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110280904060269t.jpg" />]]>KINSHASA 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Some 40,000 former Angolan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are living in limbo, unwilling to go home but lacking legal status in DRC.</description><body><![CDATA[KINSHASA 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Some 40,000 former Angolan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are living in limbo, unwilling to go home but lacking legal status in DRC.

In June 2012, it was determined that the circumstances - created by a civil war - that led to refugee status being granted to tens of thousands of Angolans were no longer in place. Under the terms of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, this means that there is no longer a prima facie case for international protection. In short, the refugee status of these Angolans was revoked.
Individuals are still able to make a fresh application for refugee status based on their specific protection concerns. 

Recognizing that local integration is one of the recognized “durable solutions” for refugees - the others being voluntary repatriation and third-country resettlement - the DRC government agreed to grant permanent residency permits to all the Angolans who did not wish to return to Angola.

But the government did not manage to distribute the required 40,000 permits by the planned deadline of the end of 2012, so many of the Angolans now lack legal identity documents.

"With such large numbers of Angolan refugees still dispersed across DR Congo provinces, it will take some time for all former refugees to be issued with resident permits," Stefano Severe, UNHCR's regional coordinator, told IRIN in Kinshasa.

"So far we have assisted the DR Congo government in funding over 6,500 permits, which have been printed and will be distributed during this January... Local authorities are well aware that this is still ongoing, and the National Refugee Commission is represented in all provinces," he said. 

Waiting

Many of the former refugees are from Angola's oil- and mineral-rich northern exclave of Cabinda, which has experienced a long-running conflict that pits the government against secessionists. 

"We welcomed the end of our refugee status with sadness. I'm worried to live at the moment without any status, not knowing who will protect me and my family. We were told that we could receive asylum-seekers' status by the host country's authorities. So far, we've got nothing," said one former refugee, who preferred anonymity. 

"Today I can be arrested and be labelled as one of the gangsters in Kinshasa known as 'Kuluna' and won't have anyone to defend me." 

Some 23,000 Angolans returned home under a repatriation programme UNHCR carried out in 2012 - the fourth since the Angolan civil war ended in 2002 - before the June revocation of their refugee status. Another 22,000 say they are willing to go home. Most were repatriated to the Angolan mainland.

"The last repatriation was based upon agreements between Angola, the UNHCR and the host countries when it was established that Angola had regained the stability [required] and its economy was prospering, especially as the majority of its refugees had returned to their home country," said Severe.

Still fearful

Refugees from Cabinda say they continue to live in fear, and accuse Angolan security forces of entering DRC and other neighbouring countries to kidnap those believed to be linked to the province's rebel groups, some of which have been fighting for independence from Angola for decades. 

"I continue to live with fear because if you have a Cabindan name, it means you are considered by Angolan authorities as a rebel. Recently a friend of mine was kidnapped when he went to trade near the DRC-Angola border," said Alfred Gomez, a 48-year-old refugee and former school teacher originally from Cabinda, now living in Kinshasa.

"In October 2011, we went into hiding for two weeks when we received information from our homeland that Angolan security agents had been deployed to western Congo to kidnap people of Cabindan origin,” he said. “We looked for safety from Congolese friends until we established that they [security agents] had returned [to Angola]."

Efforts to reach Angolan authorities were unsuccessful.

Cabindan refugees are reluctant to return home, either because they support the secessionist movement or because they fear they will be pressured to pick a side once they return.

"Some are not activists, but they are former fighters of the FLEC [Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda, the main Cabindan secessionist group]," Jose Vase, a Cabindan journalist based in Kinshasa, told IRIN.

"Others are regular citizens who cannot go back home. This is because when they do so, they will be obliged by Angolan local authorities to make statements against rebel groups, showing also the goods things the government is doing for returnees... When they do it, they are considered as enemies [of Cabindan separatists]."

pc/kr/am/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97311/Uncertainty-for-Angolans-stripped-of-refugee-status-in-DRC</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201110280904060269t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KINSHASA 22 January 2013 (IRIN) - Some 40,000 former Angolan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are living in limbo, unwilling to go home but lacking legal status in DRC.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Staples, not export crops, key to tackling Africa’s poverty – report</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study [ http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/ib73.pdf ] by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

Authors of the study, conducted in 10 countries south of the Sahara, noted, “One important finding is that producing more staple crops, such as maize, pulses and roots, and more livestock products tends to reduce poverty further than producing more export crops such as coffee or cut flowers.”

According to the study, while more public resources would be required to generate more agricultural growth, “such public investment in staple sectors is probably cost effective”.

The authors argued that growth in the staple sector was more likely to benefit the poor than growth in the agricultural export sector.

Enoch Mwani, an agricultural economist at the University of Nairobi, concurred. “The agricultural export sector is generally associated with large corporations, but the poor rely predominantly on staples to survive.”

Mwani added that growth in staples had the effect of not only reducing poverty but also ensuring food security.

“[Governments that] invest in staples have the opportunity to increase food availability and, at the same time, create wealth for smallholders,” Mwani told IRIN.

To spur development in sub-Saharan Africa, the study’s policy conclusions call for a focus on accelerating agricultural growth; promoting growth in large agricultural subsectors; supporting growth across several agricultural subsectors; and promoting growth in subsectors with strong linkages to the overall economy and the poor.

ko/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97278/In-Brief-Staples-not-export-crops-key-to-tackling-Africa-s-poverty-report</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201202241255060114t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 18 January 2013 (IRIN) - Africa could reduce its poverty levels faster by focusing more on the production of staples rather than export crops, according to a study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MALAWI-ANGOLA: Food crises and response</title><pubDate>Mon, 17 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204121119270353t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 17 December 2012 (IRIN) - Prolonged dry spells have driven almost four million people to food insecurity in Malawi and oil-rich Angola, in Southern Africa. Humanitarian aid agencies have been trying to shine a spotlight on crises in the region, even as the situations in Syria and the Sahel continue to dominate headlines.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 17 December 2012 (IRIN) - Prolonged dry spells have driven almost four million people to food insecurity in Malawi and oil-rich Angola, in Southern Africa. Humanitarian aid agencies have been trying to shine a spotlight on crises in the region, even as the situations in Syria and the Sahel continue to dominate headlines.

Squeezed supplies and a towering inflation rate have kept the price of the main staple grain, maize, high throughout the region. Malawi and Mozambique have seen prices climb 40 to 100 percent since 2011 [ http://www.fao.org/giews/english/gfpm/GFPM_12_2012.pdf ]. Angola, meanwhile, is experiencing its worst drought in years, according to UN agencies. 

Following are snapshots of the crises in Malawi and Angola:

Malawi

Poor harvests are plaguing the Malawi's vulnerable Southern Region. Residents there are also grappling with rising inflation (28 percent in September, compared to three percent in 2011), the 49 percent devaluation of the Malawi kwacha, and few opportunities to work as a casual labourers - factors that have together pushed the number of food-insecure persons to nearly 2 million, up from an estimated 1.6 million in June [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Malawi%20-%20Humanitarian%20Bulletin%20Southern%20Africa%2C%20Issue%2007%20-%20November%202012.pdf ].

Even with humanitarian assistance, which started in early September, households in nine districts in southern Malawi have remained in phase two - or the stressed level - of the Integrated Phase Classification, a scale for  measuring the intensity of food insecurity [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/75303/AFRICA-New-improved-disaster-response-tool ]. In areas where aid has not yet been disbursed, people are in phase three, crisis level.

But humanitarian funding remains insufficient, and if shortfalls persist during the lean season - January through March - more poor households in the south could fall into phase three, warned the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), or even phase four, an emergency state [ http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/Malawi_FSOU_11_2012_Final.pdf ].

The government, the UN and other aid agencies have put together a cluster-based response plan requiring more than a US$100 million. The clusters - agriculture and food security, health and nutrition, education, and protection - have raised little more than $41 million. Still, this leaves a resource gap of more than $61 million. The World Food Programme (WFP), which is currently distributing aid to 1.8 million people, says it needs $14 million to cover its shortfall [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96205/MALAWI-Need-for-food-aid-outpaces-response ].

The government has pledged to release 47,600 metric tons of maize from its Strategic Grain Reserve to the Department of Disaster Management Affairs and WFP in order to provide maize though March 2013. The government has also retained an export ban on maize to control prices.

WFP and partners have also just launched an innovative system using mobile phones to transfer cash to more than 100,000 people, which will allow them to buy food in local markets. FEWS NET estimates these initiatives will aid the almost 2 million people in need of assistance.

But news reports indicate there is also an acute shortage of safe drinking water in southern Malawi, as the country faces persistent electricity blackouts affecting water pumps. There is concern about possible outbreaks of waterborne diseases as people resort to consuming untreated water in the midst of the rainy season [ http://www.nyasatimes.com/malawi/2012/12/17/malawis-southern-region-residents-brace-for-water-woes ]. 

Noting that droughts are getting more frequent, the government announced a strategy to build resilience and reduce vulnerability that focuses on strategic interventions such as social protection, income diversification schemes, and microloans ahead. 

Angola

A 60 percent drop in rainfall in the 2011-2012 farming season led to a drought affecting 10 of the 18 provinces in Angola, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/MDRAO005ea.pdf ]. As a result, more than 1.8 million people are food insecure. 

Over half a million children are estimated to be suffering from acute malnutrition. According to the Federation, 20 percent of these children could be suffering from severe malnutrition, which has a possible 20 percent mortality rate.

There are very few international humanitarian organizations still operating in Angola. A majority of the organizations, including WFP, pulled out in 2006, following after the 2002 signing of a peace agreement ending the country’s 27-year civil war. 

The government has initiated an emergency programme, totalling $43 million, to provide food and water as well as agricultural inputs to affected families, according to the Federation. It is unclear if all the funds for the programme have been released.

In June 2012, the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund allocated $5.1 million to the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Health Organization to complement government efforts to deal with the nutrition crisis.

The government has not declared a state of emergency nor officially called for international assistance. But it did agree to appeal for almost $1.7 million to support the Angola Red Cross Society’s efforts to help 12,000 households in four of the most affected regions - Luanda, Kwanza Sul, Huambo and Bie - in November. 

Although the most severe rainfall deficits were recorded in the northern and coastal regions of the country, the large crop-producing provinces of Huambo, Huila and Bie - which collectively contribute to over 50 percent of the country’s cereal output - were also affected by the dry period and irregular rains, according to FAO.

But Angola has received good rains in the past few weeks, so the situation could improve.

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97064/MALAWI-ANGOLA-Food-crises-and-response</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204121119270353t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 17 December 2012 (IRIN) - Prolonged dry spells have driven almost four million people to food insecurity in Malawi and oil-rich Angola, in Southern Africa. Humanitarian aid agencies have been trying to shine a spotlight on crises in the region, even as the situations in Syria and the Sahel continue to dominate headlines.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>IDPs: African IDP Convention comes into force</title><pubDate>Thu, 06 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.

Adopted at an AU summit in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, the Convention [ http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Conferences/2009/october/pa/summit/doc/Convention%20on%20IDPs%20(Eng)%20-%20Final.doc ] required ratification by 15 member countries before it could enter into force; Swaziland became the 15th country to do so on 12 November, joining Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. At least 37 AU members have also signed [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/979113CFF0292E97C1257ACB006315D4/$file/map-au-signed-ratified-countries-with-numbers.pdf ] the Convention but have yet to ratify it.

Among other things, the Convention aims to "establish a legal framework for preventing internal displacement, and protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa".

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres hailed the development as "historic" and said in a statement that the Convention "puts Africa in a leading position when it comes to having a legal framework for protecting and helping the internally displaced".

Stephen Oola, a transitional justice and governance analyst at Uganda's Makerere University Refugee Law Project, noted that the most important parts of the Convention were the clauses relating to the prevention of internal displacement. "The principle requiring the prevention of IDPs is absolutely necessary and should be the guiding principle for all state and non-state actors implementing the Convention," he said.

Just the beginning

Oola also stressed the need for the letter of the law to be translated into practice.

"In Uganda, we have had an IDP policy since 2004, but in many cases we find that the government still seems ill-prepared to deal with displacement," he said. "The existence of a law is rarely the conclusion of a policy... It will be important for this continental commitment to be matched by action on the ground for people who, for one reason or another, find themselves displaced," he said.

Africa has 9.7 million IDPs, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR. The Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan collectively have more than five million IDPs.

Noting that the situation of IDPs can affect the stability of states, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Chakola Beyani said the Convention could "contribute to stabilizing displaced populations through the specific obligations it sets out to states and other actors, such as obligations relating to humanitarian assistance, compensation and assistance in finding lasting solutions to displacement as well as accessing the full range of their human rights".

"The unique 'added value' of this Convention stems from how comprehensive it is and the manner in which it addresses many of the key challenges of our times and, indeed, of Africa," he said in a statement. "If implemented well, it can help states and the African Union address both current and potential future internal displacement related not only to conflict, but also natural disasters and other effects of climate change, development, and even megatrends such as population growth and rapid urbanization."

The International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/kampala-convention ] noted that, while the Convention signalled an important step in addressing the plight of IDPs, many countries were not legally bound by it.

"The countries which have not yet adopted the Convention must do so, as a legal framework is the very basis of ensuring the rights and well-being of people forced to flee inside their home country," Sebastian Albuja, head of IDMC's Africa department, said in a statement.

According to Nuur Sheekh, board member of the Kenya-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre [ http://www.idpacafrica.org/ ], some states expressed reservations about signing the Convention because "the issue of displacement is highly politicized, and some states saw it as a criticism of their human rights and governance records". He noted, however, that the Convention would have an influence, even on those countries that have not signed or ratified it.

"The AU will now also be able to use the Convention for advocacy, to encourage member states - even those who have not ratified it - to implement its principles... Kenya, for instance has not signed it but has developed an IDP policy that borrows heavily from the Kampala Convention," he told IRIN. "States now need to domesticate the Convention and develop IDP policies that reach from the central government to all lower levels of government so that the Convention can work in practice."

kr/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96984/IDPs-African-IDP-Convention-comes-into-force</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200807227t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 06 December 2012 (IRIN) - The African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) 2009, also known as the Kampala Convention, came into force on 6 December; it is the world’s first legally binding instrument to cater specifically to people displaced within their own countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Landmine casualty rate dropping</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November [ http://www.the-monitor.org/index.php/publications/display?url=lm/2012/ ].

The report was launched ahead of the 12th Meeting of State Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty (MBT), which will take place on 3 December in Geneva. 

The report announced that mines and explosive remnants of war had caused 4,286 casualties worldwide in 2011, the year under review. In 2011, three states - Israel, Libya and Myanmar, none of them party to the MBT - used antipersonnel mines. The use of the weapon by armed groups and militias was seen in six countries in 2011 - Afghanistan, Colombia, Myanmar, Pakistan, Thailand and Yemen - an increase over the previous year, in which the landmines use by armed groups was recorded in only four countries. 

Thus far in 2012, the only state known to use antipersonnel mines has been Syria, another non-MBT signatory. 

Fewer are factory-made 

Mark Hiznay, a senior researcher in the arms division at Human Rights Watch, told IRIN, “It is of course a concern that non-state armed groups (NSAG) continue to use the weapon as well as victim-activated improvised explosive devices, which function in the same way. 

“This last point is subtle, but important, wherein we are seeing many, many fewer factory-produced mines in circulation and more and more improvised or craft mines in use,” he said. 

The LCMM said in a statement, “Active production of antipersonnel mines may be ongoing in as few as four countries: India, Myanmar, Pakistan and South Korea,” although there has been no recorded export of these weapons in recent years. 

Eight countries - China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Singapore, the US and Vietnam - reserve the right to produce antipersonnel mines. 

Hiznay said the “continued naming and shaming is the primary vehicle where the stigma can be applied. India, Pakistan and South Korea each have some form of export moratorium on antipersonnel mines, so at least the proliferation aspect of their continued production is contained. It would be good to get Myanmar to start taking steps in this direction.” 

Non-state actors 

Armed groups are excluded from the MBT. But Swiss-based NGO Geneva Call, which engages armed groups to abide by humanitarian law during conflicts, works to get non-state actors to sign a “Deeds of Commitment”, such as abandoning the use of antipersonnel mines [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/87608/CONFLICT-Campaigners-target-landmine-use-by-non-state-actors ].

Since 2000, Geneva Call has reached agreements with 42 armed groups banning antipersonnel mine use. Katherine Kramer, Geneva Call’s programme director for landmines and other explosive devices, told IRIN that no armed-groups signatories to the Deed of Commitment were known to have reverted back to using the weapons [ http://www.genevacall.org/news/in-the-press/f-in-the-press/2001-2010/irrc-883-bongard-somer.pdf ].

Kramer said that armed groups see antipersonnel mines as cheap and effective weapons, which they believed to compliment the effectiveness of their smaller forces. The argument can be difficult to counter, so instead the NGO uses humanitarian reasons to convince armed groups to sign the Deed of Commitment. This tends to be more effective on armed groups working closer with affected populations during conflicts. 

There is an element of volatility to working with armed groups. Some may splinter while others might become governments, in which case they become eligible to sign the MBT. 

“There are currently 24 [Deed of Commitment armed group signatories] still active – [in] Burma/Myanmar, India, Iran, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Turkey, Western Sahara - although seven of the signatories from Somalia are in the process of integrating into the Federal State of Somalia,” she said [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96454/In-Brief-Somalia-joins-the-mine-ban-club ].

Mine contamination and clearance 

The LCMM said, “Some 59 states and six other areas were confirmed to be affected by landmines. A further 13 states have either suspected or residual mine contamination.” 

It noted that “steady decreases in annual casualty rates continued in some of the most mine-affected countries, such as Afghanistan and Cambodia, but these were offset by increases in countries with new or intensified conflicts, such as Libya, Pakistan, Sudan, South Sudan and Syria.” 

About 190sqkm of mined areas was cleared last year, and more than 325,000 antipersonnel mines and nearly 30,000 anti-vehicle mines were destroyed. “The largest total clearance of mined areas was achieved by programs in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Croatia and Sri Lanka, which together accounted for more than 80 percent of recorded clearance,” the LCMM statement said. 

“An additional 233sqkm of former battle area was reportedly cleared in 2011, destroying in the process more than 830,000 items of unexploded or abandoned ordnance, as well as 55sqkm of cluster munition-contaminated areas, with the destruction of more than 52,000 unexploded submunitions,” the statement said. 

The mine action budget in 2011 was about US$662 million, the largest annual total to date. Hiznay said, “Much of the increase in support is coming from mine-affected states themselves - countries dedicating national resources to deal with their problem - which now accounts for about 30 percent of global funding. Croatia is good example of this.” 

The dirty thirty 

However, there were setbacks for victim assistance, the LCMM said. “Direct international support for victim assistance programmes through international mine action funding declined by $13.6 million, an almost 30 percent decrease from 2010.” 

But the “dirty thirty”, the moniker used for 36 states resisting membership of the mine ban club - including three permanent members of the UN Security Council; China, Russia and US  - is gradually being eroded. The Marshall Islands and Poland have recently signed, but have yet to ratify, the treaty. 

But the power of global consensus has had an influence on those left out in the cold. States “outside the ban treaty have taken intermediate steps that are in line with the norm set by the treaty, be it through policy reviews, like the US, extension of export moratoria, like Israel, destruction of stockpiles, like Vietnam and Russia, and the apparent cessation of use by Myanmar,” Hiznay said. 

“Some long term hold-outs have joined, namely Finland, and hopefully Poland will, too, by the end of this year. It is clear that the stigma against the use [of mines] is as strong as ever,” he said. 

go/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96927/SECURITY-Landmine-casualty-rate-dropping</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200911030924170858t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 November 2012 (IRIN) - Amid the odd relapse, progress towards a world free of antipersonnel mines is inching forward. A decade ago, the weapon was responsible for at least 32 casualties daily; by 2011, the casualty rate had dropped to about 12 per day, the Landmine and Cluster Munitions Monitor (LCMM) said in its 2012 report, published on the 29 November.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Governments failing to address cervical cancer</title><pubDate>Wed, 31 Oct 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge. 

The study, based on regional desktop research and field research in Namibia and Zambia by the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), assessed the state of cervical cancer services in southern Africa, particularly in Namibia and Zambia, finding that many women access medical assistance only when they have advanced cervical cancer, which is more difficult to treat and can be extremely painful [ http://www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org/uploads/CERVICAL%20CANCER%20Report.pdf ].

"The failure to provide access to cervical cancer services results in the violation of fundamental rights and in the loss of countless lives. There is a serious and urgent need to improve services for cervical cancer in the southern Africa region," the report warned. 

Guidance needed 

The HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa may have contributed to the high number of cervical cancer deaths; women infected with HIV are more likely to develop cervical lesions that can become cancerous. 

But there is still a lack of clear and comprehensive national cervical cancer management guidelines and policies in the region. Neither Namibia nor Zambia has comprehensive guidelines on the management of the illness. Where guidance is available, it tends to be inadequate, focusing on screening, with limited guidance about other forms of prevention or treatments. 

"The piecemeal approach to addressing cervical cancer in national policies results in inconsistent commitment," the report added. 

According to Nyasha Chingore, HIV project lawyer with SALC and the author of the report, Botswana is one of the few countries with a broad, accessible cervical cancer policy. As a result, more women in the country have access to Pap smear screenings - in which a sample of cervical cells is collected and checked for abnormalities. The number of screenings has increased from 5,000 per year before 2002 to 32,000 per year in 2009. 

Where there are no policies, or where policies are not easily accessible by health systems, women are not made aware of the services that are available to them. "With HIV, we all know that when you test positive, they must do a viral load test and CD4 count test... Everybody knows the policy. We have material in our support groups. But with this cervix cancer thing, we don’t know what we are entitled to," said a study participant. 

The report found "a significant amount of misinformation" in Namibia, where most of the young women interviewed reported being informed - incorrectly - by healthcare workers that contraceptives cause cervical cancer or are a risk factor for the illness. 

Stigma is also a major challenge. "It's not an easy topic to talk about. You have to talk about sex, and you develop sores in places no one wants to talk about," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Access to screenings in Zambia is determined by geographical location, with few if any screening services available outside of the capital, Lusaka. While cervical cancer services seem to be generally available in Namibia, access is limited by factors such as the lack of prioritization of cervical cancer screening by health workers. 

Treatment and vaccines 

"The treatment of invasive cervical cancer continues to be a major challenge in the region due to the lack of surgical facilities, skilled providers, chemotherapy and radiotherapy services. In Namibia and Zambia, there is a dearth of treatment options, with hysterectomy being the most prevalent form of treatment. There are few treatment options available to women who want to preserve their fertility," the report said. 

Because of structural problems, including inadequate laboratory facilities and personnel shortages, patients and health workers often choose treatment options without having proper diagnoses or adequate information, it added. 

Two vaccines against the human papillomavirus (HPV) - a sexually transmitted virus that can cause cervical cancer - are currently available, but the cost of the vaccines has made it difficult for countries to introduce vaccination campaigns. "Governments need to think about how to make vaccines easily available... Whether it's through parallel importation or compulsory licensing, there are options, they just need to be explored," Chingore told IRIN/PlusNews. 

So far, Zambia and Lesotho are the only countries in the region rolling out free HPV vaccination programmes, the report noted. 

In June 2011, Merck announced it would provide the vaccine Gardasil to the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), for US$5 per dose, a reduction of nearly 70 percent. Eligibility for GAVI support, however, is determined by national income; while Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe are eligible, Angola, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland are not. 

SALC urges southern Africa governments to integrate cervical cancer screening into existing sexual and reproductive health services, to allocate adequate resources to the management of cervical cancer, and to establish cancer registries to assess the impact of cervical cancer screening programmes. 

kn/rz 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96676/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Governments-failing-to-address-cervical-cancer</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104281135310153t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 31 October 2012 (IRIN) - Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer death among women in southern Africa, but new research reveals that governments’ attempts to address the disease have been inadequate. Access to cervical cancer screening services is minimal, few countries in the region have policies on the disease, and treatment remains a major challenge.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: New urgency to rethink dam projects</title><pubDate>Wed, 26 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.

The study, A Risky Climate for Southern African Hydro, was conducted for the NGO International Rivers [ http://www.internationalrivers.org ] by Richard Beilfuss, a hydrologist and environmentalist who teaches at the University of Wisconsin-Madison College of Engineering in the US and the University of Eduardo Mondlane in Mozambique. Beilfuss says the region - and the rest of Africa as well - must reconsider the construction of massive hydropower dams and rethink their use as a flood management tool, especially as floods are expected to worsen with climate change.

"Large dams are being built or proposed, typically without analysis of the risks from hydrological variability that are already a hallmark of African weather patterns, much less the medium- and long-term impacts expected from climate change," Beilfuss noted in the report. "Likewise, ecosystem services are rarely given much weight in the energy-planning process.”

Extreme floods expected

The report uses the Zambezi basin as a case study to inform governments planning to establish new hydropower plants.

Assessing climate change impact studies conducted on the Zambezi River Basin, Beilfuss said the Zambezi is expected to experience "drier and more prolonged drought periods". Over the next century, rainfall is expected to decrease by between 10 and 15 percent over the basin, according to several studies cited by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. There will be a significant reduction in the amount of water flowing through the river system, affecting all eight countries it passes through. The water that feeds the river is expected to decrease by between 26 percent and 40 percent in another four decades, the study observed.

But when the rains do fall, they will be more intense, triggering more extreme floods.

No major dams are currently under construction on the Zambezi, Beilfuss told IRIN, but two large dams have been proposed:  Batoka Dam on the Middle Zambezi and Mphanda Nkuwa Dam on the Lower Zambezi. “Batoka is politically and financially complex because it must be a joint project between Zambia and Zimbabwe,” Beilfus said. “Mphanda is entirely within Mozambique and is in very advanced stages of preparation with a timeline for construction."

There has been considerable opposition to Mphanda Nkuwa [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/72996/MOZAMBIQUE-Green-lobby-opposes-dam-construction ], which environmentalists warn could displace several thousand people. Much of the anxiety over its construction is fuelled by the experience of the Cahora Bassa Dam in Mozambique, which has been widely cited as an environmental catastrophe since its construction in the early 1970s by the former Portuguese colonial government.

"None of these projects, current or proposed, has seriously incorporated considerations of climate change into project design or operation," noted Beilfuss.

Guido Van Langenhove, who heads Namibia’s Hydrological Services Department, agreed with the concerns raised by Beilfuss and said, "Our dams cannot handle one-in-a-hundred-year [extreme] flood events. They cannot handle the sheer volume of water that might be involved. We have to even consider how to fortify our existing structures."

Disasters

Recent floods and their impact on the existing dams offer a possible view of future disasters. In 2007, heavy rains over the Zambezi threatened the dam structure, forcing the authorities to open the sluice gates of the Cahora Bassa Dam, affecting up to half a million people [some displaced, but others had crops destroyed etc ].

In a case study on the floods and cyclones that struck Mozambique that year, the Overseas Development Institute warned that the two biggest dams on the Zambezi, Cahora Bassa and Zambia’s Kariba, "do not have the spill-way capacity to cope with the very large floods that occur on the river every five to 10 years. At best, the dam operators can slow down the sudden rise in water levels by phasing the spillage of water over a period of a few days, which gives the people living downstream a little more time to evacuate their homes."

Hydrologists in Southern Africa have been calling for a reconsideration of dam planning for years. In 2001, Bryan Davies, an ecologist and a Zambezi river expert, conducted an assessment of the Cahora Bassa and told IRIN, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/19031/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Floods-should-prompt-dam-rethink ] "one of these days there will be a cyclonic event" that the full dams would be unable to cope with.

Part of the problem is that the Zambezi River Basin in Mozambique is a naturally occurring flood plain. In the past, human habitation patterns took flooding into account. When the waters subsided, people would move in to plant in the rich soils, and shift to higher ground when the floods returned, but since the construction of Cahora Bassa, communities have settled much closer to the river, making them more vulnerable, Davies warned.

Van Langenhove, the Namibian official, said people mistakenly believe that the construction of a dam means they will be safe from flooding, and so tend to settle close to dams. "Should an extreme event take place, there would be a huge disaster," he said.

Finding alternatives

Beilfuss suggested using hydropower dams to produce electricity only and not to store flood water. "Many hydropower projects are justified on the basis of providing flood control in addition to energy generation. However, allowing for flood storage means the reservoir must be drawn down to provide flood capture space at the very time that this water is most needed to supply energy".

The vast natural flood plains of the Zambezi should be allowed to flood while ensuring people do not settle in those areas, he said. "This will allow for regeneration of the floodplains systems for wildlife and fisheries and agriculture, and also will reduce the impact of extreme floods - which already occur in the basin as it is - on people and property.

"By removing people from flood-prone areas - in accordance with Mozambique and Zambia law, by the way - it becomes especially important to restore modest annual high flows in the basin so that people can secure their livelihoods from fisheries and agriculture," he told IRIN by email.

Beilfuss also suggested that countries in the region improve existing hydropower capacity rather than investing in new infrastructure. "Adding new or more efficient turbines is almost always much lower-impact than building new dams." Countries should also consider alternative sources of energy generation.

In 2011, the eight countries through which the Zambezi flows set up the Zambezi Watercourse Commission (ZAMCOM) to manage the river [ http://www.icp-confluence-sadc.org/rbo/66 ]. Though still a new body, "ZAMCOM is a very important step forward for the integrated development and water conservation in the Zambezi River Basin,” Beifluss said. “In particular, the ZAMCOM structure offers the potential to strategically address river development, including hydropower, on a basin-wide level rather than a country-by-country level."

Américo José Ubisse, secretary general of the Mozambique Red Cross, has been involved in flood relief operations in Mozambique for many years. He told IRIN in an email that, in the past, issues related to the "environment, climate change and their future humanitarian consequences were deeply undermined... The added value that is coming with these scientific studies must been taken into consideration. Undermining [scientific studies]... can be a big mistake, not only for the future of economic investment but also for the future of humanitarian sustainability.”

jk/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96393/CLIMATE-CHANGE-New-urgency-to-rethink-dam-projects</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/200801228t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 26 September 2012 (IRIN) - The massive hydropower dams built on the Zambezi River, the largest river system in Southern Africa, not only supply power to major economies in the region but also help mitigate annual floods. But as electricity demands grow and rising global temperatures affect rainfall patterns, the dams will be unable to meet energy needs or control floods, warns a new study.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Increasing hostility towards Chinese traders</title><pubDate>Fri, 07 Sep 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.

In Malawi, Chinese-owned shops and restaurants have proliferated since the country established diplomatic ties with China in 2007. But the government was recently prompted by bitter complaints from local business owners to introduce legislation preventing foreign traders from operating outside of major cities.  

The new law has mainly targeted Chinese traders, many of whom are now being forced to shutter their businesses in rural areas and to apply to the Ministry of Industry and Trade for business licenses to operate in Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu or Zomba - the country’s four major cities. 

“They can operate in rural areas when they are in production and big business, not doing petty trading,” Malawi Minister of Industry and Trade John Bande told IRIN, adding that the government would continue passing legislation that encouraged serious foreign investment “to the benefit of Malawians”.

But human rights groups have described the legislation as xenophobic, and consumers like Arnold Mwenefumbo, from Karonga District in northern Malawi, complain that forcing out the Chinese traders will mean paying much higher prices for products sold by Malawians and other African nations.

“[The Chinese] were also employing our son and daughters,” said Mwenefumbo.

Lesotho

In Lesotho, a tiny land-locked country facing high rates of poverty and unemployment, the relatively recent appearance of thousands of foreign, mostly Chinese-owned, businesses has generated similar resentment from local business owners, but little government intervention. 

Before the mid-1990s, Makhabane Theko ran a successful retail business in the capital, Maseru, but now leases his building to the same Chinese traders who he says pushed him out of business. “It’s difficult to compete against the foreign investors, especially the Chinese. You sell 500g of sugar for 8.00 maloti (US$1.4) and they will sell it for a price that is almost half that,” he told IRIN.

Stories like Theko's are common. Although the exact number of Chinese in Lesotho is unknown, estimates range between 10,000 and 20,000, or up to 1 percent of Lesotho’s population of 1.9 million, according to a recent report released by the Brenthurst Foundation. “Business is good here,” said one Chinese trader.

Unlike neighbouring South Africa, which has a long history of Chinese migration and Chinese-run businesses, Lesotho has traditionally been a country of out-migration and has little experience with immigrants. National legislation limits ownership of small businesses to Basotho citizens, but the government has largely turned a blind eye to corrupt practices allowing Chinese migrants to purchase trading licenses or even national identity documents. 

“Chinese are now selling makoenya [fat cakes], loose cigarettes, even beer at retail prices, but their business category forbids them from doing so,” said a street vendor who sells cigarettes in Maseru.

Yoon Jung Park, coordinator of the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China (CA/AC) International Research Working Group, has conducted research on perceptions of Chinese in southern Africa. She noted that small countries with struggling economies like Lesotho are seeing funding from Western donors dwindling; many may view Chinese investment as their next best hope. This is reflected in the lack of government action to regulate the proliferation of small Chinese-run businesses. 

“I think there’s a link between official ties [with China] and the messages that get filtered down to people, especially in these small countries that are desperate for foreign aid, that the Chinese are the great hope and we need to be nice to them,” she told IRIN.

Many complain that the Chinese add little to the local economy because they send all of their money home, but according to Park, few Chinese migrants in Lesotho send remittances home. Instead, they spend their first two or three years in the country repaying loans, and then they tend to reinvest in their businesses. Most also employ at least one local to interact with customers.

They keep their prices as low as possible by buying from other Chinese (often at a slight discount), forming cooperatives to make bulk purchases and focusing on rapid turnover rather than high profit margins. Rumours that the more unscrupulous also engage in under-handed practices like re-packaging expired food and removing a few ounces from bags of flour and sugar before resealing them may also be true in some cases, said Park. 

“Profit margins are so narrow, that they probably do resort to some of those things. And government in Lesotho isn’t doing enough to prevent them,” she commented.

In the run-up to Lesotho’s general elections in June, several political parties indicated their intention to expel foreign traders from the country, but apart from several raids on Chinese supermarkets said to be selling expired meat, no action has been taken to prevent them from operating.

Zambia

Zambia’s open-door investment policy has seen hundreds of Asian migrants setting up businesses in the country in recent years, but locals employed by them complain about low wages.

“Yes, they are giving us jobs, but these are not jobs to help us [improve our lives]. They are jobs to help them make more money. I am paid 350,000 kwacha  [US$70] every month, and what can you do with that amount? It is like my salary just goes for transport to come here and go home,” said Melinda Daka, a shop worker in a Chinese-owned business in Kamwala, Lusaka’s upmarket trading area.

“Zambian employers pay much better, but they are very few, and they only employ very few people… So, there is nothing we can do but work for these same people [foreigners].”

In July, the Zambian government increased the monthly minimum wage [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96073/ZAMBIA-Dreaming-of-a-minimum-wage ] for shop workers and other general workers, from $80 to $220, but employers are reluctant to pay the new salaries, saying they could make the cost of business unsustainable. 

Positive relations

But negative attitudes toward Chinese traders are not uniform throughout the region. In countries such as South Africa and Swaziland, where Chinese migrants arrived several generations ago and now run businesses that fill gaps in the market without competing with locals, relations have remained fairly good. 

Park's research in Zimbabwe found that during that country's severe economic crisis, consumers were grateful to Chinese traders for getting goods into the country when no one else could. "They said that if it hadn’t been for them, they wouldn’t have been able to send their kids to school with basic supplies. They helped them survive the crisis," she told IRIN.

However, in countries with struggling economies, the arrival of large numbers of entrepreneurial Chinese migrants combined with a lack of enforcement of laws and regulations have fuelled tense relations with locals.

"Oftentimes, they know it’s not the fault of the Chinese. They respect them for their work ethic, but they’re angry that the government is allowing them to do some of the things they do," said Park.

ks/ms/rc/nm/rz

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/96266/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Increasing-hostility-towards-Chinese-traders</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008012413t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG/BLANTYRE/MASERU/LUSAKA 07 September 2012 (IRIN) - In the last decade, Asian migrants have fanned out through southern Africa, opening shops in small towns and rural backwaters. While consumers in countries facing increasing economic hardships have come to depend on their low prices, local shop owners complain they are being forced out of business, pressuring governments to introduce restrictions on foreign traders.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SECURITY: Ammunition - the next round in arms trade control</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260940420406t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - For a couple of hundred dollars or less an arms dealer can illegally source a blank end user certificate with the required signatures and stamps - needed to transfer weapons across international borders - and “if no one checks its authenticity (often the case) he can ship his wares to the world’s hotspots with minimal risk, for maximum profit,” a report by the Small Arms Survey (SAS) said in 2008.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - For a couple of hundred dollars or less an arms dealer can illegally source a blank end user certificate with the required signatures and stamps - needed to transfer weapons across international borders - and “if no one checks its authenticity (often the case) he can ship his wares to the world’s hotspots with minimal risk, for maximum profit,” a report by the Small Arms Survey (SAS) [ http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/publications/by-type/yearbook/small-arms-survey-2008.html ] said in 2008. 

Since then “not much has changed” Glenn McDonald, based in Geneva and author of a chapter in the SAS 2008 yearbook entitled Who’s Buying? End-user Certification, told IRIN. Arms spending has not broken step following global slowdowns and economic recession: In 2011 US$1.7 trillion was spent on the world’s military, says the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. [ http://www.sipri.org/research/armaments/milex/ ] 

There is no internationally binding agreement on the trade in conventional weapons, which according to civil society organizations results in fewer bureaucratic burdens on legal conventional weapons’ exports and imports than on such commodities as bananas, bottled water and MP3 players. 

The four-week meeting at the UN in New York attended by all member states kicked off on 2 July - after a decade of campaigns by civil society organizations. It aims to rectify the paucity of controls on international weapons transfers and usher in an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) for conventional weapons. 

“From [the Democratic Republic of] Congo to Libya, from Syria to Mali, all have suffered from the unregulated trade in weapons and ammunition allowing those conflicts to cause immeasurable suffering and go on far too long. In the next few weeks, diplomats will either change the world - or fail the world,” Anna Macdonald, head of Oxfam's arms control campaign, said in a statement. 

The meeting will tackle three overriding issues in formulating a conventional arms treaty: Scope - to determine which categories of weapons will be included; criteria - establishing a minimum threshold for the transfer of weapons and taking into account UN arms embargos, as well as the potential for an arms shipment to be denied if weapons could be used in violation of international human rights law; and implementation - covering the establishment by each potential signatory of transparent and competent regulating authorities. 

Arms re-exports 

Nearly 75 percent of arms exports originate from six countries, the USA, Russia, Germany, UK, China and France. Five of these are permanent members of the UN Security Council. SAS’s McDonald said southern hemisphere countries were also major exporters through the practice of re-export. (South Africa is the only significant manufacturer in Africa though Algeria and Egypt produce large amounts of ammunition). 

“Re-export is a problem generally. It can occur decades after the original deliveries. Angola is on the radar at the moment, as it has significant surplus stocks [of weapons],” he said. 

The proposed treaty will first have to define which conventional weapons should be included and which should not. The starting point for four preliminary meetings ahead of the ATT meeting in New York were the 1991 voluntary reporting mechanisms UN Register of Conventional Arms (UNRCA), and its seven conventional weapons categories: tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large calibre artillery pieces, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships and missile and missile systems. 

Analysts say this list is outdated as it excludes tank transporters, light armoured vehicles, reconnaissance helicopters capable of being armed, anti-aircraft weapons with a calibre less than 75mm and ammunition and short range missiles which, along with other military equipment, have evolved over the past two decades. 

Small arms and light weapons (SALW) were added to UNRCA’s voluntary reporting mechanism in 2003 and since then about 80 UN member states have declared SALW imports and exports. The SAS says “there are an estimated 875 million small arms in circulation worldwide, produced by more than 1,000 companies from nearly 100 countries.” 

Small arms are classified as revolvers, automatic pistols, rifles, sub machine guns and light machine guns, while light weapons include heavy machine guns, grenade launchers, portable anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns, mortars with a calibre of less than 100mm, and portable anti-aircraft missile systems. 

The inclusion of ammunition, SALW, technology used to manufacture or maintain weapons, and exports of weapons in component form, have also been put on the negotiating table at the ATT talks. 

ISS report 

A report submitted at the ATT talks on 5 July by the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies (ISS) entitled Negotiating an Arms Trade Treaty, A Toolkit for African States [ http://www.iss.co.za/pgcontent.php?UID=31610 ] posits a 7+1+1 formula (the seven UNRCA conventional weapons categories plus SALW and ammunition). 

The report said 136 states, including 50 in Africa, had “expressed strong support for the inclusion SALW” and 120 states also wanted ammunition to fall within ATT. 

“African states have been recipients of most categories of arms that appear in the UNRCA. In addition, the voluntary reports on SALW by some states reveal that SALW is a substantial component of global arms transfers to African states. Added to this, much of the trade in SALW is unreported,” the ISS report said. 

But since 2001, voluntary reporting to the UNRCA by African states has “declined from 17 states reporting in 2002 to four in 2010. Most reports by African states in fact indicate `nil’ conventional arms transfers,” the report said. 

Ben Coetzee, a co-author of the report and a senior ISS researcher, told IRIN African states had concerns about national security issues relating to the proposed treaty, because if military inventories were open and transparent for all to view “it would not take a brain surgeon to figure out what your defensive capabilities are.” 

The ISS report said SALW and ammunition in many “African countries were among the main instruments of violence… SALW and ammunition [with maybe the exception of South Africa] would have originally been transferred from foreign territories to these African states either legally or illegally. It is worth noting that almost all of the states that have expressed an objection to the inclusion of SALW and ammunition in the ATT do not appear on the list of the top 58 countries experiencing lethal violence.” 

Ammunition controls are seen as a particularly pertinent issue, as although small arms have a shelf life of many years, ammunition is a disposable item needing constant replenishment, but “politically” SAS’s McDonald said “it may be a bridge to far” and has its detractors, including the USA, Iran, Egypt, Algeria and Venezuela. 

He said West Africa’s conflicts have “moved around from one state to another and then back again. There are weapons in huge numbers [in the region]; border controls are difficult and there is really not much that you can do…But if you can prevent ammunition [supplies] and if ammunition runs out it will change the nature of the conflicts.” 

“Expensive doorstops” 

An Oxfam briefing paper, published in May 2012 entitled Stop a Bullet, Stop a War. Why ammunition must be included in the Arms Trade Treaty, [ http://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/stop-bullet-stop-war-arms-trade-treaty-310512-en.pdf ] said a 2003 attack on the Liberian capital Monrovia by anti-government forces was interrupted after ammunition stocks ran low and forced a withdrawal, only for the assault to resume once illegal ammunition supplies had been sourced from neighbouring Guinea. Likewise in 2007 “a lack of ammunition forced warring pastoralists in [what is now] South Sudan to resolve their disputes peacefully.” 

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in a submission to the ATT meeting noted that there were “already massive numbers of weapons in circulation, but their impact depends on a constant supply of ammunition”. 

Coetzee said without ammunition guns become “expensive doorstops”, but while the USA probably had the administrative capability to monitor ammunition exports, other countries did not, and he did not expect at this stage that the monitoring of ammunition would be included in the treaty.

He said drawing up the treaty was a delicate balancing act, as “you don’t want to settle for an agreement of the lowest common denominator,” but if you included ammunition the issue of compliance could undermine ATT. “There is a risk of non-compliance [related to ammunition controls] and if you don’t have compliance, it [the proposed ATT] is not worth the paper it is printed on.” 

go/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95831/SECURITY-Ammunition-the-next-round-in-arms-trade-control</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108260940420406t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 09 July 2012 (IRIN) - For a couple of hundred dollars or less an arms dealer can illegally source a blank end user certificate with the required signatures and stamps - needed to transfer weapons across international borders - and “if no one checks its authenticity (often the case) he can ship his wares to the world’s hotspots with minimal risk, for maximum profit,” a report by the Small Arms Survey (SAS) said in 2008.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Donor fatigue forces WFP to cut refugee rations</title><pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.

The cuts have already affected 16,000 refugees in Malawi’s Dzaleka camp who have been on half rations since March, while a further 120,000 refugees in Uganda began receiving half rations of cereals in May. 

According to WFP, another 100,000 refugees in Tanzania saw their maize rations cut by 50 percent starting from last week, and rations for some 54,000 refugees living in Rwanda are expected to be cut in August unless donors come forward with more funding.

“Even the full ration wasn’t enough,” said Sanky Kabeya, a 24-year-old resident of Dzaleka who spoke to IRIN at the end of March. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95259/EDUCATION-Online-learning-inspires-refugees ] “I haven’t taken breakfast this morning and many are in the same situation.”

Gustave Lwaba, another resident of the camp, said the usual monthly ration of 13kg of maize had gone down to 7kg, while rations of cooking oil, pigeon peas, sugar and salt had also been cut by half. "There are people in the camp who rely on relatives who've been resettled," he said. "The rest really starve because the rations can't last a month."

Michelle Carter, country director for the Jesuit Refugee Service in Malawi, which runs a number of educational and other programmes in the camp, said the cuts were “clearly leading to a fair amount of hunger… I know children are coming to school hungry,” she told IRIN. 

“The food is only lasting two weeks and if they’re on their own it’s much worse because they can’t combine rations.”

Noting that only a very small percentage of the refugees had any source of income, she said single mothers, unaccompanied minors and the elderly and disabled had been particularly hard hit by the reduced rations.

A protection officer with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Malawi, Gavin Lim, said his agency planned to carry out an assessment in the coming months to determine the full impact of the ration cuts but that reports of more women in the camp turning to survival sex were already coming in.

Difficult to become self-reliant

Most countries in southern and eastern Africa have an encampment policy for refugees which restricts their freedom of movement and reduces their chances of becoming self-reliant. Some earn a small income running informal businesses outside the camps but competition with often equally impoverished locals is fierce and has led to outbreaks of violence. 

In May, a number of refugees who were selling goods at a small trading centre outside Dzaleka were assaulted by local traders who accused them of undermining their businesses. According to Carter, the Malawian government plans to withdraw trading licenses for refugees from July.

Many of Dzaleka's residents have lived in the camp for over a decade. Indeed, an increasing proportion of refugees today live in what UNHCR describes as "protracted" exile (in 2011, more than seven million refugees had lived outside their country for more than five years). Donors are increasingly reluctant to shoulder the burden of feeding these long-term refugees.

Commenting on the funding shortfall, WFP spokesperson for east and southern Africa David Orr said: "There is inevitably some donor fatigue regarding longstanding or protracted refugee loads; these funding issues affect more than just food."

ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95597/AFRICA-Donor-fatigue-forces-WFP-to-cut-refugee-rations</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2012/201204161157350475t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 19 June 2012 (IRIN) - The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has halved food rations to refugees living in camps in at least four African countries citing a funding shortfall.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Power to the people!</title><pubDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report [http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/hdr/africa-human-development-report-2012/ ] today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.  

The argument is straightforward: Most people in Africa depend on agriculture, and better nutrition is good for human development. More food production means more food and income in people’s pockets, which has spin-offs which are beneficial for health and education. 

The report is not another exhortation to farmers to grow more food. Pedro Conceicao, chief economist with the UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa, explained that exclusively looking at linkages between small-scale farmers and agriculture or gender empowerment and agriculture were “piecemeal approaches” and not helpful. “We have to move beyond silver bullet obsessions [such as agricultural subsidies] or attention-grabbing headlines.” 

He reasoned that high economic growth rates in Africa had not necessarily resulted in a reduction in poverty and food insecurity - which points to accessibility to food and purchasing power as key factors. The report emphasizes “empowerment” and participation as important levers for change. 

It argues that countries need to implement a more strategic vision of food security. An approach to emulate would be what Ethiopia had done to beef up its agriculture sector by setting up a separate Agricultural Transformation Agency (ATA) [ http://www.ata.gov.et/about/our-mandate/ ] right next to the prime minister’s office. It is modelled on similar initiatives in Asia which helped accelerate economic growth in South Korea and Malaysia, for instance. ATA addresses bottlenecks in areas such as soil management, research and extension services. 

The report calls for new approaches covering multiple sectors - from rural infrastructure to health services, to new forms of social protection and empowering local communities. It calls for action in four critical areas: 

1. Increasing agricultural production: It acknowledges that boosting production would be integral to any approach to becoming food secure, and calls for investment in research, infrastructure and inputs and a Green Revolution in Africa; 

2. More effective nutrition: Develop coordinated interventions which boost nutrition while expanding access to health services, education, sanitation, and clean water; 

3. Building resilience: Investment in crop insurance, employment guarantee schemes, and cash transfers to shield people from risks and make them less vulnerable to shocks; 

4. Empowerment and social justice: Gender empowerment, access to land, technology and information are important to make people food secure. 

IRIN interviewed two leading experts on the issues. 

Steven Wiggins, research fellow with the UK’s Overseas Development Institute, who has been studying agriculture and rural development in Africa since 1972: 

Africa is not one unitary entity: “There are 56 countries in Africa... When Africa is considered as a single unit, there is a great danger that it is compared to other similar units, above all Asia, leading to analyses that suggest that if only Africa were more like Asia, then things would improve. Well, I’m not sure that Botswana has very much to learn from, say, Afghanistan, thank you very much. Hyperbole aside, the point is this: in Africa we have several, if not many, cases of admirable progress in food and nutrition security, but we overlook this.” 

Real progress takes time: “A longstanding issue in African policy debates is the search not only for growth, but for growth that is `transformative’. Even when an African economy grows, the pessimists say `yes, but where is the transformation?’ usually noting that in Asia growth is transformative. Well, yes, where that has apparently happened in Asia... it is the result of 30 or 40 years of sustained progress. Yet damning judgments are made about African countries after less than 10 years of sustained and high economic growth." 

Too complicated and demanding: It would have been better had it [the overview of the report] stuck to a few fundamental propositions that are well supported by the evidence, namely: smallholder development plus primary health plus clean water will almost always reduce child malnutrition. Yes, let’s add girls in secondary school to the list: that will strengthen these links. But it’s that simple. 

Peter Gubbels, the West Africa co-coordinator for Groundswell International, a global partnership of local farming communities, has 30 years of experience in rural development, including 20 years living and working in West Africa. He is based in Ghana. He says: 

Move beyond the Green Revolution: “The report… seems to embrace the Green Revolution approach to agricultural improvement, citing... the results... in Asia, and seeking to now apply those lessons to Africa. The report suggests implicitly, that one reason Africa still has hunger is because Africa has not benefited from `science-based, input-intensive’ support. This is highly misleading. There have been many efforts to promote Green Revolution in Africa. Almost all have failed.” 

Missing bits: “There is no mention of Conservation Agriculture, or of the Brown Revolution [to promote soil fertility and conserve water].” 

Under-funding in agricultural research: “This is true but is also misleading. There has been a great amount of funding in the CGIAR [Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research] system in Africa, including IITA [International Institute of Tropical Agriculture] in Nigeria, from the 1970s onwards. One reason donors reduced funding in the 1990s was because it was not generating good production results. 

“But this report seems to assume that investing in new seeds, fertilizers, tractors, irrigation and training is what is needed... And how many very poor small-scale farmers can afford tractors?” 

Understanding resilience: “Equally disturbing is the suggestion that long-term resilience measures can enable risk averse, poor small-scale farmers to adopt riskier, but more productive, agricultural technologies. This is twisting my understanding of resilience. The aim is to reduce (or at least manage risk), using low external inputs and local ecological systems, not to increase risk by creating dependence on external expensive inputs (insurance, etc) for poor, vulnerable farm families working in marginal conditions. The way forward would be to develop crops and technologies that both increase food production and reduce risk by conservation agricultural techniques.” 

"Subsuming” nutrition into food security: “There is not just food insecurity in Africa. There is both food insecurity and nutrition insecurity. Currently in the Sahel, there is both a food crisis and a nutrition crisis. They may be linked, but the causes are quite different, and the solutions that are [rooted] in food security are almost always inadequate. 

“Just as we need to change the strong association of agriculture with food security, we also need to move nutrition out of the confines of food security. There is still a very strong tendency to believe that food aid, and increasing food production, solves most of malnutrition. It does not. It only helps prevent major spikes in the already existing emergency level of chronic and acute malnutrition.” 

Controversial issues side-stepped: “The report also almost completely sidesteps... genetically modified seeds... the role of agribusiness in land-grabbing, control of seeds, pushing pesticides and herbicides.” 

jk/oa/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95459/FOOD-Power-to-the-people</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201104051041120547t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 15 May 2012 (IRIN) - The UN Development Programme (UNDP) launched its first Africa Human Development Report today, stressing food security as a means to a better quality of life for all.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Floods leave Angolan returnees stranded</title><pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa. 
 
 “At least 50,000 people - 24,000 of them returnees - in 10 villages in Uige Province [northeastern Angola near border with DRC] have been affected by the flooding, rains and hailstorms in the past four months,” said Antonio Maiandi, head of the Evangelical Reformed Church of Angola, which has been trying to help those affected. The rainy season here tends to be longer than elsewhere in Angola. 
 
 “It is still pouring hard. At least 1,142 houses have been destroyed by the rains. Each family with shelter is now hosting other families,” said Maiandi, adding that the returnees, who had sought refuge from the civil war in Angola which ended in 2002, were putting enormous pressure on locals, and organizations such as his. 
 
 “The local population who are mostly farmers have been severely affected. Their cassava [staple food in Angola] and groundnut crops have been destroyed, so there is not enough food to go round.” 
 
 The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) restarted formal repatriation of Angolans in November 2011 after logistical and other problems forced the process to stop in 2007. DRC is home to some 80,000 Angolans refugees, according to UNHCR. 
 
 The new return initiative comes after a UNHCR survey in 2010 found that 43,000 wanted to return home, and following a tripartite agreement between Angola, DRC and UNHCR (signed in June 2011), around 20,000 people signed up for help to return. The agreement came about after years of tense relations between the two countries: Angolan and Congolese nationals have been expelled from the two countries regularly. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93004 ] [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90906 ]
 
 “The local population is extremely poor and unable to support the returnees,” and “people are still coming in every day,” said Maiandi. 
 
 UNHCR in Angola told IRIN they took a break in December 2011 and would resume formal repatriation on 17 January, but did not have an update on the number of people who had already arrived. 
 
 According to aid workers, increasing instability in the DRC following the recent disputed elections could be prompting more people to leave. 
 
 Maiandi said the returnees had not received adequate support from the authorities and church organizations had limited resources. 
 
 Meteorologists for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have predicted normal to above normal rains for most of the region from January to March 2012 largely because of the continuing effects of the 2011 La Niña event. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91746 ] Thousands of people in the region were displaced and scores killed in early 2011 as a result of heavy rains and flooding associated with La Niña. 
 
 Zimbabwe 
 
 As the rainy season begins here, aid workers and disaster prevention teams are closely monitoring water levels in the all-important Zambezi river, the continent's fourth largest. 
 
 The authorities have issued a flood alert after being forced to release water from the swollen Kariba Dam on the Zambezi earlier than usual in the rainy season. 
 
 The Zambezi River Authority (ZRA) which usually opens the spillway gates of Lake Kariba in the last two weeks of January was forced to open one of the gates on 3 January. It has advised people living downstream to evacuate their homes. 
 
 Zambia 
 
 Zambia is in for a mixed season. Dominicano Mulenga, national coordinator of Zambia's Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit, said a plan had been drawn up to help 368,953 people likely to be affected by rain and dry spells. While northwestern and western parts of the country had seen heavy rain, southern, eastern and parts of central Zambia were likely to receive little or no rain, he said. 
 
 The water level in the Zambezi was higher than at the same time in 2011, he added. “We have had three seasons of heavy rainfall and the ground is saturated with water, making it more prone to flooding.” 
 
 Namibia 
 
 Namibians, currently experiencing a heat wave, are eager for rain, said Guido van Langehove, chief of the Namibia Hydrological Services. Southern African Development Community (SADC) meteorologists have forecast normal to above normal rains for Namibia over the next three months. “It was the same forecast last year and we recorded three times the normal rain,” van Langehove pointed out. 
 
 The Caprivi Region, Namibia’s poorest area, is prone to annual flooding. 
 
 Japhet Itenge, director of Disaster Risk Management in the Office of the Prime Minister, said they were prepositioning essential commodities and relief tools as part of their contingency plans. 
 
 Lesotho 
 
 Lesotho has not received adequate rainfall in the past few months, a spokesman for the country’s meteorological services told IRIN. “SADC has forecast heavy rains for Lesotho in the coming weeks. We are worried it can cause early frost and destroy crops that have already been planted,” he said. 
 
 Lesotho and Namibia have food insecurity levels greater than their five-year averages due to the severe flooding experienced during the last growing season, according to FEWSNET. 
 
 Mozambique 
 
 The Mozambican authorities have begun to release water from the Cahora Bassa Dam on the Zambezi. People living mainly along the lower Zambezi basin and in Buzi, Save, and Pungue basins, including Beira city, are on alert. 
 
 Sofala Province in central Mozambique is currently distributing items such as bicycles, stretchers, masks, gloves, megaphones and boats, according to the Mozambique Red Cross; and members of seven local disaster risk management committees established in Beira City are cleaning the drainage system. 
 
 The National Institute of Disaster Management (INGC) is monitoring the rivers Montepuez, Licungo, Mutamba, Pungué, Buzi, Save, and Maputo, said FEWSNET. In the Zambezi and Limpopo river basins, FEWSNET warned of a near-average-to-high probability of flooding. 
 
 João Bobotela, CARE’s emergency response coordinator in Mozambique, said INGC and local authorities had been running flood simulation exercises since November 2011 to prepare communities for sudden evacuations. 
 
 Botswana 
 
 Arid Botswana has not received good rains in the past few months. “We are expecting average rains which might help crops,” said a spokesman for the Botswana Meteorological Services. 
 
 Malawi 
 
 More rains have been forecast for southern Malawi, where land adjacent to the River Shire, one of the most food-insecure parts of the country, is prone to flooding. Parts of the region, which has seen an outbreak of foot and mouth disease and a hike in food prices, are in crisis mode, warned FEWSNET. 
 
 South Africa 
 
 Much-needed rain has fallen in South Africa’s major maize-producing northern Free State area in the past few weeks. The government and USAID’s Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) say the country has adequate supplies, but global maize stocks are low, putting considerable upward price pressure on South African white maize. 
 
 jk-dd/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94598/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Floods-leave-Angolan-returnees-stranded</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008111111t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 06 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several thousand Angolan returnees from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are stranded by floods in northeastern Angola. They are among the first casualties of what promises to be a very wet rainy season in parts of southern Africa.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ANGOLA: AU considers looking at Cabinda claims</title><pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007221617300022t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than five years after the Front for the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC) filed a complaint with the African Union (AU) against the Angolan government for alleged human rights abuses, the AU says it is willing to hear the “merits” of appointing a special rapporteur to investigate the claims.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than five years after the Front for the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC) filed a complaint with an African Union (AU) human rights body against the Angolan government for alleged human rights abuses, the AU says it is willing to hear the “merits” of appointing a special rapporteur to investigate the claims. 
 
 Cabinda is separated from Angola's main territory by the River Congo and a narrow sliver of the Democratic Republic of Congo and accounts for more than half of Angola’s oil production. Cabinda's mineral wealth also includes gold, diamonds and uranium, as well as extensive reserves of tropical hardwoods. Since 1975, the status of Cabinda has been disputed, resulting in one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts. 
 
 FLEC Secretary-General Joel Batila, who lives in exile in France, told IRIN: “The problem of Cabinda is taboo, because of oil. But let’s see what will come out of it. Maybe this time the international community will take it seriously. The problem of Cabinda is that it is a hidden problem.” 
 
 The Secretariat of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) [ http://www.achpr.org/english/_info/news_en.html ] received a litany of complaints on 29 September 2006, including contesting Angola’s legal rights to the territory, a variety of human rights abuses such as extrajudicial killings, and claims that more than 90 percent of the territory’s oil revenue was not being used for the benefit of the inhabitants. 
 
 The ACHPR, an AU body, was established by the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights [ http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/z1afchar.htm ] which came into force on 21 October 1986 and is responsible for promoting and protecting human rights on the continent. 
 
 “They [FLEC] claim that Cabindans have been suffering from high unemployment, lack of educational opportunities, disease and intense poverty since the Angolan government took over Cabinda’s natural resources, such as offshore oil, onshore mineral and oil resources,” part of the summary of the complaint said. 
 
 Jonathan Levy, FLEC’s attorney based in Washington, told IRIN the deadline for submission of the merits of the case was 20 February 2012. After considering the submission, the ACHPR would decide on whether or not to appoint a special rapporteur to investigate claims of human rights abuses and the unfair allocation of mineral resources. 
 
 Five-year case 
 
 Levy said they had had five years to compile their case and was confident they would meet the 60-day deadline set in December at the 10th extraordinary session of the African Commission held in the Gambian capital of Banjul on 12-16 December 2011. [ http://www.achpr.org/english/communiques/10th%20EOS.pdf ] 
 
 Cabinda’s claim to independence is based on one interpretation of the region’s colonial history. Angola was a Portuguese colony for hundreds of years, while Cabinda became a Portuguese Protectorate in 1885 under the Treaty of Simulambuco, which provided protection to the Cabindan kingdoms of N'Goyo, Kacongo and Loango from the colonial ambitions of Belgium, Britain and France. 
 
 Portuguese dictator António de Oliveira Salazar declared Angola a province of Portugal in the 1930s and Cabinda was brought under the same administration. Those favouring independence for Cabinda say Angola's first government annexed it at independence in 1975. 
 
 go/cb 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94572/ANGOLA-AU-considers-looking-at-Cabinda-claims</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201007221617300022t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 30 December 2011 (IRIN) - More than five years after the Front for the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC) filed a complaint with the African Union (AU) against the Angolan government for alleged human rights abuses, the AU says it is willing to hear the “merits” of appointing a special rapporteur to investigate the claims.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines: 
 
 1. Swaziland's financial meltdown - As early as January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was warning that drastic measures were needed to stave off a financial crisis in the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91609 ] The IMF's recommendations were largely ignored and the country's economic freefall continued with the main losers being the elderly whose pensions were suspended, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92263 ] orphans and vulnerable children whose school fees went unpaid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] people living with HIV who faced an uncertain supply of antiretroviral drugs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] and subsistence farmers who stopped receiving government support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94113 ] The outlook for 2012 does not look any better with officials already predicting an increase in food security for most Swazis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94481 ] 
 
 2. Malawi's escalating political and economic crisis - Concerns about human rights and economic mismanagement saw Malawi fall out of favour with Western donors who had provided 40 percent of the country's budget. The withdrawal of UK aid to the country in June hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ] President Bingu wa Mutharika's increasingly autocratic rule, together with rising food prices and fuel shortages, contributed to widespread protests in July. The security forces' heavy-handed response, which left at least 18 people dead, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93325 ] did nothing to restore donor confidence in the government. Poverty looks set to worsen in rural areas where many smallholder farmers are no longer benefiting from a reduced Farm Input Subsidy Programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93954 ] and in urban areas where a slew of price increases are already taking their toll on the poor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94498 ] 
 
 3. Deepening poverty in Madagascar - Two years after a coup which deposed President Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar's political crisis remains unresolved and sanctions which froze all but emergency donor aid remain in place. IRIN's coverage tracked how the country's political stalemate has made an already poor country, even poorer [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92236 ] with the demise of free primary school education, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92235 ] a severely under-funded health sector and increasing levels of food insecurity made worse by a shortage of rain followed by flooding. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91970 ] In one impoverished town, IRIN followed a group of girls who had abandoned school to pan for a few flecks of gold. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92938 ] Signs that the country might finally be moving towards the restoration of democracy have not been enough to lift the sanctions, but donors have continued to find ways to deliver desperately needed aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94351 ] 
 
 4. Continuing political instability in Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's unity government remains far from unified and incidents of political violence escalated following President Robert Mugabe's call for elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91506 ] Despite some improvements in the dire state of affairs at public health facilities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93765 ] and more assistance to orphans and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93858 ] mainly due to donor programmes, many Zimbabweans still faced economic hardship in 2011. Dry weather in the country's southern provinces caused crops to fail and put an estimated one million rural Zimbabweans in need of food assistance by the end of the year. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94286 ] In urban areas, a shortage of clean water and sanitation caused an outbreak of typhoid [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94237 ] and created the conditions for a potential resurgence of cholera. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94452 ] 
 
 5. South Africa’s borders - The region's most developed nation is a magnet for migrants, but economic pressures fuelled continuing attacks on foreigners in 2011, particularly those operating shops in townships. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] The government's handling of xenophobia was deemed inadequate by civil society groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] while changes in policy indicated an official hardening of attitudes towards migrants. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94337 ] A two-year moratorium on deportations of undocumented Zimbabweans came to an end in October, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] new legislation created more hurdles for asylum-seekers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] and an unofficial policy of barring migrants from entering the country had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ] 
 
 6. Flooding and livelihoods - Heavy rain at the beginning of the year brought localized flooding to many parts of the region, decimating crops and testing authorities' disaster preparedness. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91754 ] The floods claimed 104 lives in Namibia and a further 91 in South Africa, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93294 ] washed away the possibility of a harvest for subsistence farmers in Lesotho [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91925 ] and threatened the food security of affected populations throughout the region. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91881 ] 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94564/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Pick-of-the-year-2011</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Counter-trafficking measures trail commitments</title><pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity. 
 
 Southern Africa has many of the conditions traffickers capitalize on: endemic poverty and unemployment that create a demand for better opportunities, and high rates of regular and irregular migration that mask the movements of traffickers and their victims. 
 
 The region has no shortage of protocols, frameworks and action plans for dealing with human trafficking, but the net result of all these agreements has been no more than a handful of prosecutions. 
 
 "African countries are more than happy to sign documents and attend conferences, but step out of the room and they're happy to have lunch and forget about it," said Ottilia Maunganidze, a researcher on the International Crime in Africa Programme at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria. 
 
 Maunganidze was addressing a roomful of experts and government officials mainly from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) who gathered in Johannesburg, South Africa, recently to look at ways of turning commitments to counter human trafficking into action. 
 
 The key international framework for combating this crime is the 2000 UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, also known as the Palermo Protocol [ http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/protocoltraffic.htm ]. Its lengthy definition of human trafficking includes “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception…for the purpose of exploitation.” Twelve of the SADC's 15 member states have ratified the protocol, which committed them to enact legislation to make human trafficking a criminal offence. 
 
 More than a decade later, only six have passed comprehensive laws. Several others have partial laws or, in the case of South Africa, bills waiting to be passed [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportId=93104 ], while five countries lack any specific legislation. 
 
 "If trafficking is not a crime in your country, everything else is symptomatic," warned Johan Kruger of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). 
 
 Maunganidze pointed out that merely passing legislation is not enough. Mozambique has passed legislation, but has never prosecuted a case. "Criminalisation has to happen in practice," she told the meeting. 
 
 This means developing national action plans that involve social workers, medical professionals, public prosecutors and the police; establishing a central anti-trafficking unit; allocating resources to assisting victims; and signing bilateral and multilateral agreements with the countries victims originate from and pass through. 
 
 SADC countries adopted a 10-year strategic plan of action to combat trafficking in persons in 2009 that incorporates many of these measures. There is also a protocol on gender and development with a deadline of 2015 to put in place measures to eradicate trafficking. Maunganidze says this is "probably very idealistic", and cites the difficulty of identifying and addressing some of the root causes of trafficking, as well as the limited resources and political will so far devoted to responses. 
 
 Most trafficking in southern Africa is for the purpose of sexual exploitation, but trafficking for forced labour is growing and is even more hidden, according to Bernardo Mariano-Joaquim, regional representative of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). 
 
 Criminal syndicates are usually engaged in these activities, and many people still lack a clear understanding of what trafficking is, adding to the difficulty of detection and prosecution. "Organized crime can't be prosecuted in the same fashion as other crimes," said Kruger. "You have to connect the dots, you need proactive intelligence and international cooperation." 
 
 "In Africa, we're making some progress in creating an environment to assist victims, but where we need more work is prosecutions," Mariano-Joaquim told IRIN. "Prosecution is lagging behind the identification of victims, and even prevention." 
 
 ks/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94445/SOUTHERN-AFRICA-Counter-trafficking-measures-trail-commitments</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2009/200904301438440990t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 12 December 2011 (IRIN) - At any given time, an estimated 130,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa are engaged in forced labour as a result of trafficking. It is a fraction of the global figure, which the International Labour Organization (ILO) puts at 2.5 million, but this highly lucrative and concealed crime is on the rise in Africa and traffickers usually operate with impunity.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>CLIMATE CHANGE: Durban or bust - the Trans-African Caravan of Hope</title><pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg" />]]>KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</description><body><![CDATA[KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban [ http://www.cop17-cmp7durban.com/ ], travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags. 
 
 The aim of the Trans-African Caravan of Hope, organized by the Pan African Climate Change Justice Alliance [ http://www.pacja.org/ ], was to gather information about and raise awareness of the impact of climate change [ http://www.irinnews.org/IndepthMain.aspx?reportid=78246&indepthid=73 ] on those least responsible for causing it. 
 
 Signatures were gathered en route for a petition, the African People’s Protocol, which urges developed nations to abide by their Kyoto treaty commitments to reduce emissions and finance adaptation programmes. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94214 ] 
 
 IRIN spoke to some of those travelling with the convoy: 
 
 Emile Hakizimana 25, Burundian student and blogger: “Look, people in Africa are bound to face hunger because food production is going down as a result of floods and drought. 
 
 “We require sound pro-people governance that will put to use outcomes of the COP 17 [Conference of the Parties http://unfccc.int/meetings/durban_nov_2011/meeting/6245.php ] meeting to improve lives of the rural communities facing the effects of climate change.” 
 
 Boniface Okot, 25, Ugandan student: “Food production will remain unpredictable if the weather continues to be unpredictable. The only way out is to find an agreeable means by which we can preserve the environment for the future. 
 
 “We require more knowledge and technology transfers that will help the developing economies have sufficient food and at the same time develop.” 
 
 Chandia Benadette Kodili, 25, Ugandan blogger with ActionAid International [ http://www.actionaid.org/activista ]: “This [journey] gave me a great opportunity to experience the climate situation in other countries and how that affects the food security of people and eventually their lives. 
 
 “I have come to appreciate Uganda as the pearl of Africa because most of the countries we went through are so dry and hot; I wonder how people struggle to live in these places with devastating effects of climate change. 
 
 “I come from Moyo District, which has been affected greatly by floods displacing people, leading to diseases and food shortages... In the countries I have passed through... I have seen massive effects. 
 
 “I live in the city and depend on these small-scale women farmers struggling to produce food for their survival and at the same time feeding people in the city yet their crop yields are falling due to bad weather. 
 
 “I hope there will be a [positive] outcome from Durban, that is why I spent over 17 days on the road to South Africa. I could have flown in but I chose the long and harder way so that I could share in solidarity with the many women farmers in other countries and how they are coping with these changes in the climate. 
 
 “Developed nations have to do something; we are already seeing Canada pulling out of the Kyoto Protocol, and the US, one of the biggest polluters, is not even part of this agreement. I ride in hope that they will get to their senses because right now they are politicking.” 
 
 Collins Odhiambo 24, Kenyan resident of Nairobi’s Kibera slum: “The caravan was a tough journey that required commitment; it provided me with the opportunity to meet and talk to people, some of them from communities affected by the drought crisis in eastern and southern Africa. 
 
 “Hearing their sad tales of how climate change has shattered their lives was heart-breaking. One thing that came out clearly in all the countries we visited is that climate change is real and it is here with us. It is the reality of our lives and the sooner action is taken the better; otherwise, our survival is at stake. 
 
 “Looking at the attention and reception that the caravan was receiving in different countries it passed through, it was humbling to see people from all walks of life, senior government officials, women, youths, children and men, come out in large numbers to speak out in one voice: immediate action is needed to save the world. 
 
 “I don’t see any breakthrough in the COP 17 meeting in Durban. In fact I am beginning to lose faith in these meetings because they are a waste of time and resources. 
 
 “How many COPs do we need before we can agree?” 
 
 ca/am/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94372/CLIMATE-CHANGE-Durban-or-bust-the-Trans-African-Caravan-of-Hope</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201112021157010891t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KAMPALA 02 December 2011 (IRIN) - Brandishing a plea for developed countries to make good their promises to reduce carbon emissions, 300 farmers, youths and activists took the scenic route to the COP17 conference in Durban, travelling more than 7,000km from Burundi in 17 days, through 10 eastern and southern African countries, aboard a convoy of buses draped in various national flags.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Urgent drive to act on road safety</title><pubDate>Fri, 18 Nov 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081402170782t.jpg" />]]>ADDIS ABABA 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing traffic accident deaths are a likely consequence of economic and population growth in Africa unless leaders on the continent, already beset by the world&apos;s worst road-safety record, implement a wide-ranging plan to address the second leading cause of deaths of young people, specialists at a major conference told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[ADDIS ABABA 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing traffic accident deaths are a likely consequence of economic and population growth in Africa unless leaders on the continent, already beset by the world's worst road-safety record, implement a wide-ranging plan to address the second leading cause of deaths of young people, specialists at a major conference told IRIN.
 
 “Africa has the worst road safety record in the world, despite the fact that it has fewer cars than other regions,” Robert Lisinge, an expert in transportation at the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), told IRIN on the sidelines of the Second African Road Safety Conference held in Addis Ababa this month. 
 
 Between 10 and 20 people per 1,000 in Africa own a vehicle. In Western Europe and Canada, the figure is 600; in the United States, more than 800. Yet some 322,000 lives are lost in Africa every year in road traffic accidents, according to a report by the World Health Organization (WHO), [ http://www.un.org/ar/roadsafety/pdf/roadsafetyreport.pdf ] which said the phenomenon was robbing the continent of its “breadwinners” and reducing national GDPs by between 1 and 5 percent, or US$10 billion a year.
 
 “We are losing more human capital now and it’s affecting our economies. African governments, as well as others who have a say in this, need to do more to curb this,” Taye Birhanu, an economist with the Transportation and Development Forum, an NGO, told IRIN.
 
 Worse to come?
 
 Increasing populations and an average economic growth of 5 percent make the need for action all the more urgent, said Lisinge.
 
 “If nothing is done, the poor accident record in Africa will even worsen as African countries develop economically and have more vehicles," he said.
 
 According to the World Bank/WHO report, if the status quo continues, road deaths will soar by 30 percent by 2020.
 
 There is a “need to awaken people’s consciousness, to stop this silent war often forgotten by society but one of the biggest wars, one that has claimed 10 million lives [worldwide] over the last decade,” says Sandra Vitale, a road traffic accident prevention campaigner, who lost a son in Addis Ababa while he was driving without wearing a seatbelt. 
 
 “Africa has the fastest-growing population statistics and, therefore, we also have to be fast and work as soon as possible by finding an efficient synergy between African nations to work on this issue,” she said.
 
 Under the Accra Declaration signed in the Ghanaian capital in 2007, African transport and health ministers pledged to work to halve road deaths by 2015.
 
 “The problem is that there were no action plans and clear strategies on how to implement the recommendations,” said Lisinge.
 
 Now a more detailed way forward has been set out, in the form of the draft African Plan of Action for the Decade, a continentally tailored version of the WHO’s Global Plan for the Decade of Action for Road Safety [ http://www.who.int/roadsafety/decade_of_action/plan/en/ ]
 
 The African plan, which was reviewed at the Addis Ababa conference, envisages the creation of a continental body to  coordinate national strategies, especially with regard to ensuring safety is given more emphasis in the development of road construction. Safer vehicles, public education and post-crash response are other key elements of the African plan, which ministers are expected to endorse in Luanda, Angola, later in November.
 
 “I think some countries have shown quite a lot of progress in terms of political will especially in establishing structures. One problem in Africa is that to prove you have improved your crash figures, you have to have a baseline,” said Elna van Niekerk, an adviser at the Global Road Safety Partnership (GRSP) [ http://www.grsproadsafety.org/page-what_is_grsp-1.html ] , which groups government agencies, the private sector and civil society organizations.
 
 “So it’s very difficult to say that we have really improved on our statistics because we really have to establish that baseline,” she said, adding that the African plan could help further mobilize political leaders across the continent.
 
 The plan calls for mechanisms to monitor activities, indicators and accomplishments.
 
 It also aims to bring down the continent’s average annual fatality rate from the current 32.2 per 100,000 people to 21.3.
 
 “It’s generally accepted that if you put up some ambitious target, you will achieve a result. I am not saying we will exactly achieve halving this in time in each country but there will be significant results,” said Van Niekerk.
 
 bt/am/mw
 
 ]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94238/AFRICA-Urgent-drive-to-act-on-road-safety</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201111081402170782t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ADDIS ABABA 18 November 2011 (IRIN) - Increasing traffic accident deaths are a likely consequence of economic and population growth in Africa unless leaders on the continent, already beset by the world&apos;s worst road-safety record, implement a wide-ranging plan to address the second leading cause of deaths of young people, specialists at a major conference told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Rumpus over GM food aid</title><pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers. 
 
 On 18 August a drought-affected Kenyan government fired the head of its National Biosafety Authority for expediting the process to import milled food aid which might have contained genetically modified organisms (GMO). In the weeks preceding and after the incident, public debate on the issue was distorted by extreme positions either for or against GM food. 
 
 “When you have people starving in your country you don’t simply turn your back on food at your door-step just because it is labelled GM - it is expected that biosafety risk assessments should have been conducted before the importation of the food to see whether it does indeed pose a threat before taking a decision. Taking this decision so late in the day could have serious consequences for the suffering people,” says Diran Makinde, director of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development’s (NEPAD’s) African Biosafety Network of Expertise (ABNE), a pool of scientific experts set up by the African Union. 
 
 There have been different degrees of resistance to GM food and GM food aid in Africa. 
 
 In 2002 Zambia announced it would not accept GM food aid in any form. Positions were polarized to a great extent after a quote from a US state department official, “Beggars can’t be choosers”, hit the headlines. It prompted the then president, Levy Mwanawasa, to say hunger was no reason for feeding his people “poison”. Since then Zambia has become a poster-child for the anti-GM lobby. 
[ http://dspace.cigilibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/28948/1/African%20perspectives%20on%20genetically%20modified%20crops.pdf?1 ]
 
 Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique said they could allow imports of GM food aid in its milled form as this eliminated the risk of the germination of whole grains and limited possible contamination of local varieties. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Genetically_modified_crops_in_Africa ]
 
 Lesotho and Swaziland allowed the distribution of non-milled GM food/grains, but warned people that it was for consumption not cultivation. 
 
 In 2004, Angola and Sudan announced restrictions on GM food aid. 
 
 Cautious approach 
 
 Most African countries approach GM technology applied to crops with caution. 
 
 “Why shouldn’t we be wary of this technology and its possible long-term health impacts, if the EU [European Union] is. If it is not good for them, why should it be good for us?” said Tewolde Egziabher, Ethiopia’s director of the Environmental Protection Agency. 
 
 Egziabher was one of the main architects of the Cartagena Protocol, the international law on biosafety which came into effect in 2003 and which allows countries to impose bans on foods containing GM. 
 
 The Protocol’s cornerstone is “precaution”, notes a UN Environment Programme briefing. [ http://www.eoearth.org/article/Responses_to_genetically_modified_crop_use_in_Africa ]
  
 It gives governments the discretion to impose bans even where there is insufficient scientific evidence about the potential adverse effects of GM crops. The USA has yet to ratify the Protocol. 
 
 GM technology injects foreign genes into a crop that can improve its appearance, taste, nutritional quality, drought tolerance, and insect and disease resistance. There has been cautious optimism about the new technology in some quarters. 
 
 “As crop yields drop because of weather shocks, GM technology is not the panacea, as Africa will feel the impact of climate change in the long-term. But it is potentially yet another tool in our fight to improve production,” said Per Pinstrup-Andersen, 2001 World Food Prize laureate and the author of a book on the politics of GM food. 
 
 Most critics of GM food, however, argue that foreign genes can produce toxic proteins and allergens, even possibly transfer the genes to bacteria in the human gut; or transfer these traits to other crops with unknown consequences. 
 
 Global divide 
 
 A deep mistrust also prevails in Africa, given the fact that two power blocs - the EU and the USA remain divided over GM. 
 
 Only one strain of GM maize, Monsanto 810, and one modified potato, have been approved in the EU, and most countries grow neither commercially. Spain accounts for about 80 percent of GMO grown in the EU in terms of land under cultivation, but Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Germany and Luxembourg have banned all GMO cultivation. [ http://blogs.nature.com/news/2011/07/eu_parliament_votes_to_allow_r.html ]
 
 On the other hand, in the USA, where 70 percent of maize is GM, GM food need not be labelled. Some food experts say both the EU and the USA have vested interests in promoting their respective views in Africa, which is seen as a potential market and supplier of either GM or non-GM products. 
 
 In Africa, the production of GM food is still in its infancy. South Africa (70-80 percent of its maize, soya and cotton production), Egypt (maize) and Burkina Faso (cotton) are the only African countries commercially producing GM crops, according to ABNE. 
 
 Traditionally the USA has been the biggest donor in kind to the World Food Programme (WFP). But the aid agency is trying to broaden its source of food aid. In 2010, WFP said 36 percent of its food aid, or two million out of 5.7 million tons disbursed globally, was procured in developing countries. [ http://www.wfp.org/content/food-aid-flows-2010-report ]
 
 While wheat accounts for more than 50 percent of WFP’s global cereal component, GM wheat does not figure as it is not grown commercially. According to data from 2006, at least 38 percent of cereal food aid to Africa was wheat and wheat flour, said Christopher Barrett, a food aid expert. Though wheat tends to be a less important part of the African diet than maize, aid agencies sometimes offer wheat instead of GM maize in emergencies. [ http://faostat.fao.org/site/485/default.aspx#ancor ]
 
 Possible solutions 
 
 Milling the grain is an obvious solution, said Julia Steets, an aid policy expert at the Global Public Policy Institute. "Milling either at source or in the port of arrival or in the prepositioning warehouses - it would of course also help to know in advance which governments take what positions on that, so that the food aid agencies are prepared." 
 
 The stance of recipient countries has to be respected. When a country prohibits GMO, sourcing alternative commodities and routes can “obviously impact delivery times and costs but those are the parameters in which we work,” said David Orr, WFP spokesman. “We always abide by the laws and regulations of recipient countries.” 
 
 If a country is not receptive to GM food - “give the country the money for procurement of the food from an African country with a surplus (local procurement is better than shipping food all the way from the US any way),” said Pinstrup-Andersen. 
 
 Food aid agencies in Africa usually turn to South Africa for surplus maize. The country has systems in place to segregate non-GM from GM, says Thom Jayne, professor of international development at Michigan State University. 
 
 Farmers in South Africa certify non-GM content by conducting a basic test, which detects specific proteins produced by a GM plant. The non-GM grain is separated from the rest before being shipped. 
 
 Another way of separating GM from non-GM crops involves contract-farming schemes first set up in 2004-2005. The process involves the purchaser identifying farmers who buy non-GM seed. Tests are conducted on their field for any traces of GM before they are offered a contract. 
 
 But all these measures involve extra costs. 
 
 Legislation 
 
 In 2001 the African Union drafted the African Biosafety Model Law but taking an even more cautious approach than the Protocol, allowing countries to adopt more stringent measures to assess the safety of GM food. 
 
 National biosafety laws exist in 17 of the 54 African countries. In most countries, the legislation is a work-in-progress. 
 
 Labelling and verifying the content of a crop on a day-to day basis is an outstanding issue. South Africa, the first country in Africa to put biosafety laws in place (in 1997), has yet to develop a labelling process. 
 
 More public education and debate around GM food needs to happen, said Pinstrup-Andersen. “Almost all GM-food varieties have been through stringent testing for health safety, which non-GM food has not undergone ever. People need to engage with the science and not the politics.” 
 
 jk/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93991/FOOD-Rumpus-over-GM-food-aid</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201108011245250824t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 18 October 2011 (IRIN) - Genetically modified (GM) food aid bound for Africa has long been a bone of contention among governments, scientists, activists, consumers and aid workers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Keeping a measure on malaria</title><pubDate>Thu, 22 Sep 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010852150003t.jpg" />]]>NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.”</description><body><![CDATA[NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance (ALMA) has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. 
 
 “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.” 
 
 Updated quarterly, it provides information from each country on policies formulated, preventative measures initiated, money spent, lives saved and lost. 
 
 The latest scorecard, launched on 21 September, describes, for example, how Angola and Burundi removed taxes and tariffs on anti-malarial commodities such as mosquito nets, medicines and insecticides. It tells how Côte d'Ivoire distributed 8.9 million nets in 2011, bringing the country closer to achieving universal net coverage. The scorecard also tracks tracer indicators for maternal, newborn and child health. 
 
 “The scorecard is very important,” said Raymond Chambers, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Malaria, “because it gives us the lens to see what’s happening but more importantly gives African countries the chance to compare how they are doing with peer countries and to improve where improvements need to be made.” 
 
 Founded in 2009, ALMA includes 40 African countries, all pledged to eradicating a disease that has no regard for borders. 
 
 Tanzania’s President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, ALMA’s chair, said the evidence proved the disease was “receding steadily”. Eleven African countries have slashed malaria cases by more than 50 percent, he said. Among the preventative measures he highlighted were the distribution of 229 million long-lasting insecticide-treated bed nets, providing coverage for 84 percent of Africans deemed at risk. 
 
 But he also worried about sustaining the gains. He acknowledged how deadly malaria remains to the continent’s inhabitants and how profoundly it hinders development. It is estimated that Africa experiences a 2 percent loss in GDP each year due to the effects of the illness, which forces people out of work and requires them to spend precious money on treatment, he said. 
 
 One issue central to the malaria fight is funding. It is necessary to both protect existing resources and identify new sources of revenue, Kikwete said. “There is a US$3 billion gap in funding that we are trying to mobilize,” he said. 
 
 “Ownership” 
 
 Rwanda’s Bingwaho – whose country has seen as precipitous drop in malaria cases – noted that “we have made progress by an approach based on community, based on integration and, also a word we like to hear, based on country ownership”. 
 
 “Everything that we can do to help move ownership and responsibility of these issues back to the African countries and at the same time provide them with investment instead of subsidy is clearly a step in the right direction,” said UN Special Envoy Chambers. 
 
 Panellists also emphasized the necessity of cooperation between African nations, a particularly important issue since malaria travels easily. Kikwete said Tanzania, which he said has succeeded in eliminating malaria, was thought to have been clear of the malady twice before. But malarial mosquitoes, he said, travel by bus and on “ships, boats and ferries”. The disease has the ability to re-emerge if not contained in surrounding countries. 
 
 “More than 50 percent of all our cases last year were in one district of our country – the border,” said Bingwaho. 
 
 “The fight will not be won by any single country,” added Christian Chukwu, Nigeria’s Health Minister. “We need to work across borders and let’s all of us get more committed.” 
 
 Kikwete concluded that in this “interdependent world” a malaria-free Africa “is in the best interests of humanity. It means increased productivity, more income for our people, more trade.” 
 
 Then he added on a lighter note, “And there’s no more hassle of swallowing malaria pills every time you travel to Africa.” 
 

------------------------------------------------
Malaria update  

 The battle against the anopheles mosquito and the malaria it transmits has been a long and painful one. Recently there have been signs the tide could be turning:
 
 The sterilization of male mosquitoes, which compete with wild males for wild females, is among the techniques being studied. Sterility can be induced by radiation or chemical application. 
 
 There are also studies under way on the genetic manipulation of mosquitoes, which produces the same effect. Other approaches include the production of male-only sterile mosquitoes, notes a study in the Malaria Journal, Transgenic technologies to induce sterility. 
 
 A possible malaria vaccine, merozoite surface protein 3 (MSP3), was also recently tested in Burkina Faso with promising results.  

 pd/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93796/HEALTH-Keeping-a-measure-on-malaria</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010852150003t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NEW YORK 22 September 2011 (IRIN) - The African Leaders Malaria Alliance has launched a scorecard to improve the fight against malaria on the African continent. “This,” said Agnes Bingwaho, Rwanda’s Health Minister, holding up the laminated scorecard, “is something that will help Africa make progress.”</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Southern Africa floods cause highest death toll in recent years</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Jul 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102181150380040t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The death toll in southern Africa during the 2010-2011 rainy season (December-May) was “markedly higher” than in recent years, with 477 people killed, compared to seven during the same period in 2009-2010, and 212 in 2008-2009, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The death toll in southern Africa during the 2010-2011 rainy season (December-May) was “markedly higher” than in recent years, with 477 people killed, compared to seven during the same period in 2009-2010, and 212 in 2008-2009, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 
 
 In terms of fatalities, Angola was the most acutely affected country, with 234 killed, 67 missing and 204,000 displaced, followed by Namibia with 104 deaths and South Africa with 91, OCHA’s Regional Office for Southern Africa said in its Overview of the 2010-2011 Rainfall Season. 
 
 “In the case of Namibia and South Africa, the high fatality rate is mainly due to the fact that flooding occurred in areas that do not usually experience flooding, while for Angola, there are indications that southern and western Angola received significantly higher rainfall than usual,” the report said. 
 
 About 708,000 people in the region were affected by floods and storms, with an estimated 314,361 displaced. During the 2008-2009 flood season nearly twice this number were affected, but the death toll was half as much. 
 
 go/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/93294/In-Brief-Southern-Africa-floods-cause-highest-death-toll-in-recent-years</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201102181150380040t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 July 2011 (IRIN) - The death toll in southern Africa during the 2010-2011 rainy season (December-May) was “markedly higher” than in recent years, with 477 people killed, compared to seven during the same period in 2009-2010, and 212 in 2008-2009, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFRICA: Sleeping sickness in cattle put to bed?</title><pubDate>Fri, 20 May 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year. 
 
 The research claims to have isolated two genes critical in the development of disease-resistant cattle. 
 
 Harry Noyes, lead author of a paper [ http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2011/05/17/1013486108.full.pdf+html ] on this published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA (PNAS) on 16 May, told IRIN their research had been prompted by the fact that while East African humped cattle breeds are susceptible to trypanosome parasites which cause sleeping sickness, the N’Dama, a humpless West African breed, is not seriously affected by the disease. 
 
 African animal trypanosomosis - also known as `nagana’ (Zulu: "to be depressed") or tryps - is transmitted through the bite of an infected species of the tsetse fly and is endemic from Senegal to Tanzania, and Chad to Zimbabwe (an area almost the size of the USA). 
 
 “The humped cattle [zebu] originated in India, where the tsetse fly is not found, while N’Dama, which probably had been exposed to [the] trypanosome parasite for thousands of years had developed a mechanism to control the impact of the disease,” explained Noyes, a senior researcher at Liverpool University. 
 
 Over the past two decades the researchers found at least 10 genes which control the impact of the disease in the N’ Dama breed. 
 
 “Out of those resistant genes we isolated what we feel are the two most significant ones for our purposes,” said Steve Kemp, a geneticist with the Nairobi-based International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), who also collaborated on the study. 
 
 Now that the scientists know what they are looking for, they have embarked on the task of isolating humped cattle breeds which also carry the two genes. 
 
 Over the next three years, ILRI intends to breed humped cattle varieties with at least one of the genes. The humped cattle breeds produce more milk than the N’Dama. 
 
 Decades away? 
 
 “This, of course, does not mean that poor farmers will soon have cattle that are resistant to sleeping sickness,” said Kemp. ILRI scientists will only be able to test resistance in the humped cattle after three years. 
 
 Thereafter it will take decades before sleeping sickness resistant breeds find their way down the chain to small farmers, the researchers believe. 
 
 “We can make the sperm and semen available for dissemination,” said Noyes, adding, however, that it was up to governments and extension services to make it accessible to all farmers. 
 
 Developing a resistant breed is critical as most of the drugs claiming to offer immunity to the disease are proving ineffective as new and drug-resistant strains of the disease evolve, according to the researchers. Furthermore, many of the new drugs are unaffordable for poor farmers. 
 
 In the week the discovery was published, the Global Alliance for Livestock Veterinary Medicines (GALVmed), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/r4d/SearchResearchDatabase.asp?ProjectID=50092 ] announced a five-year plan to help livestock keepers in Africa access better drugs, diagnostics and maybe even a vaccine to deal with the disease. 
 
 Initially, the programme will identify ongoing research which could help livestock farmers. 
 
 At least three million cattle die from the disease in Africa every year, according to GALVmed. An estimated 50 million cattle and 70 million sheep and goats are at risk of tryps every year. Although best known for causing human sleeping sickness, the trypanosome parasite’s most devastating blow to human welfare comes when farmers have sick, unproductive cattle, said PNAS in a press release. 

jk/cb
 
]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92773/AFRICA-Sleeping-sickness-in-cattle-put-to-bed</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2011/201105201245490767t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 20 May 2011 (IRIN) - New research on sleeping sickness in African cattle is holding out the possibility that in the not too distant future Africa could start seeing the introduction of cattle resistant to sleeping sickness - a disease which kills billions of dollars worth of livestock every year.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>FOOD: Home-grown nutrition research for Africa</title><pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, [ http://sunrayafrica.co.za ] to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries. 
 
 "We want to make sure nutrition interventions in the next 10-15 years - when Africa faces potential environmental changes which will impact on nutrition - are sustainable, driven by African countries, and their priorities are not pre-defined by donors," said Carl Lachat, a researcher at the Belgium-based Institute for Tropical Medicine, one of the participating institutions. 
 
 A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), a US-based think-tank, found that in another two decades the effect of climate change on food production could drive child malnutrition up by 20 percent. 
 
 The two-year SUNRAY project has invited proposals for working papers from African researchers to review the relationship between nutrition and climate change; the influence of rising food prices; the future availability of water; social dynamics in households, and the effect of rapid urbanization, among other themes in order to identify the specific research needs for nutrition in these areas. 
 
 Research in Africa 
 
 Proposals for working papers will be assessed by academics at four universities in sub-Saharan Africa: North-West University in South Africa; Sokoine University in Tanzania; the University of Abomey-Calavi in Benin; and Makerere University in Uganda. 
 
 "South Africa plays in a different league in terms of research when compared to the rest of Africa, but our research is more influenced by Western concepts, so if you are to look at good home-grown research pertaining to local foodstuffs, Nigeria and Kenya are a lot more advanced," said Prof Annamarie Kruger, director of the Africa Unit for Transdisciplinary Health Research at North-West University. 
 
 "This project is very attractive in the sense that we now have an opportunity to develop interventions suited for African conditions and we have a say in our agenda; we also know the gaps that need to be addressed - it is not like we are doing research for European driven projects." 
 
 Lachat pointed out that the backing of the EU meant rich countries are calling for African involvement in setting the priorities for nutrition research and funding. 
 
 Proposals for the project are being accepted by 22 April, with the first of a series of workshops with the authors being held later in 2011. 
 
 Ahead of the workshops, the collaborating institutions intend holding discussions with nutritionists, researchers, businesspeople in the food sector, and policy makers in seven African countries - Benin, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Togo and Tanzania. 
 
 Lachat said they realized that political backing was critical to ensure the research made the journey from paper to the real world, so "we are involving African political leaders in the initiative." 
 
 The project will produce a roadmap document summarising research priorities, strengths and gaps, resource requirements, opportunities for linkage and support between African and Northern institutions, or synergies between existing initiatives and research in other sectors. 
 
 Only nine of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are on track to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goal to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by 2015. 
 
 jk/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92550/FOOD-Home-grown-nutrition-research-for-Africa</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://www.irinnews.org/images/2008/2008022618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 21 April 2011 (IRIN) - A group of international academic institutions and an NGO backed by the European Union (EU) have launched Sustainable Nutrition Research for Africa in the Years to come, or SUNRAY, to develop a nutrition agenda for Africa, with specific emphasis on the 34 sub-Saharan countries.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>