<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Aid Policy</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 16:30:38 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>HEALTH: Experts pledge to eradicate &quot;neglected&quot; diseases</title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031118020332t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Ten little-known but debilitating diseases will be high on the agenda of the world&apos;s pharmaceutical chiefs, health ministers and donor governments after they pledged their support for a World Health Organization (WHO) initiative to wipe out guinea worm, river blindness, trachoma, leprosy, bilharzia and intestinal worms, among other &quot;neglected&quot; diseases.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Ten little-known but debilitating diseases will be high on the agenda of the world's pharmaceutical chiefs, health ministers and donor governments after they pledged their support for a World Health Organization (WHO) initiative [ http://www.unitingtocombatntds.org/downloads/press/ntd_event_london_declaration_on_ntds.pdf ] to wipe out guinea worm, river blindness, trachoma, leprosy, bilharzia and intestinal worms, among other "neglected" diseases. 

Caroline Anstey, a managing director of the World Bank, told the delegates at the meeting in London: “We are not really talking about neglected diseases; we are talking about neglected people. I think that is very key, and it is all about how and if and whether we value them.”

The participants on 30 January pledged to support the WHO programme [ http://www.who.int/neglected_diseases/en/ ] for controlling or eliminating these diseases by 2020, promising more research and an increased supply of free drugs.

In turn, donor governments and private philanthropists, including Bill Gates, promised to support the delivery of the drugs and strengthen the health systems of the affected countries to run control and eradication programmes. Health ministers from Mozambique, Bangladesh and Brazil attended the meeting.

Working on these diseases has been frustrating because they are not incurable. Drugs to treat them exist. But these drugs have been too expensive or in short supply, or only available in a form that is difficult to use. The key to this initiative is that the organizers, especially Gates, have brought the drug companies on board.  

“The drug suppliers are willing to be generous,” he said, “But they need to know there is a road map which comes from the WHO; they need to know that there is delivery funding which comes from people like DFID [UK Department for International Development] and USAID; and they need to know that the countries involved are going to orchestrate their health systems to make sure that all the drugs really get to the people in need.” The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation pledged US$340 million over the next five years, partly to fund research into better treatment and partly to support delivery programmes.

Gates managed to persuade the companies to do things they would never normally consider, like giving away their products for nothing. Haruo Naito, president and CEO of the Japanese company Esai, which produces drugs for Lymphatic Filariasis, commonly known as Elephantiasis, set out the problem: “Our company is going to spend something like $35 million for this project. How can we persuade our shareholders? Well, we tell them it is a long-term investment for the people, for societies and for the economies of developing countries, to lift them up to become middle-income countries in the future.”  

The issue of collaborative research was even trickier. Christopher Viebacher, head of Sanofi, which is researching improved drugs for sleeping sickness, said: “We are competitors. It's not that easy for us to work together commercially. And now you are talking about research and development, which is really where the core secrets of companies are. Sharing our libraries of compounds is extraordinarily difficult and it is only because of the great need that we have been able to get together, and this is where Bill Gates has played such a critical role in catalyzing it.”

Voices of dissent 

However, there were warnings that even an unlimited supply of free and suitable drugs would not in themselves be enough. Daniel Berman of Médecins sans Frontières [ http://www.msfaccess.org/sites/default/files/MSF_assets/NegDis/Docs/NTD_briefing_UnitingCombatNTDs_ENG_2012.pdf ] said that while his organization was delighted these neglected diseases were finally getting more attention, “We are concerned that the challenges for some of these diseases are being glossed over.” MSF cited the example of sleeping sickness, which was virtually eliminated in the early 1960s but returned with a vengeance in the 1990s as elimination efforts were not sustained. It wants to see more emphasis on programme support and surveillance capacity in affected countries.

And in a letter to the London-based medical magazine, The Lancet, two academics, Tim Allen of the London School of Economics, and Melissa Parker of Brunel University [ http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(12)60159-7/fulltext ], raised another issue – the practical problems associated with mass medication. The control or eradication of many of these diseases would entail treating whole villages, even those not infected, sometimes many times over, to wipe out the pool of infection. They found people in Tanzania, where this kind of programme was introduced, were suspicious and often hostile.

“After multiple rounds of mass drug administration for Lymphatic Filariasis, the vast majority of the people interviewed... were unaware of the link between the disease and mosquitoes, and at best had a very limited understanding of the rationale for mass treatment. They asked why people with no visible symptoms should take tablets... It is hardly surprising that rumours circulate about the real purpose of the drugs.” Some of those involved in administering the programme were chased and beaten and had to be rescued by police.

“The provision of free and subsidized drugs,” they conclude, “creates a window of opportunity to make a massive difference.  But the availability of tablets is not enough.”

eb/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94788</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202031118020332t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - Ten little-known but debilitating diseases will be high on the agenda of the world&apos;s pharmaceutical chiefs, health ministers and donor governments after they pledged their support for a World Health Organization (WHO) initiative to wipe out guinea worm, river blindness, trachoma, leprosy, bilharzia and intestinal worms, among other &quot;neglected&quot; diseases.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HEALTH: Malaria mortality &quot;underestimated&quot; </title><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010851010191t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease. </description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease.

  Collecting data on malaria deaths is notoriously tricky; the countries where the disease is most prevalent have the weakest statistics. And even where causes of death were recorded, the researchers found many deaths were simply attributed to “fever” – probably malaria, but possibly not. 

In addition, a malaria infection is often a contributory cause of death along with other health problems.  However, after some complicated number-crunching, researchers, based at the Institute for Health Metrics in Seattle, believe they have produced the best estimates so far of how many people in the world die of malaria.  

The figures, published in the London-based medical journal, The Lancet, http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(12)60034-8/fulltext produced some surprises, principally because they are significantly higher than those issued last year by the World Health Organization (WHO) – more than eight times higher in the case of older children and adults in Africa, where most of the deaths occurred.

 The difference was smaller in the case of children under five, but the researchers said they believed malaria was a more important cause of death in under-fives than the 2011 World Malaria Report estimated, causing 24 percent of child deaths in Africa.  

Christopher Murray and his colleagues said they believed the fact that almost half a million extra deaths occurred in adults and older children each year had practical implications. “Traditional teaching in most medical schools argues that acquired immunity [in endemic areas] means that adults have clinical malaria, but are not likely to die from it.

 Inspection of the basic... data, however, clearly shows a substantial percentage of malaria deaths in individuals aged 15 years and over, even in endemic areas such as sub-Saharan Africa.”  In the light of this they suggest a shift of control strategies to pay more attention to all adults, not just women and children, in the distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets.  

The research also tracked malaria deaths through time, from 1980 to 2010. Global malaria deaths almost doubled between 1980 and 2004; child deaths in Africa almost tripled over the same period. The researchers suggest the HIV/AIDS epidemic and resistance to chloroquine as probable causes, along with an increase in population in malaria-endemic areas.  After that the number of deaths started to fall, although they are still not down to 1980 levels. 

The results of hard-fought campaigns, and the resources provided by the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, do show up in the figures. The authors say “the risk of malaria death in several countries that have scaled up control efforts, such as Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya and Ethiopia, has decreased between 2000 and 2010 figures”.  The reverses of the 1980s and 1990s signal the fragility of the gains in the war against malaria, and the researchers say this underscores the danger posed by the world economic crisis, and the slowdown in health funding. 

They conclude: “The announcement by the Global Fund [in November] that their next round of funding would be cancelled raises enormous doubts as to whether the gains in malaria mortality reduction can be built on or even sustained.”  Sarah Kline, executive director of Malaria No More UK, told IRIN this fragility of funding, especially from the Global Fund, was a big source of discussion and anxiety for the whole malaria community. 

“The total funding gap for malaria, from all sources, if we are going to meet our 2015 targets, is around US$3 billion a year, although we did have some positive announcements at Davos about extra funding from the Gates Foundation, and the governments of Saudi Arabia and Japan.”  The funding gap was also addressed by the Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf when she was elected to head the African Leaders' Malaria Alliance on 2 February, and urged African countries to step up their own funding for control campaigns and find innovative sources of finance to close the gap.  

eb/mw]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94796</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011010851010191t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 03 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new attempt to quantify malaria deaths over the past 30 years suggests the death toll, especially among adults, has been greatly underestimated. The figures also show the fragility of the gains made in fighting the disease. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Global Fund shake-up signals new direction</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003121448070025t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a &quot;turning point&quot; for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a "turning point" for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption. 

Jaramillo, a former CEO of Spain's Sovereign Bank and special adviser to the Office of the Special Envoy for Malaria of the UN Secretary-General, was a member of an independent panel set up in March 2011 [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/en/highlevelpanel/compositon ] to investigate the Global Fund's fiduciary controls and oversight mechanisms after allegations of grant fraud in several recipient countries. 

Among other things, the panel recommended [ http://www.theglobalfund.org/documents/highlevelpanel/HighLevelPanel_IndependentReviewPanelOnFiduciaryControlsAndOversightMechanisms_Report_en ] the Fund strengthen its internal governance, improve its risk management and "get serious about results". 

The appointment of Jamarillo was quickly followed by an announcement by Global Fund executive director Michel Kazatchkine that he could not continue under "these circumstances" and that he planned to resign in mid-March. 

Kazatchkine, who has been with the Fund for 10 years, was reappointed as executive director for a second three-year term in January 2011. 

But soon after, the Fund's Office of the Inspector General began uncovering fraud among recipients in countries such as Mali, Mauritania and Zambia. As a consequence of this and negative reports by international media, donors, including Germany, Ireland and Sweden, suspended funding. 

Faced with declining donor support and a credibility crisis, the board endorsed a new strategy and announced the cancellation of its 11th round of grants at a meeting in Accra, Ghana, in November 2011. 

The board also reportedly [ http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2012/01/24/demission-de-michel-kazatchkine-patron-du-fonds-mondial-contre-le-sida_1633931_3244.html ] demanded Kazatchkine's resignation - but he refused. It then decided to appoint a general manager and reduce Kazatchkine's responsibilities. 

"When problems pile up and the buzz and press get so bad, it is inevitable that leadership will be held responsible. I suppose the Global Fund board decided that the costs associated with a leadership transition during a crisis are lower than the benefits from a fresh face and new strategy," Amanda Glassman, director of global health policy and research at the Centre for Global Development, told IRIN/PlusNews. 

Fixing the Fund 

"The appointment of the general manager is a turning point for the Global Fund and hopefully in nine to 12 months the Fund will hire a new executive director with experience in managing large complex financial systems, who also completely understands the larger role that the Fund has to play," said Bernard Rivers, executive director of Aidspan, an independent watchdog of the Global Fund. 

Glassman believes that current features of the Global Fund's structure probably exacerbated the crisis. "The Fund's performance-based funding model relies on self-reports and a non-transparent decision-making process on disbursements... I am very worried about the current emphasis on audit and fiduciary oversight as the ‘solution’ to the misuse and corruption issues in low-income countries. 

“I would rather see the Fund tie money to measurable improvements in performance and forget about checking the receipts for every condom," she added. 

This has been backed up by the High-Level Independent Review Panel, which found that “the culture of the Global Fund has become one driven by the measurement of documentation, and not by health impact”. [ http://www.globalfund.org/en ] 

But for Asia Russell, director of international policy for activist group HealthGap, it all comes down to money - or lack of it. "Not because of alleged management issues, or a loss of confidence or any other red herring that has been raised - it was because there was not enough money; and that happened because donors said one thing during the most recent replenishment meeting at the UN in New York, but then did a totally different thing." 

The issue was not the credibility of the Global Fund, which has some of the most open and transparent mechanisms for identifying and responding to corruption and fraud - "much stronger than other bilateral funders, for example", Russell told IRIN/PlusNews by email. 

Funding pledges 

The Saudi government announced at end-January that it would provide US$25 million in 2013, while the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation gave a $750 million promissory note. But this still falls short of what the organization needs to meet its demands. 

"The leadership change could lead to increased efficiency and impact if key reform measures are taken and results (not spending) are measured more rigorously," Glassman suggested. 

In his resignation letter, Kazatchkine acknowledged that in the current economic climate, "the emergency approaches of the past decade are giving way to concerns about how to ensure long-term sustainability, while at the same time, efficiency is becoming a dominant measure of success”. 

Jamarillo's first day at the Global Fund is 1 February and he is expected to oversee a process of transformation recommended by the high-level panel that will move the Fund response from an emergency to a sustainable one. 

A lot is at stake: by 2010, the Fund was disbursing $3.5 billion annually. It was responsible for supporting about 40 percent of all HIV treatment in developing countries and much of the care in middle-income nations such as China and India. More than two-thirds of all global malaria prevention and treatment and three-quarters of all tuberculosis efforts now depend on it. 

Activists have already thrown down a challenge for the former banker. "First on his to-do list should be holding an emergency donor conference so that affected countries can apply for new grants and expand life-saving treatment this year," said Tido von Schoen-Angerer, executive director of the Médecins Sans Frontières Access Campaign. 

"To speak like a doctor, I am cautiously optimistic about the future of the Global Fund. The patient has had severe indigestion but there is a good chance of recovery," Rivers told IRIN/PlusNews. 

kr/kn/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94777</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201003121448070025t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The appointment of a new general manager, Gabriel Jaramillo, at the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis could be a &quot;turning point&quot; for the troubled organization, which has suffered from a funding crisis and allegations of corruption.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>DRC: Alarm bells over poor funding for HIV treatment</title><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20066230t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). 

MSF recently launched [ http://www.msf.org/msf/articles/2012/01/85-of-aids-patients-deprived-of-treatment-in-drc.cfm ] a year-long advocacy campaign to raise awareness of the DRC's HIV crisis. 

"The problem is quite old in the DRC; the country has always been minimized by donors who have not seen it as a priority, mainly because HIV prevalence is relatively low at between 3 and 4 percent," Thierry Dethier, advocacy manager for MSF Belgium in the DRC, told IRIN/PlusNews. "But look at the indicators: more than one million people are living with HIV, 350,000 of whom qualify for ARVs [antiretrovirals] but only 44,000 - or 15 percent - are on ARVs." 

Dwindling funds 

Dethier said the main reason for the ARV crisis was the end of six years of World Bank funding [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=88718 ] in 2011. International health financing mechanism UNITAID, which provides funding for paediatric and second-line ARVs, is also ending its funding to the DRC in December 2012; the cancellation of Round 11 funding by the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria is only likely to worsen the situation. 

Seventy-five percent of HIV funding in the DRC is from the Global Fund, 25 percent is from UNITAID through the Clinton Health Access Initiative - which provides funding for paediatric ARVs and second-line ARVS - and from the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which funds prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission. 

"The country is currently using funds from round seven and eight of the Global Fund; these funds are due to be consolidated but have also been cut - round seven by 30 percent... round eight may also be cut," Dethier said. "We expect that the consolidated funds will last through 2014, after which there is no funding for DRC." 

The DRC did not qualify for funding under the Global Fund’s ninth and 10th round. 

At risk 

According to the director of an NGO in the capital, Kinshasa, who preferred anonymity, funding problems mean many of his patients' lives are at risk. 

"In Kinshasa alone we have shut two out of the three health centres we used to run, a situation which leaves us [caring] for only 1,800 out of 3,000 people living with HIV," he told IRIN/PlusNews. "Today we are running the one remaining health centre for HIV-positive people by charging each of them US$5 per month. 

"When the funding was available patients could come for checking whenever they were feeling unwell... we do give them treatment but today we receive them once a month unless their health condition has deteriorated," he added. "We are now appealing to the government to intervene in filling the gap that Global Fund is leaving in funding interventions for people living with HIV." 

Dethier noted that there were also problems with HIV testing. "Since there is no treatment people feel it's pointless to test," he said. "As many as 15,000 people have tested HIV-positive and qualify for treatment but are not receiving it," he said. 

Outlook 

The Global Fund says it is reviewing a request for continued funding, and no life-saving programmes will be cut as a result of funding shortages. 

"In terms of future additional funding, Round 11 was cancelled and replaced by a transitional funding mechanism that will allow countries to apply for funding for essential services for continuation of prevention, treatment and/or care services currently financed by the Global Fund," said Marcela Rojo, Global Fund spokeswoman. "Countries that face significant programme disruption between January 1 2012 and March 31 2014 may apply for up to two years of funding. 

"This means that no recipient will be forced to suspend any essential services as a consequence of the round 11 cancellation," she added. 

According to Rojo, with Phase 2 funding, the country aims to scale up treatment to 67,000 people by end-2014. 

MSF's Dethier noted that other donors would have to step up their funding. 

"With funding from the Global Fund, only 15 percent of people have access to ARVs, so we need others to contribute and we need the existing partners - UNITAID and PEPFAR - to honour their commitments to the people they are already supporting and to expand their programmes," he said. "The government aims to have 160,000 people on ARVs by 2014, which means putting roughly 3,500 people on ARVs per month - with money, this can be done." 

kr/pc/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94781</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/20066230t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/KINSHASA 02 February 2012 (IRIN) - The lives of thousands of HIV-positive people in the Democratic Republic of Congo are at risk as the country faces declining donor funding and a severe shortage of HIV treatment, according to Médecins Sans Frontières.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: The Middle East&apos;s &quot;invisible refugees&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year's war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls "invisible": refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.

Wedged between violence, politics, overlapping identities and restrictive definitions, these "refugee-migrants" or "refugee-students" are often overlooked and under-protected, according to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, a lecturer in forced migration at Oxford's Refugee Studies Centre.

"Certain displaced populations have been hyper-visible whilst others have effectively been rendered invisible to (and by) the international community," she writes in an article soon to be published by the International Journal of Refugee Law, [ http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/ ] called Invisible Refugees and/or Overlapping Refugeedom? Protecting Sahrawis and Palestinians Displaced by the 2011 Libyan Uprising. An earlier version of her paper was recently published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) as part of its New Issues in Refugee Research Series. [ http://www.unhcr.org/4eb945c39.pdf ]

The conflict in Libya has highlighted potential gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugees who have migrated to a third country and raised complex questions about who should protect them - and how - in the case of crisis. It is a question of increasing relevance as the situation in Syria,home to half a million Palestinian refugees, becomes more unstable.

Palestinians targeted

Though some estimates are as low as 30,000, the Palestinian Authority estimates there were up to 70,000 Palestinian migrants or refugees - the line between them is blurry - in Libya when hostilities broke out in February 2011 between supporters of Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi and armed rebels trying to oust him from power.

Some Palestinians were specifically targeted - their homes were ransacked and people disappeared - in the rebel capital Benghazi and elsewhere, by both sides in the conflict, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Those working in the civil service or studying at military colleges were seen to be close to the regime. [ http://www.imemc.org/article/60718 ]

Gaddafi's use of Palestinian mercenaries in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perceived affiliation. Meanwhile, others were targeted because they refused to join pro-regime forces, according to news reports. [ http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=364160 ]

While sub-Saharan migrants left the country en masse during the hostilities, and other countries scrambled to get their citizens out, hundreds of Palestinians were unable to flee the violence in Libya [ http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/events/north-africa-in-transition ] - often turned back at the border because Egypt, Tunisia, and their former host countries did not recognize their travel documents, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh said. Many of those who "chose" to stay in Libya, she added, did not really have the choice.

"Where would we go?" asked Fatima, a Palestinian community leader who has lived in Libya for 30 years. "We have no place to go back to."

After the fall of the capital Tripoli, many Palestinians were evicted by force from their homes, given to them by the former government, Fatima said. Hundreds of others displaced by heavy fighting in the Gaddafi strongholds of Sirte and Bani Walid came to Tripoli and are now homeless, she said. But Libya remained their best option: "We don't have a country except Palestine, and we can't go back there... Libya, with its war and difficulties, is still better than the other countries."

"That notion of choice and the desire to stay in a context that is so insecure is essentially one of being between a rock and a hard place," said Fiddian-Qasmiyeh.

Evacuations

According to UNHCR, only a few thousand Palestinians in pre-war Libya were registered as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention. Hundreds of others were offered "complimentary protection" by UNCHR - a recognition that they were stateless, could not be returned, and required humanitarian protection.

Still others came to study through Libyan scholarship programmes.

The vast majority, though, were migrants or skilled labourers who came from Gaza, the West Bank or other Palestinian refugee-hosting countries in the region - Syria, Lebanon and Jordan - with or without a contract and/or regular status. Many have lived in Libya for decades or were born there.

During the conflict, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) helped evacuate 179 Palestinians from dangerous cities to Benghazi, which was more stable. Many of them decided to stay in Libya either because they had relatives there, had found jobs, or had faith the economy would pick up once the situation in the country stabilized, IOM spokesperson Jean-Philippe Chauzy told IRIN.

But others went on to Salloum, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92398 ] a no man's land along the Libyan-Egyptian border, where they waited to be resettled, he said.

UNHCR assisted 1,581 Palestinians stranded at Salloum to travel to Gaza, through the Rafah border crossing, the agency's deputy regional representative in Egypt, Elizabeth Tan, told IRIN. Only those with valid travel documentation could cross, she said.

Still, entry into Egypt was difficult, even for those Palestinians who carried ID, due to long-standing restrictive policies towards Palestinian mobility, another humanitarian official said.

Palestinians attempting to leave Libya through Tunisia also faced complications, though they were often resolved once brought to UNHCR's attention, the official said. More than a dozen of those Palestinians who made it across are currently living in Choucha Camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92802 ] on the Tunisian side of the border, said Emmanuel Gignac, current UNHCR representative in Libya.

"The options and potential durable solutions available to Palestinians in Libya and the region seem to be very strained, to say the least," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote in her paper. Here are some of the reasons why:

Refugees versus migrants

Palestinians suffer from "overlapping refugeedoms", Fiddian-Qasmiyeh argues. They are refugees to begin with, having fled or been expelled from their land after the birth of Israel in 1948, or in the subsequent war of 1967, settling in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, before eventually travelling to Libya.

But most Palestinians in Libya are not considered refugees there, as they would be in Syria, Jordan or Lebanon, both because they came as skilled labourers, but also because the Libyan government historically welcomed them as "brothers" - considering them "Arab citizens residing in Libya" rather than as refugees.

So when conflict broke out in 2011, they found themselves in a tricky position.

They could not return to their country of origin (Palestine) nor to their country of habitual residence (for example, Syria) in order to flee the violence and insecurity in Libya. And yet they were not registered as refugees inside the country either.

"Their `voluntary' presence there problematizes mainstream conceptualizations of 'refugeehood'," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh wrote. Even if the vast majority of Palestinians in Libya have not applied for asylum, many of them are de-facto refugees because they meet the definition's criteria, she said.

Thus, she argues, they should be considered "internally stuck refugees" or "internally displaced refugees" within Libya, and if they are able to get out, as "double refugees".

She says a more appropriate model is one of overlapping and multiple refugeehoods, where refugees who use their sponsoring agency (e.g. UNHCR or UNRWA - the UN agency tasked with providing assistance, protection and advocacy for registered Palestine refugees) to find jobs or better education are not at risk of losing their refugee label, and the international protection that accompanies it.

But UNHCR says the distinction has little practical importance.

Palestinians who do not register as refugees in Libya would nevertheless receive assistance from UNHCR if they were in need, said Arafat Jamal, deputy representative of UNHCR in Jordan, who led a three-month emergency team in Libya during the hostilities.

"Palestinians remain refugees whether they come here for economic reasons or not," Gignac told IRIN. "You [only] lose [your refugee status] the day you return home for good or you get integrated and get citizenship from another country."

Politicization

Palestinians in Libya were often used as political pawns, with Gaddafi threatening to, or indeed expelling, thousands of Palestinians over the years as a means of protesting against peace initiatives with which he disagreed and drawing attention to the Palestinians' inability to return to their homeland. In 1995, many Palestinians were forcibly taken to the border, and then stuck in a camp Gaddafi named "The Return Camp" to make his point.

"He would campaign for increased access for a group and then expel them when it was in his interest," said Emanuela Paoletti, a researcher on migration in Libya and author of The Migration of Power and North-South Inequalities: The Case of Italy and Libya.

Gaddafi's ad-hoc recruitment of migrants, including Palestinians, into the country, meant that their status was often irregular. Depending on their classification, Palestinians fall under different jurisdictions - UNHCR; UNRWA; IOM; host governments; the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO, the recognized representative organization of the Palestinian people) - or none at all, sometimes leaving them without a guarantor.

"Who will give me my rights?" asked Fatima, the Palestinian in Libya.

Evacuated where? And by whom?

"Where Palestinian refugees should, could, or might want to be safely evacuated to, and by whom is a... complex issue," Fiddian-Qasmiyeh writes. "Can the international community either expect, or indeed responsibly allow, Palestinians to `return' to Gaza, the refugee camps in Lebanon, or the explosive situation in Syria?"

Despite vulnerability for Palestinians across the region, Arab states have resisted permanent resettlement solutions outside of the Middle East out of a fear that they would jeopardize the Palestinian right to return to their original homeland, putting the collective goal to return at loggerheads with the individual's best interests of safety.

But resettlement remains an option, current UNHCR representative in Libya Gignac said, albeit a sensitive one. Palestinian refugees in Iraq who tried to flee the violence there after the 2003 US invasion and were refused entry at the Jordanian border were eventually resettled in Brazil after being stranded in the Rweished border camp [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=74828 ] for years.

"Technically, there is no protection gap," he said. "If you're a Palestinian in Libya, you do fall under UNHCR. It shouldn't be an issue mandate-wise or legal-wise. But in practice, Palestinians being so political and all these sensitivities being around them, if we apply our mandate which includes [certain] solutions, there are issues. They are not always wanted...Palestinians themselves have internalized this notion and feel guilty about integrating in countries because they feel they lose the right of return... that they have somehow betrayed the cause," Gignac added.

As far as UNHCR is concerned, a refugee never loses the right to return to his or her homeland, even if citizenship in another country is acquired. Still, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh told IRIN the Libyan example shows that theory and practice can diverge, raising many questions about the real options available to Palestinian "refugee-migrants".

"We do need to take the protection needs seriously. That requires that conversation [about gaps and solutions] takes place."

ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94762</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2008/200804073t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 31 January 2012 (IRIN) - Among the migrants who found themselves caught up in Libya during last year&apos;s war was a group of people whom one University of Oxford researcher calls &quot;invisible&quot;: refugees who travel to third countries for work or better education.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Islamic agencies battle the odds in Gaza</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020807410032t.jpg" />]]>GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory.</description><body><![CDATA[GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory. [ http://www.secours-islamique.org ]

Hamas is branded a “terror” organization by most western countries, despite their victory in the 2006 Palestinian legislative council elections. That requires Secours Islamique France, and all other international charities working in Gaza, to tread extremely carefully to avoid falling foul of anti-terror legislation.

US rules, specifically their definition of providing support to terrorism, are the most stringent, according to a paper on Counter-terrorism and Humanitarian Action by the Humanitarian Policy Group (HPG), part of Britain’s Overseas Development Institute. “In the US, no knowledge or intention to support terrorism per se is required [for criminal responsibility] if support is knowingly provided to a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization,” says the report. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/6019.pdf ]

In the UK, “having reasonable cause to suspect” that support will contribute to terrorist activity is enough to attract criminal responsibility. 

This notion of "support" under US and UK anti-terror legislation means that, for example, when Secours Islamique France distributes milk and fortified biscuits daily to 10,000 pre-school children in Gaza, the INGO must only deal directly with the schools, to avoid any contact with the Education Ministry.

The Israeli blockade of Gaza, tightened after Hamas seized power in 2007, is an additional impediment to INGOs operating in the territory, increasing costs and affecting project oversight.

In terms of access by international staff, Secours Islamique France has repeatedly applied for permission to enter Gaza via Israel, but is refused each time, according to country director Adel Kaddum. The group is still awaiting the verdict on its 2010 request to officially register as an INGO in Israel; Islamic Relief UK, which delivers aid in 25 countries, applied several years ago but has yet to be approved.

While all INGOs operating in Gaza face similar frustrations, an aid worker, who asked not to be identified, said Israel’s objection to assistance reaching Hamas was sharpened by “Islamophobia” when that aid was delivered by Muslim charities.
 
At the practical level, Islamic INGOs face greater movement and access restrictions than other agencies because some are banned by the Israeli authorities, according to Ahmed Shurrab, including his own agency, Interpal [ http://www.interpal.org/Portals/default/ ]

But the restrictions are not insurmountable. “Israel has denied requests for permits for humanitarian staff to enter Gaza, but with the Rafah crossing [along the Gaza-Egypt border] functioning better, we [expect] international staff may be able to enter,” Muslim Hands International [ http://www.muslimhands.ps/En/ ] director Saed Salah told IRIN.

Financing, however, can be a problem, with US anti-terrorism legislation complicating transfers to NGOs operating in Gaza. The Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), under the US Treasury Department, administers and enforces economic sanctions against countries, groups and individuals deemed a threat.

“Banks are very sensitive, particularly in Gaza, and even if an entity is not marked by OFAC, it can still be assessed as a risk,” says the governor of the Palestine Monetary Authority, Jihad Al-Wazir.

Blacklisted 

Interpal was defined as a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist" that aids Hamas [ http://www.ots.treas.gov/_files/48937.html ] and was blacklisted by OFAC in 2003. 

“Due to the banks being threatened by the US that they will lose their US operating licence if they deal with ‘terrorists’, we do not have full and open banking facilities,” Interpal’s Gaza field office manager, Mahmoud Lubbad, told IRIN. “That makes life difficult, but not impossible.” 

Interpal’s UK headquarters are able to make Euro-denominated transfers directly to its implementing partners in Gaza.

The UK’s Charity Commission has launched two investigations into Interpal, and on both occasions concluded that the evidence did not substantiate Washington’s claim that the organization was linked to political or militant activities. [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/3135392.stm ] [ http://offlinehbpl.hbpl.co.uk/NewsAttachments/NST/interpal09.pdf  (p.14) ]

In an out-of-court settlement in 2005 the Board of Deputies of British Jews, Britain’s leading Jewish organization, said it should not have described Interpal as a “terrorist organization”, in response to a libel suit filed by Interpal against the Board. [ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4564784.stm ]

“We believe it was a political decision made at the request of the Israeli Foreign Ministry,” said Lubbad. “There was no due process, no investigation beforehand (and despite subsequent open invitations for the US government to send investigators to look us over, they have never been taken up) and it is a costly exercise to even request to be removed from the ‘terrorist’ list.”

Numbers increasing

However, despite the movement and access restrictions on humanitarian staff and supplies, and obstacles to the transfer of funds into Gaza, the number of Islamic INGOs working with the vulnerable in Gaza is actually increasing. 

Ten new Islamic agencies have opened offices in Gaza since Israel’s large-scale military operation in Gaza – Operation Cast Lead - ended in January 2009, bringing the total to 24, according to Ayman Ayeish, information director of the Hamas-led Interior Ministry in Gaza. A total of 75 INGOs, and about 900 local NGOs, maintain offices in the territory. 

Islamic aid groups based in Europe are noticeably more active than their counterparts from the US, a reflection of the different history and demographic of the two communities.

“The Muslim community in the UK works in local politics and has representation in Parliament, giving them more influence over policy,” said Muslim Hands director Saleh. “Most Muslims living in the US are more recent immigrants and less integrated into the community.” 

According to an American-Muslim aid worker in Gaza: “The relationship between the US and Israel discourages US-based Islamic INGOs from delivering aid to the OPT... They may choose other areas to help people, due to the political sensitivities of the OPT, and the poor track record of receiving Israeli permits.”

es/oa/mw

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94750</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111020807410032t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GAZA CITY 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Secours Islamique France is a respected aid agency, part of the global Islamic Relief network based in the UK, but when it comes to helping Palestinians in Gaza, its operations are challenged by both Israeli bureaucracy and its own “no-contact” policy with the Hamas officials who control the territory.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>OPT: Boosting protection and tackling food insecurity</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) [ http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/ochaopt_cap_2012_full_document_english.pdf ] for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.
 
Policies related to Israel’s occupation are still the main driver of serious protection and human rights concerns, according to the CAP.
 
The two-year aid strategy document requests US$416.7 million to implement 149 relief projects in 2012 (17 by local NGOs, 84 by international NGOs and 48 by UN agencies) in fields such as agriculture, water, sanitation and hygiene, cash for work, and food and cash assistance.
 
CAP tackles the most urgent humanitarian needs of 1.8 million vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, Area C of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Seam Zone - the area between the “Separation Barrier” and the Green Line.
 
“Protecting and preserving the whole range of basic human rights are the focus of this CAP,” oPt Resident Humanitarian Coordinator Maxwell Gaylard told IRIN, including violations of international humanitarian law, and the right to dignity and a normal life.
 
Aid workers in oPt are looking to address the root protection problems that are creating humanitarian needs.
 
Displacement
 
Displacement remains a chief protection concern. Nearly 1,100 Palestinians (over half of them children) were displaced due to home demolitions by Israeli forces in 2011 - over 80 percent more than in 2010, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
 
CAP programmes address this problem through shelter assistance, legal aid and by campaigning for Palestinian rights, in addition to protection presence programmes.
 
For example, the World Council of Churches sponsors the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), bringing internationals to the West Bank to provide a protective presence for vulnerable Palestinian communities, where they monitor the conduct of Israeli soldiers and settlers.
 
The “global protection cluster working group” defines protection [ http://oneresponse.info/GlobalClusters/Protection/Documents/IDP%20Handbook_FINAL%20All%20document_NEW.pdf ] as activities aimed at obtaining full respect for the rights of the individual in accordance with human rights law, international humanitarian law and refugee law.
 
More than physical security, protection encompasses civil and political rights, such as the right to freedom of movement, the right to political participation, and economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to education and health.
 
In situations of conflict that obligation extends to all parties, and according to the UN, in the case of the oPt the state of Israel as the occupying power has an obligation under international humanitarian law to ensure the welfare of the Palestinian population.
 
Food insecurity
 
Some 30 percent of the Palestinian population in the West Banka and Gaza are food insecure, including more than half the Gaza population, according to the UN.
 
The root cause remains the loss of livelihoods and lack of income opportunities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93211 ] due to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, and its closure regime in the West Bank, according to the Appeal.
 
Aid workers in the region are seeking ways to enable Palestinians to meet their own needs, particularly after the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UNESCO announced in spring 2011 that PA institutions were prepared for statehood after the completion of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP - Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s ambitious two-year state-building plan).
 
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s September 2011 bid for statehood before the UN remains under consideration.
 
The CAP was developed in consultation with the PA, particularly the ministry of planning and administrative development, to ensure coherence with Palestinian development strategies, such as the PRDP. 
 
However, “the PA’s capacity to work as government is hindered by the Fatah-Hamas divide,” said minister of planning and administrative development Ali Jarbawi during the launch of the Appeal.
 
“Serious shortages of drugs - some life-saving - and medical disposables continue in Gaza, due to mistrust between Fatah and Hamas,” said World Health Organization head in Jerusalem Tony Laurance. “If this cannot be resolved, Palestinians may have to look to donors,” he said.
 
CAP funding requests for the oPt reached $804.5 million in 2009, after the Israeli Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, up from $452.2 million in 2008. The 2011 CAP for oPt called for $536.3 million.
 
However, three years after the end of Cast Lead, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has launched an emergency appeal for Gaza and the West Bank worth just over $300 million. [ http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=1222 ]
 
“The emphasis on protection interventions is due to the nature of the humanitarian situation in the oPt,” UNRWA spokesperson Chris Gunness told IRIN. “This is very much a protection crisis, whereby access and movement are continuing to be eroded and vulnerability is on the rise,” he said.
 
Most UNRWA projects within the emergency appeal are also part of the CAP. 
 
es/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94740</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201271103120670t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - The humanitarian community’s 2012-2013 Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) has a narrower scope than in previous years, focusing on two strategic objectives: improving the protective environment, including access to essential services like health care and education, and tackling food insecurity especially in areas where the Palestinian Authority (PA) has limited access.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: When aid meets arsenic in Nepal</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201270913280887t.jpg" />]]>PARASI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - After the discovery of unsafe levels of arsenic in Nepal’s groundwater more than a decade ago, government officials and aid groups are finally taking a critical look at whether their efforts have made a difference.</description><body><![CDATA[PARASI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - After the discovery of unsafe levels of arsenic in Nepal’s groundwater more than a decade ago, government officials and aid groups are finally taking a critical look at whether their efforts have made a difference. 

“We didn’t raise money for broken filters,” said US-based geologist Linda Smith, expressing frustration during a recent visit to Nawalparasi District in the southern Terai region, one of Nepal's hardest-hit areas by arsenic-contaminated groundwater, when she came across abandoned water filters. 

At one home, two broken cement water filters were being used as planters, while another filter distributed by the NGO she heads, Filters for Families (FFF), sat dismantled in the yard. 

At a neighbouring home, parts were missing from a two-bucket filtration system from Bangladesh known as a Sono. The filter stand had been converted to a clothes-drying rack. 

Smith retrieved unused filters and reimbursed families for the US$5 they had paid per filter, which has an actual cost of $70. 

“There are people who need filters, and they need to realize this,” she said. 

Some 2.7 million people in Nepal - nearly 10 percent of the population - are drinking water with arsenic concentrations above the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended 10 parts per billion (ppb), according to 2011 government estimates. 

In Nawalparasi District alone, a 2008 government survey of tube wells (shallow wells 14-24m deep controlled by hand pumps) found almost 4,000 wells had arsenic that exceeded national standards (50ppb). 

Another 4,418 met national standards, but not the international 10ppb threshold - altogether affecting nearly 140,000 people who depend on those tube wells for drinking water. 

Not a priority? 

More than half of the country’s 33,000 tube wells that contain unsafe levels of arsenic have been addressed with the distribution of filters, but it does not mean the filters are used or maintained properly, said Madhav Pahari, water and sanitation specialist for the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Kathmandu, which supports the government with arsenic containment. 

“We have been providing temporary solutions through filters, but that requires changing behaviour, [which does not] occur overnight.” 

A 2007 UNICEF-funded study of 1,000 tube wells in Nawalparasi found that while the filters technically worked, people were not maintaining them properly, which then rendered them faulty and then, ultimately, useless. 

Little has been done to address the problem, in part because arsenic is not seen as a high priority for the government, said Pahari. 

“Microbial parasites are more important,” says Pahari. “Because if your kids have diarrhoea today, they’ll die tomorrow. But arsenic, of course, will take 10 years. It’s dangerous, but slow.” 

Prolonged exposure to unsafe levels of the metal arsenic in drinking water can lead to poisoning, or arsenicosis. 

Symptoms include skin problems, cancers of the skin, bladder, kidneys and lungs; diseases of the blood vessels of the legs and feet; and possibly, diabetes, high blood pressure and reproductive disorders - but the cancer can lay dormant without spreading for years, even decades, notes WHO. 

According to a senior engineer in the government’s Department of Water Supply and Sewerage (DWSS), Dan Ratna Shakya, arsenic is indeed a priority, but the government has lacked funding and the right technology to figure out what works best. 

What works? 

Pahari as well as Shakya said UNICEF and the government have both lagged in evaluating the filters, used for the past six years. 

DWSS has never conducted a comprehensive water quality testing programme before, said Shakya. 

“It’s not a one-time business. It should be periodical. But this is also linked to funding. There are so many… districts that are affected by arsenic and to go to each household for monitoring would be expensive.” 

Pahari said there is a plan to compare the efficacy of Sono filters produced in Bangladesh with locally produced Kanchan arsenic filters. 

Today, the Sono filter remains one of six technologies certified for sale in Bangladesh - one of the most affected countries worldwide in terms of arsenic-tainted drinking water, according to WHO; the Kanchan one failed local certification. 

Until there are scientific tests, Pahari said, he cannot pass judgment on the best way to contain the arsenic crisis, but those tests have languished, as has the government committee in charge of water quality. 

Deeper wells 

The government’s recently reconfigured National Water Quality Steering Committee has only in recent months started “thinking about” permanent solutions to solve arsenic contamination, said Ram Lakhan Mandal, the head of water quality at DWSS. 

“We thought the arsenic problem had been solved because of all these organizations that have implemented temporary mitigation measures like filters.” 

The committee, which includes 19 government and civil society members, has been “passive” and has not met in the past three years, said the government engineer Shakya. 

But things will change soon pledged Mandal. 

“In the past, everyone came for mitigation and they did as they wished. But there was no set distribution of responsibilities. Now we are defining what we must do: tube wells and piped deep boring.” 

The government is investing in a pilot project of “deep boring” wells that go at least 100m deep, below the arsenic threshold, estimated to be at most 55m deep in Nepal, according to Smith. 

An entire deep boring (up to 150m) and water tank (25,000 litres capacity) construction can cost $16,000, of which 20 percent is paid by the community, which is also responsible for building the water tank which funnels the water to village public taps. 

At one water tank construction site IRIN visited in a section of Nawalparasi known as Kunwar-Ward 13, villagers complained that without cash incentives, volunteers who were supposed to be building the tank were, instead, in their fields harvesting sugar cane. 

As permanent solutions still prove elusive, families continue to line up for subsidized filters, said Smith. 

“At the moment we have a waiting list of 700 [requests for] Sono filters,” said Smith. 

Since 2007, FFF has assembled and delivered up to 1,000 filters to households and schools in villages across the district, replacing Kanchan filters previously installed by FFF and DWSS - an example of how a solution can become part of a greater problem, noted Pahari from UNICEF. 

Poor coordination 

Pahari said the number of agencies working to fight arsenic is unclear - as well as the total aid invested in arsenic containment - and the government has little oversight. 

Mandal told IRIN a law in place for the past 20 years requires that any agency or NGO working in the water sector report its activities to the district office, which then informs DWSS. 

“But this is not happening,” he said, while his colleagues cited stumbling on a Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA)-funded project of which they were not aware that is raising awareness about arsenic contamination in Nawalparasi. 

“The government is not aware of how this money comes and how it goes. There are no reporting channels… JICA and ENPHO [local NGO, Environment and Public Health Organization ] have a mutual understanding, but they don’t pass on the information.” 

But a senior programme manager with ENPHO, which is implementing a 28-month $400,000 local capacity building project  for arsenic mitigation, said government officials at both the national and local levels had signed off on the project and have been apprised at every step. 

“We had informed [the water quality improvement and monitoring section at DWSS] about our project to responsible personnel there. As far as I know, the chief [of the section] has changed a few months back. At DWSS there are many staff, so it is important whom you had contact with.” 

Meanwhile, in Manari village in Nawalparasi, Smith and her NGO’s technicians visited the family of Ramesh Chaudhary, who died last November from stomach cancer at age 32, six months after his brother Ram Chaudhary, 40, died from similar causes. 

In 2011, arsenic levels in tube-wells in Manari were 600 ppb, 60 times the limit WHO deems safe to drink. 

FFF tested the water filter in use in front of surviving family members to quell their doubts as to its efficacy. Ramesh’s mother, widowed wife and son stood by as a technician tested the water. 

A slip of paper sensitive to arsenic fumes alters in colour to measure the metal in parts per billion. The result was clean, indicating arsenic at less than 10 ppb. 

As the group left the village, a 29-year-old man approached Smith and showed her what has become an image far too familiar in the district: dark spots blotting his chest, a visible symptom of arsenicosis. 

In an August 2011 survey by ENPHO in three sections of Nawalparasi, including Manari, 25 percent of those surveyed had similar symptoms. 

DWSS estimates solving the arsenic crisis here and elsewhere in the country, including the health fallout, will cost an estimated $18.6 million. 

mb/pt/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94734</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201270913280887t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PARASI 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - After the discovery of unsafe levels of arsenic in Nepal’s groundwater more than a decade ago, government officials and aid groups are finally taking a critical look at whether their efforts have made a difference.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Coping with climate change</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding. 

In a review of its humanitarian operations (HERR), [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/HERR.pdf ]
 the UK government was among the first donors to place resilience at the centre of its “approach both to longer-term development and to emergency response” and announced its intention to scale-up work on resilience. 

Aid experts and NGOs provide various reasons for the growing popularity and emergence of resilience as a concept. Some are sceptical. But they all agree it is a positive approach that will bring the worlds of development and humanitarian aid closer. 

What does resilience mean in the aid world? 

Some call it just another addition to the growing aid jargon. But mostly people call it a new approach, a “lens”, which has given new meaning to “sustainable development”. 

Maarten van Aalst, director of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre and co-ordinating lead author of the summary of the special report on Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change (SREX) produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2011 explains it thus: Under the conventional sustainable development approach, if a road had to be constructed in a rural area, benefits - such as the impact on the lives of the communities living alongside, creation of job opportunities from the maintenance of the road and development of markets for the farming community - would have been taken into consideration. 

This is what Peter Walker, a leading aid expert, calls the “linear” approach. The old development models “made projections into the future from recent trends and assumed that, all other things being equal, life would get better”. 

But with a resilience lens on, the government or aid agency responsible for the road will consider the possibility of external shocks or unexpected developments that might affect the road and people’s lives. “What if the area becomes prone to floods or if there is an earthquake, what if food prices increase because the contractors are better off than the local population? [These] would be some of the factors that the project would now consider,” explains Van Aalst. 

The SREX defines resilience as “the ability of a system and its component parts to anticipate, absorb, accommodate, or recover from the effects of a hazardous event in a timely and efficient manner, including through ensuring the preservation, restoration, or improvement of its essential basic structures and functions”. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94301 ]

A much simpler definition is offered by Simon Levine, a member of the Africa Climate Change Resilience Alliance (ACCRA), a consortium of NGOs and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), where he is a research fellow: “It is the ability [of people, systems] to maintain their well-being.” 

Paul Cook, Tearfund’s director of policy, says the climate change community in its efforts to integrate “resilience to climate change across all development sectors”, is seeking a definition of resilience or “strengthened development" that is broad and “ensures communities and ecosystems have the capacity to adapt to uncertain change”. 

Tom Mitchell, head of climate change at ODI and also an SREX co-ordinating lead author, agrees, suggesting that “the HERR’s decision to foreground resilience has helped to generate new conversations between those working on risks to development, meaning new connections are being made between conflict, disaster, financial and climate risk management that were not happening to anywhere near the same extent before the HERR came out. This can only be a good thing.” 

Why the focus on resilience now? 

Brian Walker, one of the world’s first resilience scientists, says the increasing realization that people are unable to control factors, such as earthquakes, or influence certain situations, such as long-running conflicts, or halt man-made climate change have forced them to consider this approach. 

“The world leaders and the global institutions we have at present are simply unable to slow down the changes in greenhouse gases, growing antibiotic resistance, ocean acidification, loss of forests, etc,” he wrote in an email to IRIN. 

The development and humanitarian community of the 1970s and 1980s were optimistic, believing that given enough time and money for innovation, all the problems in the world could be fixed, says Peter Walker, who heads the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University. But that optimism has been ebbing in the past few years, fuelled by unresolved conflicts such as in Afghanistan. 

“As we come to understand the complexity of systems more and as we have evidence that we control only a small part of how these systems evolve, planners’ goals shift from ‘forcing’ systems along a path they determine, to seeking ways to nudge systems into states that will withstand shock.” 

But others like Tom Bigg, a development policy expert at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), see the reason for the shift as partly political and to do with basic rights. He thinks the resilience approach is about looking for solutions within (a person, system or a country) that make it more empowering than the previous development approach where “people were passive victims for whom change was determined externally”. 

Richard Klein, a scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), who is leading the work on adaptation for the IPCC’s next assessment, says the increasing use of the word resilience “has to do with the positive connotation it has. ‘Enhancing resilience' sounds better as a policy objective than 'reducing vulnerability', although by and large they would involve the same activities.” 

Where does the concept fit into an aid system? 

The resilience theory developed in 1973 by Buzz Holling, an ecologist, exists in all disciplines – economists look at how markets reorganize themselves after shocks, political scientists consider how fragile countries recover after war and so on. The study of resilience is a multi-disciplinary science. 

It is difficult to trap resilience in a silo of its own, says ODI’s Levine. Its usefulness lies in the fact that it has built bridges between the worlds of development, relief and disaster risk reduction – as the goal of all these sectors is to produce individuals, communities, countries or any system able to withstand shocks, he said. 

Its application differs. 

Some view it as similar to the participatory, consultative approach - where existing communities’ capacity and expectations to cope and recover are taken into account when planning disaster risk reduction programmes. NGOs such as the Red Cross/Red Crescent have been working with this approach for the last few years. 

The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has developed projects that enhance resilience to disasters. For instance, in the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP) that covers 7.8 million people in Ethiopia by providing regular and predictable cash and food transfers, DFID has introduced a new risk financing mechanism. This allows the programme to expand in times of shock such as a particularly long dry season, for longer periods or to cover more people. 

In the past five years there have been increased efforts to integrate adaptation and disaster risk reduction as both "aim to reduce the impacts of shocks by anticipating risks and addressing vulnerabilities". IPCC’s SREX was an attempt to do that. Then there have also been efforts to integrate the two into development planning and practice, says Van Aalst. “Resilience is often used as a convenient umbrella concept that captures some of this integration.” [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85372 ]

Funding issues 

There is no separate funding for resilience. But a specific project within a single sector like the risk financing mechanism in Ethiopia’s PSNP could possibly find openings. DFID has started looking at it from a disaster resilience and conflict perspective. According to Tearfund’s Cook, “It will obviously be challenging to try to channel money for building up resilience across the whole range of sectors in a coherent way but, for us, it would seem counterproductive to establish stand-alone resilience initiatives,” he added. After all it is a concept that looks at things in totality. 

Partners in Resilience is a five-year project run in five countries which integrates risk-reduction, adaptation and environmental protection using resilience as an umbrella, bringing NGOs such as the Netherlands Red Cross, Care, Wetlands International, CORDAID and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre together. But the project raised the money by aligning its objectives with that of the Netherlands Development Aid – in this case it was poverty alleviation, civil society building and so on. 

The problems 

Van Aalst raises two concerns. The real problem around implementation concerns capacity and scale. “It is easy to run pilot projects and try to influence change but initiatives like these need to be scaled-up to make a difference. And if you want to scale-up you need capacity and you need to keep the objectives simple and not confuse people on the ground with yet another term." He suggested being realistic about the kind of outcomes sought from a project. 

The other problem was the word might hide the underlying causes of vulnerability, particularly inequalities, he said. "The causes of vulnerability are often closely related to development decisions that create vulnerability." For instance, the creation of urban slums in areas exposed to environmental risks such as river banks. 

Ultimately, as Klein points out, "I don't believe in the possibility of rationally calculating the optimal level of preparedness/adaptation/resilience of society. There is no such thing as zero risk; the level of risk a society is exposed to is a social and political decision." 

jk/mw 

]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94714</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110240730340094t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - In the past five years, “resilience” (the ability to absorb shocks and recover) has become quite a buzzword in the aid community. Discussions on adapting to a changing climate are increasingly peppered with the “need to build resilience” of people, infrastructure and governments in the face of shocks such as soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, severe storms and flooding.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>COTE D&apos;IVOIRE: Loss of relief aid could threaten fragile peace</title><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg" />]]>GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</description><body><![CDATA[GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.

“I don’t want the world to move on and say everything in Côte d’Ivoire is fine,” Catherine Bragg, assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and deputy emergency relief coordinator for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), said on 17 January in Duékoué, 400km northwest of Abidjan.

She was on a three-day tour of the county, which included a visit the Nahibly camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Duékoué which hosts 4,557 people.

“There are still people displaced [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93971 ] without water, electricity, and dependent on food assistance,” she added.

Thousands of returnees who missed the planting season are also dependent on food aid for survival, and their prospects for planting this year are poor. Most were unable to return to their fields because their land was taken over after they were displaced.

Bragg launched a consolidated appeal in Abidjan for Côte d’Ivoire on 16 January. UN agencies are seeking more than US$173 million to cover the needs of over three million people from now until the end of December 2012.

“If they don’t receive humanitarian help, tensions could escalate again,” Max Hadorn, head of OCHA operations in Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.

To kick-start what OCHA describes as a “vital humanitarian response”, it said the Central Emergency Relief Fund had just allocated $8 million for life-saving projects in the country.

Farmers typically begin preparing the fields in February and planting in March. “If they don’t plant, they will be dependent on humanitarian aid for the rest of the year,” he added.

Shelter shortages

“We’re here because we don’t have a home to return to,” said Juliette Tehe, who has been displaced at Nahibly IDP camp since last spring. She comes from Niambly, a village 6km east of Duékoué.

Niambly was set on fire in March 2011 during fighting between government and anti-government forces. At least 1,000 homes were partially or completely destroyed in the village, which is still scattered with residents’ charred belongings.

Neil Brighton of the UN Refugee Agency, which is leading on shelter for the displaced, said in the country’s western region at least 18,000 homes had been destroyed, and there was only enough funding to rebuild 4,000, of which 400 had so far been completed.

“The needs are huge and, at the moment, only three or four agencies are actually building,” he said.

Tehe, who remains displaced, said even with shelter, there were Dozos (fearsome looking traditional hunters) [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93378 ] in the village, which may prevent her family from returning. “There are people with guns around. All the fields are blocked,” she said.

“It’s our fields we’re worried about”

In the village of Zeaglo in Moyen-Cavally, northwest of Guiglo, a group of women said that since returning to their village, members of their ethnic group had been threatened by Dozos [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93384 ] when they attempted to enter their farms. One of the village residents, Marceline Dodien, used to farm cassava, cocoa and bananas, but is now idle because her fields were seized during the three months of her displacement during which she lived in the forest.

The women are part of the Guéré ethnic group which overwhelmingly supported ousted President Laurent Gbagbo in 2011. Tensions over land rights with other ethnic groups predate the 2011 crisis. However, politically, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91566 ] Alice Tiemoko, a farmer, said, there was improvement.

“We are unified now. We think well of the [current] president. It’s our fields we’re concerned about,” she said.

Reconciliation obstacles

While many Ivoirians express willingness to reconcile, the women said the groundwork for reconciliation was still missing in Zeaglo.

“If we had our basic needs met - maybe, but our hearts are still filled with anger. We want to get back what was taken from us,” Irene Gueï said.

The women blamed “foreigners” for taking their land, but many of the so-called “foreigners” came to the region decades or generations ago, and also claim rights to the land. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87892 ]

Tiemoko told IRIN the different ethnic groups living in Zeaglo got along in the village. “We laugh together in the village. We get along here, but outside we don’t,” she said.

Bragg applauded the return of over a half a million people in the last nine months, which she said was a testimony to increasing security; the resolution of the crisis; international support; and a tribute to the hard work of the international community. But, she added: “There are still substantial needs that require substantial resources to deal with persisting problems.”

She appealed to donors for continued funding throughout 2012, adding that help for the most vulnerable persons remained “an absolute priority”, especially in the country’s western and southwestern regions.

“Considerable needs remain in several areas such as protection of civilians, restoration of means of livelihood, shelter, access to basic services and voluntary return and reintegration of displaced persons and refugees,” she said on 18 January at the end of her visit. “A premature exit of humanitarian actors could aggravate the situation.”

lb/oss/aj/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94684</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201191829060747t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">GUIGLO 19 January 2012 (IRIN) - Nine months after fighting ended in Côte d’Ivoire, at least 15,000 displaced people are still in camps, many of the half million returnees require food aid, the groundwork for reconciliation in many parts of the west has not yet been laid - and aid workers are worried funding will dry up, threatening the fragile peace.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Avalanches cut off parts of drought-hit northeast</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.  

“If the snow continues to keep the roads to rural and remote districts closed and we don’t get any assistance, we would face a severe humanitarian crisis,” Abdul Maroof Rasekh, a government spokesperson from mountainous Badakhshan Province, told IRIN. 

The snow has cut off 14 of the province’s 28 districts from the provincial capital Faizabad, preventing people from accessing markets to get food for themselves and their cattle, he said.  

At least 70 families are trapped in their homes in Eshkashim District, where rescue teams are trying to help them, Rasekh added. Altogether, hundreds of families are trapped in different districts, he said. 

The heavy snow and avalanches have led to the deaths of at least 20 people, with 11 injured, Rasekh said. The cold weather and lack of animal feed in these areas also killed around 600 cattle. 

According to a report received by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), 150 people travelling in a convoy in Baghlan Province were found alive after surviving overnight in their cars, under two metres of snow.  

Poor roads and snow in winter mean it can take days to travel from one village to another in this a mainly Tajik-speaking province with an estimated population of one million, where most people are reliant on agriculture and livestock. 

Badakhshan was among the provinces hit by drought last year which, according to an assessment by the World Food Programme (WFP), led 2.8 million Afghans nationwide to require food assistance. 

Rasekh said there was a lack of food for people and fodder for their animals. “The Ministry of Agriculture only sent food assistance for 10,000 families before winter. Other than that, we haven’t got any assistance from the government or aid community,” he added. 

WFP aid 

But Sediq Hassani, head of policy at the Afghanistan National disaster Management Authority, said the government and its international partners, including WFP, had sent more than 70,000 tons of food and some non-food items to these areas months ago to help farmers affected by drought and feed people in case of emergency during the winter.  

The portion for drought was distributed upon arrival and provincial disaster management authorities are now deciding how to distribute the emergency rations, based on need, he said.  

“In some provinces, they have already started distributing food, but in some other areas, due to heavy snowfall, they are not able to deliver food for the needy people and I think that is a bit of problem,” Hassani said. “But we are still trying.” 

WFP began distributing emergency food across drought-hit areas in December, and had been distributing food to chronically hungry people before that as part of its regular programs. 

Communities in these areas are accustomed to roads becoming impassable for six months every year, Mohammad Taher Shahim, who works with OCHA in neighbouring Kunduz Province, told IRIN. Government institutions, hospitals and food markets are present inside the districts, he said, and other needs are positioned there before the winter. These include equipment to keep roads open and help people if they get trapped, Hassani said. The districts cut off from Faizabad can also be accessed by aid agencies from Tajikistan, Shahim added.  

Still, “the relevant government departments are working very hard right now to open the roads and rescue those people who have been trapped in places like Badakhshan,” Hassani told IRIN, adding that snow had also closed roads to mountainous areas of the central provinces of Daykundi and Bamyan. 

The Aga Khan Foundation Network has already begun work clearing 6km of road on Palfill Slope in Baghlan Province, Shahim said. But there could be further problems ahead, he added, with a high probability of more avalanches this year. 

mp/ha/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94662</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: UN Integration under the spotlight</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups. 

Neutrality, impartiality and independence are regarded as humanitarian principles, but are not the priorities of UN political or peacekeeping missions, and many humanitarian staff believe integration helps to erode them, hampering their ability to help people in need.

Given ongoing tensions between UN agencies, the UK’s Overseas Development Institute [ http://www.odi.org.uk/ ] and US-based public policy group The Stimson Center [ http://www.stimson.org/ ] have carried out an independent study [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=6205 ] exploring the impact of integration on humanitarian response, finding that the new coordination model has drawbacks and some surprising benefits.

Coordination, or the lack of it, became an issue in the 1990s, as UN peacekeepers, political missions and humanitarian agencies found themselves working side-by-side in conflict-affected countries. (See Box I) The report’s authors detail UN operations in three countries - Afghanistan, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - as they struggled to comply with a policy of greater integration in various forms. (See Box II). 

Afghanistan, Somalia and DRC

In all three countries a UN peacekeeping force was trying to stop armed groups threatening a peace process, while a UN political mission was trying to build capacity and support a recognized national government, and humanitarian agencies were trying to provide non-partisan help to all who needed it, regardless of their political affiliation. All three wings of the UN found it difficult when they were told to integrate their operations.

Although the information is presented anonymously, the rawness of interviewees’ emotions shines through the ODI/Stimson report. When it comes to engaging with non-state armed actors [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94095 ] researchers found no evidence that the UN barred contact with such groups, but in some cases individual UN mission leaders created obstacles to contact. In Somalia, where the UN political mission tried to discourage humanitarian agencies from engaging with the Al-Shabab militant group, the overall UN mission head at the time went so far as to say: “Those who claim neutrality can also be complicit. The Somali government needs support - moral and financial - and Somalis as well as the international community have an obligation to provide both.” 

Even where the local UN leadership accepted that the humanitarian agencies had to work with both sides in order to reach people in need, the relationship could be uncomfortable.

In DRC agencies could and did work in rebel controlled areas, but one interviewee told the authors: “It’s difficult to create a relationship with the FDLR [anti government forces] when MONUSCO [the UN peacekeeping force] is partnering with the Congolese army to hit them on the same day!”

One of the report’s authors, Alison Giffen from the Stimson Center, told IRIN they found the issue raised strong emotions among all stakeholders. “We found that despite quite a few reforms in the last five or six years, the debate remains very polarized,” she said. “The challenges and risks facing humanitarian actors are very considerable and this raises the stakes.”

Access and security

The report addresses the issue of whether a closer relationship with military and political operations puts aid workers in greater danger of attack. Encouragingly - and to the surprise of some - the authors concluded: “There is no evidence to suggest that attacks against humanitarian workers are more likely to occur in a UN integrated mission context.” Even in Afghanistan, they say, they could identify no case where there was a clear link between a security incident affecting an NGO and UN integration arrangements.

But Marit Glad of NGO Norwegian Refugee Council, who has written a paper on the implications of integration for the UN’s relationship with other NGOs [ http://www.nrc.no/arch/_img/9608308.pdf ] does not find this particularly reassuring.

"Tying a single incident to integration is very difficult,” she told IRIN. “In some cases, as many as 10-15 different factors could potentially have contributed to a security incident, and it is in many cases impossible to pin down one single reason which caused it.”

Afghanistan has posed some of the starkest dilemmas, with UN agency staff having to relocate to military bases belonging to the NATO-led ISAF force during major security incidents. Some NGOs then stopped coming to meetings in their offices, because they felt that being seen going to the bases would compromise them. Glad says: “Integration brings a clear risk of jeopardizing cooperation between the UN and the NGO community. You have to ask what the benefits are. Is forcing integration worth the risk?”

Pragmatism

In DRC things seem to have been less fraught; a good working relationship with MONUSCO brought benefits to both sides in terms of information sharing, and aid workers benefited from MONUSCO’s help with security and transport arrangements.

Even so, some humanitarian workers worried about the two sides’ different attitude to risk - the military’s only concern was safety, and they felt this tended to make the whole operation too risk-averse, hampering their ability to access populations in need.

Ross Mountain wore the “triple hat” as humanitarian and resident coordinator, and deputy representative of the Secretary-General in DRC. He says his way of working was to try to be pragmatic, and focus on the needs of the victims of the conflict. “There were problems of perception,” he told IRIN, “but we tried to minimize the downside. For instance, as the DSRSG [Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General], I was never personally directly involved in negotiations with rebel groups. We got OCHA [Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs] to do that directly.

“On the plus side, I was very concerned about civilian protection, and being inside the mission, I was able to work closely with the Force Commander, placing the military in areas where the humanitarians had identified concentrations of displaced people so that the peacekeepers’ presence dissuaded militias and other armed groups from attacking them.

“Over time I think integrated missions have become more concerned with the humanitarian dimension... Civilian protection eventually became the number one priority for the UN force in the Congo. What started off at the beginning as an add-on has become the raison d’être of peacekeeping missions.

While the report includes instances where humanitarian advocacy is undermined by integration, Mountain says in DRC in some cases it smoothed his advocacy role with the government. “When linked to the peacekeeping mission, one tended to be rather better listened to by those who didn’t always like what one was saying.”

Clearer guidance needed

The report says it found the reasons for more integration to be poorly understood, and the policy inconsistently implemented. On the whole the political/military side were happier with the outcomes than the humanitarian agencies, but the authors remark that the political/military wings of the mission often did not really understand humanitarian principles [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85752 ] or the imperative need for neutral humanitarian space in which to work.

Clearer guidance, they conclude, is needed from headquarters, including advice on how potential disagreements can be resolved, as well as better planning and training of staff before they take up their posts. And, says Giffen, “confidence-building really needs to happen across all stakeholders, for shared goals to be reached, but also for specific goals to be reached.”

For better or worse, integration is here to stay, and UN humanitarian agency heads understand they must try to make it work, if possible. As UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos said at the study launch: “Integration is a UN-mandated policy. Withdrawing from (it) is not an option… At the same time, we cannot allow integration to impede the effective provision of humanitarian assistance to people in need.” [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/humanitarian-issues-integrating-peacekeeping-and-humanitarian-work-%E2%80%93-how-mak ]

But form must follow function, stresses Mountain - with mission objectives leading the way: “You have to ask yourself, `Integration for what?’ It is vital to focus on what you are trying to do, and never to confuse the tools with the objective.”

eb/aj/bp/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94647</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>YEMEN: Coping with unrest - aid workers turn to the community</title><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110859420663t.jpg" />]]>SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF).</description><body><![CDATA[SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF).
 
 “The government commitment at the central level [line ministries] to allocate resources and implement and monitor routine activities is inadequate; the capacity of decentralized government institutions to fulfil their obligations is very weak,” said Geert Cappelaere, a UNICEF representative in Yemen.
 
 Across the Middle East, aid workers have complained of the challenges of effectively designing and executing programmes while political instability surrounds their national counterparts, due to mass anti-government protests which have swept the region since the beginning of last year. In Egypt, ministers change every few weeks and in Libya, the interim government has been hesitant to take action on certain issues, preferring to leave long-term decisions to an elected government.
 
 "There are very few implementing partners [in Yemen], with extremely limited capacity to operationalize and manage outpatient therapeutic centres," said Cappelaere.
 
 Only 50 percent of outpatient treatment centres in 14 out of 21 governorates were operating at the end of September 2011, due to insecurity, fuel shortages and civil unrest, UNICEF said in a 7 January report. 
 
 Protests against leaders of dozens of national institutions since mid-December have made the situation worse, reported local weekly Yemen Times. [ http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35041 ]
 
 "The role of these institutions has been undermined by lack of funding as a result of the year-long unrest… Currently they are paralysed by mass staff strikes and protests," said Abdruhman Abdulhamid, an adviser to the minister of planning and international cooperation.
 
 Tackling malnutrition
 
 In the absence of strong and reliable central government support in fighting high levels of malnutrition, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94533 ] aid workers are working closely with community health leaders.
 
 Community Management of Acute Malnutrition (CMAM), which enables communities and lower level health facilities to treat the vast majority of cases and reserves in-patient care for only those with critical complications, is being successfully promoted by international and local NGOs, according to Saja Abdullah, nutrition cluster coordinator at UNICEF. 
 
 “Through CMAM, a mother brings her severely malnourished child to the nearest health facility for assessment and life-saving intervention in the form of medicine and therapeutic food,” Wisam al-Timimi, a UNICEF nutrition and child survival specialist in Yemen, told IRIN.
 
 CMAM was first initiated in Yemen in 2008 with only three operational health facilities, but now operates in 374 health centres in 17 out of Yemen’s 21 governorates.
 
 “These facilities provide under-five severely acute malnourished cases with antibiotics, plumpy’nut, different vitamins, supplements, and deworming tablets, as well as double-check the vaccination status of a referred child. If a child is missing a vaccine, he or she will be given this vaccine,” al-Timimi said.
 
 Between January and November 2011, 58,338 children under five with severe acute malnutrition (SAM) were treated in 374 CMAM facilities, according to a UNICEF report released in mid-December.
 
 “Now our plan is to treat 105,000 severely acute malnourished under-five children by the end of 2012 through operationalizing at least 660 health facilities to deliver CMAM services country-wide,” al-Timimi told IRIN.
 
 Local knowledge
 
 Mohammed Audha, an operations officer with local NGO al-Saleh Foundation for Social Development, told IRIN that given the limited role being played by the authorities, local knowledge about the security situation was vital for effective needs assessments and aid delivery.
 
 “Last month we cancelled an aid convoy heading for al-Jawf Governorate after it already left Sana’a when local coordinators advised us by phone against going to the governorate due to clashes between Houthi fighters and armed tribesmen from the Islamist Islah Party,” he said. “The aid was returned to our warehouses in Sana’a.”
 
 "Community-based volunteers are more aware of the vulnerable cases… They also know which roads are safe, and the most appropriate time for delivering assistance… They know how to avoid risks posed by gunmen," Essam Awadh, an emergency officer with local NGO Charitable Society for Social Welfare (CSSW), told IRIN.
 
 Local volunteers can be an asset at illegal checkpoints on highways and particularly in remote areas.
 
 "If you have escorts from the local community, you become less prone to risks by gunmen at checkpoints,” said Fatihya Abdullah, an aid worker with local NGO Yemeni Family Care Association. 
 
 “Local people know the whereabouts of gunmen at these illegal checkpoints, which is why the latter don't dare to intercept them or loot aid being delivered,” she added.
 
 Local people are the ones who best know the needs of their communities and the geography. They can also often assist in the organization of distributions, help cross-check lists of beneficiaries, control the crowds and speed up the delivery of assistance to those in need, said Rabab Al-Rifai, communications coordinator for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Yemen. “People from a given community enlighten us on important cultural aspects; this enables us to have a better understanding of the required assistance, adapt our humanitarian response, and respond to the needs in a manner that is respectful to the local culture", she told IRIN. 
 
 ay/ha/eo/cb/oa
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94623</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201110859420663t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">SANA'A 11 January 2012 (IRIN) - Unrest in Yemen for almost a year has affected the government’s capacity to function, forcing aid agencies to work more closely with, and through, community-level partners and volunteers, says a senior aid worker with the UN Children&apos;s Fund (UNICEF).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Nepal’s Monsanto debate spotlights seed sovereignty</title><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300834030439t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - An effort by US donors and multinational agribusiness Monsanto to partner with Nepal to boost local maize production with imported hybrid seeds has met civil society opposition calling - instead - for home-grown solutions.</description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - An effort by US donors and multinational agribusiness Monsanto [ http://www.monsanto.com/Pages/default.aspx ] to partner with Nepal to boost local maize production with imported hybrid seeds has met civil society opposition calling - instead - for home-grown solutions. 
 
 “If an organization like USAID [US Agency for International Development] wants to help us with a company like Monsanto, we would hope that they would help us to actually develop our own hybrids instead, not to import their foreign seeds,” said Hari Dahal, spokesperson for the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives, at a recent parliamentary hearing on food sovereignty, as reported in local media. [ http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=39496 ] 
 
 USAID announced last September its intention to set up a pilot training partnership [ http://nepal.usaid.gov/in-the-spotlight-archive/478-usaid-teams-with-the-ministry-of-agriculture-and-cooperatives-and-the-monsanto-company-to-enhance-maize-production-in-nepal.html ] with Monsanto and the Nepali government, which promotes hybrid maize seeds to boost yields in a country where 41 percent of the population is estimated to be undernourished. [ http://www.wfp.org/countries/Nepal/Overview ]. 
 
 Maize is a staple of the local diet, especially in the maize-producing hilly central interior of the country, which suffers from chronic food insecurity. [ http://www.dshc.life.ku.dk/Publications/~/media/Shc/docs/pdf/SSCPNepal.ashx ] 
 
 In addition, Nepal grows only half of the maize demanded by the animal feed industry and imports the shortfall of 135,000 tons annually, according to USAID. 
 
 Demand for hybrid maize seeds, used primarily in the animal feed industry, has increased as animal feed has constituted a growing source of income for commercial farmers. 
 
 Opponents of the proposed partnership say it would substitute one form of dependence for another - from the currently imported maize to maize seeds from abroad. 
 
 According to the government, the country required 22,656 tons of maize seed in 2011 for the animal feed industry, which uses primarily hybrid seeds - less than 1 percent of which was supplied by registered imports. 
 
 Calling the US-headquartered Monsanto a “biotech Goliath”, local activists have taken to social media [ http://www.facebook.com/stopmonsantoinnepal#!/stopmonsantoinnepal?sk=info ] to block the company’s expansion in Nepal, citing concerns of loss of local seeds, dependence on seed imports and environmental damage to the land and surrounding communities. 
 
 Known for its genetically-engineered products worldwide, Monsanto has been sued - and settled out of court - in the Americas throughout the last decade [ http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/MONSANTOpressrel.htm ] multiple times for alleged health and environmental damages linked to its practices. It has also sued farmers [ http://www.percyschmeiser.com/conflict.htm ] whom it accused of patent infringement. 
 
 Silent entry 
 
 While this would be the first time a donor subsidizes the cost of hybrid seeds on such a large scale in Nepal - targeting 20,000 farmers in three commercial maize-producing districts of Kavre, Chitwan and Nawal Parasi along the southern lowland belt in the Terai region bordering India - Monsanto has been exporting hybrid maize seed to Nepal since 2004. 
 
 Kiran Dahal, Nepal country representative for Monsanto, said almost 100 percent of its seed is used to produce maize for the feed industry, but it is up to the farmers to decide where they sell their maize and for what purpose. 
 
 Monsanto’s presence was unheralded, unsubsidized and until recently, largely unnoticed, said Sabin Ninglekhu, an organizer of the Facebook campaign. “To be honest, we didn’t know Monsanto was in the country before the USAID announcement.” 
 
 Over the past decade commercial farmers in the lowlands have started using hybrid varieties, drawn by the potential of higher yields. [ http://www.facebook.com/notes/scott-h-delisi/setting-the-record-straight-on-hybrid-seeds/184148695011816 ] 
 
 In hybrid breeding technology, strains are cross-pollinated to create offspring with combined strengths. Agronomists note that although first-generation hybrids produce higher yields, their offspring often may not give the same results, requiring farmers to purchase new seeds every season. 
 
 As yet, no comprehensive long-term report on the distribution and yield of hybrid seed application in Nepal has been produced, according to the Agriculture Ministry. 
 
 But preliminary findings in the lowland Nawal Parasi and Palpa districts in 2011 suggest almost doubled yields from hybrid seeds over openly-pollinated local varieties - from 0.8 to 1.5 tons per hectare - as reported by the South Asia office of the International Center for Maize and Wheat Improvement (CIMMYT) [ http://www.cimmyt.org/ ] based in Kathmandu. 
 
 Do it ourselves 
 
 But blocking seed imports is only the initial goal of local NGOs protesting against Monsanto: The end objective is to boost local seed use and production by investing more in agricultural research and development, said Facebook campaign organizer Ninglekhu. 
 
 “We have used this Monsanto movement as an opening to talk about the ministry’s agricultural vision, its understanding of food security and seed sovereignty and what policies are in place to address these. Monsanto is not the only option.” 
 
 Nepal’s political climate was still fragile in late 2011, five years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord [ http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/nepal/document/papers/peaceagreement.htm ] to end a decade of civil war, noted the Washington DC-based International Food Policy Research Institute. [ http://www.ifpri.org/publication/nepal-0 ] 
 
 Both the agriculture and science ministries “lack the power, capacity, and continuity to set the country’s long-term agricultural R&D [research and development] agenda,” IFPRI concluded. 
 
 The principal government agency devoted to such research - the National Agricultural Research Council - has produced only two hybrid corn strains since its establishment in 1991. 
 
 One type has not been taken up by private seed producers as it was deemed not commercially viable, and the other is still undergoing approval, said Chitra Bahadur Kunwar, a senior scientist at the council’s National Maize Research Programme. 
 
 Meanwhile, the increasingly scant availability of openly-pollinated local seeds, which can be reused from one season to the next, leave farmers vulnerable to the caprice of importation, said Durga Lamichhane, a commercial maize farmer from Gaidakot in Nawal Parasi District. 
 
 “Our local seeds are about to disappear. If for some reason these hybrid seeds do not come, we would be in a situation of emergency,” said Lamichhane, referring to a growing trend among commercial farmers not to save local seeds due to a preference to buy hybrids and other improved seed varieties. 
 
 But striving for no seed imports is not realistic, noted Andrew McDonald, a CIMMYT cropping agronomist for South Asia. 
 
 “Nepal is not alone: the food security of almost every nation is contingent on input supply chains that transcend national boundaries.” 
 
 Call for locally developed hybrids 
 
 For Tilak Prasad Kandel, a commercial farmer with a hectare of land in Nawal Parasi, the concern is not dependency, but rather lack of government spending to develop local hybrids. “There are alternatives to Monsanto.” 
 
 Though promoting maize hybrids is important to boosting maize production and profitability in Nepal, USAID’s decision to partner with Monsanto alone was questionable, said McDonald. 
 
 “I don't think USAID should be in the business of choosing `winners’ by working with a single seed company in a market environment where many private companies are active.” 
 
 The US ambassador in Nepal, Scott H. DeLilsi, noted on his own Facebook page on 2 December [ http://www.facebook.com/notes/scott-h-delisi/setting-the-record-straight-on-hybrid-seeds/184148695011816 ] that “the critical discussion is not about the role of a single company but about the future of agricultural development in Nepal,” and in a 5 December statement [ http://nepal.usaid.gov/in-the-spotlight-archive/521-usaids-official-statement-in-response-to-the-public-concerns-over-the-proposed-maize-hybrid-pilot-project-with-monsanto-.html ] USAID said project consultations are on-going. 
 
 “We have not worked out the details of the pilot as yet and are still consulting with a variety of groups including the private sector, academia, the MOAC [Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives] and Nepal Agriculture Research Council (NARC), civil society and farmer groups. We will take their feedback into account as we further discuss the form of partnership that best meets the needs of Nepali farmers.” 
 
 About 16 different maize hybrids from multiple companies are registered for sale by the government’s regulatory process. 
 
 No matter the source of seeds, the USAID pilot project would help farmers trying to grow hybrid maize, said Kandel. Not only would it subsidize seed costs, but also provide much-needed education on how to use the seeds, which is the biggest problem for farmers, he added. 
 
 According to farmers in Nawal Parasi, the subsidy would cover 75 percent of the cost of Monsanto seeds. 
 
 But for now the partnership remains a proposition as the government has not joined. 
 
 USAID has stated it “will not move forward independently to fund such a programme” and “encourages this dialogue, which underscores the critical need for Nepal to increase its agricultural production through improved seed technologies and cultivation practices”. 
 
 The government’s Natural Resources and Means Committee has requested a report addressing concerns about seed sovereignty from the Agriculture Ministry for a hearing expected to be held in January. 
 
 sm/pt/cb 
 
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94611</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300834030439t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 10 January 2012 (IRIN) - An effort by US donors and multinational agribusiness Monsanto to partner with Nepal to boost local maize production with imported hybrid seeds has met civil society opposition calling - instead - for home-grown solutions.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>KENYA-SOMALIA: Dadaab leaders flee after killings, threats*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg" />]]>DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</description><body><![CDATA[DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 mostly Somali residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.

These deaths, and threats to other refugees, came after an agreement by refugee leaders to step up vigilance with patrols in Dadaab after roadside bombings. Police blamed the attacks on Al-Shabab, a Somali insurgent group, now being targeted by the Kenyan military in Somalia.

The police, one of whose officers was killed in the latest blast, on 19 December, believe Al-Shabab has established a presence in the complex. Some refugees told IRIN that police, during a robust response, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94528 ] had told them to hand over the “evil ones” living among them.

Police detained several people in two of Dadaab’s camps – Ifo and Hagadera - during the vigilance patrols.

A few days later, on 29 December unidentified gunmen shot dead Ahamed Mahmoud Mohamed, a community leader in Hagadera camp. Three days after that, another community leader was fatally shot in Ifo camp.

Both men played prominent roles in Community Peace and Security Teams (CPSTs), a kind of volunteer police service set up several years ago.

“These people were killed in the fight between Kenyan [police] forces and Al-Shabab,” one refugee leader told IRIN, asking not to be named.

“It is not safe any more to work as a leader during this critical situation. If you don’t work with the police the police will crack down, but if we cooperate, Al-Shabab will target us,” he said.

One inhabitant of Ifo camp, where residents last week handed over to police bomb-making equipment they had discovered, said: “We sleep with a lot of fear in the night, because we are afraid of being attacked by those who hid the explosives.” 

A youth leader from Dagahaley, another of Dadaab’s camps, said he left the complex after receiving “several threatening calls” and hearing about unfamiliar people searching for me in the [residential] blocks. 

“Since I was part of the community security team, I am very fearful for my life.” 

He said the caller had warned him, in Somali: “If you don’t stop what you are doing, we will come to where you are.”

“There is no protection in Dadaab, it is just [becoming] like Somalia. People are killed in broad daylight so I can’t risk my life there,” he added.

Threats

“There have been some people who have received threats who have been evacuated,” Lennart Hernander, Kenya representative of the Lutheran World Federation, an NGO that provides training for the CPSTs and is responsible for housing and security in Dadaab.

While these refugees had some position of responsibility in Dadaab, they were not all working with the CPSTs, he said.

“We don’t know why it happened and don’t want to speculate,” he said of the two killings.

The CPSTs “are extremely important in solving daily problems in the camps, such as domestic violence, arguments between refugees, queue jumping, all sorts of problems that occur”, Hernander told IRIN.

“They are especially important for the protection of women; they patrol the camps day and night. We are quite sure they prevent sexual abuse.

“We have to review the whole [CPST] system,” he said.

Insecurity in Dadaab has resulted in the humanitarian presence and response being limited to essential services only. General food distributions were briefly interrupted in late 2011, but resumed shortly before the New Year. 

“Now that the community leaders who played the role of aid workers are targeted, we will have no one to rely on. Delivery of services is turning very difficult. We are in a very bad situation,” said Hassan Bunow, a long-term resident of Ifo camp. 

All these factors, coupled with high food prices and good rains back home, have prompted some refugees to return to Somalia, according to Mohamud Jama, a community leader in Ifo camp.

“We know and have seen that many families who lived in Ifo 2 have gone back to their farms in southern Somalia. They had initially fled from famine but now there is rain. If you visit now, you will find very many empty tents,” he added, without giving details of numbers.

Police criticized

Several youths were detained on 5 January after community members reported bomb-making equipment found in Ifo camp. 

“They arrested our innocent children for no reason when we volunteered to cooperate with them. Now the whole village is in terror of the police. Other sections of the camp are afraid to give information [after seeing] how violent the police acted today,” said one resident.

Citizens’ Rights Watch, a lobby group, gave a damning account of the police response after it visited Dadaab recently, accusing the police of committing several gang rapes and looting and destroying property.

However, Kenya Police deputy spokesman Charles Owino Wahongo dismissed the allegations.

"Claims of police harassment of people in Dadaab or in northern Kenya in general are not sincere because nobody has ever reported to the police about these claims,” he told IRIN.

“If indeed there are cases of high-handedness by security agencies, including the police in their security operations in Dadaab, we are open to receive such complaints and deal with them within the law. Up to this point, we can’t talk much about them," he added.

mh/am/mw

*This is a revised version of a story first published earlier on 9 January

]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94596</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201090804480038t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DADAAB 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Several community leaders among the 463,000 residents of the world’s largest refugee complex have left the facility in eastern Kenya, fearing for their safety after the killing of two of their colleagues.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Visions for a healthier West Bank economy*</title><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg" />]]>RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</description><body><![CDATA[RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). 
 
 “The Palestinian economy is a closed cash-circle,” the general manager of the Palestinian microfinance network Sharakeh explains.
 
 He goes on to draw several small arrows on the line, meant to indicate different elements of an isolated system: At the bottom, there is the construction worker, who gets his salary from a company contracted by the Palestinian Authority (PA), while the PA itself is kept alive through foreign aid. 
 
 “And this aid is the only fuel that keeps the circle running,” Tawil says, with a serious mien.
 
 Humanitarian aid to oPt increased dramatically from US$863 million in 2008 to $1.3 billion in 2009. After Sudan, oPt was the second largest recipient of aid in the world in 2010. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93279 ] Economists and businessmen warn that the PA’s dependency on aid and vulnerability to external shocks could lead the entire West Bank economy to collapse, provoking a humanitarian crisis. Among the most vulnerable are the owners of small businesses and all those who depend on foreign aid channelled through the PA.
 
 Tawil is among a number of people in the West Bank with suggestions for a better way forward.
 
 Coping with aid cuts
 
 Shortly after the 2006 elections which brought militant group Hamas to power in oPt’s Gaza Strip, donors cut off more than $1 billion in aid to the PA as a means of boycotting Hamas. Since then, the West Bank economy has trembled over and over - despite a resumption of aid transfers to the PA in December 2007.
 
 2011 was an especially troublesome year for the PA’s budget, which was hit by delayed payments from Arab countries, temporary aid cuts of $200 million by the US Congress, and a temporary freeze on Israel’s monthly transfer of $100 million in tax funds to the PA. Though both Israel and the US later resumed payments, Israeli officials made clear that they would freeze funds again should Fatah, the dominant political party in the West Bank, form a unity government with Hamas. 
 
 The threats raised fears of a crisis scenario similar to 2006, when the PA’s budget slid from $180 million to $55 million a month, amid running debts of $1.7 billion. The crisis left government employees, who have a relatively high spending power, without salaries. Banks imposed a more restrictive borrowing policy on businesses; and the unsafe environment made foreign investment appear risky and less attractive. 
 
 As withholding aid has become a way to punish the Palestinians for unwanted political manoeuvring, the PA is now seeking more financial independence. 2013 is supposed to be the last year “in which the PA will need any external financing to help with recurrent expenditures,” Prime Minister Salam Fayyad announced in a 2011 interview with the Associated Press. [ http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/45508465 ] 
 
 But it will not be easy, given such aid amounted to about $1.5 billion of the PA’s $3.7 billion budget in 2011. The remaining sources of income were about $105 million in monthly tax refunds from Israel, and much smaller domestic tax revenues. 
 
 The dangers of credit
 
 At first glance, the Ramallah-centred West Bank economy seems solid. Many new neighbourhoods are being built around the city and expensive cars are not uncommon. The West Bank economy grew by 7.6 percent (GDP) in 2010, according to the World Bank. 
 
 But much of what may have seemed like a boom in Ramallah is veneer. 
 
 The economy grew by only 4 percent in the first half of 2011, according to the Bank, and unemployment remained at about 16 percent. According to one employee at a Ramallah branch of the Arab Bank, everything is bought on credit - “even wedding dresses... $300 is enough for a loan of 10,000”.
 
 With a total of $1.09 million in debts, the PA - including its public institutions and employees - is the biggest of all Palestinian debtors, representing 40 percent of what is owed to Palestinian banks, according to Shirin al-Ahmad, a division chief at the Palestinian Monetary Authority (PMA). 
 
 “A political shock like that of 2006,” al-Ahmad added, “would mean that these 40 percent become a risk factor for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, because no money from the PA means no salaries, and no salaries means that people can’t pay back their loans, or need to take out new ones.”
 
 Even more vulnerable than PA-employees are those with no regular income at all. Without steady work, they are not eligible for loans from any of the 18 banks that operate in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This is why 43,100 Palestinians need to borrow from one of Sharakeh’s 11 microfinance institutions, with a total credit portfolio of $74.6 million, of which $54.7 million can be attributed to clients in the West Bank.
 
 Building an independent economy
 
 “Most of our clients want to run a small business. They are the backbone of the West Bank economy,” said Tawil, the general manager of Sharakeh. “If the cash injections from foreign aid delay PA employees’ salaries, small businesses like groceries are the first that feel the results.”
 
 Mazen Khayyat, owner of a clothing shop in the centre of Ramallah, told IRIN his business was hard hit by the cuts in aid in 2006.
 
 “My debts rose in 2006 from almost nothing to 27,000 New Israeli Shekel [NIS - $7,013]. At the end of 2011, my debts reached 39,500 NIS [$10,260]. In 2006 alone, my profit decreased by 17 percent compared to the year before. All this was because people generally look for cheaper products when the economy is weak. And because most of my clients are government employees or their families, the problem was especially severe in 2006. When their salary comes late, they buy only the most necessary.”
 
 Tawil hopes that by lending to people with no steady income, micro-credit institutions can help build a more independent economy from the bottom up. He suggested the PA support these businesses by giving them tax exemptions. He also recommended university graduates be given more incentives to open a business. 
 
 “No one takes the risk involved in business in this unsafe environment,” he said, “because a regular income, financial safety and a loan have become core values for young people.”
 
 His call for less aid is shared by leading Palestinian entrepreneurs, such as Bashar Masri, who is leading the construction of the new West Bank city of Rawabi for 40,000 future residents between Ramallah and Nablus.
 
 Some foreign companies have refrained from investment in the West Bank because of the recurrent danger of violent conflict, the political unpredictability and the many restrictions on trade, mobility and access, imposed by Israel. 
 
 The World Bank has identified these restrictions as the main obstacle to private sector growth in oPt. So-called Investment Guarantee Funds had provided insurance for some investors against risks resulting from war and conflict in the past, but their reach is limited. Businessmen argue independence from aid would make the arena more attractive. 
 
 “Although cutting aid might hurt in the beginning, more businesses also bring more tax revenues for the PA,” Masri said, adding that “sometimes it has to get worse, before it can get better.”
 
 Despite the many obstacles, some private equity funds recently started investing in the West Bank, Masri explained, adding that one of them, a British fund called Blakeney, invested around $100 million in local projects. “Foreign funds [are showing] more and more interest,” he said.
 
 “Private sector could collapse”
 
 Rawabi’s budget of $800 million is entirely financed by a fund from Qatar, providing independence from the PA and from foreign aid - something most private sector projects in the West Bank lack.
 
 Take for instance the 750 local construction companies represented by the Palestinian Contractors Union (PCU). 
 
 “Many projects contracted by the PA got their money far too late and had to take out expensive loans,” PCU-chairman Adel Odah explained. “This way at least 30 companies went bankrupt in the last two years. Much profit is lost by paying interest rates to banks. If the PA goes bankrupt, the entire private sector could collapse,” he warned.
 
 Replacing aid
 
 The PA is well aware of the risks: “The PA is teetering at the edge of collapse at any point of time,” Prime Minister Fayyad said at the beginning of December, and began curbing its dependency on aid three years ago, according to Ghassan Khatib, a senior PA official.
 
 Between 2008 and 2011, the PA brought down the deficit covered by donors from $1.8 billion to about 1 billion, he said, adding that this trend would continue, “hopefully until the PA needs no more aid”.
 
 Fayyad said the PA’s operational costs should become independent of aid by 2013. 
 
 The question is how. 
 
 “On the one hand, we will replace aid by raising taxes and collecting them more effectively. On the other, we will reduce expenditures,” Khatib explained. Some saving measures, such as restricting PA employees’ use of their government sponsored cars outside working hours, have already been taken.
 
 Khatib said the need for external support would decrease this year, but noted the PA had no control over Israel’s behaviour. 
 
 “But their withholding of our tax money will not keep us from pursuing national unity with Hamas,” he added.
 
 ah/ha/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Mon, 09 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94606</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107291044340246t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">RAMALLAH 09 January 2012 (IRIN) - Izz Tawil draws a black circle on the flip-chart in his office in Ramallah, capital of the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MYANMAR: Donor aid begins to flow</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051031250019t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country. 
 
 “Myanmar has been called an aid orphan in the past because its per capita assistance is so low,” London-based Myanmar analyst Ashley South told IRIN. 
 
 The country received close to US$5 per person in overseas development assistance in 2010, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) [ http://stats.oecd.org/qwids/#?x=2&y=6&f=3:51,4:1,1:2,5:3,7:1&q=3:51+4:1+1:2+5:3+7:1+2:120+6:2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010 ] - a 28 percent drop from 2009. 
 
 While careful not to draw any link between donor decisions and nascent political change, donor consortiums and NGOs in Myanmar are finding that attaining funds has become easier. 
 
 “More funding is available now,” said Andrew Kirkwood, funding director for the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT), [ http://www.lift-fund.net/ ] a multi-donor association set up in 2009 to support food security in Shan, Kachin, Rakhine and Chin states. 
 
 In recent weeks LIFT donors signed grants of up to $130 million for 2012, a $30 million increase on the 2009 target, while extending operations until 2016, two years past the original planned exit. 
 
 “We are now able to increase our implementing partners and expand to more townships,” [ http://www.themimu.info/docs/MIMU565v01_101014_LIFT%20Country%20wide%20Implementing%20Partner_UNOPS_A3.pdf ] said Kirkwood. 
 
 But the increase can only cover so much of the country’s needs, he added. “Aid to Myanmar has always been low, and remains extremely low, despite the increase.” 
 
 In Chin State, eight out of 10 households are food insecure, according to the World Food Programme, while hundreds of thousands were internally displaced as of June 2011 and in need of assistance, according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). [ http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/%28httpEnvelopes%29/7E38BA7B2364451AC12578C4005318B8?OpenDocument ] 
 
 Access 
 
 The European Commission Humanitarian Office (ECHO), which distributes the European Union’s humanitarian aid, has earmarked $16.3 million for Myanmar’s poorest ethnic areas outside the economic hub of Yangon in 2012, according to Matthias Eick, ECHO spokesman for East and Southeast Asia. 
 
 “ECHO will in particular target areas not reachable by development assistance, or will complement such assistance where humanitarian needs exist.” 
 
 In 2010 it gave about $12.7 million, excluding aid for Cylcone Nargis recovery, according to the UN Financial Tracking Service. [ http://fts.unocha.org/reports/daily/ocha_R4aidtype_E15809___1201040204.pdf ] 
 
 The government of Japan announced last November that it will start “working-level talks” which could lead to the resumption of full-fledged development aid. The country cut off new overseas development assistance in 2003, while it has continued to give humanitarian aid. 
 
 And while the UK and Australian governments - among Myanmar’s biggest bilateral donors - have increased aid in recent years, they still circumvent the Burmese government when carrying out projects. 
 
 The UK government, which has pledged $56.4 million in 2012, [ http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/op/burma-2011.pdf ] abides by the EU council decision on Burma, [ http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2011:101:0024:0121:EN:PDF ] which “requires implementation to be through the UN, NGOs and through decentralized cooperation with local civilian administrations”. 
 
 But it has started considering ways to change how it gives aid, according to the UK 2011-2015 giving plan to Myanmar. 
 
 “In the event of a major improvement in government accountability and respect for human rights our choice of aid instruments would widen. Although we cannot anticipate significant political change over this Plan period, we are making some investment in preparing the ground for the day when we can consider alternative delivery options.” 
 
 Change 
 
 Recent political reforms [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94149 ] by the first nominally civilian government in decades include the release of prisoners of conscience; allowing the formation of labour unions; and the passage of legislation which paved the way for the major opposition party, National League for Democracy, to participate in upcoming parliamentary elections. 
 
 “The new government has significantly improved its cooperation and dialogue with NGOs and civil society,” said Lynn Yoshikawa, the Asia advocate for the Washington DC-based NGO Refugees International. She added that humanitarian access to displaced people in conflict areas is now more likely. 
 
 For the first time since fighting broke out in parts of Kachin State last June, the government recently allowed UN agencies limited access in December. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94149 ] 
 
 But despite the government’s pledge to reach peace with ethnic minority groups in the north, some researchers and residents say little has changed on the ground. 
 
 “Human rights abuses are still taking place in [the northern] Karenni State,” said a Karenni leader speaking from a refugee camp in Nan Soi in Thailand’s northern Mae Hong Son Province near the Burmese border. 
 
 Visiting Myanmar last November, UK International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell said: "I am making this unprecedented visit because there are tentative - but real - signs of progress in Burma, which I welcome. But my message is clear: we need urgent further progress.” 
 
 dm/pt/cb 
 
]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94584</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201011051031250019t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - As the government of Myanmar continues to pledge political reform, donors are reassessing their giving in a country that has historically received among the lowest levels of per capita development aid of any developing country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>WEST AFRICA: Call for more coordinated approach to child protection</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.
 
 Among the recommendations identified were: the need to align social norms, national laws and international standards of protection; the need to improve the development of children within their locale; the promotion of community mechanisms for child protection; the inclusion of children’s views in any protection regime; and joint initiatives to protect children from unlawful cross-border movement.
 
 The 79-page report [ http://www.tdh.ch/en/documents/which-protection-for-children-involved-in-mobility-in-west-africa ] drawn up by representatives of several national and international NGOs, entitled Quelle protection pour les enfants concernés par la mobilité en Afrique de l’Ouest? (What Protection for Child Migrants in West Africa?) looked at the problem in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Togo in 2008-2010.
 
 “At the governmental level measures are generally limited to passing national laws. Joint action might simply amount to police intercepting and repatriating children,” said Moussa Harouna, programme coordinator for NGO the African Movement of Child and Youth Workers, stressing that greater unity of action was required by governments and international organizations to support village development initiatives and set up child protection measures. 
 
 The report calls on states and development agencies to integrate child migration into their development and child protection strategies. It wants any future ECOWAS action on the movement of people, particularly children, to be an essential part of a “coherent and pragmatic policy” against human trafficking and child labour.
  
 In addition, it calls on individual states to boost their ability to find victims of child trafficking and to differentiate this practice from other forms of mobility. 
  
 Push factors
 
 Children may leave their communities because of conflict within the family, or the desire for education, apprenticeships or job opportunities to help their families. Some parents force their children to leave, but often departure is voluntary and motivated by the quest for a better life.
  
 Zelmet Fatimah and Zeydata Amina from Niger, two girls who beg along the Teteh Quarshie Interchange, a busy highway in the Ghanaian capital Accra, say they left home because of hunger. “There is no food there,” said Zeydata, “I come here every day with my sisters and my parents to beg for money. I beg because we don’t have money and I am hungry.”
  
 However, push factors are many and varied: “The children’s motivations are rooted in the current changing world… It is misleading to believe that a state, civil society and development partners have the capacity and sufficient legitimacy to end, simply, this many-sided practice of child mobility,” said the report. 
  
 Positive outcomes
  
 While no one knows the precise scale of child migration, the report says outflows of children are generally from Mali, Niger and Guinea-Bissau, and their destinations are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Togo.
  
 Outflows north are less intense. The report says just 10 percent of the total number of children seeking to reach the Maghreb and Europe are from West Africa. Many are seasonal travellers, leaving for short or medium periods at the end of the farming season. 
  
 The migration of children is not always a negative phenomenon: migrant children send money home. Those from the same community might collectively fund a project. 
  
 Harouna said this had been the case in some villages in the Niger region of Makalondi, near the border with Burkina Faso, where migrant children had jointly paid to build a school for their community. The effect had been to encourage those who were too young to migrate to remain in their communities, at least for much longer, and others to return. 
  
 “The objective is no longer to stop migration at all cost,” Haround said. “It is also to improve conditions in the communities so that children do not have to leave to seek fortunes and a better life. Yet, even if they do, then organized protection must be provided within their host states or new communities in their own countries.” 
  
 oss/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Wed, 04 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94582</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201041152580355t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 04 January 2012 (IRIN) - A new report on child migration in West Africa says thousands of children are being sold, exchanged or transported out of their communities each year in violation of internationally-recognized rights of the child, and calls on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to persuade governments to better protect these children.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Ten big stories in 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907170659220562t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It&apos;s been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about &quot;the end of AIDS&quot;. At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It's been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about "the end of AIDS". At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.
 
 IRIN/PlusNews brings you 10 HIV-related stories that made headlines in 2011:
 
 AIDS turns 30 - The first case of HIV was reported in 1981, and 2011 was a year of reflection [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92883 ] on the growth of the epidemic and progress made in the fight against it.
 
 In 30 years, an estimated 30 million people have died, another 34 million are living with the virus and an estimated 7,000 new infections occur every day. An estimated 6.6 million people were on treatment globally by December 2010, but some nine million people who qualified for antiretrovirals (ARVs) did not receive them.
 
 ARVs as Prevention - The little pills that turned HIV from a death sentence into a chronic condition could now help us prevent new HIV infections. In May, the HPTN 052 study, [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92710 ] a large, randomized controlled trial, found that earlier initiation of HIV treatment led to a 96 percent reduction in HIV transmission to the HIV-uninfected partner.
 
 Activists have called on the UN World Health Organization (WHO) to rapidly develop guidelines on the use of ARVs as prevention.
 
 AIDS funding - In November, poor funding forced a board meeting of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in Accra, Ghana, to cancel [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94293 ] its 11th round of funding, which was to fund programmes from 2011 to 2013. The international financing mechanism is responsible for about 70 percent of HIV treatment in developing countries.
 
 Earlier in the year, the Kaiser Family Foundation and UNAIDS released a report [ http://www.kff.org/hivaids/upload/7347-07.pdf ] showing that funding fell from US$7.6 billion in 2009 to $6.9 billion in 2010 - the first time funding has dropped [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93521 ] in more than a decade of tracking HIV/AIDS spending. Between 2002 and 2008, spending rose more than six-fold before levelling off in 2009.
 
 Disappointing prevention trials - In April, a three-country study, known as FEM-PrEP, [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92514 ] was halted after daily doses of the ARV Truvada, used as a pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), failed to prevent HIV infection in the women participating.
 
 In September, the independent Data and Safety Monitoring Board (DSMB) for the Vaginal and Oral Interventions to Control the Epidemic (VOICE) study - which aimed to test the safety, effectiveness and acceptability of the daily use of one of two different ARV tablets or of a vaginal gel - recommended [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93847 ] that women assigned to the tenofovir tablet should discontinue use because the study would be unable to show a difference in effectiveness between the drug and a placebo.
 
 In November, on the recommendation of the DSMP, the trial discontinued [ http://www.mtnstopshiv.org/node/3909 ] the use of the tenofovir-containing gel - and a control placebo gel - on the grounds that it was not effective in preventing HIV in the women participating in the trial.
 
 Gaffe-prone politicians - In November, South African media reported that Helen Zille, premier of the Western Cape and leader of the Democratic Alliance, while addressing a wellness summit hosted by the Western Cape Health department, called for people who knowingly infected people with HIV to be charged with attempted murder. She also questioned why government should foot the bill for people who contracted HIV through "irresponsible behaviour" and urged the government to shift its focus from the treatment to the prevention of diseases.
 
 HIV activists in South Africa were angered by Zille's remarks; rights organization Treatment Action Campaign [ http://www.tac.org.za/community/node/3203 ] called them "misleading and unscientific".
 
 Uganda's recently appointed health minister, Christine Ondoa, was in August berated by AIDS activists for comments she allegedly made in an interview with a local newspaper on 1 August. According to Uganda's Observer newspaper, Ondoa claimed to know three people who had been cured of HIV through prayer. 
 
 The two join a long list of blunders [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93411 ] by African leaders on the subject of HIV.
 
 Anti-gay legislation in Africa - As a new session of parliament began in May, MPs backing a tougher anti-gay bill [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92739 ] - which includes a death penalty clause for repeat offenders - said they would persevere with it, despite President Yoweri Museveni's calls [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=87728 ] for them to drop it.
 
 In November, Nigeria's Senate voted to criminalize gay marriage, gay advocacy groups and same-sex public displays of affection. The bill must be passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Goodluck Jonathan before becoming law, but AIDS activists have said it can only serve to drive gay Nigerians further underground and away from HIV prevention and care services.
 
 Western countries have responded to the growth of anti-gay legislation; British Prime Minister David Cameron has threatened to withhold aid to countries violating the rights of their gay citizens, while US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in December that the Obama administration would Use its foreign policy to combat efforts abroad to criminalize homosexual conduct. Following Clinton's speech, Malawi - which in 2011 arrested gay rights activist Gift Trapence - has said it will review its anti-homosexuality legislation.
 
 Threats to generic ARVs - According to activists, the European Union (EU) in 2011 continued to push for tougher intellectual property rules in its negotiations with India over the terms of a free trade agreement. India - known as the 'pharmacy of the developing world' - produces the vast majority of the ARVs used in developing countries.
 
 Swiss pharmaceutical giant Novartis is also back in the Indian courts, challenging patent laws aimed at preventing the extension of drug patents for minor changes in existing products, a practice known as "evergreening". If Novartis is successful, India will be forced to grant more patents on drugs than they currently do, which will keep newer drugs out of reach of those who need them the most. 
 
 In March, UNAIDS released a policy brief [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92222 ] to help countries make intellectual property rights work for them, amid growing concerns over access to Indian generics. 
 
 Contraception and HIV risk - Helping women avoid unwanted pregnancies is an important part of prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission, so when a study [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93908 ] conducted in seven African countries found that women who relied on hormonal shots - many African women use the contraceptive Depo-provera - to prevent pregnancy doubled their HIV risk, HIV programmers were left confused and disappointed. Published in The Lancet in October, the study also found that in women who were HIV-positive, using "the shot" doubled the chances that they transmitted HIV to their partners. 
 
 According to Jared Baeten, one of the study's authors, previous studies have suggested that perhaps contraception can lead to microscopic thinning of the vaginal mucous membrane and changes to the genital tract, making it easier for HIV to establish itself. 
 
 UNAIDS has called for more research and analysis ahead of a January 2012 meeting when WHO will review various studies as it prepares to revise recommendations on HIV and contraception use. 
 
 Medicines Patent Pool - In July, Gilead Sciences became the first pharmaceutical company to sign [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93213 ] a licensing agreement with the Medicines Patent Pool. The patent pool was established in 2010 by the international health financing mechanism, UNITAID, and aims to stimulate innovation and improve access to HIV medicines through the negotiation of voluntary licences on medicine patents that enable generic competition and facilitate the development of new formulations. 
 
 The agreement allows for the production of several of Gilead's HIV medicines, including tenofovir and emtricitabine, as well as two integrase inhibitors, which block retroviral replication, cobicistat and elvitegravir (both still in development), and combinations that include these medicines. 
 
 The US National Institutes of Health was the first [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=90643 ] patent holder to join the pool when it licensed the life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV), darunavir, in October 2010. 
 
 New HIV targets - "Zero new infections, zero stigma and zero AIDS-related deaths" was the bold new goal [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92962 ] set during the UN High-Level Meeting on AIDS in June. 
 
 The meeting concluded with the adoption of a declaration that seeks, by 2015, to double the number of people on ARVs to 15 million, end mother-to-child transmission of HIV, halve tuberculosis-related deaths in people living with HIV, and increase preventive measures for the "most vulnerable populations". 
 
 The goal appeared within reach when in December US President Barack Obama [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94371 ] pledged to provide HIV treatment to some six million people globally by 2013, an increase of two million on the previous target.
 
 kr/llg/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94562</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200907170659220562t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI/JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - It&apos;s been a roller coaster of a year in HIV and AIDS. AIDS turned 30 in 2011, and with new evidence of the effectiveness of HIV treatment as prevention, experts are increasingly talking about &quot;the end of AIDS&quot;. At the same time, however, funding for HIV has become ever more uncertain, jeopardizing efforts to put new, life-saving science into action.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>SOUTHERN AFRICA: Pick of the year 2011</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg" />]]>JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</description><body><![CDATA[JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines: 
 
 1. Swaziland's financial meltdown - As early as January, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was warning that drastic measures were needed to stave off a financial crisis in the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91609 ] The IMF's recommendations were largely ignored and the country's economic freefall continued with the main losers being the elderly whose pensions were suspended, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92263 ] orphans and vulnerable children whose school fees went unpaid, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93726 ] people living with HIV who faced an uncertain supply of antiretroviral drugs, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93256 ] and subsistence farmers who stopped receiving government support. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94113 ] The outlook for 2012 does not look any better with officials already predicting an increase in food security for most Swazis. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94481 ] 
 
 2. Malawi's escalating political and economic crisis - Concerns about human rights and economic mismanagement saw Malawi fall out of favour with Western donors who had provided 40 percent of the country's budget. The withdrawal of UK aid to the country in June hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92877 ] President Bingu wa Mutharika's increasingly autocratic rule, together with rising food prices and fuel shortages, contributed to widespread protests in July. The security forces' heavy-handed response, which left at least 18 people dead, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93325 ] did nothing to restore donor confidence in the government. Poverty looks set to worsen in rural areas where many smallholder farmers are no longer benefiting from a reduced Farm Input Subsidy Programme [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93954 ] and in urban areas where a slew of price increases are already taking their toll on the poor. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94498 ] 
 
 3. Deepening poverty in Madagascar - Two years after a coup which deposed President Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar's political crisis remains unresolved and sanctions which froze all but emergency donor aid remain in place. IRIN's coverage tracked how the country's political stalemate has made an already poor country, even poorer [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92236 ] with the demise of free primary school education, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92235 ] a severely under-funded health sector and increasing levels of food insecurity made worse by a shortage of rain followed by flooding. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91970 ] In one impoverished town, IRIN followed a group of girls who had abandoned school to pan for a few flecks of gold. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92938 ] Signs that the country might finally be moving towards the restoration of democracy have not been enough to lift the sanctions, but donors have continued to find ways to deliver desperately needed aid. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94351 ] 
 
 4. Continuing political instability in Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's unity government remains far from unified and incidents of political violence escalated following President Robert Mugabe's call for elections. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91506 ] Despite some improvements in the dire state of affairs at public health facilities [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93765 ] and more assistance to orphans and vulnerable children, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93858 ] mainly due to donor programmes, many Zimbabweans still faced economic hardship in 2011. Dry weather in the country's southern provinces caused crops to fail and put an estimated one million rural Zimbabweans in need of food assistance by the end of the year. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94286 ] In urban areas, a shortage of clean water and sanitation caused an outbreak of typhoid [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94237 ] and created the conditions for a potential resurgence of cholera. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94452 ] 
 
 5. South Africa’s borders - The region's most developed nation is a magnet for migrants, but economic pressures fuelled continuing attacks on foreigners in 2011, particularly those operating shops in townships. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] The government's handling of xenophobia was deemed inadequate by civil society groups [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93130 ] while changes in policy indicated an official hardening of attitudes towards migrants. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94337 ] A two-year moratorium on deportations of undocumented Zimbabweans came to an end in October, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93912 ] new legislation created more hurdles for asylum-seekers [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92286 ] and an unofficial policy of barring migrants from entering the country had a knock-on effect in neighbouring countries. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93403 ] 
 
 6. Flooding and livelihoods - Heavy rain at the beginning of the year brought localized flooding to many parts of the region, decimating crops and testing authorities' disaster preparedness. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91754 ] The floods claimed 104 lives in Namibia and a further 91 in South Africa, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93294 ] washed away the possibility of a harvest for subsistence farmers in Lesotho [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91925 ] and threatened the food security of affected populations throughout the region. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91881 ] 
 
 ks/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94564</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201106091122580057t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JOHANNESBURG 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - In 2011 the global economic crisis combined with poor governance, financial mismanagement and unpredictable rainfall to push several southern African countries to the point of crisis. Others responded to rising unemployment and increased pressure on national budgets by hardening their attitude towards immigrants and closing their borders to asylum-seekers. IRIN covered developments from all over the region, but the following stories consistently grabbed headlines:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Libya’s long road to disarmament</title><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg" />]]>MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</description><body><![CDATA[MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.
 
 “There is no full trust in the government,” said Adel AbdElmajid Zoubi, 28, who fought in the coastal town of Misrata, besieged for months by troops loyal to former leader Muammar Gaddafi. He spoke to IRIN on 27 December, having just returned from a protest demanding the government cleanse public institutions of remnants of the old regime.
 
 He said he was disappointed the new government did not appear to prioritize revolutionaries and said he would not hand over his weapons until after elections - currently scheduled for June 2012 - and the creation from near-scratch of a new national army, in the wake of the demise of Gaddafi’s military machine.
 
 “The reason people are hanging on is that they see their weapons as the guarantors of the revolution,” said Human Rights Watch (HRW) emergencies director Peter Bouckaert, who was in and out of Libya during the nine-month war. “They want to see the fruits of their revolution before they’re going to give up their weapons.”
 
 On 25 December, the government announced a long-awaited plan to start re-integrating members of hundreds - if not thousands - of disparate militias which fought to displace Gaddafi, many of whom have retained their weapons since the fighting ended in October.
 
 According to Ahmed Safar, undersecretary of the interim Labour Ministry, the hope is to integrate 75,000 fighters during 2012 - in a three-phase programme which will see a third joining the army, a third joining the police force and a third joining the regular labour force. 
 
 The government estimates there are 120,000 armed men who need to be demobilized. Almost every Libyan family has a stockpile of weapons in its home. 
 
 Members of militias - each with diverging loyalties to individual commanders, different cities or different religious agendas - have clashed with each other in recent months, killing several people and feeding fears that Libya could slide back into conflict.
 
 Security vacuum 
 
 At a sleepy checkpoint at the southern entry to Misrata, where fighters see themselves as heroes of the revolution, a handful of former rebels sit under a brightly coloured tent drinking tea, their AK-47s resting beside them. They complain the government has not paid them enough for their services.
 
 “I have kids and a house,” said Ahmed Abdelqadar, 24. “Two hundred dinars a month [US$159] is not enough.” 
 
 Zoubi said revolutionaries had not received “a single cent” from the government or the militia leadership in more than a month. 
 
 “The money is there, but they don’t spend it on us,” said another fighter. “They prioritize the injured and the martyrs’ families, which is normal.” 
 
 Most of the fighters who had jobs or studies to return to have done so, but they still serve in their militias for a day or so a week. Those who do not have alternatives remain in the militias full-time, often unpaid.
 
 Asked why they did not just leave, Abdelqadar answered: “If everyone left, there would be no one to guard the streets. We’d lose what we fought for.”
 
 His words echo a common belief among many of the engineers, doctors and teachers-turned rebels who had never carried weapons before the war. This was not a war of hardened fighters, but rather young boys in flip flops and jean jackets who were thrown off their feet the first time they used a rocket-propelled grenade. They themselves are worried about the proliferation of weapons in their country, but believe they have a crucial role to play until a national force can ensure security. 
 
 In a recent report, [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/libya/115-holding-libya-together-security-challenges-after-qadhafi.aspx ] the International Crisis Group (ICG) said fighters were likely to insist on keeping their weapons and militia structures until the elections.
 
 “To try to force a different outcome would be to play with fire, and with poor odds,” the report said. 
 
 But it is a bit of a catch-22, according to Jason Pack, a researcher of Libyan history at Cambridge University who also spent time in Libya during the war. 
 
 “[The militias say] ‘We can’t give up control because the national authorities can’t do it on their own. But the national authorities won’t be able to consolidate security as long as the militias are running around.” 
 
 Government programme 
 
 Under the new programme, registration of fighters could begin as soon as January, the Labour Ministry’s Safar said, followed by the profiling of registrants, including a psycho-social assessment and identification of post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as a determination of skills and capacity. 
 
 The plan calls for those interested in the security services to receive basic training and for others to have their skills matched to needs in the civilian labour market, with the possibility of additional training abroad and job placements upon return to Libya. The relevant ministries have submitted proposed budgets and plans to the Prime Minister’s Office for approval
 
 “It sounds nice, but it’s all on paper only,” said a skeptical Zoubi.
 
 Safar said a government survey showed that many of the revolutionaries were leaning towards joining the police, but IRIN interviews with fighters suggested the opposite: many of them had no interest in being integrated into the security services. One Misrata militia which surveyed its members found that only three in 100 wanted to join the army. 
 
 Leadership and transparency 
 
 Analysts say the National Transitional Council (NTC), the self-appointed political body which emerged from the revolution and appointed the interim government, lacks strong leadership. It is in a “state of relative paralysis” when it comes to making important decisions, HRW’s Bouckaert said, and does not have a strong hold over the fighters in the country. 
 
 “When the rebels come into town, the [police] move to the side,” said one international security analyst. “They’re little kids sitting in the corner while the adults do their thing.”
 
 The national army has no formal leadership as the NTC has yet to announce a chief of staff. Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, Muammar’s once fugitive son, remains in the custody of a militia in the western mountain town of Zintan and not in the custody of the national government. The main airport remains under the control of a Zintani militia commander, Mokhtar al-Akhdar. 
 
 “If the government has good people to secure the airport, then we will hand it over and go home,” he told the New York Times. [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/21/world/africa/qaddafi-son-seif-al-islam-is-alive-and-held-by-rebels-rights-group-says.html?amp=&pagewanted=all ] “But they cannot even control the border with Tunisia. If we give the government the airport, they will destroy it.”
 
 According to the ICG report, “Libya’s long tradition of local government reinforced this resistance to and suspicion of central authority.”
 
 While some militias from Misrata have very publicly pulled out of Tripoli, the 20 December deadline imposed by police and residents for foreign militia to leave the capital was largely ignored. 
 
 Many Libyans also complain of a lack of transparency in the NTC. Until now, it is not entirely clear who sits on the Council, whose meetings HRW’s Bouckaert described as “completely opaque.”
 
 “Until that changes, it is impossible to have a real demobilization,” he said.
 
 Ticking time bomb? 
 
 But the government says it cannot afford to wait until it has complete credibility to start working on demobilization. 
 
 “People are desperate to see something done about militias,” Safar told IRIN. “Yes, there are issues of transparency… but the vast majority of people that we have been speaking to understand the difficulties under which this government is operating… People want to see us get our hands on things more and more to move on.”
 
 Other critics say that despite the appointment of a revolutionary from Zintan as the interim defence minister, the government has failed to properly consult the revolutionaries as it makes its decisions - a challenging task given the vastness of military formations. 
 
 “There are ad-hoc consultations,” said one senior UN official in Tripoli. “But there is no systematic way of incorporating the revolutionaries in the decision-making process.” 
 
 In recent days, the numbers of weapons and military vehicles on the streets of Tripoli have decreased significantly, and signs reading “The weapons helped us. Don’t let them hurt us” are common. But the clock is ticking. 
 
 With so many weapons floating around, June’s elections could be dangerous.
 
 And already, frustration is mounting, with near-daily demonstrations, protesting among other things against the lack of transparency and rebel representation in government. At one such protest in the eastern town of Benghazi, the country’s interim leaders came under gunfire, according to AFP. [ http://news.yahoo.com/ntc-declares-benghazi-economic-capital-demos-185316338.html ]
 
 Some drunken armed men roam around the streets harassing women or shooting guns in the air. As one resident put it, “anyone who wears fatigues and carries a gun calls himself a revolutionary.” Others engage in vigilante justice. 
 
 Dangerous minority
 
 In the back of Mohammed’s* car sits a set of army fatigues. When he leaves his day job - distributing food to displaced people - he sometimes throws them on to go out with the “Misrata boys” on raids to capture people who fought with Gaddafi and are still in hiding. 
 
 His companions - members of a militia from Misrata - act independently, based on information they receive from neighbours or confessions from detainees, without any specific orders, but under the understanding that there is a “general order” to arrest any members of the fifth column.
 
 The outfit gives Mohammed a thrill and his armed buddies often storm houses “like you see in the movies”, kicking in doors and pushing women and children out of the way to get to the wanted people. The latter sometimes return fire, leading to exchanges of gunfire on residential streets. 
 
 “The vast majority of these militias are not blood-thirsty gunmen,” Bouckaert said. “[But] it’s the small minority of either power hungry or criminal militias that can destabilize the country.” 
 
 That being said, the overall absence of chaos and level of self-organization has been surprising - even to Libyans - given how recently the country came out of war and how little government presence there has been.
 
 “I’ve worked in 23 conflict zones,” said Brian McQuinn, a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford’s Centre for Anthropology and Mind, who has spent months in Misrata interviewing militias. “I’ve never seen militias as disciplined as these ones.” 
 
 In the back office of the camp for the Ard al-Rigal brigade in Misrata, binders line the bookcases and stacks of paper clutter the desks. While revolutionaries play table football into the late hours of the night, the brigade’s administrative leader, Ali Mousa, flips through the files of its members - mostly university-educated - complete with blood type, ID and health certificate. Every weapon and vehicle belonging to the militia is registered on a list and stamped by the local military council. 
 
 Even during the days of the fighting, decisions within the militias were taken by consensus, rather than orders from above. 
 
 “From the outside, it looks like chaos, but there is this underlying structure to it,” the researcher, McQuinn, told IRIN. "When you have a bunch of doctors, engineers and teachers as fighters, they don't follow orders blindly."
 
 City states
 
 But if, for the most part, the militias have not been as big a security threat as they could have been, the real problem, analysts say, is longer term. In the three months between the liberation of Tripoli and the creation of a cabinet, militias consolidated power and became entrenched to the point that they now offer services like other regional militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas, including running hospitals.
 
 At the western entrance to Misrata from the main coastal highway, cars line up before an archway made from stacked shipping containers. Armed men wave through some drivers and check the IDs of others. This is one of a series of militia-controlled and coordinated checkpoints that have earned the city nickname “Republic of Misrata” - for its order and some say autocratic nature. 
 
 Many now see Libya as a country where identity is shaped more than ever by city of residence and wartime allegiance rather than wider national affiliation. 
 
 “If you don’t take steps to build national institutions, these local militia and councils will be difficult to govern later on because they will develop their own identity and start solving their problems at the local levels,” the UN official in Tripoli said. “The longer it takes you to deal with the issue of the revolutionaries, the longer they stay in power. You create new centres of power that will not be easy for them to give up.” 
 
 *not his real name
 
 ha/am/cb
  
]]></body><pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94559</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112281128420926t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MISRATA/TRIPOLI/DUBAI 29 December 2011 (IRIN) - Mistrust of Libya’s interim administration is likely to deter tens of thousands of revolutionary fighters from complying with a massive new demobilization plan, according to analysts and former rebels.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>HIV/AIDS: Five faces we were watching in 2011</title><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112271050530671t.jpg" />]]>NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - From scientific breakthroughs to herbal &quot;cures&quot;, HIV was never far from the headlines in 2011.</description><body><![CDATA[NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - From scientific breakthroughs to herbal "cures", HIV was never far from the headlines in 2011. 
 
 IRIN/PlusNews brings you some of the people behind this year's headlines: 
 
 Mandisa Dlamini - Mandisa, daughter of murdered HIV activist Gugu Dlamini, took centre stage [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92929 ] at the South African AIDS Conference in the country's port city of Durban. Thirteen years after she was killed because of her HIV status, Gugu's murder continues to be a potent symbol of the dangers of stigmatization. 
 
 Mandisa's story was an emotive reminder of the darker side of HIV aid and activism; she said following her mother's death, which has been used to draw international attention to HIV stigma, friends were few and far between. Her story of growing up alone and becoming a teenage mother following Gugu's death before being taken in by a social worker she now calls mother, was not only a window into the lives of so many children, but also a commentary on how the HIV response often fails the most vulnerable ones left behind. 
 
 Myron Cohen - A professor of medicine, microbiology and immunology and public health at the US University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Myron Cohen was the principal investigator in HPTN 052, [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92710 ] the landmark randomized controlled trial which provided definitive proof that antiretroviral treatment reduces HIV transmission. 
 
 Hailed as one of the major scientific breakthroughs of 2011, "treatment as prevention" presents an opportunity for high burden countries to make real progress in significantly reducing the number of new HIV infections. 
 
 Ambilikile Mwasapile - The Tanzanian herbalist, a retired Lutheran pastor, made news with a concoction of herbs he claimed could cure [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92360 ] several ailments, including diabetes, tuberculosis and HIV infection. 
 
 At his busiest, Mwasapile was reported to be seeing up to 2,000 people a day from all over the East African region; news outlets reported that people died from various illnesses while waiting to see him. 
 
 HIV activists criticized the Tanzanian government for failing to reign in Mwasapile and properly advise people living with HIV that they must continue with their HIV medication, even after taking his drink. 
 
 David Kato - One of Uganda's leading gay rights activists, David Kato [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=91744 ] was murdered on 26 January, leaving the country's gay community afraid and angry. Kato was vehemently opposed to an anti-homosexuality bill [ http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=92739 ] - still before parliament - which would impose the death penalty on people found guilty of "aggravated homosexuality". 
 
 The continued stigmatization of men who have sex with men, in Ugandan society and under Ugandan law, has been pinpointed as one of the main reasons they have failed to access HIV services, despite being categorized as a "most at-risk" population. 
 
 In October 2010, Kato - a schoolteacher by profession - had his name and photograph and name published by a local tabloid, The Rolling Stone, under the headline, "Hang Them". He and others named in the publication sued, and a judge ruled that the paper had violated their constitutional rights to privacy and ordered compensation. 
 
 In November 2011, a court sentenced a man to 30 years in prison for the murder of Kato. However, activists continue to claim there was a cover-up of the events surrounding his death. 
 
 Barack Obama – The US is already a global leader in the fight against HIV – close to half the 6.6 million people who accessed ARVs in 2011 did so through the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) – and in December, President Barack Obama reaffirmed his government’s commitment to ending the pandemic when he pledged [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94371 ] to provide treatment to six million people globally by 2013, an increase of two million on PEPFAR's previous target. 
 
 He also pledged that the US would provide ARVs to prevent mother-to-child HIV transmission to 1.5 million women, support 4.7 million male circumcisions in eastern and southern Africa, and fund the distribution of at least one billion male condoms. 
 
 kr/llg/cb

]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 27 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94548</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112271050530671t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">NAIROBI 27 December 2011 (IRIN) - From scientific breakthroughs to herbal &quot;cures&quot;, HIV was never far from the headlines in 2011.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Getting early warning right in the Sahel</title><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.
  
 It says the links between cereal production and malnutrition have been exaggerated, the complexities of regional market conditions inadequately conveyed, and the need for long-term structural solutions under-emphasized. 
  
 IRIN discussed with aid agencies and Sahel food security analysts, the subtleties of getting early warning messages right in such situations. 
  
 Food security in the Sahel this year is part of a “persistent and predictable reservoir of chronic acute food insecurity” they say,” in a predictable portion of the region’s population”, and requires long-term structural aid not short-term fixes.  
  
 Malnutrition versus food security
  
 Countries in the Sahelian zone produced a lower-than-average harvest this year , leading UN agencies and analysts to predict 2.5 million ton cereal deficits in the region, some of which should be met by market flows.
  
 But predicted cereal deficits should not be conflated with malnutrition, says FEWSNET. While harvest outputs and malnutrition rates are linked, they are not inextricable: “Even unlimited amounts of food assistance would not be able to eliminate a substantial (probably more than half) part of this [malnutrition] caseload,” they estimate.
  
 This is because much of the malnutrition in the region is caused by other factors: poor water quality, low-quality health care, poor sanitation and poor feeding practices, which were recently stressed in the Sahel Working Group and Oxfam’s report entitled Escaping the Hunger Cycle; Pathways to Resilience in the Sahel. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94082 ]
  
 Food aid is thus a blunt tool to address this problem - as well as the myriad other problems that poor pastoralists, poor urban communities, and others are currently dealing with.
  
 Oxfam’s food security head Al Hassan Cissé agrees: “Given a still-growing population, chronic malnutrition, indebtedness, and loss of remittances, among other factors, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ] I am not sure we [the international community] have the right tools to address these issues at the moment,” he said. 
  
 Any relevant response must take into account the chronic, structural vulnerability of the Sahel, say aid agencies and analysts. For instance, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has estimated over one million children in the Sahel region may face “severe and life-threatening malnutrition” in 2012, over one third of them in Niger. It is important to note that in 2011, with one of the best harvests on-record, just under 900,000 under-fives were in the same scenario. “And these needs will probably be there in 2013,” said the analyst. “This context is important.” 
  
 UN World Food Programme (WFP) food security head Naouar Labidi acknowledged that food security and malnutrition do not have a simple cause and effect relationship. However, they are linked: “Malnutrition is everything - health, access to water, feeding practices, etc, but it is also the result of access to food, and it [malnutrition] gets wborse when this access declines,” she told IRIN.

  Malnutrition is already poor in the Sahel, with rates exceeding 15 percent – the emergency threshold -- in some locations. “In a crisis you want to prevent death –any additional shock could push up these malnutrition rates further - resulting in higher mortality rates. Blanket feeding is one way of preventing deterioration of the nutrition situation. So we cannot afford not to act,” she said.
 It’s all in the prices
  
 FEWSNET also notes that while high food prices across the Sahel “obviously increase stress on poor families and have human impacts”, they could also draw grain stocks from coastal countries into the region, which could serve to increase the availability of food in markets, and stabilize prices. 
  
 One of the reasons the 2005 crisis was so severe was because coastal food prices were even higher than in the Sahel, says FEWSNET. 
  
 Price predictions can also become a self-fulfilling prophecy, they warn, as well as encouraging residents to hoard grain, which can drive prices up further.
  
 Alhousseini Bretaudeau, executive secretary at food security analysts CILLS (a Permanent Inter-State Committee to Prevent Drought in the Sahel) told IRIN from Abuja: “When you give strong declarations, stock-retention could occur and prices could go up further.” 
  
 Likewise, notes WFP, if governments and institutions state they will be purchasing large quantities, prices could stabilize. 
  
 Rather than speculating on future prices, which Labidi notes is a risky business, even the information that is currently available “shows that something is wrong”, says Labidi. Prices in some places have increased by over 80 percent over the five-year average, and have continued to rise rather than fall which is the usual seasonal dynamic. 
  
 Millet prices are 77 percent higher than the five-year average in Malian capital Bamako; 93 percent higher in the northern city of Gao, and up by 85 percent in the central region of Ségou, according to the Food and Agriculture.

 Even if prices were to stabilize, there would still be a problem, said WFP, as they are already unsustainable for lots of people.
  
 Market solutions
  
 FEWSNET analysts note that the lower-than-average cereal crops could be compensated for by food imports, which for instance in Niger in 2010-11 amounted to 900,000 tons - more than double the current estimated production gap. “The current food insecurity is less a food availability problem than an access issue.”
  
 Interviewees agreed: it is high food prices, and poor terms of trade for the most vulnerable that put food out of their reach. “The entry point [for response] is access, not availability,” said WFP market analyst Jean-Martin Bauer, noting high food prices are a greater problem than a deficit of grains, since markets will to some degree always compensate for at least part of gross food deficits.
  
 But opinions differ on the degree to which the markets will be able to resolve the access problem. 
  
 At the December 2011 meeting of the Food Crises Prevention Network (FCPN) on the situation in the Sahel and West Africa, agencies and analysts issued a joint communiqué, stressing the need for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to keep food trade fluid across their borders.  
  
 States must “avoid any action which will by nature impede the proper functioning of the markets and cross-border trade flows,” it stated. [ http://www.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_doc_13.pdf ]
  
 Protectionist measures worsened the impact of the 2005 food crisis and also posed some barriers to response in 2009-2010, which meant aid agencies had to partly source from outside of the region, upping the cost and delivery period.
  
 CILLS’s Breteaudeau was in Abuja where he was discussing ECOWAS plans, when he spoke to IRIN. “All governments are worried,” he said, “if you give alarming information then governments start to put themselves first: the message we must continuously impart is the need for solidarity.” 
  
 But for WFP’s Bauer, the problem is that - unlike in 2009 when prices were high in one of the region’s three major trading systems (known as the eastern, central and western basins) but not the others - this year all three are exhibiting high prices for staple grains such as maize and millet. 
 Ghana is estimated to have a grain surplus of 240,000 tons of maize for instance, but its price is 75 percent higher now than it was in 2009.  

 The numbers game

 Among other areas that need to be more nuanced, FEWSNET says the number of people in the Sahel who will need food assistance this year is “far smaller” than many are reporting. Oxfam stated in an early December communiqué that six million people could be highly vulnerable to food insecurity in Niger; 2.9 million in Mali; 700,000 - over quarter of the population - in Mauritania; and over two million in Burkina Faso; while in Chad 13 out of 22 of the regions could be affected by food insecurity. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94466 ]
  
 Agencies should be more precise, says FEWSNET. Six million people live in the provinces and districts of Niger that are affected by low outputs, but a much smaller number of people within them are insecure and need assistance. 
  
 Further, “this crisis is not engulfing the region, it is simply distributed across it,” they say. Rather than a blanket response, targeted, localized interventions are needed. 
  
 Each area will need its own specific response, stressed Oxfam. For CILLS the key is to get enough fodder for animals - this came too little too late in 2010 - and improving pastoralists’ access to water points. For Oxfam the response priorities are: cash vouchers and/or cash-for-work; destocking before livestock prices drop; seed distributions; water provision; and rebuilding national and community emergency food stocks. NGO Save the Children, meanwhile, prioritizes supporting people’s livelihoods to stop them falling into crisis, providing free health care, and treatment for malnutrition in Niger - one of the countries predicted to be worst-affected.
  
 Aid agency representatives IRIN spoke to recognized affected regions are scattered, but noted the areas affected are still substantial. Oxfam’s economic justice manager, Eric Hazard, told IRIN: “We never said it was a catastrophe; we just said based on the information that we have, if nothing is done, millions could be vulnerable to food insecurity.”
  
 The tension lies in trying to rally donors to try to step up response to a chronically forgotten region in an early warning scenario which still awaits the results of several malnutrition and food security studies, said an observer. Aid appeals for West Africa are almost always under-funded: 37 percent of the 2011 request has come in thus far, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). [ http://fts.unocha.org/pageloader.aspx?page=emerg-emergencyDetails&appealID=910 ]
  
 And early warning is important, stressed Hazard: agencies rang the alarm in December 2009 during the last crisis; the media responded in February 2010 and aid agencies were only fully mobilized in May and June. 
  
 “Progress”
  
 Rather than stressing division, it is time for consensus, agree agencies and analysts. “Look at the progress,” said Hazard. “In the 1970s countries didn’t even identify crises; in the 1990s they started to respond but with low capacity; in 2005 they at least had a plan in mind; now early warning systems are in place.”
  
 There has been much talk over the past decade of improving aid effectiveness, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94502 ] and supporting country-led development. “Here countries are telling us there is a problem - even if the projections will change and be revised. Let them take that responsibility,” said Hazard. 
  
 aj/cb
 
 ]]></body><pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94531</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201008241310220984t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 23 December 2011 (IRIN) - While severely high food prices and lower-than-average cereal outputs are already forcing some vulnerable Sahelians into distress responses, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) food security website FEWSNET says messaging on the situation needs to be more nuanced.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Spotlight on New Deal for fragile states</title><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg" />]]>DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</description><body><![CDATA[DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, [ http://www.aideffectiveness.org/busanhlf4/ ] in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.
  
 The New Deal will be piloted in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste, with help from Australia, Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA. 
  
 It identifies five peace- and state-building goals as prerequisites for development without which “no MDG [Millenium Development Goals] will be met”, said Marcus Manuel, director of the Budget Strengthening Initiative at the UK’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI), one of the architects of the New Deal. 
  
 The goals include legitimate politics, security, justice, economic foundations and revenues and services. “If you don’t sort them [these criteria] out, no matter how many schools you build, if you haven’t figured out the payroll, you won’t be able to move forward,” Manuel told IRIN. 
  
 For years donor governments have struggled with how to approach development support to fragile states, which lack the systems or resources to process aid effectively, and often have high levels of corruption leading to low value-for-money. [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93402 ] 
  
 Aid to fragile states has often propped up corruption, rather than weakened it, says the World Bank. 
  
 Some 1.5 billion people live in conflict-affected and fragile states, most of which are not on track to meet a single MDG. 
  
 However, the recognition that fragile states need a different approach to aid altogether, has gradually turned from policy and discussion - at the Paris and Accra aid fora [ http://www.oecd.org/document/18/0,3343,en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1,00.html ] and declarations for action - into a more concrete action plan, said Manuel. 
  
 New approach
  
 Under the proposed changes (to be presented to member states at the UN General Assembly in September 2012 ) “compacts” with countries will be agreed, i.e. there will be a shared understanding of aid modalities and priorities drawn up by donors, recipient governments and civil society.
  
 Rather than each donor assessing a recipient’s fragility, countries will be encouraged to carry out their own fragility assessments, which should create more apt solutions, Manuel told IRIN. For instance, the government of Timor-Leste deemed the need to re-house internally displaced people as a security priority once the conflict was over, and proposed giving each displaced family significant cash sums to do so. Donors said this approach was too expensive and would not work, but it did, and paid off, says the ODI. 
  
 With country ownership at the heart of aid efforts, donors should not shy away from direct budget support to fragile governments early on, if the right safeguards are set up first, says the ODI in a briefing paper. [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=5961&title=budget-strengthening-fragile-states-conflict-g7 ] Donors waited five years after the conflict to invest in government structures in South Sudan, versus two years in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, and just a few months in Afghanistan, and in each example the early support was “critical” to rebuilding state structures, says the ODI. 
  
 In Guinea, deemed by many to be a fragile state, the health and public hygiene minister, Naman Kéita, told IRIN donor hesitancy to fund ministries directly, hampered their chances of setting ambitious agendas. 
  
 However, supporting national auditing systems, and strict financial safeguards come with this approach, stress aid analysts. 
  
 In other proposed shifts, donors will agree to streamline aid flows and their administration under the New Deal, for instance by setting up just one programme management and monitoring unit in each ministry rather than the current practice, where each donor may have its own. When the Rwandan government insisted on this approach, the capacity of its ministries started to increase rather than be over-stretched.
  
 Practical things, such as caps on pay rates also need to be introduced, say the G7+, though the modalities are yet to be worked out. In Liberia, the UN was hiring well-qualified professionals at the same time as the government was, but the UN hired 10 times as many staff, and could pay them two to three times more, constraining the government's ability to hire. 
  
 Critics
  
 However, some practitioners with long experience of working in fragile states, say country ownership and dismantling corruption may not always be a priority for governments. 
  
 John Morlu, ex-auditor-general in Liberia, who some say was pushed out of the job because his anti-corruption probes [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93431 ] threatened high-level government officials, was skeptical. “I think we have to be very careful. We talk about countries taking ownership, but do they want to take ownership? I can think of cases in Liberia where it’s much easier to say, `This is UN driven, this is IMF [International Monetary Fund] driven’ because that gives you the political cover you need.” 
  
 Furthermore, local citizens may have priorities other than greater transparency and less corruption, Guinean and Sierra Leonean youths told IRIN: they want jobs more than anything else. 
  
 Manuel hopes that as country systems strengthen, development progress will also speed up - for now, patience is still required: a 2011 World Bank report estimates it takes 20-30 years to dismantle corrupt systems in a government. [ http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR%20Background%20Paper%20-%20Johnston_0.pdf?keepThis=true&TB_iframe=true&height=600&width=800 ]
  
 aj/cb
  
]]></body><pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94502</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201004161825220375t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DAKAR 20 December 2011 (IRIN) - At the global aid effectiveness forum in Busan, South Korea, in November and December this year, the “G7+”, a group of nations which includes 19 fragile and conflict-affected states, agreed a New Deal on fragile states, which sets out concrete and, they hope, more relevant ways to improve peace- and state-building goals.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
