<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" version="2.0"><channel><title>IRIN - Afghanistan</title><link>http://www.irinnews.org/irin-fp.aspx</link><description>Updated everyday</description><language>en-gb</language><lastBuildDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 15:30:42 GMT</lastBuildDate><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Bonded labour ensnares entire families</title><pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140859340618t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report [ http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_172671.pdf ] by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.

Most children began working at the age of seven or eight, and almost 80 percent are under 10. According to the ILO, the kilns rely on debt bondage: Workers and their families are tied to a kiln by the need to pay off loans taken out for basic necessities, medical expenses, weddings and funerals.

The ILO report found that basic subsistence needs force families to repeatedly take out loans, often paying for a winter’s food with a loan which they pay back over an entire season. Of the families surveyed, 64 percent had worked in the kilns for 11 years or more, and 35 percent had done so for more than 20 years.

The exact number of kilns in Afghanistan is unknown, but reports suggest [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/16/world/asia/16kiln.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all ] that in Nangarhar Province’s Surkhroad District alone there are about 90, with 150-200 children working in each one. ILO estimates that Kabul Province’s Deh Sabz District has 800 kilns.

“It is out of necessity and extreme poverty that households enlist their children from an early age to work in the kilns,” said Sarah Cramer, lead author of the ILO report. “There are four cycles prevalent in the situation of bonded labour in Afghanistan - the cycle of debt, cycle of vulnerability, cycle of dependence and the cycle of poverty.”

bm/eo/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95463</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205140859340618t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 16 May 2012 (IRIN) - Bonded labour in Afghanistan’s brick kilns is one of the most common forms of hazardous labour in the country. More than half of the brick kiln workers surveyed in a recent report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) were children, with most under 14. Few are getting any education to allow them to develop skills needed to break out of work in the kilns.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>NEPAL: Mountain dwellers “neglected”</title><pubDate>Tue, 08 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205030238170070t.jpg" />]]>KATHMANDU 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - The needs of millions of indigenous mountain people across Nepal are overlooked, imperilling their food security and hindering their economic progress, activists and experts say. “People in the mountains of Nepal are worse off in terms of total poverty - food and non-food poverty,” said Jean-Yves Gerlitz, co-author of a recent study on mountain poverty, and statistical analyst at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), an intergovernmental regional organization. </description><body><![CDATA[KATHMANDU 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - The needs of millions of indigenous mountain people across Nepal are overlooked, imperilling their food security and hindering their economic progress, activists and experts say. 

“People in the mountains of Nepal are worse off in terms of total poverty - food and non-food poverty,” said Jean-Yves Gerlitz, co-author of a recent study [ http://books.icimod.org/index.php/search/publication/768 ] on mountain poverty, and statistical analyst at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), an NGO based in the capital, Kathmandu. 

In assessing the government-administered Nepal Living Standards Survey (NLSS) of 2003/2004, the authors noted that 40 percent of the 12 million people living in the mountainous and hilly regions of Nepal were below the poverty line (US$91per year), compared to a national average of 31 percent of 29 million people. 

Nepal is divided into three geographic zones - the northern mountains, central hills, and southern plains - each extending lengthwise through the country. The population is disproportionately distributed across these zones, with half residing in the plains, 43 percent in the hills, and only 7 percent in the mountains. 

While data from the 2011 NLSS reveal a declining national poverty rate - now at 25 percent - indigenous mountain groups still fare worse. An unpublished ICIMOD analysis indicates that “In the case of non-food poverty we even found that inequality was rising in the mountains,” said Gerlitz. 

ICIMOD says mountain and hill communities, compared to those living in the plains, have less access to “improved” sources [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/88504/SANITATION-More-than-one-billion-people-still-without-toilets ] of safe drinking water and electricity, and live hours away from road networks, markets and financial services. 

Difficult terrain “aggravates the problems of access to essential services such as health, education, and livelihood support,” the report pointed out. 

Households are more likely to be headed by a family member without formal education, and with more youth leaving to seek work in urban centres or abroad, the women, children and elderly are often left behind to bear the work burden, Gerlitz said. 

General planning, special needs 

National plans and development strategies generally apply to the country as a whole, and fail to address the particular needs of mountain dwellers, said Kiran Hunzai, ICIMOD poverty analyst and co-author of the agency’s recent report. 

This has also been the case in the development of national climate change policies and programmes, said Ang Kaji Sherpa, general secretary of the Kathmandu-based NGO, Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities. [ http://www.nefin.org.np/ ] 

Indigenous groups were not consulted in the writing of the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) to Climate Change, [ http://www.napanepal.gov.np/ ] despite their increasing vulnerability to erratic weather patterns, Sherpa told an international conference that convened mountain countries in Kathmandu in April 2012. 

In recent years the Nepalese government has also cordoned off large areas of land for conservation and reforestation, displacing large numbers of the local population, who have had little say in the matter, Sherpa said. 

“They have been forcibly migrated, and their livelihoods have been affected. All of this should be taken into account when Nepal is implementing its adaptation or mitigation policies.” 

Batu Uprety, technical joint-secretary at the Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology, maintained that representatives of the indigenous communities had participated in an open consultation on the NAPA, and that the root of mountain poverty is not neglect, but rather the difficult terrain, he told IRIN. 

ICIMOD’s Hunzai noted that not all mountain communities are isolated. 

A recent United Nations report [ http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/resources/res_pdfs/ga-66/SG%20report_Sustainable%20Mountain%20Development.pdf ] has called for greater focus on mountain development. 

“Covering about one-quarter of the world’s land surface, mountains provide a direct life-support base for about 12 percent of the world population, as well as essential goods and services to more than half of humankind,” noted the report's authors.

sm/pt/he

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95418</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201205030238170070t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KATHMANDU 08 May 2012 (IRIN) - The needs of millions of indigenous mountain people across Nepal are overlooked, imperilling their food security and hindering their economic progress, activists and experts say. “People in the mountains of Nepal are worse off in terms of total poverty - food and non-food poverty,” said Jean-Yves Gerlitz, co-author of a recent study on mountain poverty, and statistical analyst at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), an intergovernmental regional organization. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: The right way forward for Afghan refugees?</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230712400032t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - As a meeting of representatives of the Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani governments and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) opened to discuss a new strategy for dealing with the most protracted refugee crisis in the world, NGOs working in Afghanistan raised a number of questions about the new approach.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - As a meeting of representatives of the Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani governments and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) opened to discuss a new strategy [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94965/AFGHANISTAN-Towards-more-sustainable-solutions-for-returnees ] for dealing with the most protracted refugee crisis in the world, NGOs working in Afghanistan raised a number of questions about the new approach. 

The so-called Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees, to support Voluntary Repatriation, Sustainable Reintegration ad Assistance to Host Countries [ http://www.unhcr.org/afghanistan/solutions-strategy.pdf ] is an agreement between the three governments on a way forward for the 2.7 million Afghans registered as refugees in Iran and Pakistan; the estimated 2.4-3.4 million unregistered Afghans living in the two countries; and the nearly 6 million Afghans – one quarter of its population – who have returned from exile to very difficult circumstances. (See IRIN’s recent In-Depth look [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94960 ] at the realities on the ground).  
 
The two-day meeting in Geneva, which started on 2 May, invited international stakeholders – donors, diplomats, international organizations, aid agencies and others – to endorse the new approach, at a cost of nearly US$2 billion, which seeks to improve conditions in communities of origin in Afghanistan to encourage returns while supporting communities which host Afghan refugees in Iran and Pakistan, and providing Afghans in exile with skills training to help them upon their return to Afghanistan.   

One key component of the plan’s implementation is to improve up to 48 areas of high return in Afghanistan by creating “model villages” through coordinated community-based development: building schools, clinics, water canals, providing access to land and shelter, and creating livelihood opportunities. The goal is to improve the quality of life of returnees to the levels enjoyed by their local counterparts and to create an environment in which refugees are more willing to return to their areas of origin. 

But there are some concerns about how the strategy is to be implemented. Below are some of the key points up for discussion and clarification: 

Is it the right time to encourage returns to Afghanistan? 

Pakistan and Iran have hosted Afghan refugees for decades and have complained that they cannot continue to shoulder the burden of a massive refugee crisis indefinitely. But is now the right time to encourage refugees to return to Afghanistan? 

“Deteriorating security conditions mean reintegration efforts over the past 10 years have failed to provide tangible dividends for returning refugees,” says a discussion paper drafted by NGOs in Afghanistan. “Repatriation may not be the panacea many initially hoped for.”

Ongoing insecurity has internally displaced nearly half a million Afghans. Some displaced people say they would not return to their areas of origin, even if security conditions improved, because of a lack of government services and employment opportunities. Many refugees who have returned have migrated to the cities, or returned to Pakistan or Iran when they could not find work. And in the midst of all this, international security forces are drawing down their troop presence in a transition period that could well trigger a return to all-out civil war. 

The International Crisis Group says under such conditions, a big influx of returning refugees could be de-stabilizing. 

The strategy itself says “conditions in Afghanistan are too severe to support continued large-scale repatriation” and yet it refers on several occasions to voluntary repatriation as the preferred solution. 

“We are in an important period of transition in Afghanistan that is characterized by uncertainty,” Antonio Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, told the conference [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=41908&Cr=afghan&Cr1= ] on 2 May. “Afghan refugees have shown that they vote with their feet when conditions for return are conducive … We have a collective responsibility to support and facilitate their legitimate aspirations.”

But UNHCR says the strategy is not aimed at trucking in masses of people. Its estimate for the number of returns in 2012 is about 120,000, up from last year’s 68,000, but far below the numbers during the first half of the last decade. 

According to the Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief (ACBAR), a coordination of national and international NGOs, most Afghan refugees are in a ‘wait and see’ mode during the transition period. 

Is there enough baseline data? 

The solutions strategy says the government of Iran and UNHCR will profile the refugee population in order to allow the establishment of model villages in Afghanistan to which they can return. But NGOs say this research should have been done before embarking on an “expensive hypothesis”.  

They say more data and community consultation is needed to assess whether refugees really want to return; whether they want to go back to their areas of origin; and what they would need in order to fully re-integrate – such that solutions are crafted from the perspective of the user, not the designer, as Wael Ibrahim, head of ACBAR, put it. 

Suzanne Murray Jones, senior UNHCR advisor working on the Solutions Strategy, acknowledges that “in an ideal world, this should have been done before, but we saw the political will of the three governments for discussing this now. It’s a matter of striking while the iron is hot. They were ready to engage, so we acted as a catalyst.” She said refugees are required by law to return to their areas of origin, which are all known in detailed refugee profiling done in both Pakistan and Iran.  

“This is not the be-all and end-all. We are just saying a new paradigm is necessary. [Refugee re-integration] hasn’t been working for the last 10 years. We need to re-evaluate and improve the approach…If this works in the next 2-3 years, replicate it in other areas.” 

But some aid workers say this is an example of policy-making in reverse order.

Most remaining refugees are urbanized and/or born in exile. Why is the strategy focused on areas of origin? 

Some 125,000 Afghans are born in Pakistan and Iran every year. In Iran, 97 percent of Afghan refugees live in urban areas. 

“The strategy is premised around the idea that Afghan refugees should return to place of origin,” said Dan Tyler, protection and advocacy adviser with the Norwegian Refugee Council in the Afghan capital, Kabul. “But all the evidence shows that when you try to return people who have been exiled for generations to their place of origin, it is very difficult to re-integrate.” 

The profile of the Afghan refugee caseloads in Pakistan and Iran today is different than that of the many who returned between 2002 and 2005. Those who chose not to return then, even when Afghanistan was safer, may have less institutional, family and social ties to Afghanistan, and may not have land or housing. “ For many, returning to rural places of origin, whether or not there are livelihood opportunities, is not really relevant,” Tyler told IRIN.  For some, “they’ve never lived in these areas.” 

“We’re not talking about people who are going to return. We’re talking about people who have already returned,” said Murray Jones. “We are trying to assist those who have already returned, to assist villages whose coping mechanisms have already been stretched to the nth degree.” 

Besides she told IRIN, the government does not allow UNHCR to assist displaced Afghans living in urban settlements, apart from temporary shelter and some household items, because “the government does not want them there.” 

But Tyler says more effort should be invested in adequate urban planning.

“Urban migration is a major coping response for a population...It’s not something you try and prevent. It’s something you can try and respond to.” 

Will return really be voluntary? 

NGOs also fear the strategy could give the government of Iran and Pakistan “a green light to... aggressively pursue repatriation efforts,” the draft paper says. 

The Pakistani government has noted that it will not extend residency cards for Afghan refugees, which expire at the end of 2012. Both Iran and Pakistan have previously deported [ http://www.irinnews.org/HOV/94958/Mehdi-My-hands-were-hurting-because-the-handcuffs-were-too-tight ] undocumented Afghans. 
  
“Is it a coincidence that this is happening right before the conference?” asked ACBAR’s Ibrahim. “Are they building the case that they can no longer afford them?” 

But according to Murray Jones, Pakistan has said it was never going to extend the residency cards past 2012. She said she hoped the conference will help bolster the political support need to maintain asylum space there. 

Is this strategy politicized? 

"The ability for refugees to return in safety and dignity and become productive citizens in their communities upon return is also integral to the stability and progress of Afghanistan," Guterres said at the start of the conference, according to Reuters [ http://news.yahoo.com/u-n-seeks-2-billion-speed-return-afghan-161411810.html ]. 

The joint strategy similarly notes that improving the quality of life of returnees is critical for the “stability and security” of Afghanistan – language that makes some people uncomfortable. 

“The timing of the strategy plays into the transition rhetoric,” Tyler said. 

International forces have argued during the transition process that the Afghan government is increasingly in a position to take care of itself. Pakistan and Iran can now argue that this should extend to refugees as well. 

“The reason there’s been a lot of reaction on this are some of the wider political conditions around the timing of the strategy and the possible messages that it sends,” Tyler said. 

Murray Jones says the goal is to work with both countries to preserve a space for refugees. “God forbid things explode in 2014/15, we don’t want those borders closed, which they could very well be.” 

Why not put more effort into alternative solutions in Pakistan and Iran? 

UNHCR admits the strategy doesn’t address in any detail alternative durable solutions, like legalized migration and naturalization. But UNHCR felt that “a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush,” as Murray Jones put it. 

“It’s certainly not a complete strategy. But it’s the best that we could get from the three governments that are actually sitting around the same table [for the first time]…This is a consensus. Whilst we would have liked to have [included economic migration], we would rather have this basis of consensus between three governments as a starting line and see if we can build on that moving forward.” 

A 2010 Pakistani government strategy for dealing with Afghan refugees did refer to regularizing the legal stay of Afghans in Pakistan as one long-term solution. Pakistan has since backed off from that position, but observers say Iran and Pakistan both recognize they need laborers. 

Is this the best way to spend a lot of money in such tight financial times? 

The overall strategy – including projects in Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan – is expected to cost around $2 billion, with $863 million needed for the Afghan component. 

The proposed strategy spends “disproportionately large amounts of resources through an alternative off-budget mechanism outside of the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund to a statistically small sample of the population,” the ACBAR paper said, making “the sustainability of any intervention questionable.” 

But Murray Jones said the $863 million reflects the needs of 3.7 million returnees in 19 provinces, as calculated by the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriations, in consultation with other ministries and UN agencies. It was simply a “number-crunching exercise just to have a handle on the enormity of it.” She said the majority of that money would be spent through development programmes, primarily the National Priority Programmes (NPPs). 

UNHCR’s project, in conjunction with UNDP to improve 48 model villages, reaching some 600,000 people, will cost $180 million, she said, and come from UNHCR and UNDP funds already available. 

“$180 million for 48 sites. That’s $3.75 million a site. One site on average is 12,000 people. That’s a lot of money for a humanitarian like me. But colleagues at UNDP say that’s peanuts for doing development work. We are trying to bridge the gap.”  She said she hopes money spent in this coordinated approach will be more cost-effective. 

An earlier proposal to create a new Multi-Donor Trust Fund was ditched when found to be unpopular, Murray Jones said. 

Why not work through already existing government programmes? 

Government programmes like the National Solidarity Programme (NSP), the Basic Package of Health Services (BPHS), and the NPPs, already provide a framework through which to develop the country, critics argue.  

“Endorsing a new strategy ahead of the national strategy is counter-productive and dangerous: it risks creating severe inconsistencies,” the NGO paper said. 
 
UNHCR Representative in Afghanistan, Peter Nicolaus, said in December that UNHCR’s approach to refugee re-integration was “the biggest mistake UNHCR ever made [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/312714/un-says-its-afghan-refugee-strategy-a-big-mistake/ ]…We thought if we gave humanitarian assistance then macro-development would kick in."

UNHCR says it has realized that existing systems have not worked.  

For Ibrahim, that’s all the reason to work harder to make it work, “rather than create an alternative system. It’s not sustainable and expensive.” 

But UNHCR says it has identified 13 NPPs that are relevant to returnees and Vice-President Mohammad Qasim Fahim is working with ministries to prioritize returnees within those programmes.  

Murray Jones says returnees still need special attention, in additional to national programmes that may include them. 

“If you mainstream a group too much, they become invisible. Twenty-five percent of the country of Afghanistan is returnees. They shouldn’t be invisible.”

Observers say the pace of action in government is slow, and made worse by corruption and nepotism. So UNHCR and UNDP – in coordination with partners – will go ahead and build schools and clinics, in coordination with the relevant ministries, who will supply the necessary teachers and doctors.   

Are returnees really the most vulnerable people in Afghanistan? 

While refugees may return to Afghanistan with new skills learned abroad, they return to environments where those skills cannot be used, and a recent UNHCR survey found that 60 percent of returnees lived in worse conditions than their local counterparts.

But with internal displacement rising exponentially in 2011 and expected to worsen further in 2012, some wonder whether returnees should really be the central focus. While some are relieved at the search for longer-term solutions for returnees, other worry that continued humanitarian crises may be overlooked. 

There are no statistics in Afghanistan assessing comparative vulnerability, and with many returnees becoming IDPs, it is hard to track anyway. 

While UNHCR has been pushing the Solutions Strategy, it has also continued work on IDPs, with what it calls a landmark agreement by the government in March to draft an IDP policy. 

But given one-quarter of the population has returned from exile, it is an important segment of the population to prioritize, Murray Jones maintained. 

“These people should not be forgotten.” 

ha/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95404</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230712400032t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - As a meeting of representatives of the Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani governments and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) opened to discuss a new strategy for dealing with the most protracted refugee crisis in the world, NGOs working in Afghanistan raised a number of questions about the new approach.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Concerns over child detention conditions in Kandahar</title><pubDate>Thu, 03 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200903041t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - A government plan to relocate an all-boys juvenile rehabilitation centre (JRC) in Kandahar, southern Afghanistan, from the city centre to a site near Sarposa prison, where top Taliban leaders are held, could expose the children to significant risk, according to observers.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - A government plan to relocate an all-boys juvenile rehabilitation centre (JRC) in Kandahar, southern Afghanistan, from the city centre to a site near Sarposa prison, where top Taliban leaders are held, could expose the children to significant risk, according to observers.

The Kandahar JRC in its current site holds 20 to 55 boys at a time, some as young as seven, in cramped and insanitary conditions. According to the Child Rights Consortium (CRC), a program managed by Terre des Hommes in conjunction with Afghan NGOs, the centre "gathers a large number of youths who should not be in custody: the offence they committed is often trifling, or the legal age of detention is not respected". It also offers no educational, vocational or recreational activities.

"The director explained that they own sewing machines for vocational training, but the last tailoring teacher moved to another position in the prison for financial reasons and was not replaced. And although the director assured the visitors that books are at least available, the children categorically contradicted this," the Consortium said. [ http://www.crc-afghanistan.org/newsitems/crc-juvenile-justice-activities-in-kandahar ] following a visit to the centre in August 2011.

Other sources said the centre lacks adequate bed space and food, and there have been complaints of pilfering of some of the donations it receives. “The winter aid donations made to the centre, such as rice cookers and tables, cannot be found anywhere,” said one aid worker who makes frequent visits to the centre.

Drug use, sexual abuse and torture are reportedly ongoing problems, with guards, who are government employees, accused of providing drugs in exchange for sexual favors. Recently a boy was shot by one of the guards who was said to have had problems with the juvenile.

Initially, the justice ministry - then in charge of detention facilities - had decided to relocate the centre to a space inside the Sarposa maximum security prison. The move was cancelled when Afghan President Hamid Karzai in January transferred responsibility for prisons from justice to the interior ministry.

But the proposed new site is only marginally better: a building close to Sarposa offered by the US-funded Provincial Reconstruction Team in Kandahar. Locating a JRC anywhere close to the maximum security prison, observers said, was totally inappropriate.

“We naturally have a concern about security, about transferring the kids to a location where there would be greater risk, and about the facilities in general and whether the facilities themselves are appreciably better or have greater capacity so there is no overcrowding,” said James Rodehaver, spokesman for the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). He also expressed concern over the sustainability of long-term funding for the proposed new centre.

Taliban risk

Sarposa prison was attacked in 2008 and again in April 2011, resulting in the escape of hundreds of Taliban commanders. The first attack was preceded by inmates stitching their mouths shut in a protest against what they claimed was their unlawful detention and unfair trials.

“Behind Sarposa, in Police District 8, is a small town named Kargonic,” said an Afghan journalist who preferred anonymity. “Kargonic is connected to Pirpaymal village in Arghandab District where the Taliban are very active. Because Kargonic borders this area insurgents sometimes plan and carry out attacks here.”

Government officials in Kandahar said the city administration was applying pressure on all parties to accept the new facility due to funding constraints. “The land has already been submitted for judicial review,” said Zelmai Ayoubi, spokesman for the governor of Kandahar. “It is at the provincial level. We have the land but are looking for donors to help with construction.”

Hundreds held

Hundreds of children are held in JRCs across Afghanistan. As at May 2011, almost 800 (including approximately 100 girls), aged 12 to 18 were being held in 31 centres, according [ http://www.unodc.org/afghanistan/en/frontpage/2011/July/support-for-children.html ] to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime.  But 29 were located in rented properties that had not been designed to house juveniles and lacked rehabilitation programmes or recreational facilities.

"In Juvenile Rehabilitation Centres children’s basic needs are not met," said the NGO War Child [ http://www.warchild.org.uk/issues/juvenile-justice-afghanistan ]. "Many children are not provided with a medical check-up before being placed in detention and those who become sick struggle to access to medical attention. The food is not nutritionally adequate, there’s nowhere to play and no toys or equipment to play with. Children also struggle to get an education as many facilities lack books, pens and writing paper."

Yet, according to the CRC, the juvenile justice system in Afghanistan has evolved over the last decade.

"The legal framework has been enriched with some of the most important international standards, such as the principle of detention as last resort (Art. 40 of the United Nations Child Rights Convention) and the principles guaranteeing a fair trial and a due process of law," it said. The 2005 Afghan Juvenile Code, for example, raised the age of criminal responsibility from 7 to 12 years old and defined alternatives to detention such as performing social services, conditional suspension of punishment or home confinement, the rights group noted.
"Until recently, these alternatives to detention have hardly been used by judges and prosecutors; the predominant trend has been to systematically send children to JRCs regardless of the severity of the offence," said CRC. "A 14 year-old child who committed a theft to survive can be detained with a 17-year-old murderer. This exposition to the justice process can have a very negative impact on juveniles."

bm/eo/oa

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95405</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200903041t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 03 May 2012 (IRIN) - A government plan to relocate an all-boys juvenile rehabilitation centre (JRC) in Kandahar, southern Afghanistan, from the city centre to a site near Sarposa prison, where top Taliban leaders are held, could expose the children to significant risk, according to observers.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Briefing: Living in the Kabul bubble</title><pubDate>Mon, 16 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910291522360264t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - A sustained attack by militants on Afghanistan’s parliament and various targets in the diplomatic zone on 15 April temporarily shut down the capital, Kabul, to all movement by UN personnel and raised alarm among aid workers that the Taliban are now able to penetrate even the most secure parts of the city. </description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - A sustained attack by militants on Afghanistan’s parliament and various targets in the diplomatic zone on 15 April temporarily shut down the capital, Kabul, to all movement by UN personnel and raised alarm among aid workers that the Taliban are now able to penetrate even the most secure parts of the city.  

It’s the latest in a long list of incidents – though none as spectacular – that have forced aid workers to hole up behind concrete walls and inside bomb shelters.  But even on a “regular day” in Kabul, the costs of security restrictions on aid workers are very high. Here’s a taste of life in the “Kabul bubble”, as one aid worker put it.  

UN aid agencies can open offices only within a so-called “ring of steel” or “green zone” that is no more than seven-square kilometers – a heavily guarded district where many embassies and international organizations have set up shop. It was one of the areas targeted in yesterday’s attacks.  

UN staff can live in one of only a handful of places in Kabul: heavily-guarded guesthouses run by various UN agencies; the Park Palace Hotel; or the United Nations Office Complex in Afghanistan (UNOCA).  

The latter is some 20-minutes outside of town, boxed away by 3-4-meter high walls, topped with barbed wire. Its entrance is framed by a zigzagging set of concrete barriers, with two checkpoints, where security guards check for IDs and for bombs, using dogs and mirrors poked under the chassis of vehicles.  

Inside that compound, aid workers eat, sleep and work during missions that can last years. Many complain about unhealthy lifestyles. On Sunday afternoons, for example, there is no cafeteria open in the compound, and many aid workers resort to crackers or cans of tuna for dinner. They have limited facilities for cooking in their pre-fab containers, some as small as 14-square meters – consisting of a single bed, bathroom and desk with two hot burners.  

Many go days without ever leaving the compound (for that they must wait for a driver to be available), simply walking from the container where they sleep to the container where they work.  Guests must submit their name, nationality, passport ID and vehicle plate number 12 hours before visiting the compound.  

Travel within Kabul is largely limited to government offices, a handful of specific restaurants and hotels or compounds of other aid agencies. Security officers recommend that travel outside the “steel ring” be for limited periods only.  Outside of the perimeter of Kabul city, UN aid workers must travel in two-car convoys of blast-resistant 4x4s with teams of Afghan police as armed escorts in front and behind.  

Aid workers regularly complain that they cannot meet local people, cannot go to the market, and cannot feel a part of the community in which they work. The psychological challenges of the limitations in movement are compounded by the burden on relationships that Afghanistan can impose. It’s not a family duty station, so staff must resign themselves to Skype conversations on bad internet connections with family and friends, and visits during R&R.  

The hardships do not compare with what Afghan civilians face, caught in the middle of this conflict.

The cost of mandatory R&R is one of many financial burdens for UN agencies when working in these environments. Add to the list the rising costs of armoured 4x4s, the private security firms that provide protection inside the compounds, the security guards who perform checks at the gate, the helmets and body armour for staff…The list goes on and on. And with questionable success.  

“The way the Taliban attack now, millions [of dollars] will not work,” one aid worker said.  The larger cost, though, is in the impact on aid delivery.  

Here’s how Laurent Saillard, a veteran of Afghanistan and head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm, ECHO, in the country, described the situation:  

“You have a bunch of people who have barely any access to the field. Most of them are very young, inexperienced in the country. They don’t know what they are talking about. They have never visited the country; never moved around; never physically monitored a project; never spent time with the Afghan population. The only Afghans they know are their cook, their cleaner or their driver. They don’t know anything about this country. They arrive at the airport, step into an armored vehicle, into their compound, and that’s it… 

“They are living in the Kabul bubble.”  

ha/oa]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95302</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200910291522360264t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 16 April 2012 (IRIN) - A sustained attack by militants on Afghanistan’s parliament and various targets in the diplomatic zone on 15 April temporarily shut down the capital, Kabul, to all movement by UN personnel and raised alarm among aid workers that the Taliban are now able to penetrate even the most secure parts of the city. </td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: Humanitarianism in a changing world*</title><pubDate>Wed, 04 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), [ http://daraint.org/ ] a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies. 

He was speaking at the Dubai International Humanitarian Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition, [ http://www.dihad.org ] which ran from 1-3 April.

In vulnerable countries food prices, urbanization, migration, the impact of climate change and population growth are all increasing. But as the challenges grow, the resources available in OECD countries - the traditional donors - to respond to humanitarian crises are shrinking.

“The challenge will be huge,” Johannes Luchner, head of the Middle East, Central and South-West Asia unit of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm ECHO, said at the conference. “We need to do things differently in order to cope with this development.”

Part of doing things differently is planning for the future. 

“Given the increased scale of needs and vulnerability, we need a radical shift in attitude and working practices to integrate anticipation, disaster risk reduction, preparedness and resilience into our programmes,” Mountain said. 

“Many governments and many organizations still operate on a model that focuses on short-term crises, rather than looking at the longer term trends and their humanitarian implications… If we do not take a more participatory preventive approach, we will be responsible for countless avoidable suffering in the decades to come.” 

His thoughts were echoed by Yacoub El Hillo, director of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR)’s Bureau for the Middle East and North Africa, who told the conference: 

“I don’t think the international capacity today is well placed to respond - not to a collection of these mega-crises - even to one of them… And they are literally all over the world.” He said the international community needs to ask itself “whether the business-as-usual approach will continue to cut it…

“Prevention is better than a cure,” El Hillo told IRIN later. “A cure can never be adequate if the needs are growing by the hour, but the resources are declining by the minute.”

Speakers at the conference identified a number of trends, challenges and issues that humanitarians should take heed of if they are to “do better” in the future. Here are some of them: 

Youth bulge: Almost 40 percent of the global population is under 24; over one billion people - one in five people - are aged 15-24; in one third of the world’s countries, more than 60 percent of the population is under 30; and 85 percent of the world’s youth live in the developing world. “Youth are a dominant demographic reality… a reality that demands urgent focus and consideration, especially in our development plans,” William Lacy Swing, director-general of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), told the conference. 

“Without investments early on, youth remain trapped in situations of poverty and dependency, and are easily co-opted into criminality, social conflict, and patterns of inter-generational violence.” 

Participants also stressed the need to better engage youth in humanitarian aid. “People under-estimate the capacity of youth,” said Princess Haya Bint Al Hussein, wife of the prime minister of the United Arab Emirates and a UN Messenger of Peace. “How is it that we give them so little role in setting the global development agenda or helping find new routes to ending political conflicts that deplete our energy and resources?”

Unemployment: With this “demographic tsunami”, as Princess Haya put it, “there are already too many people for too few jobs and the impact of technology, especially in the manufacturing sector, will be to reduce those numbers even further.” The Middle East and North Africa, for example, will have to create 20 million jobs in the next 10 years to align its unemployment rate of 25 percent with the global rate of 10 percent - a task that is “utterly daunting,” according to Justin Sykes, manager of social innovation at the Doha-based company Silatech, which focuses on creating jobs in the Arab world. 

Migration: The rising number of young people, combined with high rates of unemployment, has been a key driver of global migration, which has reached unprecedented heights. Today, one in seven people in the world is a migrant. About 215 million migrants are crossing international borders and another 740 million are domestic migrants moving from rural to urban areas in search of work. 

“Migration is with us to stay. It is a mega-trend of the 21st century,” Swing said. In some North African countries, more than three-quarters of youth said they intended to migrate at any cost, but had little information on the details of their journey or what job they would do once they reached their destination, IOM surveying has found. Increasingly, people who would meet the definition of a refugee are hidden in large groups of migrants, El Hillo added. This so-called “mixed migration” is making it harder to help refugees. 

Climate change: DARA estimates that by 2030, there will have been 835 million deaths due to climate-related issues - not only extreme weather events, but preventable conditions like malnutrition and infectious diseases, which will be exacerbated by climate change. The number of countries adversely affected by changing weather will rise from 15 today to 54 in 2030. Mountain says the international community should focus on preventable illnesses and build the ability of vulnerable countries to adapt and mitigate the impact of climate change. See DARA’s 2010 Climate Vulnerability Monitor for more. [ http://daraint.org/climate-vulnerability-monitor/climate-vulnerability-monitor-2010/ ] 

Politicization of humanitarian aid: Governments are increasingly linking humanitarian assistance to political, military or anti-terrorism objectives. Think Afghanistan, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95160/Analysis-Why-the-aid-drawdown-in-Afghanistan-could-be-a-good-thing ] Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. “This is a dangerous game which has deadly consequences in terms of access, protection and safety of civilians and humanitarian actors alike,” Mountain said. In other cases, like Syria, governments and/or armed groups have increasingly denied access to humanitarian organizations. Read more on the politicization of aid in the 2011 release of the Humanitarian Response Index, [ http://daraint.org/humanitarian-response-index/humanitarian-response-index-2011/download-the-report/ ] an annual survey published by DARA. 

New actors in humanitarianism: There has been an explosion of NGOs in recent years; but also a change in the donor landscape. The economic downturn in the West has meant a growing role [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94010/Analysis-Arab-and-Muslim-aid-and-the-West-two-china-elephants ] for donors and organizations from the Arab and Muslim worlds, for example. This means two things. First, the international community needs to better, and “more respectfully”, engage these new players. “The tendency on the part of many of us in the international community is to come thinking that money is to be given so that we, the experts, go back and do the work,” El Hillo said. “The talk should be more about strategic partnerships and not about money… Forging smart and strategic partnership is one way for the international humanitarian community to better respond to today's growing humanitarian challenges,” he told IRIN. 

But as humanitarian aid becomes more popular, ECHO’s Luchner said, “we also need to be sure we can channel all this good will into a professional way of providing humanitarian aid.”

Local ownership: National actors have shown a desire to take on increased responsibilities in responding to crises, and the international community should welcome that, according to Ambassador Manuel Bessler, deputy director-general of the Swiss Humanitarian Aid Department. He said he learned this lesson during the floods in Pakistan, when, as the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs there, he was not in enough contact with the authorities. The Arab Spring has also shown the capacity of civil society, and this must be embraced, El Hillo said: “Civil society organizations, NGOs in the Arab world are not there to be taught what they will do. They have a lot to teach.” 
 
Innovation: The humanitarian community must move beyond traditional ways of thinking and look to innovative ways of dealing with the crises it faces. Bessler pointed to the success Switzerland has had in places like Somalia, with giving cash assistance instead of in-kind donations to vulnerable people. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) is now experimenting with how to do this in emergencies. “It moves away from hand-outs to hands-on,” Bessler said, and also helps stimulate local economies. Another growing field is the use of text messaging on mobile phones to connect youth to potential employers, as Silatech has done in several new projects in the Arab world, or farmers to markets as has been done in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Humanitarian versus development aid: As the lines between humanitarian aid and development work become increasingly blurred, [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] humanitarians need to do a better job of advocating preparedness, Mountain said. 

“When you deal with the military, they spend about 90-95 percent of their time planning and maybe 5 percent of their time doing,” he told IRIN, “whereas the humanitarians spend about 95 percent of their time, if not more, doing, and very little time planning… Even when people are not at war, they have an army. When there are no fires, you have a fire department sitting there. When you have a humanitarian crisis, by and large, you actually go out and try to get the firemen to come together and go out. So surprise surprise, we’re not as fast as we need to be.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95237</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2010/201007290921290402t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 04 April 2012 (IRIN) - There is “worrying evidence” that the scale and scope of disasters will increase significantly in coming years and “the international community is not prepared,” says Ross Mountain, director-general of Development Assistance Research Associates (DARA), a Madrid-based think-tank which advocates better humanitarian policies.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Why the aid drawdown in Afghanistan could be a good thing</title><pubDate>Mon, 26 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203020633070726t.jpg" />]]>PASHTUN KOT 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - One hillside in Pashtun Kot District in the northern Afghan province of Faryab stands out. Dotted with graves, it is the final resting place for the victims of underdevelopment: Villagers travel from far-off mountains by donkey to bury their dead here - people whose demise was hastened by chronic hunger, undernutrition and lack of access to health care.</description><body><![CDATA[PASHTUN KOT 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - One hillside in Pashtun Kot District in the northern Afghan province of Faryab stands out. Dotted with graves, it is the final resting place for the victims of underdevelopment: Villagers travel from far-off mountains by donkey to bury their dead here - people whose demise was hastened by chronic hunger, undernutrition and lack of access to health care.

The most recent addition, according to a village elder and member of the district `shura’ council, Mullah Najibullah, was a 30-year-old mother of two, victim of a chronic cough and probably an illness she never knew she had.

Villagers here face harsh winters without warm clothes or heaters. They have to walk to the city (Maimana, capital of Faryab Province) to collect water. Hit by drought over the last few years, they sometimes eat only one meal a day. Meat is out of reach for many of these farming communities. Mobile phone coverage is patchy.

While donors have poured US$57 billion into Afghanistan since 2001, much of it into the volatile southern provinces of Kandahar and Helmand as part of the international forces’ “hearts and minds” strategy in their fight against insurgents, residents of northern Afghanistan complain they have not benefited fairly from development aid.

“In the south, there is fighting; many people have been killed; and millions of dollars go there,” Najibullah told IRIN at the edge of the graveyard. “But we keep calm and support our government, so no development projects come here. People are unhappy about this.”

The gradual drawdown of US-NATO troops, and the planned handover of full security responsibilities to Afghan forces in 2014, has had the aid community worried about a corresponding drop in aid funds. [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/92305/AFGHANISTAN-Military-drawdown-could-hit-aid-flows ] But many aid workers also see the transition as an opportunity to reset aid delivery in Afghanistan, which for too long, they say, has been channelled through the NATO-led Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and driven by short-term political and military objectives.

“A lot of countries have focused efforts in areas where their troops have been operating, or where it has been easier to operate, instead of looking at it from a needs-based approach,” said Aidan O’Leary, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Afghanistan. “Going forward… the people who are most vulnerable have to be at the forefront of the agenda.”

Uneven aid

The World Bank predicts the reduction in aid flows will have little impact on poverty levels in Afghanistan, because much of the aid was never targeting the poorest to begin with.

In 2008-09, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), for example, spent half of its development funding in Kandahar Province, where Canadian troops were stationed for five years. It managed its programmes and projects through its embassy in Kabul or within its PRT in Kandahar, Amy Mills, a spokesperson at the embassy, told IRIN.

CIDA says Kandahar is one of the poorest places in Afghanistan, but according to the World Bank [ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/AFGHANISTANEXTN/Resources/305984-1297184305854/ProvBriefsEnglish.pdf ], less than 23 percent of the population of Kandahar lives below the official poverty line, compared to 60 and 61 percent in the northern provinces of Balkh and Badakshan respectively. The poorest areas are the eastern provinces of Laghman (67 percent), Paktika (75 percent) and Logar (75 percent), according to the Bank.

Mills acknowledged that part of the reason for the aid focus on Kandahar was that it was “a key strategic province in Afghan and international efforts to stabilize the country.”

Aid has been so disproportionately spent on the volatile provinces, said one member of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), that a northern provincial governor asked him: “Shall we create instability to bring aid here?”

Some donors dispute this critique. The UK Department for International Development (DFID), for example, says about half of its nationwide funding is channelled through the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund, managed by the World Bank.

But you would not know it from life in the north.

In these quieter areas, every few years, drought forces villagers to leave their farms for informal settlements outside urban centres where they are often dependent on humanitarian aid. Their migration could well be avoided [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/94753/Analysis-Where-Afghan-humanitarianism-ends-and-development-begins ] with the development of water management systems in their communities.

This past season marks the eighth in the past 11 years that northern Afghanistan has had poor rains.

At a cattle market in Maimana, villagers sold their cows earlier than usual and at lower prices, out of desperation.

“We don’t have enough water, food, animal feed,” Abdul Hamid Shaqul, told IRIN, as he put his only two cows up for sale in January. “I have no choice but to sell.”

“Many people died of hunger this year,” he added. “If they are alive, they are working as beggars on the street.”

Faryab Governor Abdul Haq Shafaq denied such deaths but told IRIN about one-third of the provincial population was vulnerable, mostly because they could not afford to feed their families.

“PRTs have lots of money, but are they doing what’s really needed?” an aid official who preferred anonymity asked. “If you go out, can you see any impact of this money? The answer is no.”

A silver lining?

Still, government officials are quick to point to progress in the north. Shafaq, for example, listed the dozens of school buildings constructed, the tens of thousands of families that now have electricity, the hundreds of kilometres of roads that have been built or reconstructed, and the many contracts signed for investment projects in his province alone.

In the capital of neighbouring Balkh Province, Mazar-i-Sharif, you cannot drive down the main road more than a few metres before an internationally-funded project hits you in the face: the park built by the Turks; a new engineering faculty funded by Pakistan; the library built by Iran.

The investments here have been small compared to the needs, but the good news, aid workers say, is that in its neglect, the north was spared the bad aid policies which drove the large-scale development effort in the south.

“It’s the big money that ruined the country,” an aid worker from the north said. “In the north, there has never been big money… There was no war. So development aid was driven by needs.”

Many of the PRTs working in the north made a distinction between the military and aid. The Norwegian government, for example, does not fund any humanitarian or development projects through the Norwegian PRT, and has capped at 20 percent the amount of its aid that can be directed towards Faryab Province, where its PRT operates.

Misguided approach in the south?

Aid workers and researchers paint a very different picture in the south, where roles are mixed systematically, as one diplomat put it. “One day you’re shooting and the other day, you’re putting band-aids on.”

So-called quick-impact projects implemented by the military have run contrary to long-term development strategies; and because so much money needed to be spent so fast, consultations with remote villagers to determine needs were often forgotten or left aside.

“I’m afraid Afghanistan is a perfect example of how messy the international community can be when it comes to coordinated efforts, getting its priorities right, and really looking in one direction,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “[Some] development actors also have been highly influenced by political decisions… Big players here are trying to impose their views… You have all sorts of actors delivering humanitarian assistance with no competence, no understanding, no concern about the possible repercussions on the security of the very population they were assisting.

“A lot of aid from the US government, the British government, the Canadians has been spent where their troops were,” Saillaird continued. “It was supporting the boys basically… At the end of the day, it did not achieve stability. It did not come to address the basic needs of the population.”

When approached by IRIN, all three donors pointed to a long list of achievements: new police stations built, irrigation channels repaired, water sources improved, foreign direct investment generated, more taxes collected, more children vaccinated, a much larger percent of the population with access to health care within a two-hour walk.

A spokesperson with the US Agency for International Development (USAID) told IRIN the US government has helped Afghanistan achieve “real progress” in the last decade, including a jump in life expectancy from about 42 to 62 years and in school enrolment from 900,000 boys and no girls to more than eight million children, more than a third of them girls. CIDA pointed to a more secure and economically stronger Kandahar Province.

Still, many observers say the progress has been narrow and unsustainable. According to the International Crisis Group, donors must change their approach.

“The impact of international assistance will remain limited unless donors, particularly the largest, the US, stop subordinating programming to counter-insurgency objectives, devise better mechanisms to monitor implementation, adequately address corruption and wastage of aid funds, and ensure that recipient communities identify needs and shape assistance policies,” ICG wrote in an August 2011 report. [ http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/afghanistan/210-aid-and-conflict-in-afghanistan.aspx ]

Another report, [ http://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/2012/winning-hearts-and-minds ] published in January 2012 by the Feinstein International Center, a research and advocacy body based at Tufts University in Massachusetts, found that many Afghans viewed aid projects negatively.

They saw an injustice in the perception that “a few corrupt officials and powerbrokers were benefiting disproportionally from international assistance at the expense of the majority of Afghans,” the report said.

Aid, it argued, is actually destabilizing the country by fuelling massive corruption that delegitimizes the government and generates competitions and conflict over aid resources, often along factional, tribal or ethnic lines.

Even uneducated villagers in the north were quick to tell IRIN that when projects are implemented in insecure areas, money is diverted to conflict.

A new way forward

Aid workers hope that less aid money post-drawdown will be better focused and less rushed, giving organizations time to talk through their projects with village elders and engage the communities they work in, which would help manage corruption and perhaps ease an increasingly hostile view of foreigners in Afghanistan.

Michael Keating, deputy special representative of the UN Secretary-General and humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, says the drawdown in aid will entail serious risks for Afghanistan, but might just have some positive effects, by forcing the aid and development community to look more closely at sustainability and impose a higher degree of discipline.

He suggested those national and international NGOs that have been working with communities in Afghanistan for decades - and “haven’t been listened to enough” - will finally have more of a voice.

But given the risk that Afghanistan might get forgotten once more, Keating told IRIN: “We have a responsibility to try to maintain [funding] levels, especially for the chronically poor.”

Many of those donors whose funds were not tied to the military (like ECHO) intend to maintain their levels of funding. The UK’s DFID says it has no plans to cut aid to Afghanistan - its current operation plan runs until 2015. But others, like CIDA and USAID, are expected to cut their aid spending in Afghanistan substantially. Both donors told IRIN post-2014 funding decisions had not yet been made, but one well-placed source put the cuts at two-thirds and half, respectively.

For many, this continues to be cause for concern.

“If the transition takes place, and [international] NGOs withdraw, there will be again a disaster because government doesn’t have the capacity,” Ahmad Shakeb, education project coordinator with the Norwegian Refugee Council in the eastern city of Jalalabad, told IRIN. Civil war is another very real possibility.

The World Bank projects a financing gap of 25 percent [ http://www.worldbank.org.af/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/AFGHANISTANEXTN/0,,contentMDK:23052411~menuPK:305990~pagePK:2865066~piPK:2865079~theSitePK:305985,00.html ] of Afghanistan’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 2021-22, with security-related costs, as well as operations and management, eating up nearly 18 percent of GDP. Security sector assistance is a particular concern for the bank, and will continue to require outside funding.

“If these levels of foreign assistance for security and civilian expenditures are not forthcoming, then the [government of Afghanistan] will need to make extremely difficult and possibly destabilizing tradeoffs - either grossly underfunding or significantly shrinking Afghan security forces, or crowding out essential civilian spending, or both.”

Still, it insisted the transition should be viewed as “an opportunity to enhance the coherence and effectiveness of international assistance”. Otherwise, it said, "it will be difficult for the Government to achieve more sustained development objectives over a longer time horizon.”

The ICG echoed the urgency of a new, long-term development and humanitarian partnership with Afghanistan “that goes beyond a narrow arrangement with the Karzai administration”.

O’Leary, head of OCHA in Afghanistan, said the transition did offer an opportunity for change, but insisted: “People need to stop thinking about 2014. They need to start thinking about 2012. A lot of the key decisions are going to be made this year.”

In May, at a conference in Switzerland, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the Afghan government hope the international community will endorse a new strategy for finding sustainable solutions for Afghan refugees. [ http://www.irinnews.org/In-Depth/94954/95/From-pillar-to-post-the-plight-of-Afghans-abroad ] G8 and NATO summits in Chicago in May will look at the security transition; and a conference in Tokyo in July will look at how economic assistance should be focused in the years ahead.

As O’Leary put it, “the agenda is being set now.”

ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95160</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203020633070726t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PASHTUN KOT 26 March 2012 (IRIN) - One hillside in Pashtun Kot District in the northern Afghan province of Faryab stands out. Dotted with graves, it is the final resting place for the victims of underdevelopment: Villagers travel from far-off mountains by donkey to bury their dead here - people whose demise was hastened by chronic hunger, undernutrition and lack of access to health care.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>In Brief: Avalanches kill 37 in Afghanistan</title><pubDate>Tue, 06 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203061344510223t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches killed 37 people and injured six in a remote part of the northeastern Afghan governorate of Badakshan on 5 March, according to Abdul Marouf Rasekh, a spokesperson for Badakhshan’s governor.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches killed 37 people and injured six in a remote part of the northeastern Afghan governorate of Badakshan on 5 March, according to Abdul Marouf Rasekh, a spokesperson for Badakhshan’s governor.

The governor, who was visiting the area at the time, was trapped for hours before a helicopter rescued him. He was taken to the other side of the border in Tajikistan.

“Right now 20 houses are completely covered with snow in Shirinazm village of Shekai District and hundreds of other people are at risk of being trapped or killed by avalanches,” Rasekh told IRIN, adding that Nesay District, close to the Tajik border, was also at risk.

“Right now we are having an emergency meeting in the provincial capital, Faizabad, to find a way of helping the people in those remote districts,” said Rasekh, adding that they would definitely need help from the UN and international aid organizations, though access would have to be by helicopter or via Tajikistan.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=95022</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201203061344510223t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 06 March 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches killed 37 people and injured six in a remote part of the northeastern Afghan governorate of Badakshan on 5 March, according to Abdul Marouf Rasekh, a spokesperson for Badakhshan’s governor.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN-PAKISTAN: From pillar to post - the plight of Afghans abroad</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231350510296t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world.

Over the last 30 years of war in Afghanistan at least 10 million people fled. Many have since returned but millions of Afghans remain outside their country, including about 2.7 million registered as refugees in Iran and Pakistan, and an estimated 2.4-3.4 million others in the two countries “illegally”.

Even where conflict has subsided in their home country, many Afghans have chosen not to return because of a lack of services and development. The Afghan government admits it does not have the capacity to re-integrate many returning refugees.

Over the years, Pakistan and Iran have used these refugees as a “whipping boy” for their tense relations with the Afghan government, and “these people are caught in between” - used as a pawn to pressure Kabul and Washington, said Candace Rondeaux, senior analyst with the International Crisis Group in Afghanistan.

In a sign of a new willingness, last year, Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and UNHCR started unprecedented quadripartite talks, the last of which wrapped up in Dubai in January.

The result is a regional, multi-year strategy that was approved by the Afghan cabinet on 27 February. The so-called “Solutions Strategy”, which will be presented to the international community at a stakeholders’ conference in Switzerland in May, aims to improve conditions in communities of origin in Afghanistan to encourage returns while supporting communities which host Afghan refugees in Iran and Pakistan.

UNHCR insists the event is not a pledging conference, but rather an invitation for stakeholders to endorse the new approach, which focuses on directing development projects already funded to areas of high returns.

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres recently told Reuters [ http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/interview-un-pushes-ambitious-afghan-refugees-plan ] the strategy would require US$1.5 billion in funds.

But the strategy faces more than funding challenges. While the quadripartite talks indicate an acceptance at the policy level that alternative solutions need to be found, dynamics in Iran and Pakistan at the operational level sometimes tell another story.

Little progress has been made on more progressive steps like naturalization of vulnerable refugees or legal migration mechanisms. “Host countries don’t like the word `integrated’,” as one aid worker put it.

IRIN takes an in-depth look at the realities on the ground that are likely to test the success of this strategy, while at the same time, making it all the more necessary.

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94960 ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94960</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231350510296t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN-PAKISTAN: Timeline of Afghan displacements into Pakistan</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2005150t.jpg" />]]>PESHAWAR 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new push to find durable solutions for Afghan refugees faces many challenges, including the continued flow of Afghans into Pakistan and questions around Pakistan’s willingness to continue hosting them. As the government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) look for endorsement of an ambitious new strategy, they are wrestling with decades of displacement in what has become the world’s most protracted refugee crisis. Here is a timeline:</description><body><![CDATA[PESHAWAR 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new push to find durable solutions for Afghan refugees faces many challenges, including the continued flow of Afghans into Pakistan [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94964 ] and questions around Pakistan’s willingness to continue hosting them [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94957 ]. As the government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) look for endorsement of an ambitious new strategy [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94960 ], they are wrestling with decades of displacement in what has become the world’s most protracted refugee crisis. Here is a timeline: 

1979: The first major wave of Afghan refugees enters Pakistan following the Soviet invasion. At least one million Afghans are estimated to have reached Pakistan by 1979, with a total of 3.3 million having fled to Pakistan and Iran by 1980.

1980: UNHCR sets up its first office in Pakistan in the wake of the refugee influx. 

1981-1990: According to official Pakistan government figures, the number of registered refugees reaches two million by 1981, and 3.2 million by 1990, in addition to an estimated 500,000 unregistered refugees. As the influx continues in response to conflict, 334 official camps are established in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Baluchistan and Punjab provinces. 

1994: Seventy-four thousand refugees arrive in Pakistan following fighting between Hezb-e-Islami and Jamiat-e-Islami, two of the Mujahdeen groups engaged in a struggle for the control of Afghanistan after the 1989 Soviet pull-out.

1996: The capture of the eastern city of Jalalabad and the capital Kabul by the Taliban brings 50,000 refugees to Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province (renamed Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa in 2010).

1998-9: The northern Afghan city of Mazar-i-Sharif falls to the Taliban, leading thousands more to flee to Pakistan. 

1999: The complete takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban pushes 30,000 new refugees, mostly ethnic Hazaras [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94806 ] who fear discrimination, into Pakistan. Many head to southwestern Balochistan Province.

2001: After 9/11 the US begins attacks on militant targets in Afghanistan, prompting a fresh wave of migration to Pakistan. Around five million Afghans have crossed into Pakistan since 1979.

2002-2007: After the fall of the Taliban, the UNHCR assists 2.7 million Afghans to repatriate to Afghanistan from Pakistan. According to the agency, the 1.5 million who voluntarily went home in 2002 marked the single largest refugee return in the world since 1972. An estimated 1.1 million others return home independently, without UNHCR assistance. 

2007-2012: Voluntary returns to Afghanistan decrease dramatically as a result of increased conflict in Afghanistan and a realization that there are few livelihood opportunities.

Sources: UNHCR, [ http://www.unhcr.org.pk/about.html ] Commissionarate Afghan Refugees, KP, [ http://carkpk.org/projects.php?project_id=2 ] Human Rights Commission of Pakistan: Afghan refugees in Pakistan: Push comes to shove, April 2009, [ http://www.hrcp-web.org/pdf/RRefugees.pdf ] Middle East Institute, [ http://www.refugeecooperation.org/publications/Afghanistan/06_mohmand.php ] Herald magazine, [ http://www.heraldmag.org/ ] Dawn daily, [ http://dawn.com/ ] The News International [ http://www.thenews.com.pk/Default.aspx ]

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94954 ]

kh/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94963</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2005150t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">PESHAWAR 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - A new push to find durable solutions for Afghan refugees faces many challenges, including the continued flow of Afghans into Pakistan and questions around Pakistan’s willingness to continue hosting them. As the government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) look for endorsement of an ambitious new strategy, they are wrestling with decades of displacement in what has become the world’s most protracted refugee crisis. Here is a timeline:</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN-PAKISTAN: From pillar to post - the plight of Afghans abroad</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231350510296t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Overview

KABUL, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world. 

Over the last 30 years of war in Afghanistan at least 10 million people fled. Many have since returned but millions of Afghans remain outside their country, including about 2.7 million registered as refugees in Iran and Pakistan, and an estimated 2.4-3.4 million others in the two countries “illegally”. full report 

 

AFGHANISTAN: Increased pressure on refugees to leave Pakistan

JALALABAD, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Pakistani army and intelligence service are increasingly harassing Afghan migrants and refugees living in Pakistan’s tribal border area, in an attempt to drive them out of the country, Afghans who recently returned to Afghanistan told IRIN. full report

AFGHANISTAN: Bracing for mass evictions from Pakistan

JALALABAD, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Afghan government and international aid workers are bracing for an imminent deportation from Pakistan of thousands of Afghan migrants and unregistered refugees - a move they warn could be destabilizing for the fragile country. full report

AFGHANISTAN-IRAN: Mehdi, “My hands were hurting because the handcuffs were too tight”

ISLAM QALA, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In an attempt to find long-term solutions for the estimated 1.4 million unregistered Afghans living within its borders, Iran adopted a legalization scheme last year that paved the way for Afghans to enter Iran legally with work visas. full report

PAKISTAN: Tolerance wanes as perceptions of Afghan refugees change

PESHAWAR, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Counting out a wad of crumpled notes, 50-year-old Muhammad Zahoor, owner of a small iron-welding business in Peshawar, capital of the Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa Province (KP), is full of complaints. full report

PAKISTAN-AFGHANISTAN: More Afghans crossing into Pakistan?

QUETTA, 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - In a tiny flat they have rented in Quetta, capital of Pakistan’s southwestern province of Balochistan, bordering Afghanistan, Zarnab Bibi and her husband Aziz Khan* wait patiently for the phone to ring. full report

AFGHANISTAN: Towards more sustainable solutions for returnees

JALALABAD/SARACHA, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Baswra squats on a dirty street corner in the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad, watching fellow Afghans walk by with packages of assistance from aid agencies. When the door to the distribution site opens, she throws herself at it, waving documents in the face of anyone who will hear her story. full report

AFGHANISTAN-PAKISTAN: Timeline of Afghan displacements into Pakistan
PESHAWAR, 27 February 2012 (IRIN) – A new push to find durable solutions for Afghan refugees faces many challenges, including the continued flow of Afghans into Pakistan and questions around Pakistan’s willingness to continue hosting them. As the government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) look for endorsement of an ambitious new strategy, they are wrestling with decades of displacement in what has become the world’s most protracted refugee crisis. Here is a timeline: full report]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94954</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231350510296t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The government of Afghanistan and the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) are seeking endorsement of a new strategy which aims to provide sustainable solutions to the largest and most protracted refugee crisis in the world.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Increased pressure on refugees to leave Pakistan</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230848100683t.jpg" />]]>JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Pakistani army and intelligence service are increasingly harassing Afghan migrants and refugees living in Pakistan’s tribal border area, in an attempt to drive them out of the country, Afghans who recently returned to Afghanistan told IRIN.</description><body><![CDATA[JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Pakistani army and intelligence service are increasingly harassing Afghan migrants and refugees living in Pakistan’s tribal border area, in an attempt to drive them out of the country, Afghans who recently returned to Afghanistan told IRIN.

“The [harassment] has increased,” said Mawlawi Jalaludeen, an elder from Chakdara, an overcrowded refugee camp in Pakistan’s Lower Dir Agency, home to at least 2,500 Afghans. Many of them fled Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion in the 1980s and settled in mud homes in Pakistan, opening businesses and having children.

After decades of relative comfort, Jalaludeen said life in Pakistan became difficult in recent years. And now, “it has become impossible for us to live there. That’s why we left.”

Analysts say the harassment is a sign of waning tolerance on the part of Pakistani authorities, who continue to shelter 1.7 million registered refugees and 1-2 million additional unregistered Afghans.

“The government of Pakistan wants to put a lot of pressure on Afghanis to return, more than they ever had before,” said Ilija Torodovic, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) office in Jalalabad, eastern Afghanistan, some 80km from the Pakistani border. “There will be a lot of turning up the heat. It won’t be turned up immediately, but little by little - there will be more and more pressure. And based on what returning refugees are telling us, we’re already seeing it.”

IRIN spoke to more than a dozen recently returned Afghan men who detailed arbitrary arrests and detentions, disappearances, beatings, and disturbing visits by intelligence officers - allegedly either accusing them of supporting Pakistani insurgents or trying to recruit them to fight the Afghan government.

Analysts say the Afghan and Pakistani governments have been waging a proxy war by harbouring and supporting insurgents - and refugees are being caught in the middle.

Accounts of refugees

Qiamat Gul, a taxi driver, said the Pakistani military entered his home in Chakdara camp at night, searched “everything” and threw his belongings outside. They accused him of helping the Pakistani Taliban, which has officially been fighting a guerilla war against the military since 2007. Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of harbouring and supporting the militants.

“This [harassment] was the reason we left our country and went to Pakistan in the first place. Now we’re facing the same situation there,” Gul said.

Another returnee, Abdel Qadir, said he was faced with the opposite challenge, when intelligence agencies asked him to join the Afghan Taliban, allegedly supported by the Pakistani intelligence service, the ISI.

“It is a step by step process. First they come, they talk to you. They ask you for the information … Then gradually they ask you for people they can train and send [to Afghanistan].”

“They say, ‘Either you do what we say, or you leave the country.’”

One returnee, Janat Gul, from Afghanistan’s Kunar Province, told IRIN recruits are taken in covered trucks to a training camp in the desert called Qariyat - which he himself attended during Soviet years - before being sent to Afghanistan to fight.

The tribal area between Afghanistan and Pakistan is a hotbed of insurgency, which has increased in recent years. Afghans in Chakdara have long been accustomed to interrogation or detention when they leave their refugee camp.

“They always discriminate against us,” said Jalaludeen. “They ask ‘What are you doing here? Why aren’t you returning to your country?’ Without doing anything wrong, we are arrested. It’s illegal.”

But the home invasions are new, the returnees said, and have a particularly aggressive flavour. Women who try to resist the arrests of their husbands are beaten, the returnees said, and children are arrested along with their fathers.

Afghans who are forced out of the country are then asked for bribes at checkpoints leading to the border, according to Ghulam Haidar Faqirzai, director of the Afghan department of refugees and repatriation for Nangarhar Province, which borders Pakistan. In one case, he told IRIN, children were held hostage until a ransom was paid.

Jalaluldeen, Qiamat Gul, Abdel Qadir and Janat Gul are among people from 106 families who left Pakistan for Afghanistan about three months ago, according to an assessment by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). Their departure coincided with a military operation in the area, in which “Pakistan was accusing them of being on one side or another,” one aid worker told IRIN.

Faqirzai said the Pakistani government intends to close the refugee camps “by any means”. His ministry is bracing for an influx of returnees. [  ]

He said 5-10 Afghan families are returning from Pakistan per day, unusually high numbers for the harsh winter season. “Security harassment is the main reason.”

IOM said only six of the families had proof that they were registered refugees in Pakistan, but UNHCR says registered refugees have equally been victims of the increased harassment.

Many of the returnees IRIN spoke to fled in the middle of the night without telling their own family, so as not to be noticed by security forces, which arrest, detain and sometimes beat Afghans who leave the camp without authorization, they said, or because their names were on lists of people targeted by security officials.

“I was arrested along with my five sons and jailed for four and a half months,” said Jalaludeen, who had lived in Chakdara for almost 30 years. “There was no specific reason why we were arrested. They are just giving us trouble so that we leave.”

He waved the Proof of Residence cards belonging to members of his community, which permit them to live in Pakistan until the end of 2012, but said they meant nothing to the Pakistani authorities - a view shared by others.

“Even if you go [to Pakistan] legally, you are harassed,” said Safi Sadruddin Hasam, officer-in-charge of the IOM office in Jalalabad.

“They don’t care about registered refugees,” Faqirzai added.

Targets

The returnees said Pakistani authorities visited homes with lists, seeking Afghans who returned to their country to be soldiers, police officers or civil servants. Their families - still living in Pakistan - are seen to be Afghan government spies, Faqirzai told IRIN.

“I was asked to give a list of all those Afghans whose sons were in the military in Afghanistan. And to inform them when they came to Pakistan,” Abdel Qadir said. “They were asking me for intelligence information.”

Bakhtaly was born in the Pakistani refugee camp but came to Afghanistan when he grew up to serve in the army and make a living. Pakistani intelligence approached his family and asked to see him within 16 days.

“I told my parents if I go [back to Pakistan], we will be arrested or killed.”

Instead, he urged his family to return to an Afghanistan that cannot host them properly.

Some of those who returned are living in tents, or three families to a home, because they no longer own land in Afghanistan and cannot earn enough of a living here to pay rent. [ ]

A divided Pakistan

The Pakistani government denied any attempt to pressure refugees to leave.

“We have allowed these Afghan refugees to fully participate in economic activities in Pakistan for over three decades. This is a testimony to our hospitality,” said Abdul Basit, spokesperson of the Pakistani Foreign Ministry in Islamabad. “You cannot harass one family or two families or 400 families - that is not going to resolve this issue. That logically makes no sense.”

Still, he said he had read reports of such harassment and acknowledged that “there may be individual acts… We are cognisant of the fact and our authorities keep on trying to ensure that such things do not happen.

“Our plans are very clear. We would like these refugees to go back to their countries as quickly as possible. But obviously, we’d like them to return with honour and dignity.”

Warning against an exaggeration of the problem, another Pakistani official said what he called “questioning” was perfectly normal, and the prerogative of every state.

“If three or four million people live somewhere, and 10 or 20 or 30 of them are asked, it’s no big issue,” he told IRIN. “Every week, I hear of Pakistanis being arrested or detained [in Afghanistan]. These are just normal problems. If I’m not offended, why are those Afghans offended?... They shouldn’t forget that they are living in a foreign land where they are supposed to follow the local laws.”

Observers say a schism between the military and civilian branches of the Pakistani government - currently engaged in a power struggle - may be part of the problem.

“[Harassment of Afghan refugees] is not the government policy. But it might be the ISI policy or military policy,” one aid worker said.

Returns

Millions of Afghan refugees returned from Pakistan in 2002-4, after the Afghan Taliban was ousted from power, but returns trickled to a mere 50,000 last year, in accordance with a trend of decline in recent years, due to increasing insecurity and lack of services in Afghanistan.

According to interviews and assessments of Afghan refugees living in Pakistan, UNHCR expects the number of returnees to rise to 300,000 this year - double its initial planning figures - due to increased harassment in Pakistan and an unpredictable future for refugees there, among other factors.

Residency cards for Afghans in Pakistan expire at the end of 2012, and observers are skeptical that Pakistan will extend them as it has in past years.

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres was in Islamabad last month urging the Pakistani government to extend the deadline, but observers say Pakistan is completely unpredictable.

“You think you’re talking the same language, and then they turn around and do something completely different,” said one aid worker.

Refugees who do not want to be stuck in limbo may opt to return to Afghanistan, UNHCR’s Torodovic said. Others say they may have no choice.

“[In the months leading up to the deadline], a lot of Afghans will be deported from Pakistan,” Majroom, a Jalalabad field coordinator with the NGO International Rescue Committee, told IRIN.

UNHCR says Pakistan has historically respected the voluntary nature of returns for registered refugees.

"What is guaranteed is that there won't be any policy of involuntary expulsion of refugees," Guterres told UK newspaper the Daily Telegraph in a recent interview. [ http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/pakistan/9054885/UN-tries-to-strike-deal-with-Pakistan-to-safeguard-two-million-Afghan-refugees.html ]

But some are not so sure.

“Progressively, the message that Islamabad is sending is that we are done putting up with this burden,” said Candace Rondeaux, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group in Afghanistan.

Besides, those who returned due to alleged harassment do not see their relocation as “voluntary”: “It was my choice,” said Ihsanullah Kotwal, a refugee who returned in 2009 after several detentions in Pakistan. “But at the same time, I had no choice.”

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94954 ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94957</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230848100683t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Pakistani army and intelligence service are increasingly harassing Afghan migrants and refugees living in Pakistan’s tribal border area, in an attempt to drive them out of the country, Afghans who recently returned to Afghanistan told IRIN.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN-PAKISTAN: More Afghans crossing into Pakistan?</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211204270917t.jpg" />]]>QUETTA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In a tiny flat they have rented in Quetta, capital of Pakistan’s southwestern province of Balochistan, bordering Afghanistan, Zarnab Bibi and her husband Aziz Khan* wait patiently for the phone to ring.</description><body><![CDATA[QUETTA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In a tiny flat they have rented in Quetta, capital of Pakistan’s southwestern province of Balochistan, bordering Afghanistan, Zarnab Bibi and her husband Aziz Khan* wait patiently for the phone to ring.

“We are hoping to hear from an agent we have paid to take us and our four children to Thailand and then maybe onto Australia,” Khan told IRIN.

The family left its home in Afghanistan’s conflict-ridden Kandahar Province about a month ago, crossing into Pakistan illegally via a mountain pass. 

They spoke of a long walk on foot and said they spent all their savings on the journey. They knew further travel overseas would also be illegal, but Bibi explained: “We really have no choice given the situation in Afghanistan.” 

They feared a resurgence of the Taliban, which ruled Afghanistan for five years before it was overthrown in 2001 by international forces that are now gradually withdrawing from the country. 

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says the number of people fleeing Afghanistan has dropped significantly in the past decade, since the government of Hamid Karzai took control of the country. At the same time there are signs of a recent increase in the number of Afghans leaving for Pakistan, a trend which would complicate efforts by Afghanistan and its international partners to sustainably bring home refugees already outside the country. 

More conflict and uncertainty

In the Kurram Agency, one of seven tribal areas that share a frontier with Afghanistan, Moazzam Toor told IRIN from his village in the Tirah Valley that the number of refugees from Afghanistan “had definitely increased in the last few months, because they are worried about the future at home.” 

He said many of the refugees were destitute, and had headed for Peshawar or other big cities in search of opportunities to earn income. 

“Some do not even have shoes on their feet, and walk in leather tied with straps.” 

The UN says a rise and spread of conflict in 2011 has led to a significant increase in displacement, with the number of people displaced within the country estimated to have risen to half a million by year-end. But tracking displacements outside the country has proven difficult. 

“Pakistan and Afghanistan share a long and porous border, where hundreds of thousands of people cross the border back and forth daily for different reasons, which could be related to business, education or medical reasons,” said Duniya Aslam Khan, spokesperson for UNHCR in Pakistan. “Not every Afghan crossing the border into Pakistan is a refugee,” she told IRIN. 

According to media reports, [ http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012%5C02%5C03%5Cstory_3-2-2012_pg7_11 ] the prime minister of Pakistan told UN High Commissioner for Afghan Refugees (UNHCR) Antonio Guterres on a recent visit that 30-40,000 Afghans crossed the border annually and Pakistan needed international help to tackle the refugee situation. 

But Khan said the number of registered Afghan refugees in Pakistan remained 1.7 million and authorities in Peshawar said they had no official information on the arrival of new refugees into the country.

An official at the government commissionerate for Afghan refugees [ http://carkpk.org/projects.php?project_id=2 ] in Peshawar, who asked not to be named, said the number of Afghans crossing over had increased since mid-2011. 

“Most are economic [migrants], and also [refugees] worried about instability in Afghanistan. They mainly live with other Afghans or in rented homes. We are not permitted to give figures, and the numbers are hard to ascertain anyway.” 

Border residents say tensions with Islamabad have bolstered growing uncertainty in Afghanistan, amid fears that Pakistan - whose intelligence service allegedly supports the Taliban - is fomenting trouble for its neighbour.

Zarnab has a college education but recalls the days under the Taliban, before 2001, when her daughters were not allowed to go to school.

“I am scared for the future of my two teenage daughters if the Taliban make a return, as this could happen given that the Pakistan government wants it and the militants are now talking to the US officials,” she said, referring to peace talks under way between the US, Afghanistan and the Taliban. 

Trafficking 

Pakistan is listed as “a source, transit, and destination country” for trafficked persons, [ http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/164457.pdf ] according to the US State Department’s Trafficking in Persons report for 2011.

“There are people everywhere in Quetta and other cities involved in getting people out of the country illegally, in exchange for money,” Farid Ahmed, coordinator for the autonomous Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), told IRIN. “Many from Afghanistan also come into Pakistan to make use of these agents.”  

HRCP conducted a study [ http://www.hrcp-web.org/pdf/RHT.pdf ] in 2009, recording thousands of cases of human trafficking through Quetta from 2005 to 2008, including cases involving Afghans who had set out from Kabul.

*Not their real names

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94954 ]

kh/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94964</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202211204270917t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">QUETTA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In a tiny flat they have rented in Quetta, capital of Pakistan’s southwestern province of Balochistan, bordering Afghanistan, Zarnab Bibi and her husband Aziz Khan* wait patiently for the phone to ring.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN-IRAN: Mehdi, “My hands were hurting because the handcuffs were too tight”</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231341380634t.jpg" />]]>ISLAM QALA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In an attempt to find long-term solutions for the estimated 1.4 million unregistered Afghans living within its borders, Iran adopted a legalization scheme last year that paved the way for Afghans to enter Iran legally with work visas.</description><body><![CDATA[ISLAM QALA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In an attempt to find long-term solutions for the estimated 1.4 million unregistered Afghans living within its borders, Iran adopted a legalization scheme last year that paved the way for Afghans to enter Iran legally with work visas. 
 
Observers say few Afghans have taken advantage of the new programme, and instead Afghan migrants continue streaming into Iran illegally every day in search of jobs. And every day, hundreds - including unaccompanied minors - are sent back to Afghanistan.

Some say the deportations are politically motivated. 

“The Ahmadinejad government successfully uses the refugee issue to increase its leverage over Hamid Karzai's government in Afghanistan,” the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research wrote [ http://www.aei.org/article/iranian-influence-in-afghanistan-outlook-1/ ] in 2010. 

"Whenever Afghanistan's policies displease Tehran, the Iranian government threatens to expel all Afghans living in Iran. Tehran understands that the fragile Afghan government lacks the capacity to absorb a large number of returnees under current security and economic conditions. At times, it has dumped thousands of Afghans into lawless areas in western Afghanistan without advance coordination with either Afghan authorities or international organizations. Such mass deportations trigger humanitarian crises, undermine security in southern and western Afghanistan, and cause political turmoil in Kabul.”  

IRIN was at the Iran-Afghanistan one day last month when 44 buses of deportees crossed the border, according to aid workers who track crossings, along with the bodies of four Afghans who died in Iran. Among those deported was 15-year-old Mehdi. He told IRIN his story: 
 
“I went to Iran with my family when I was only four years old, but because I was an Afghan they never let me enrol in school. Now I am illiterate and since I was 10 years old, I started working on construction sites. My job had always been carrying heavy stuff like cement sacks.
 
“I have two brothers and two sisters. My father is an elderly man and therefore he and my mother both stay at home. I have got one brother older than me and we two were the only breadwinners of our family.
 
“I was at home [in Iran*] when my cousin came from Qom (a different city in Iran) to visit us. He is as old as I am. We had a very good time because I could get some time off from my job and I was enjoying it with my family.
 
“My cousin told me to go to the nearby shopping mall with him so that he could buy some stuff. I said yes. When we got out of the bus near the shopping mall, the Iranian police caught us and handcuffed us. I asked him why he was doing it, but he started swearing at me and kicked me as well. Then we both were taken to a detention centre and thrown into a room, which was full of other Afghans including adults and teenagers as old as me or even much younger than me.
 
“My hands were hurting because the handcuffs were too tight. I begged the Iranian policeman to loosen them, but instead, he grabbed my ears and started banging my head against the wall.
 
“They beat me, my cousin and many other Afghans in that detention centre. They had a long piece of metal in their hands and they used it to beat people up.
 
“The room was very small, but the number of detainees inside was huge. I can say there were at least hundreds of us in one room and especially at night we were all sleeping while sitting because there wasn’t enough space. The weather was cold and they did not giving us warm enough blankets.
 
“Until a few days back, I had the marks of that long metal thing on my body. You weren’t there to really understand the pain. They don’t care who you are and how old are you they just beat you up like an animal.
 
“I was taken to different detention centres and police stations for eight days before they brought us all to the Sang Safid detention centre which is on the other side of the border and then deported us.
 
“Now I am at the IOM transit centre on the border. I contacted my family in Iran. Now they are telling me to go to Kabul and stay with my uncle. Actually that cousin of mine who had been caught with me was deported a couple of days earlier.
 
“I am so upset that I am no longer with my family. I can no longer play with my younger sister and can no longer eat my mother’s cooking.
 
“You know my family can’t come to Afghanistan because we do not have a shelter here and I heard there are no job opportunities… I am thinking about how I would survive in Afghanistan without my family.
 
“But on the other hand, I am so happy that I am a free human being now. Nobody can insult me and nobody can arrest me without any reason and torture me. It is my own country and I can go anywhere without any problem.”

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94954 ] 

mp/ha/cb
 
*City name withheld to protect Mehdi’s family. 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94958</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231341380634t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">ISLAM QALA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - In an attempt to find long-term solutions for the estimated 1.4 million unregistered Afghans living within its borders, Iran adopted a legalization scheme last year that paved the way for Afghans to enter Iran legally with work visas.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Towards more sustainable solutions for returnees</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230857120955t.jpg" />]]>JALALABAD/SARACHA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Baswra squats on a dirty street corner in the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad, watching fellow Afghans walk by with packages of assistance from aid agencies. When the door to the distribution site opens, she throws herself at it, waving documents in the face of anyone who will hear her story.</description><body><![CDATA[JALALABAD/SARACHA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Baswra squats on a dirty street corner in the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad, watching fellow Afghans walk by with packages of assistance from aid agencies. When the door to the distribution site opens, she throws herself at it, waving documents in the face of anyone who will hear her story.

A widow, Baswra returned from a refugee camp in the tribal areas of Pakistan in 2002. Ten years later, she still has no land and no income.

“I don’t know where to look for help,” she pleads to Mohammad Eamal, a programme associate with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

He studies her documents and informs her that she falls outside the mandate of assistance.

The aid being distributed on this day is targeted at vulnerable Afghan refugees who have recently returned from Pakistan to a homeland that cannot absorb them. Like Basrwa, many no longer have land and cannot find jobs in their villages of origin.

“We’re focusing on the vulnerable of recent years. We can’t help everyone,” Eamal tells IRIN, as Baswra waits expectantly, a pout covering her missing teeth.

She spends her days shuttling in plastic sandals and a dirty shawl from the Department of Refugees and Repatriation (DoRR), where she has applied - unsuccessfully - for a land allocation to this aid distribution point, looking for help for herself and her six children.

“We assume that those who arrived years ago have been able to resettle,” Eamal says. He looks at Baswra and then adds: “But we have found that many don’t.”

Biggest mistake ever

UNHCR says it has realized in recent months that for the past decade, it has followed a misguided strategy in dealing with the nearly five million refugees - almost a quarter of the population - it has helped return to Afghanistan since 2002.

Despite assistance in relocating and an initial cash grant, UNHCR says most returnees have failed to re-integrate because what they need is long-term development work. 
 
“The needs of the returning population [are] beyond the humanitarian scope,” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR in Kabul, told IRIN.

In December, Peter Nicolaus, UNHCR representative in Afghanistan, called it “the biggest mistake UNHCR ever made... [ http://tribune.com.pk/story/312714/un-says-its-afghan-refugee-strategy-a-big-mistake/ ] We thought if we gave humanitarian assistance then macro-development would kick in."

UNHCR is now waking up to the reality that this never happened.

The Afghan government, dogged by corruption, lack of capacity and continued conflict, has been incapable of providing for returnees. 

Billions of dollars in aid spent in Afghanistan over the last decades have not had the desired effect, in part because much of the aid has been driven by political and military goals, not humanitarian and developmental needs. And aid that has targeted the vulnerable has not been well-coordinated. 

“Everyone is working in their own silos. It has not been systematic. There hasn’t been an integrated approach by everybody,” Murray Jones said. 

For too long, she said, aid workers failed to address important questions: “Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin? How do we bridge the gap?”

As a result of that gap, the population in Kabul has tripled in just seven years and the government’s land allocation scheme for returnees is so overwhelmed there are already tens of thousands of families on the waiting list for Nangarhar Province alone.

Nearly 60 percent of communities surveyed in a recent study by UNHCR and the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation said returnees lived in worse conditions than local communities.

Many of them live six families to a house “that is not meant for living in, or on highways and main roads, or even in deserts, beneath the mountains,” said Ghulam Haidar Faqirzai, DoRR director in Nangarhar Province, which borders Pakistan. Others, he said, live in illegal settlements.

Illegal settlements

Reza Gul lives in one of those settlements, atop a steep hill of winding dirt paths where men smoke opium in the open and dusty children run around in open sandals in the depths of winter. She lives without water or electricity in a home she does not own. UNHCR helped her build an extra room to her house, but her situation is fragile.

“If we are kicked out, we’ll have to live under a tent,” she told IRIN.

Since returning from Pakistan, she has had no intention of going back to her village of origin, despite her current living conditions. This settlement, Majbooraba, is in Jalalabad, a large city where her husband can find work.

Asked what it would take for her to go back, she offered a long list:

“If we are provided with land, employment, water and work for my husband - that’s all I’d need.”

Stories like these have forced UNHCR to reconsider its approach to returnees.

New approach

Saracha, a vast agricultural village 10km outside Jalalabad, was on the frontline of the war between the Soviets and Afghan rebels in the 1980s. Just minutes from the airport that served as the Russian base, it was often hit by rockets.

Most of the population fled to Pakistan in the 1980s and again during the civil war of the 1990s. It was not until 2004 and afterwards that they returned en masse to find damaged irrigation canals, collapsed homes and landmines in their village. Children walked to Jalalabad city for school and had to travel to Pakistan for any serious health issues.

The conditions in Saracha were ripe for poverty, disillusionment, secondary displacement or recruitment to militant groups. But the villagers got together, elected a leader and started rehabilitating their communities. Then they contacted aid agencies for help.

In 2011, UNHCR began a pilot project in the village that aimed at focusing comprehensive development assistance in areas of high refugee returns.

At a cost of US$1.4 million, development partners have helped the village build a micro hydro plant; an irrigation system; and a waste water canal. They have also provided agricultural training, promoted honey and vegetable production, offered literacy and computer classes, and provided poultry as an income-generating mechanism to vulnerable families.

“Before there would be one project here, one project there. But under this programme, it’s a package,” said Golam Nasseer, head of one of the sub-villages that make up Saracha. “Our village has been rebuilt. Now, it’s like Paris,” he joked.

The idea of the project is to pool resources, including those that already exist in the country, and direct them towards communities where refugees are returning en masse. UNHCR will highlight the areas that need investment; and ask development partners to focus their energies there.

The model will be presented at an international stakeholder conference in Switzerland in May. It hopes to replicate it in 48 areas of high return across Afghanistan.

“Once we complete [work] in [one] village, we move on to another,” explained Eamal, the UNHCR programme associate.

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94960 ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94965</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230857120955t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JALALABAD/SARACHA 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - Baswra squats on a dirty street corner in the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad, watching fellow Afghans walk by with packages of assistance from aid agencies. When the door to the distribution site opens, she throws herself at it, waving documents in the face of anyone who will hear her story.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Bracing for mass evictions from Pakistan</title><pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231453390335t.jpg" />]]>JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Afghan government and international aid workers are bracing for an imminent deportation from Pakistan of thousands of Afghan migrants and unregistered refugees - a move they warn could be destabilizing for the fragile country.</description><body><![CDATA[JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Afghan government and international aid workers are bracing for an imminent deportation from Pakistan of thousands of Afghan migrants and unregistered refugees - a move they warn could be destabilizing for the fragile country.

Pakistani authorities issued warnings to thousands of families in underdeveloped and largely ungoverned areas along Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan that their homes would be bulldozed and they would be expelled on 5 January 2012, said Ghulam Haidar Faqirzai, director of the Afghan Department of Refugees and Repatriation (DoRR) for Nangarhar Province, which borders Pakistan.

“It didn’t happen. But we are expecting it any day,” he told IRIN.

He said 6,000 families had been issued eviction notices, though aid agencies believe the number to be closer to 2,500. The main target is Bacha Mena, a village in the Landi Kotal area of Pakistan’s Khyber Agency, just along the border with Afghanistan.

“The Pakistani authorities have given those families notice that they have to move out,” confirmed Ilija Torodovic, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Jalalabad, about 80km from the Pakistani border. “That possibility is very high.”

Some observers say Pakistan is trying to clear all Afghans (whether registered or not) from the border’s dangerous tribal areas - home to Pakistani insurgents who are fighting the Pakistani military - because it suspects they are spying for Afghanistan or getting involved in “terrorism”. At times, military operations are used as a pretext for asking Afghans to leave the area, aid workers said.

The situation along the border is especially tense due to the recent killing of 24 Pakistani soldiers by NATO and Pakistan’s subsequent closure of the border to NATO supplies.

“They have already started this [clearance] process,” said Majroom, Jalalabad field coordinator with NGO International Rescue Committee (IRC).

Radio announcements in Landi Kotal, for example, have warned that all Afghans must go, he said.

Pakistani Foreign Ministry spokesperson Abdul Basit said he was not aware of any evictions. But another Pakistani official told IRIN the deportations were “exceptional cases” - limited to Afghans involved in criminal behaviour, including highway robberies.

“We are not very strict on [the refugees] because we know the situation in Afghanistan is not very encouraging. So we will not force them [to return].” But, he said, “naturally, every state looks after their interests first... If some people or refugees are making problems in some areas... naturally you have the right to make them go back.”

Contingency plans

Faqirzai warned their eviction would create a “humanitarian tragedy” because of the government’s inability to absorb returnees. “We want to alleviate the burden [on Pakistan],” Faqirzai said, “but it should be done gradually, not all at once.”

He said residents who had Proof of Residence (PoR) cards, giving registered refugees the right to live in Pakistan until at least the end of 2012, were among those who were issued eviction notices, but UNHCR said it had no such evidence.

Aid agencies have created a contingency plan with an expectation that 10-15,000 unregistered refugees and/or migrants may be forced to return to Afghanistan in the coming months. Some expect that any registered refugees in Landi Kotal will be moved to other Pakistani locations outside of the tribal areas.

NGOs and UN agencies have mobilized to respond to expected needs in the case of a mass deportation: shelter, food, household items, winter clothes, potable water, hygiene and sanitation, education, health services and land for resettlement.

DoRR and UNHCR are closely monitoring the situation along the border and the Afghan government is increasing staffing levels at the DoRR office in Nangarhar from 28 to 38, in anticipation of an influx of returnees.

There are 1.7 million registered refugees in Pakistan and another 1-1.3 million (some estimates are as high as 2 million) unregistered Afghans living there.

Pakistan has been threatening to kick out unregistered Afghans for years, but an ongoing military operation in the region; deteriorating relationships between Pakistan and both Afghanistan and the USA; and an internal struggle between the civilian government and the military in Pakistan have observers worried that a mass eviction could now become reality. And besides, there is a precedent.

It has happened before

Last year, at the height of winter, 1,700 families - nearly 11,400 people - watched as Pakistani authorities bulldozed homes in Landi Kotal, where some of them had lived for more than three decades.

“People didn’t even have time to gather their belongings,” said Rahim Gul Amin, emergency focal point in the country’s eastern region for the NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.

They were then forced across the border. Those who managed to rescue some of their belongings had them taken from them on their way home, or were forced to pay bribes, Faqirzai and aid workers said.

According to UNHCR, evicted Afghans said some people were killed by the bulldozers, but the Pakistani government denies this.

“Disaster”

A repeat could be an indication of a shift in Pakistani policy - towards a more consistent attempt at sending unregistered Afghans back home.

Inter Press Service reported on 22 February [ http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=106851 ] that the home department of Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, along the border, recently proposed deporting the estimated 400,000 illegal residents residing in the province, if the central government gave a green light.
If evictions become the norm, aid workers and government officials say they are in for “disaster”.

“We experienced these Landi Kotal evictees,” the repatriation department’s Faqirzai said. “Believe me, at that time… we had no idea how to manage that. It was only 1,700 families... Imagine if we have people in millions. We don’t have the absorption capacity; we don’t have employment.”

The government repatriation department, which relies on UNHCR for vehicles, fuel, salary top-ups, and even phone cards, can barely pay its staff to monitor the returnees, let alone help them. It has no budget for development programmes and without UNHCR’s support - to the tune of $80,000 per month - “we would halt our activities,” Faqirzai said.

Unregistered evictees would not qualify for UNHCR’s cash assistance for registered returnees. They could thus end up joining the 60 percent of returnees who, according to UNHCR, fail to re-integrate.

Many returnees end up living in informal settlements or begging on the street. [LINK TO STORY ON SUSTAINABLE SOLUTIONS FOR REFUGEES] Aid workers say young, unemployed, badly integrated youth are easy targets for Taliban recruiters. For Candace Rondeaux, senior analyst with the International Crisis Group in Afghanistan, the implications of a mass return in a short period of time would be “enormous”.

“As the pressure increases, as the competition increases between Afghan elites, political elites, all over the country, with the withdrawal of NATO forces, an influx of under-educated - if educated - poor, malnourished Pashtuns is not going to help to stabilize Afghanistan anytime soon.”

Yet both the government and UNHCR expect an increase this year in the number of returns - “both forced and voluntary” - after years of declining numbers of returnees.

“I’m not confident or optimistic about the improvement of relations between the Pakistani government and the Afghan refugees,” Faqirzai said. “I think it is going to deteriorate.”

For more, visit IRIN's in-depth: From pillar to post – the plight of Afghans abroad [ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?indepthid=95&reportid=94954 ]

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94959</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202231453390335t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">JALALABAD 27 February 2012 (IRIN) - The Afghan government and international aid workers are bracing for an imminent deportation from Pakistan of thousands of Afghan migrants and unregistered refugees - a move they warn could be destabilizing for the fragile country.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: IDPs at a crossroads</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202240735240335t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Afghanistan, mainly from the strife-torn southern provinces, have been heading for Kabul in the hope of finding work and a better life, but most end up living in appalling conditions in makeshift camps.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Afghanistan, mainly from the strife-torn southern provinces, have been heading for Kabul in the hope of finding work and a better life, but most end up living in appalling conditions in makeshift camps.

Besmillah (he goes by just the one name), 38, fled the southern province of Helmand with his five children and wife two years ago after a rocket landed in his compound.

“Because I was a poor farmer we didn’t have a lot of valuable stuff, but we couldn’t even bring our clothes with us,” Besmillah told IRIN.

He and his family now live in a mud-hut in a makeshift settlement in eastern Kabul. He has not been able to find work and the government has not provided him with shelter.

“This winter killed my three-year-old child as I couldn’t fix the holes in my hut and I wasn’t able to buy fuel or wood for a Bukhari [heater],” he said.

According to the Afghan Health Ministry, more than 20 children have frozen to death in these settlements over the past few weeks.

The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) in its latest report [ http://unama.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=1762&ctl=Details&mid=1920&ItemID=16267 ] said 2011 marked the fifth year in a row that civilian casualties had increased, with more than 3,000 civilian deaths in the ongoing conflict between Taliban and other insurgents and government forces backed by US-led foreign forces.

Many IDPs are attracted to Kabul by its relative safety and food availability, better access to health and education services, and perceived job opportunities.

However, Amnesty International (AI) [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/afghans-fleeing-war-find-misery-urban-slums-2012-02-23 ] says the government not only does not care about IDPs in the city but was also preventing aid from reaching them.

UN agencies and aid organizations are barred by the government from delivering effective aid to displaced communities or helping them in ways which imply the creation of permanent settlements: Instead of digging permanent wells, aid workers are forced to deliver water to displaced communities in tankers, said the AI report.

Government reaction

Islamuddin Jurat, a spokesman for Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation (MoRR), said the government had not stopped anyone from helping IDPs and would never do that, but building permanent health clinics or a school, or a water supply system, was not something the government wanted.

“If we build a permanent infrastructure for them, they will stay in that place for ever. But they can’t as every plot they have settled on right now belongs to a government ministry of an individual.” He said he did not want to encourage migrants to head to Kabul or become aid dependent, adding that it was “not possible to bring the whole population to Kabul”.

Conflict-induced displacement, limited reintegration opportunities for returning refugees, the rapid growth of cities and the proliferation of informal settlements constituted an enormously complex challenge for the government, humanitarian and development actors in Afghanistan. Finding durable solutions would not be easy, Nader Farhad, a spokesperson for UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), told IRIN.

However, Jurat said the government had plans to help IDPs settle outside Kabul: “We have drafted a plan to give IDPs shelter either in their own provinces or in any of the MoRR settlement areas in the other provinces around Kabul and we have sent the draft to the president for his approval.”

If the plan was signed off, he said, all IDPs in Kabul would be given shelter within a year.

UNCHR asks all stakeholders, including the government, to look for sustainable solutions for IDPs and develop a comprehensive and integrated developmental approach to tackle the problem of displacement in Afghanistan.

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94935</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202240735240335t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - Thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Afghanistan, mainly from the strife-torn southern provinces, have been heading for Kabul in the hope of finding work and a better life, but most end up living in appalling conditions in makeshift camps.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Ill-prepared for cold snap</title><pubDate>Fri, 24 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230700590975t.jpg" />]]>DUBAI 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - At least 150 people in Afghanistan have died in the past month after some of the coldest weather for years. The deaths - mainly of those without adequate food, housing or heating in Kabul and the northern province of Badakhshan - have prompted some to ask how this can happen given that the country has received billions of dollars of aid since the Taliban regime fell in 2002.</description><body><![CDATA[DUBAI 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - At least 150 people in Afghanistan have died in the past month after some of the coldest weather for years. The deaths - mainly of those without adequate food, housing or heating in Kabul and the northern province of Badakhshan - have prompted some to ask how this can happen given that the country has received billions of dollars of aid since the Taliban regime fell in 2002.
 
Sediq Hassani, director of policy at the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority, said every possible effort had been made to stock food and other items in the most at-risk areas, but acknowledged: “We were not 100 percent successful. There were districts to which, due to bad roads, we couldn’t send food items before winter started.”
 
He blamed lack of investment by the government and international community in the last decade, but one UN official told IRIN the international community has failed to prioritize disaster reduction management in Afghanistan.
 
“The ones who died were mostly the children of internally displaced persons who live in tents and mud-huts in Kabul and those poor families in other parts of the country who can’t afford to keep their homes warm,” said Health Ministry spokesman Kargar Norughli.
 
“In the last few days, 35 children were killed by pneumonia in two districts of Badakhshan Province and more than 30 others by avalanches in the last few weeks,” Abdul Marouf Rasekh, a spokesperson for the governor of Badakhshan said. 
 
“I thought everybody was dead after an avalanche hit our village,” Ghulam Yahya, 48, from Eshkashim District in Badakhshan Province, told IRIN in Faizabad, the provincial capital. “I saw one of our relatives die after being trapped in the snow for hours. Many houses were destroyed by the avalanche.”
 
NGO Save The Children has launched a rapid response to get help to families as more heavy snowfall is predicted for this coming week and temperatures are expected to drop as low as minus 17 degrees centigrade.
 
See a slideshow [ http://www.irinnews.org/photo/?id=41 ] about how the cold weather is affecting some of the country’s most vulnerable people.
 
mp/ha/eo/oa/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94938</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202230700590975t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">DUBAI 24 February 2012 (IRIN) - At least 150 people in Afghanistan have died in the past month after some of the coldest weather for years. The deaths - mainly of those without adequate food, housing or heating in Kabul and the northern province of Badakhshan - have prompted some to ask how this can happen given that the country has received billions of dollars of aid since the Taliban regime fell in 2002.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>INDONESIA: Sayed Ahmed Abdellatif, &quot;I&apos;m ready to die at sea&quot;</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202120822340428t.jpg" />]]>BOGOR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - Egyptian asylum-seeker Sayed Ahmed Abdellatif, married with six children, says he is ready to risk everything to reach Australia - even his family.</description><body><![CDATA[BOGOR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - Egyptian asylum-seeker Sayed Ahmed Abdellatif, married with six children, says he is ready to risk everything to reach Australia - even his family. 

Hundreds of asylum-seekers lose their lives each year on the dangerous journey, many of them women  and children. In December, an overloaded vessel, carrying some 250 mostly Iranian and Afghan asylum-seekers, sank off Indonesia's eastern Java island, killing all but 47 on board. 

But for 41-year-old Abdellatif, who faces possible extradition and a 15-year prison sentence of hard labour in Egypt [ http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2002/13994.htm ] for his religious affiliations, the risk is worth it. He now plans to pay people smugglers up to US$17,000 to move his family to Australia. IRIN met Abdellatif outside the Indonesian town of Bogor, now a hub for asylum-seekers in the country, on the eve of his trip. 

"It's been almost 20 years that I have been on the run and I can't take it any more. I've given up hope. Egypt is supposed to be a Muslim country, but in reality it isn't. Those who follow their beliefs openly face the risk of arrest and detention. I myself was arrested three times. Thousands of people face similar persecution, which is why I fled. 

"Since leaving Egypt, I have taken my family from Albania to the UK and then onward to Iran. For years I languished in an Iraqi refugee camp there - pretending to be Palestinian lest I be found out and returned to Egypt. Later we travelled to Malaysia via India on fake passports and onward to Indonesia; again illegally. Throughout this journey, I faced repeated arrest and detention, as have members of my family. 

"I arrived in Malaysia from Iran in 2010 before making my way to Indonesia in the hopes of taking my family to the UK. After boarding the plane in Jakarta, we were again arrested in Singapore and sent back to Indonesia on 3 June 2010. I applied for refugee status on 30 August 2010, but almost two years on have no idea what is happening with my case. 

"As a result, I have no choice but to make my way to Australia on my own. I cannot return to Egypt and I can't stay here. I lost 20 years of my life looking for a safe place for myself and my family. Now I need to risk it all, including the life of my one-year-old son who was born here. 

"Everyone tells me it's dangerous and yes, the risks are high, but I have to do it. We will sell everything we have to make this happen, including my wife's gold, to make what I'm told is a three-day journey to Australia. Generally people smugglers charge $6,000 per person, but they charge less for young children. 

"I know there is no guarantee I will make it. I also know I am putting the lives of my children at risk, but I'm ready to die at sea. 

"If I go by boat, at least I have a hope of reaching Australia. If I stay here, I have nothing." 

According to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, there are more than 4,000 asylum-seekers and recognized refugees in Indonesia today. 

ds/mw 

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94852</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201202120822340428t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BOGOR 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - Egyptian asylum-seeker Sayed Ahmed Abdellatif, married with six children, says he is ready to risk everything to reach Australia - even his family.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>ASIA: Isolation, poverty loom for an aging population</title><pubDate>Tue, 14 Feb 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300914140084t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - With 60 percent of the world’s population, Asia has one of the largest concentrations globally of aging persons, creating a host of potential challenges, experts warn.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - With 60 percent of the world’s population, Asia has one of the largest concentrations globally of aging persons, creating a host of potential challenges, experts warn. 

“Asian countries, besides Japan perhaps, need to plan now. These countries have grown older before they have grown rich,” said Somnath Chatterji with the World Health Organization (WHO) office in New Delhi. 

One in four people in Asia will be 60 or older by the year 2050, rising from one in 10 in 2010, according to the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. [ http://www.unescap.org/sdd/publications/datasheet-2011/Datasheet-2011-full.pdf ] 

Over 65 percent of Asia’s elderly population will be women. 

“China and India clearly will be the countries with the largest population of older adults in absolute terms. However, China is ageing more rapidly than India because of its one child policy,” Chatterji added. 

The over-60 population will rise from 165 million to 439 million in China and from 93 million to 323 million in India from 2010 to 2050, according to government projections reported to the UN. 

India’s overall population is expected to exceed China’s in the same period. 

Philip Guest, the Bangkok-based assistant director of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) for South and Southeast Asia, told IRIN aging will “severely” affect developing countries throughout the region. 

One of the sharpest increases in the region will be in Bangladesh, where the elderly will almost quadruple from 6.6 percent of the population in 2010 to 22.5 percent in 2050, according to UNFPA. 

IRIN asked experts about the biggest challenges facing this population. 

Income 

In many developed countries pensions and social security schemes are tied to employment, which cannot be easily replicated in Asia where most people work in the informal sector. 

“Informal sector means workers are not in the social security programme. Half of Thai people will not have income when they retire,” said Amornrat Apinunmahakul, an economics professor at Thailand’s National Institute of Development Administration, a government-run graduate university. 

He proposed a universal pension scheme, noting funding problems. 

“Now the [Thai] government has a universal programme for the older population; they give 500 baht [US$16] per month. But the minimum wage in Thailand is 1,500-1,600 baht [$48-$52], so this is not enough.” 

“The general feeling within the [South Asia] region is that such schemes are not affordable,” said Dave Mather, who heads the New Dehli-based South Asia centre of NGO HelpAge. 

Health 

Chronic illness has eclipsed communicable disease due to people living longer, wrote Sarah Harper, a professor at the UK-based Oxford Institute of Ageing, in a 2010 report [ http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1683691 ] on adapting health care for an ageing population. 

“[Greater] life expectancy without the bonus of increased health may be increasing to such an extent that we are on the verge of an epidemic of frailty.” 

Beyond physical frailty, the number of dementia patients in the Asia-Pacific region will rise from 14 million in 2005 to 24 million in 2020 and become as high as 65 million by 2050, estimated Alzheimer’s Disease International (ADI), an London-headquartered NGO. 

Depression is also fairly common among older adults, said Chatterji with WHO. 

Experts cite loneliness, disorientation, a sense of abandonment and lack of self-worth as causes of depression and poor mental health, as people become less active. 

A key to ensuring the elderly receive the care they need is to ensure they have a solid support network - one that is slowly shrinking.
 
"Social isolation of this population - as the family size shrinks and migration [ http://www.irinnews.org/theme.aspx?theme=MIG ] [leading] to older adults living by themselves - will be a major concern,” predicted Chatterji. 

ms/pt/cb]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94856</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201112300914140084t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 14 February 2012 (IRIN) - With 60 percent of the world’s population, Asia has one of the largest concentrations globally of aging persons, creating a host of potential challenges, experts warn.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>Analysis: Where Afghan humanitarianism ends and development begins</title><pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example. 

Some farmers could switch from rain-fed wheat crops, which require a lot of water, to other crops, like grapes or almonds. But these kinds of transitions require long-term multi-year plans, inherently at odds with emergency responses, based on annual appeals for funding.

“Responding to eight droughts in 11 years makes no sense,” Michael Keating, the UN humanitarian coordinator in Afghanistan, said recently. [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/hc-interview-afghanistan ] “There is something going wrong.”

“It is not a complete mystery how some of these problems can be addressed,” Keating told IRIN. “They shouldn’t be addressed by basic emergency humanitarian action.”

And yet, for much of the past decade, humanitarians have been drawn into things like infrastructure and early recovery programmes.

“A lot of humanitarian assistance has been partly diverted from its objective,” said Laurent Saillard, head of the European Commission’s humanitarian aid arm (ECHO) in Afghanistan. “Instead of being used for what it’s supposed to be used for - life-saving emergency interventions - it is trying to address chronic poverty, and of course, at the end of the day, not achieving sustainable results.”

Over the past 10 years, a cumulative US$3.2 billion has been spent in Afghanistan on programmes outlined in the international community’s annual appeals for humanitarian funding - the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP). The CAP is estimated to account for only half of all humanitarian funding.

“[There is] frustration from the population which receives the assistance [because it] is not exactly what they need... frustration from the implementing agencies, [who] realize that they have been present for 10 years, repeating all sorts of interventions, and yet they have not addressed the problem… and frustration from the donors, [who] feel that the money is being wasted, in a way,” Saillard told IRIN.

This year’s drought - affecting 2.8 million people - brought the problem to new heights: “That is a scale that is simply not sustainable,” said Aidan O’Leary, the head of OCHA in Afghanistan.

“At the end of the day, humanitarian actors can only ever bring emergency relief," he added. "We cannot bring solutions. [People] want houses, roads, livelihoods. Humanitarian actors can’t deliver that. They’re never going to be able to deliver that."

New approach

This year’s CAP, launched in Kabul on 28 January, aims to “go back to basics” by focusing on more strictly humanitarian needs. “If you make the field too broad, you can’t get anything done,” O’Leary told IRIN.

The international humanitarian community has requested one quarter less than last year, even though humanitarian needs are increasing. It has asked for $437 million to help 8.8 million Afghans, [ http://www.unocha.org/cap/appeals/consolidated-appeal-afghanistan-2012 ] including help for civilians affected by armed conflict, initial assistance for refugees and internally displaced people returning to their areas of origin, and life-saving actions for those affected by natural disasters. 

This excludes projects for the “chronically vulnerable populations” - a task deemed better left to development actors.

How we got here

Much of the problem, aid workers say, lies in the fact that the billions of dollars in development aid invested in the country over the last decade have not been spent cohesively or based on needs, but rather driven by short-term political and military aims.

Around $57 billion dollars of development assistance have been spent in Afghanistan since 2001, and yet 10 million people are still living on the edge, Keating said.

“That does raise the question: Have the investments been equitable? Is the money being used in a way that helps these communities reduce their vulnerability and doesn’t expose them to repeated humanitarian crisis?”

Falling through the cracks

Nor has the government provided the answer, aid workers say. Saillard argues the humanitarian community is partly to blame in allowing the government to defer its responsibilities, often under the guise of lack of capacity. “The fact that there is this presence keeps the right actors sometimes outside the game,” he noted.

But the minister of rural rehabilitation and development, Jarullah Mansoori, argues that with its budget of $500 million per year, his ministry has made great strides in building communities’ resilience to shocks and in managing the impacts of disasters.

It has created a central coordinating body, the Afghanistan National Disaster Management Authority; has dug irrigation canals; encouraged rural enterprise development; and improved access to health and education in rural areas. The ministry’s flagship National Solidarity Programme has been credited with reaching the local level with cash-for-work or cash-for-assets programmes.

“If you compare the damage of disasters eight years ago to... now, you will see a lot of differences,” the minister told IRIN. “But still, since this country went through more than three decades of very damaging and destructive war and crisis, it needs a lot of effort in every aspect.”

Other aid workers say mitigation projects, like flood protection walls, [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=80119 ] have fallen through the cracks. They are not a central part of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, which the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is mandated to support; nor are they technically part of OCHA’s mandate. The UN Development Programme (UNDP), which might traditionally take on such projects, has been focused on improving governance and reducing poverty, and is scaling back its direct presence across the country in order to increasingly work through the government.

"Disaster risk reduction is almost non-existent," said one development worker. "I've noticed that gap. There's very little proactive work done here. It's all reactive."

Dialogue

Another part of the problem has been a lack of understanding of what exactly “humanitarian” means and where the line is drawn. “It’s quite blurred,” as one field worker put it. “Is any one activity development or humanitarian?”

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has been dealing with this question for years, as refugees returning from Iran and Pakistan - given an initial humanitarian assistance - struggle to integrate in the longer term.

“Where does humanitarian assistance stop and where does development aid begin?” Suzanne Murray Jones, a senior adviser at UNHCR, has been asking herself. “How do we bridge the gap?”

Part of the answer, she said, is a greater dialogue between humanitarian and development partners to encourage development investments in the same areas where people are returning en masse.

“We know nothing about development of livelihoods or about large-scale agriculture. It’s not our expertise. It’s for the FAOs or ILOs to go to these sites and say this is what’s needed,” she said, in reference to the Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Labour Organization. “It’s getting the synergy together to work together.”

To that end, humanitarian actors now participate in monthly meetings of the heads of developmental agencies to try to flag issues of concern, and O’Leary is increasingly advocating development.

“We have to be more vocal,” he said. “I have no interest in having humanitarians indefinitely here in Afghanistan. We have to be looking for our exit strategy. That involves a peace process and development actors developing the key issues. Is it going to take decades? Yes. But it has to be on the agenda now.”

Gaps

In the meantime, as humanitarians try to return to their more traditional role, they find themselves in a tricky position. Keating recalls an informal settlement he visited in Kabul where people were living with “nothing”.

“You can’t respond on a humanitarian basis endlessly, and yet there is no development activity that we could perceive to address their needs," he said. "They’re falling between two stools. I suspect that is true of a very large number of people in rural areas as well.”

Aid workers acknowledge that pulling back could lead to holes in coverage. But for Saillard, it might be a necessary evil. “Sometimes you have to create gaps for the right actors to wake up and take their responsibilities seriously,” he said.

ha/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94753</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2012/201201300944550427t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 30 January 2012 (IRIN) - Afghanistan suffers from cyclical natural disasters - floods and drought - which affect people annually and require expensive emergency responses, but their impacts could well be avoided, or at least mitigated, if proper water management systems or dams were built, for example.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Time running out for displaced farmers</title><pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110050932140974t.jpg" />]]>MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.</description><body><![CDATA[MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.
 
The drought destroyed the crops Boy had planted, killed his livestock which no longer had animal feed, and left his family without seeds for next season.
 
“We lost everything,” he told IRIN.
 
Now he, his two wives and 11 children live on the outskirts of Mazar-i-Sharif, some 85km away, in rented homes without water or electricity.
 
In this community, families displaced by the drought live four or five to a home, with only a tarpaulin covering the mud floor, and sheets covering the holes meant for windows. Young children walk around barefoot in sub-zero temperatures and do not go to school.
 
In each family one man tries to find casual work in the city. If he is lucky, he earns 200 Afghanis a day (US$4) with which to feed his entire family. Newly arrived families received tarps and blankets from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as well as a three-month food ration, but some say they are still very much in need.
 
Their situation is unlikely to change for the better in the near future. Boy says he and his people are happy to return to Alburz in Chimtal District to cultivate, but do not have seeds to plant. Unless they get their hands on some in the next few weeks, they will lose next year’s harvest too.
 
“We will remain vulnerable,” Boy said, from inside one of the low-ceiling mud homes in the neighbourhood. “It is a cycle we cannot change… We are really confused and don’t know what to do.”
 
IOM says more than 6,000 families - 42,000 people - have been displaced across Afghanistan due to the 2011 drought. Those who stayed behind are in many cases more vulnerable, because they do not have the means to relocate and pay rent. But the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) says it is concerned some displaced farmers could end up in what the deputy head of the Afghanistan office, Joseph Inganji, calls a “vicious circle”.
 
Given that the planting season is almost over, if they do not receive seeds “right now”, they will have no crops to harvest come summer, leaving them without a livelihood to return home to, and in need of assistance. They could then form part of the increasingly protracted displacements across the country.
 
There are already more than 450,000 people displaced by conflict in Afghanistan, of whom 289,000 have been displaced for more than one year, according to the UN, putting a stress on government and aid agencies in a country already heavily dependent on international aid.
 
Seed distributions
 
The Ministry of Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock (MAIL), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and other aid agencies have distributed some 1,450 tons of seeds to people affected by the drought in Balkh Province, one of the most affected, according to government and FAO officials. FAO plans to distribute at least another 100 tons as soon as it can assure the quality of the fertilizer.
 
But none of those distributions have specifically targeted displaced people.
 
The government distributed improved wheat seeds (which produce higher yields than traditional seeds from the market), as well as rice and wheat with which to make flour, to 15,000 drought-affected farmers still living on their farms, Kateb Shams, head of the provincial agriculture department, told IRIN.
 
FAO distributed packages of seeds and fertilizer at a subsidized price, reaching 10,000 families, including those displaced people who met the criteria of owning land, according to Ahmad Zia Aria, head of the FAO office in Mazar-i-Sharif, covering the northern region. But even 2,000 Afghanis ($41) may be too much for some of the displaced who can barely afford their rent. FAO plans to reinvest the proceeds of the seeds into drought-affected communities.
 
Other agencies, like ActionAid, have focused on vulnerable families, including women-headed households in drought-hit areas.
 
Seeds are available for purchase from private companies, but FAO lacks the budget to buy more seeds and would not be able to procure and distribute them in time, Aria said.
 
Aid agencies warn that seed distribution at a time of desperation is tricky. To cope with their lack of income and food, farmers may sell their agricultural equipment or eat seeds instead of planting them. Seed distribution should thus be accompanied by food to carry them over until the harvest, and livestock to help rebuild livelihoods, OCHA said, as well as assistance to physically relocate.
 
ha/eo/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94735</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201110050932140974t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">MAZAR-I-SHARIF 27 January 2012 (IRIN) - Much of Dawood Boy’s village in northern Afghanistan is empty.
 
More than 1,000 families from Alburz in Balkh Province abandoned it 4-6 months ago after a drought affecting nearly half the country left 2.8 million people in need of food assistance, according to the World Food Programme.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>MIGRATION: Asylum-seekers in Australia suspend hunger strike</title><pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg" />]]>BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</description><body><![CDATA[BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.  

At least 34 of the participants had been on hunger strike for a week.  

"The ball is now in the government's court," Ian Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition (RAC) [ http://refugeeaction.org.au/ ] told IRIN from Sydney. "I hope this will be followed by action and not just words."  

The suspension follows a meeting between an official from Australia's Department of Immigration and Citizenship [ http://www.immi.gov.au/ ] and 12 elected hunger strikers from the group on 24 January, with an agreement for both sides to meet again a week later. 

More than 3,000 boat people - mostly Sri Lankans, Afghans and Iranians - are now in detention in eight high security immigration detention centres (IDCs) across the country, many for extended periods of time.  

According to the government's own statistics [ http://www.immi.gov.au/managing-australias-borders/detention/_pdf/immigration-detention-statistics-20111130.pdf ], 38 percent of asylum-seekers had been in detention for over a year.  

Policy shift  

On 25 November [ http://www.minister.immi.gov.au/media/cb/2011/cb180599.htm ], the government announced a shift in policy that boat arrivals who did not pose risks would be considered for placement in the community on bridging visas, following initial health, security and identity checks.  

Priority would be given to those who had spent the greatest amount of time in detention.  

Under the plan, asylum-seekers on bridging visas have the right to work and support themselves while their claims for asylum are processed, as well as have access to necessary health services.  

"This will be an ongoing, staged process to ensure an orderly transition to the community and that only suitable people are released," Chris Bowen, Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, said at the time of the announcement, noting he expected at least 100 asylum-seekers to be released per month.  

But two months on and only 107 bridging visas issued, detainees and activists have grown frustrated by the slow pace of the process.  

More than half the Afghan asylum-seekers, many of them ethnic Hazara, at the Pontville centre, joined the recent hunger strike which ultimately resulted in the hospitalization of at least three.  

"There is nothing like 100 visas a month being issued and tensions are growing in all the detention centres," Rintoul said, describing the government announcement as a "cruel hoax".  

Element of hope  

"The process may not be going as fast as we would like, but we acknowledge that it's a difficult process and one that needs to be done properly," Alex Pagliaro, a refugee campaign coordinator for Amnesty International, told IRIN, describing the government's plans to release more asylum-seekers into the community as "genuine".  

"They need to ensure that all necessary services are available to them when they are released," she said, adding: "Once the process speeds up, this will take the pressure off the detention centres, which are already overcrowded."  

"Issuing bridging visas for asylum-seekers who arrive by boat is an important first step towards ending the suffering of thousands of vulnerable people experiencing extended and needless detention," Paul Power, chief executive officer of the Refugee Council of Australia, added.  

"We encourage the Federal Government to continue releasing more people into the community while their claims for asylum are being assessed," he said, citing the importance of having a single system of processing, regardless of whether asylum-seekers arrive by boat or by plane.  

According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, there are more than 5,000 asylum-seekers in Australia today, including 3,464 in the IDC system on the mainland, 945 in immigration detention on Christmas Island off the southern coast of Indonesia, as well as 1,324 living in community detention.  

Under Australian immigration law enacted in 1992 [ http://www.comlaw.gov.au/Details/C2004A04315 ], any asylum-seeker arriving in the country without a visa by boat can be detained indefinitely, while those arriving by plane with a visa can be processed in the community.  

ds/mw

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94715</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201111180030440046t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">BANGKOK 25 January 2012 (IRIN) - About 150 asylum-seekers in Australia have suspended their hunger strike after accusing the government of reneging on a promise for community detention and bridging visas for long-term detainees who posed no risk, activists confirm.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AFGHANISTAN: Avalanches cut off parts of drought-hit northeast</title><pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg" />]]>KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</description><body><![CDATA[KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.  

“If the snow continues to keep the roads to rural and remote districts closed and we don’t get any assistance, we would face a severe humanitarian crisis,” Abdul Maroof Rasekh, a government spokesperson from mountainous Badakhshan Province, told IRIN. 

The snow has cut off 14 of the province’s 28 districts from the provincial capital Faizabad, preventing people from accessing markets to get food for themselves and their cattle, he said.  

At least 70 families are trapped in their homes in Eshkashim District, where rescue teams are trying to help them, Rasekh added. Altogether, hundreds of families are trapped in different districts, he said. 

The heavy snow and avalanches have led to the deaths of at least 20 people, with 11 injured, Rasekh said. The cold weather and lack of animal feed in these areas also killed around 600 cattle. 

According to a report received by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), 150 people travelling in a convoy in Baghlan Province were found alive after surviving overnight in their cars, under two metres of snow.  

Poor roads and snow in winter mean it can take days to travel from one village to another in this a mainly Tajik-speaking province with an estimated population of one million, where most people are reliant on agriculture and livestock. 

Badakhshan was among the provinces hit by drought last year which, according to an assessment by the World Food Programme (WFP), led 2.8 million Afghans nationwide to require food assistance. 

Rasekh said there was a lack of food for people and fodder for their animals. “The Ministry of Agriculture only sent food assistance for 10,000 families before winter. Other than that, we haven’t got any assistance from the government or aid community,” he added. 

WFP aid 

But Sediq Hassani, head of policy at the Afghanistan National disaster Management Authority, said the government and its international partners, including WFP, had sent more than 70,000 tons of food and some non-food items to these areas months ago to help farmers affected by drought and feed people in case of emergency during the winter.  

The portion for drought was distributed upon arrival and provincial disaster management authorities are now deciding how to distribute the emergency rations, based on need, he said.  

“In some provinces, they have already started distributing food, but in some other areas, due to heavy snowfall, they are not able to deliver food for the needy people and I think that is a bit of problem,” Hassani said. “But we are still trying.” 

WFP began distributing emergency food across drought-hit areas in December, and had been distributing food to chronically hungry people before that as part of its regular programs. 

Communities in these areas are accustomed to roads becoming impassable for six months every year, Mohammad Taher Shahim, who works with OCHA in neighbouring Kunduz Province, told IRIN. Government institutions, hospitals and food markets are present inside the districts, he said, and other needs are positioned there before the winter. These include equipment to keep roads open and help people if they get trapped, Hassani said. The districts cut off from Faizabad can also be accessed by aid agencies from Tajikistan, Shahim added.  

Still, “the relevant government departments are working very hard right now to open the roads and rescue those people who have been trapped in places like Badakhshan,” Hassani told IRIN, adding that snow had also closed roads to mountainous areas of the central provinces of Daykundi and Bamyan. 

The Aga Khan Foundation Network has already begun work clearing 6km of road on Palfill Slope in Baghlan Province, Shahim said. But there could be further problems ahead, he added, with a high probability of more avalanches this year. 

mp/ha/cb

]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94662</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2009/200902251t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">KABUL 17 January 2012 (IRIN) - Avalanches in northeastern Afghanistan have cut off tens - if not hundreds - of thousands of people already at risk of hunger due to drought, opening the door to a potential humanitarian crisis if aid cannot reach them, says a provincial official.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item><item><title>AID POLICY: UN Integration under the spotlight</title><pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate><description><![CDATA[<img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg" />]]>LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</description><body><![CDATA[LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups. 

Neutrality, impartiality and independence are regarded as humanitarian principles, but are not the priorities of UN political or peacekeeping missions, and many humanitarian staff believe integration helps to erode them, hampering their ability to help people in need.

Given ongoing tensions between UN agencies, the UK’s Overseas Development Institute [ http://www.odi.org.uk/ ] and US-based public policy group The Stimson Center [ http://www.stimson.org/ ] have carried out an independent study [ http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/details.asp?id=6205 ] exploring the impact of integration on humanitarian response, finding that the new coordination model has drawbacks and some surprising benefits.

Coordination, or the lack of it, became an issue in the 1990s, as UN peacekeepers, political missions and humanitarian agencies found themselves working side-by-side in conflict-affected countries. (See Box I) The report’s authors detail UN operations in three countries - Afghanistan, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - as they struggled to comply with a policy of greater integration in various forms. (See Box II). 

Afghanistan, Somalia and DRC

In all three countries a UN peacekeeping force was trying to stop armed groups threatening a peace process, while a UN political mission was trying to build capacity and support a recognized national government, and humanitarian agencies were trying to provide non-partisan help to all who needed it, regardless of their political affiliation. All three wings of the UN found it difficult when they were told to integrate their operations.

Although the information is presented anonymously, the rawness of interviewees’ emotions shines through the ODI/Stimson report. When it comes to engaging with non-state armed actors [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94095 ] researchers found no evidence that the UN barred contact with such groups, but in some cases individual UN mission leaders created obstacles to contact. In Somalia, where the UN political mission tried to discourage humanitarian agencies from engaging with the Al-Shabab militant group, the overall UN mission head at the time went so far as to say: “Those who claim neutrality can also be complicit. The Somali government needs support - moral and financial - and Somalis as well as the international community have an obligation to provide both.” 

Even where the local UN leadership accepted that the humanitarian agencies had to work with both sides in order to reach people in need, the relationship could be uncomfortable.

In DRC agencies could and did work in rebel controlled areas, but one interviewee told the authors: “It’s difficult to create a relationship with the FDLR [anti government forces] when MONUSCO [the UN peacekeeping force] is partnering with the Congolese army to hit them on the same day!”

One of the report’s authors, Alison Giffen from the Stimson Center, told IRIN they found the issue raised strong emotions among all stakeholders. “We found that despite quite a few reforms in the last five or six years, the debate remains very polarized,” she said. “The challenges and risks facing humanitarian actors are very considerable and this raises the stakes.”

Access and security

The report addresses the issue of whether a closer relationship with military and political operations puts aid workers in greater danger of attack. Encouragingly - and to the surprise of some - the authors concluded: “There is no evidence to suggest that attacks against humanitarian workers are more likely to occur in a UN integrated mission context.” Even in Afghanistan, they say, they could identify no case where there was a clear link between a security incident affecting an NGO and UN integration arrangements.

But Marit Glad of NGO Norwegian Refugee Council, who has written a paper on the implications of integration for the UN’s relationship with other NGOs [ http://www.nrc.no/arch/_img/9608308.pdf ] does not find this particularly reassuring.

"Tying a single incident to integration is very difficult,” she told IRIN. “In some cases, as many as 10-15 different factors could potentially have contributed to a security incident, and it is in many cases impossible to pin down one single reason which caused it.”

Afghanistan has posed some of the starkest dilemmas, with UN agency staff having to relocate to military bases belonging to the NATO-led ISAF force during major security incidents. Some NGOs then stopped coming to meetings in their offices, because they felt that being seen going to the bases would compromise them. Glad says: “Integration brings a clear risk of jeopardizing cooperation between the UN and the NGO community. You have to ask what the benefits are. Is forcing integration worth the risk?”

Pragmatism

In DRC things seem to have been less fraught; a good working relationship with MONUSCO brought benefits to both sides in terms of information sharing, and aid workers benefited from MONUSCO’s help with security and transport arrangements.

Even so, some humanitarian workers worried about the two sides’ different attitude to risk - the military’s only concern was safety, and they felt this tended to make the whole operation too risk-averse, hampering their ability to access populations in need.

Ross Mountain wore the “triple hat” as humanitarian and resident coordinator, and deputy representative of the Secretary-General in DRC. He says his way of working was to try to be pragmatic, and focus on the needs of the victims of the conflict. “There were problems of perception,” he told IRIN, “but we tried to minimize the downside. For instance, as the DSRSG [Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General], I was never personally directly involved in negotiations with rebel groups. We got OCHA [Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs] to do that directly.

“On the plus side, I was very concerned about civilian protection, and being inside the mission, I was able to work closely with the Force Commander, placing the military in areas where the humanitarians had identified concentrations of displaced people so that the peacekeepers’ presence dissuaded militias and other armed groups from attacking them.

“Over time I think integrated missions have become more concerned with the humanitarian dimension... Civilian protection eventually became the number one priority for the UN force in the Congo. What started off at the beginning as an add-on has become the raison d’être of peacekeeping missions.

While the report includes instances where humanitarian advocacy is undermined by integration, Mountain says in DRC in some cases it smoothed his advocacy role with the government. “When linked to the peacekeeping mission, one tended to be rather better listened to by those who didn’t always like what one was saying.”

Clearer guidance needed

The report says it found the reasons for more integration to be poorly understood, and the policy inconsistently implemented. On the whole the political/military side were happier with the outcomes than the humanitarian agencies, but the authors remark that the political/military wings of the mission often did not really understand humanitarian principles [ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=85752 ] or the imperative need for neutral humanitarian space in which to work.

Clearer guidance, they conclude, is needed from headquarters, including advice on how potential disagreements can be resolved, as well as better planning and training of staff before they take up their posts. And, says Giffen, “confidence-building really needs to happen across all stakeholders, for shared goals to be reached, but also for specific goals to be reached.”

For better or worse, integration is here to stay, and UN humanitarian agency heads understand they must try to make it work, if possible. As UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos said at the study launch: “Integration is a UN-mandated policy. Withdrawing from (it) is not an option… At the same time, we cannot allow integration to impede the effective provision of humanitarian assistance to people in need.” [ http://www.unocha.org/top-stories/all-stories/humanitarian-issues-integrating-peacekeeping-and-humanitarian-work-%E2%80%93-how-mak ]

But form must follow function, stresses Mountain - with mission objectives leading the way: “You have to ask yourself, `Integration for what?’ It is vital to focus on what you are trying to do, and never to confuse the tools with the objective.”

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]]></body><link>http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=94647</link><content:encoded><![CDATA[<table cellpadding="3"><tr><td valign="top"><img src="http://irinnews.org/images/2011/201107270916070449t.jpg"/></td><td valign="top">LONDON 13 January 2012 (IRIN) - Putting all UN operations in a country under a single management structure is not as simple as it might sound. In some countries, different parts of the UN may be negotiating with rebels to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid, while their colleagues might be involved in planning military assaults against the very same groups.</td></tr></table>]]></content:encoded></item></channel></rss>
